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    <h3>
      CONTINUATION
    </h3>
    <h3>
      OF
    </h3>
    <h1>
      THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
    </h1>
    <p>
      <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      BY E. H. NOLAN
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      Volume III
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="spines (154K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-spines.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="cover (124K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-cover.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="cover_egraving_th (140K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-cover_egraving_th.jpg"
       /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br /> <a name="linkimage-0001" id="linkimage-0001">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_frontis_victoria.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img title="Queen Victoria" alt="3_frontis_victoria_th (58K)"
      src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_frontis_victoria_th.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0002" id="linkimage-0002">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <br /> <br /> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-titlepage.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="titlepage_th (53K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-titlepage_th.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-titlepage_v3.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="titlepage_v3_th (42K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-titlepage_v3_th.jpg"
       /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <a name="linkimage-0003" id="linkimage-0003">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_001_george3.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="George III." src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_001_george3_th.jpg"
      alt="3-001-george3.jpg George III. "  /><br />
    </div>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <blockquote>
      <p class="toc">
        <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br /> <a href="#linkillustrations"><b>List of Illustrations</b></a>
        <br /> <br />
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> JUDGES MADE INDEPENDENT OF THE CROWN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> CHANGES IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> THE OPERATIONS OF THE WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> THE RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> THE MARRIAGE OF THE KING. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> WAR WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> FRANCE AND SPAIN DECLARE WAR AGAINST PORTUGAL.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0015"> EVENTS IN GERMANY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0017"> THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT AND THE CONCLUSION
        OF PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> THE RESIGNATION OF BUTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0019"> THE CHARACTER AND IMPEACHMENT OF WILKES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0020"> CHANGES IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0021"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT, AND FURTHER PROCEEDINGS
        AGAINST WILKES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0022"> PROPOSITION TO TAX THE AMERICAN COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> OPPOSITION OF THE AMERICANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0024"> WAR WITH THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0027"> THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> DEBATES ON COLONIAL TAXATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0029"> INSTABILITY OF THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0030"> ATTEMPTS TO FORM A NEW ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> OPPOSITION TO THE STAMP DUTIES IN AMERICA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> EMBARRASSMENT OF MINISTERS AND MEETING OF
        PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0033"> SENTIMENTS OF THE AMERICANS ON THE DECLARATORY
        ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> THE DISSOLUTION OF THE ROCKINGHAM CABINET.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0035"> DECLINE OF LORD CHATHAM'S POPULARITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0036"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0037"> EAST INDIA QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0038"> AMERICAN TAXATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0040"> PROCEEDINGS IN AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0041"> DOMESTIC TROUBLES AND COMMOTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0042"> THE RETURN OF WILKES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0043"> RESIGNATION OF LORD CHATHAM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0044"> THE AFFAIRS OF WILKES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0045"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> DEBATE ON WILKES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0047"> DEBATES ON AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0049"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0050"> DISCONTENTS IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0052"> THE AFFAIRS OF AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0053"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0054"> DISSOLUTION OF THE GRAFTON CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0055"> DEBATES ON THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0056"> THE QUESTION OF CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0057"> DEBATES ON AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0058"> RELEASE OF WILKES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0059"> AMERICAN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0060"> RIOTS AT BOSTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0061"> THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0062"> REMONSTRANCE OF BECKFORD TO THE KING. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0063"> PROSECUTION OF WOODFALL AND ALMON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0064"> DISPUTES RESPECTING FALKLAND ISLANDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0065"> AFFAIRS OF AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0066"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0067"> DEBATE CONCERNING THE FALKLAND ISLANDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0068"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS OF THE LAW OF LIBEL.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0069"> QUARRELS BETWEEN THE LORDS AND COMMONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0070"> CONVENTION WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0071"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> RE-OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0074"> PROCEEDINGS AGAINST SHOREHAM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0075"> RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING THE PUBLICATION OF
        DEBATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0076"> COMMITTAL OF THE LORD MAYOR AND ALDERMAN
        OLIVER TO THE TOWER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0077"> CONTEST BETWEEN THE CITY AND LEGISLATURE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0078"> THE QUESTION OF THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0079"> THE QUESTION OF THE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0080"> THE SESSION CLOSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0081"> RELEASE OF THE LORD MAYOR AND ALDERMAN OLIVER.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0082"> EDUCATION OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0083"> CITY PETITION TO THE KING. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0084"> DISPUTES IN THE CITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0085"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0086"> DEBATES ON SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE
        ARTICLES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0087"> ECCLESIASTICAL NULLUM TEMPUS BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0088"> THE CASE OF DR. NOWELL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0089"> TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0090"> THE ROYAL MARRIAGE ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0091"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0092"> THE SESSION CLOSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0093"> FATE OF THE QUEEN OF DENMARK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0094"> DEATH OF THE PRINCESS DOWAGER OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0095"> REVOLUTION IN SWEDEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0096"> PARTITION OF POLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0097"> INVESTIGATION OF THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0098"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0099"> THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0100"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0102"> THE CARIBBS OF ST. VINCENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0103"> PETITION OF NAVAL OFFICERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0104"> SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0105"> DEBATES ON EAST INDIA MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0106"> THE SESSION CLOSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0107"> PROCEEDINGS IN THE CITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0108"> CONTINENTAL POLITICS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0109"> IRISH AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> DISPUTES WITH THE AMERICAN COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0111"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0112"> EARLY MEASURES IN THIS SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0113"> THE BOSTONIAN PETITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0114"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS AGAINST AMERICA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0115"> BILL FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0116"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0117"> PROCEEDINGS AT BOSTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0118"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0119"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> DEBATES ON AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0122"> PACIFIC MEASURE OF LORD NORTH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0123"> BURKE'S PLAN OF CONCILIATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0124"> CLOSE OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0125"> PETITION OF THE CITY OF LONDON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0126"> DEPARTURE OF FRANKLIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0127"> PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0128"> EXPEDITION TO SEIZE STORES AT SALEM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0129"> AFFAIR AT LEXINGTON, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0130"> MEETING OF THE ASSEMBLIES AND OF GENERAL
        CONGRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0131"> BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0132"> GENERAL WASHINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0133"> EXPEDITIONS AGAINST TICONDEROGA AND CROWN
        POINT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0134"> EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0135"> DISPOSITION AND REVOLT OF THE VIRGINIANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0136"> CONDUCT OF CONGRESS TOWARDS NEW YORK, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0137"> PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0138"> PROSECUTION AND TRIAL OF HORNE TOOKE, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0139"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0140"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0141"> THE MILITIA BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0142"> THE NAVY AND LAND ESTIMATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0143"> PETITION OF NOVA SCOTIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0144"> PETITION OF CONGRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0145"> MOTIONS OF THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0146"> THE LAND TAX INCREASED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0147"> BURKE'S SECOND CONCILIATORY MOTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0148"> LORD NORTH'S PROHIBITORY BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0150"> AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0151"> DEBATES ON AMERICA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0152"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0153"> SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0154"> EVACUATION OF BOSTON BY THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0155"> MISSION OF INDIAN CHIEFS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0156"> AFFAIRS OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0157"> UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON SULLIVAN'S ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0158"> AFFAIRS IN VIRGINIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0159"> DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY CONGRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0160"> EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW YORK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0161"> DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS ON LONG ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0162"> CONFERENCE ON STATEN ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0163"> CAPTURE OF NEW YORK, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0164"> CAPTURE OF FORT WASHINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0165"> CAPTURE OF FORT LEE, AND RETREAT OF
        WASHINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0166"> EXPEDITION AGAINST RHODE ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0167"> SUCCESSES OF GENERAL CARLETON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0168"> MEASURES OF CONGRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0169"> DEFECTION OF THE COLONISTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0170"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0171"> DEBATES ON AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0172"> ATTEMPT TO FIRE HIS MAJESTY'S DOCKYARD AT
        PORTSMOUTH. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0174"> LETTERS OF MARQUE GRANTED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0175"> BILL FOR DETAINING PERSONS IN PRISON CHARGED
        WITH HIGH-TREASON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0176"> MISCELLANEOUS DEBATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0177"> SPIRITED ADDRESS OF THE SPEAKER TO THE KING.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0178"> LORD CHATHAM'S MOTION FOR CONCESSIONS TO
        AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0179"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0180"> SUCCESSES OF WASHINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0181"> BRITISH EXPEDITION UP THE HUDSON RIVER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0182"> AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO LONG ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0183"> CAPTURE OF GENERAL PRESCOT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0184"> BATTLE OF THE BRANDYWINE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0185"> CAPTURE OF PHILADELPHIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0186"> OPENING OF THE DELAWARE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0187"> CLOSE OF HOWE'S CAMPAIGN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0188"> EXPEDITION AND CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0189"> CLINTON'S EXPEDITION UP THE HUDSON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0190"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0191"> DEBATES ON AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0192"> DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION FOR INQUIRING INTO
        THE STATE OF THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0193"> FOX'S MOTION FOR INQUIRING INTO THE STATE OF
        THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0194"> ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0195"> INTELLIGENCE OF BURGOYNES DEFEAT </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0196"> ROYAL ASSENT TO SEVERAL BILLS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0197"> PARLIAMENT ADJOURNED. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0199"> DEMONSTRATION OF PUBLIC SPIRIT IN ENGLAND.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0200"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0201"> COMMITTEE FOR TAKING THE STATE OF THE NATION
        INTO CONSIDERATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0202"> BURKE'S MOTION RELATIVE TO THE EMPLOYMENT OF
        INDIANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0203"> COMMITTEE OF EVIDENCE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0204"> LORD NORTHS CONCILIATORY BILLS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0205"> INTIMATION OF THE FRENCH TREATY WITH AMERICA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0206"> INVESTIGATION OF THE STATE OF THE NAVY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0207"> MOTION FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS FROM
        PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0208"> REVISION OF THE TRADE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0209"> BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0210"> MOTION OF CENSURE ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0211"> LORD CHATHAM'S LAST APPEARANCE IN THE HOUSE OF
        LORDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0212"> DEATH OF LORD CHATHAM, AND POSTHUMOUS HONOURS
        TO HIS MEMORY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0213"> THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION RESUMED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0214"> THE SESSION CLOSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0215"> PROCEEDINGS IN FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0216"> NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE BRITISH CHANNEL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0217"> DISGRACEFUL INFRACTION OF THE CONVENTION OF
        SARATOGA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0218"> LAFAYETTE'S EXPEDITION TO CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0219"> UNFORTUNATE ACTION UNDER LAFAYETTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0220"> SIR HENRY CLINTON TAKES THE COMMAND OF THE
        BRITISH TROOPS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0221"> ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS IN AMERICA WITH
        THE CONCILIATORY BILLS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0222"> EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA BY THE BRITISH,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0223"> DISGRACE OF GENERAL LEE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0224"> UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK BY THE AMERICANS AND
        FRENCH ON RHODE ISLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0225"> OPERATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0226"> ATTACK OF THE SAVAGES ON THE SETTLEMENT OF
        WYOMING, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0227"> ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH ENVOY AT PHILADELPHIA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0228"> MOVEMENTS OF THE BRITISH AND FRENCH FLEETS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0229"> CAPTURE OF DOMINICA BY THE FRENCH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0230"> CAPTURE OF ST. LUCIE BY THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0231"> RE-CAPTURE OF THE ISLANDS OF ST. PIERRE AND
        MIQUELON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0232"> FRENCH PLANS REGARDING CANADA COUNTERACTED BY
        WASHINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0233"> CAPTURE OF SAVANNAH BY THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0234"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0235"> AFFAIR RESPECTING ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND SIR HUGH
        PALLISER. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0237"> TRIAL OF ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND VICE-ADMIRAL
        PALLISER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0238"> ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0239"> INVESTIGATION RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF
        GENERAL AND LORD HOWE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0240"> RELIEF TO PROTESTANT DISSENTERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0241"> DEBATES ON THE TRADE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0242"> WAR WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0243"> DEBATES ON THE MILITIA BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0244"> BILL FOR THE IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0245"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0246"> THE CAUSES OF THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0247"> SPANISH ATTEMPT UPON GIBRALTAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0248"> FRENCH AND ENGLISH FLEETS IN THE CHANNEL, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0249"> AFFAIRS IN THE WEST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0250"> OPERATIONS IN GEORGIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0251"> INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPT OF THE AMERICANS TO REDUCE
        SAVANNAH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0252"> BRITISH INCURSIONS INTO VIRGINIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0253"> CAPTURE OF STONEY-POINT AND VERPLANKS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0254"> BRITISH EXPEDITION AGAINST CONNECTICUT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0255"> STONEY-POINT RE-CAPTURED, BUT DESERTED AT THE
        APPROACH OF THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0256"> BRITISH GARRISON SURPRISED AT PAULUS-HOOK.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0257"> AMERICAN DISASTER AT PENOBSCOT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0258"> AMERICAN RETALIATION ON THE INDIANS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0259"> SPANISH INCURSIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0260"> ACTION BETWEEN PAUL JONES AND CAPTAIN PEARSON.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0261"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0262"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0263"> LORD SHELBURNE ATTACKS MINISTERS IN THE CASE
        OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0264"> LORD OSSORY'S ATTACK ON MINISTERS RESPECTING
        IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0265"> LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITION FOR THE RELIEF OF
        IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0266"> DEBATES ON ECONOMICAL REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0268"> BURKE'S PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0269"> REJECTION OF LORD SHELBURNE'S MOTION FOR A
        COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0270"> MINISTERIAL BILL FOR COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0271"> BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS FROM PARLIAMENT
        REJECTED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0272"> MOTIONS REGARDING PLACES AND PENSIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0273"> POLITICAL ALTERCATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0274"> DEBATES ON THE INCREASE OF CROWN INFLUENCE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0275"> LORD NORTH'S PROPOSAL RESPECTING THE EAST
        INDIA COMPANY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0276"> GENERAL CONWAY'S PLAN OF RECONCILIATION WITH
        AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0277"> POPULAR RAGE AGAINST THE CATHOLICS; RIOTS IN
        LONDON, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0278"> MEASURES ADOPTED BY PARLIAMENT, ARISING OUT OF
        THE LONDON RIOTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0279"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0280"> TRIAL OF LORD GEORGE GORDON AND THE RIOTERS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0281"> ADMIRAL RODNEY'S SUCCESS AGAINST THE
        SPANIARDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0282"> ARMED NEUTRALITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0283"> RODNEY ENGAGES THE FRENCH FLEET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0284"> EXPEDITION AGAINST SOUTH CAROLINA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0285"> BATTLE OF CAMDEN, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0286"> AFFAIRS AT NEW YORK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0287"> TREASON OF ARNOLD, AND FATE OF MAJOR ANDRE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0288"> MARITIME LOSSES SUSTAINED BY THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0289"> WAR WITH HOLLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0290"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0291"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0293"> NOTICE OF THE RUPTURE WITH HOLLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0294"> BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL
        REFORM, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0295"> DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0296"> MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN
        THE LATE RIOTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0297"> PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY
        ASSOCIATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0298"> THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0299"> MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0300"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0301"> ATTACK ON JERSEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0302"> THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0303"> REVOLT IN WASHINGTON'S CAMP. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0304"> ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0305"> LORD CORNWALLIS'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0306"> SIEGE OF LORD CORNWALLIS IN YORK-TOWN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0307"> LOSS OF THE BRITISH DOMINION IN FLORIDA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0308"> ATTACK ON MINORCA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0309"> FRENCH AND SPANISH FLEETS IN THE ENGLISH
        CHANNEL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0310"> NAVAL ACTION WITH THE DUTCH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0311"> CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0312"> COMMODORE JOHNSTONE ATTACKED BY DE SUFFREIN,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0313"> FURTHER OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0314"> SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS TOWARD ENGLAND.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0315"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0316"> CENSURES ON RODNEY AND VAUGHAN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0317"> DEBATE ON THE NAVY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0318"> MOTION OF SIR JAMES LOWTHER FOR PEACE, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0320"> RECENT EVENTS ON THE THEATRE OF WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0321"> FOX'S MOTIONS FOR INQUIRY INTO THE NAVY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0322"> MOTIONS OF INQUIRY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0323"> DEBATES ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE'S ELEVATION TO
        THE PEERAGE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0324"> RENEWED ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH: RESIGNATION
        OF LORD NORTH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0325"> THE NEW MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0326"> AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0327"> BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0328"> RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING WILKES EXPUNGED FROM
        THE JOURNALS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0329"> DISFRANCHISEMENT OF CRICKLADE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0330"> DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0331"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0332"> CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0333"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0334"> VICTORY OF RODNEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0335"> AFFAIRS OF THE WAR IN AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0336"> STATE OF THE WAR IN THE WEST INDIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0337"> MARITIME EVENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0338"> SIEGE AND RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0339"> PROSPECT OF GENERAL PACIFICATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0340"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0341"> PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0342"> RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0343"> THE COALITION MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0344"> RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE
        WITH AMERICA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0345"> PITT'S PLAN FOR REFORMING THE TREASURY ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0346"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0347"> PETITION OF THE QUAKERS AGAINST THE SLAVE
        TRADE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0348"> SETTLEMENT ON THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0349"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0350"> EXECUTION OF TREATIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0351"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0352"> FOX'S INDIA BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0353"> DISSOLUTION OF THE COALITION MINISTRY&mdash;PITT
        MADE PRIME MINISTER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0354"> EFFORTS OF THE OPPOSITION AGAINST THE NEW
        MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0356"> THE TRIAL OF PARTIES, AND TRIUMPH OF PITT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0357"> A GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0358"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0359"> ACTS TO PREVENT SMUGGLING, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0360"> THE BUDGET OF 1784. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0361"> PITT'S INDIA BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0362"> BILL FOR THE RESTORATION OF FORFEITED ESTATES
        IN SCOTLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0363"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0364"> THE STATE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0365"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0366"> THE WESTMINSTER SCRUTINY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0367"> PITT'S REFORM BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0368"> PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0369"> THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0370"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0372"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0373"> BILL FOR THE FORTIFICATION OF THE DOCK-YARDS
        AT PORTSMOUTH AND PLYMOUTH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0374"> PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0375"> DEBATES ON INDIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0376"> A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0377"> ATTEMPT ON THE KING'S LIFE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0378"> TREATIES WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0379"> AFFAIRS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0381"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0382"> DEBATE ON THE TREATY OF COMMERCE BETWEEN
        ENGLAND AND FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0383"> PITT'S PLAN OF FINANCIAL REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0384"> MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE CORPORATION AND
        TEST ACTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0385"> AFFAIRS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0386"> MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE ABUSES OF THE
        POST-OFFICE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0387"> IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0388"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0389"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0390"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0391"> DISPUTES BETWEEN GOVERNMENT, AND THE EAST
        INDIA COMPANY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0392"> PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0393"> ADDITIONS MADE TO THE BILL FOR TRYING
        CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0394"> CLAIMS OF THE AMERICAN ROYALISTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0395"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0396"> CHARGE AGAINST SIR ELIJAH IMPEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0397"> IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0398"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0399"> CONTINENTAL ALLIANCES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0400"> DERANGEMENT OF HIS MAJESTY: DEBATES ON THE
        REGENCY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0401"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0403"> ELECTION OF SPEAKER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0404"> THE QUESTION OF THE REGENCY RESUMED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0405"> RECOVERY OF HIS MAJESTY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0406"> ADOPTION OF A PLAN OF FORTIFYING THE WEST
        INDIAN ISLANDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0407"> BILL FOR THE COMMEMORATION OF THE PEOPLE'S
        RIGHTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0408"> SHOP-TAX REPEALED, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0409"> MOTION RESPECTING THE CORPORATION AND TEST
        ACTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0410"> SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0411"> ELECTION OF SPEAKER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0412"> PITTS FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0413"> IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0414"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0415"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0416"> STATE OF PARTIES IN ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0417"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0418"> DEBATES ON THE TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0419"> FLOOD'S MOTION FOR REFORM OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0420"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0421"> PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0422"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0423"> DISPUTES WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0424"> IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0425"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED, AND DISSOLVED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0426"> SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0427"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0428"> PROGRESS OF REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES IN
        ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0429"> WAR IN INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0430"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0018"> CHAPTER XVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0432"> DEBATE ON THE WAR IN INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0433"> DISPUTE WITH RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0434"> BILL FOR THE REGULATION OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0435"> SLAVE-TRADE ABOLITION BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0436"> CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0437"> BILL TO AMEND THE LAW ON LIBELS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0438"> FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0439"> IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0440"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0441"> PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0442"> STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0444"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0445"> DEBATES ON THE RUSSIAN ARMAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0446"> DEBATES ON THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0447"> PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0448"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0449"> LONDON POLICE ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0450"> ACT TO RELIEVE THE SCOTCH EPISCOPALIANS, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0451"> SHERIDAN'S MOTION RESPECTING THE ROYAL BURGHS
        OF SCOTLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0452"> DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0453"> TRIAL OF HASTINGS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0454"> BILL RESPECTING THE NEW FOREST AND TIMBER FOR
        THE NAVY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0455"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0456"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0457"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0458"> PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0459"> AFFAIRS OF POLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0460"> STATE OF THE PUBLIC MIND IN ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0461"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0462"> THE ALIEN BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0463"> EXECUTION OF THE FRENCH KING. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0465"> HOSTILE MESSAGE OF THE KING TO PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0466"> DECLARATION OF WAR BY THE FRENCH, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0467"> PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0468"> THE TRAITOROUS CORRESPONDENCE BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0469"> PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0470"> RELIEF GRANTED TO MERCANTILE MEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0471"> RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0472"> RELIEF OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF SCOTLAND,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0473"> TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0474"> DISCUSSION ON A MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE
        STATES-GENERAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0475"> FOX'S MOTION FOR PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0476"> MR. GREY'S MEASURE OF PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0477"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0478"> AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0479"> PROSPECTS OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, &amp;c. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0021"> CHAPTER XXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0481"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0482"> THE MILITIA AUGMENTED, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0483"> SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0484"> AGITATION IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION OF FOREIGN TROOPS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0486"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0487"> MOTION ON BEHALF OF LA FAYETTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0488"> MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE RECENT FAILURES OF
        OUR ARMIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0489"> THE TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0490"> THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0491"> MINISTERIAL APPOINTMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0492"> EMBASSY TO CHINA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0493"> CORSICA ANNEXED TO THE CROWN OF ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0494"> LORD HOWE'S NAVAL VICTORY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0495"> BRITISH CONQUESTS IN THE WEST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0496"> DISPUTES WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0497"> MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0498"> THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0499"> CONVENTION WITH SWEDEN AND DENMARK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0500"> THE STATE OF POLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0501"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0022"> CHAPTER XXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0503"> BILL FOR THE SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS
        ACT (CONTINUED.) </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0504"> SUBSIDY TO AUSTRIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0505"> SUPPLIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0506"> PITT'S PLAN TO MAN THE NAVY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0507"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0508"> TERMINATION OF THE TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0509"> MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE
        NATION REJECTED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0510"> MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0511"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0512"> THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0513"> NAVAL AFFAIRS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0514"> FRENCH OPERATIONS IN HOLLAND, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0515"> TREATIES BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0516"> TREATY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND RUSSIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0517"> THE CAMPAIGN OF THE ALPS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0518"> AFFAIRS OF LA VENDEE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0519"> ARMIES ON THE RHINE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0520"> AFFAIRS AT PARIS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0521"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0522"> BILL TO PREVENT SEDITIOUS MEETINGS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0023"> CHAPTER XXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0524"> GREY'S MOTION FOR PEACE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0525"> PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0526"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0527"> NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0528"> MILITARY AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0529"> SURRENDER OF CORSICA AND THE ISLE OF ELBA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0530"> DUTCH ATTEMPT TO RETAKE THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0531"> FRENCH EXPEDITION TO IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0532"> DISPUTES BETWEEN FRANCE AND AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0533"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0534"> PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0535"> MISSION OF LORD MALMESBURY TO PARIS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0536"> STOPPAGE OF CASH PAYMENTS AT THE BANK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0537"> MUTINY IN THE FLEETS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0538"> GREY'S MOTION FOR REFORM, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0539"> FRENCH DESCENT ON WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0540"> BATTLE OFF CAPE ST. VINCENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0541"> BATTLE OFF CAMPERDOWN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0542"> THE BLOCKADE OF CADIZ, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0543"> WAR ON THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0544"> INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0545"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0024"> CHAPTER XXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0547"> REDEMPTION OF THE LAND-TAX, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0548"> IRISH REBELLION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0549"> INVASION OF BELGIUM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0550"> EXPEDITION TO MINORCA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0551"> BATTLE OF THE NILE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0552"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0553"> INCOME TAX SANCTIONED, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0554"> TREATY WITH RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0555"> UNION WITH IRELAND CONSIDERED </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0556"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0557"> CAMPAIGN IN ITALY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0558"> CAMPAIGN IN EGYPT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0559"> ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT IN
        FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0560"> AFFAIRS OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0561"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0562"> PARLIAMENTARY DISCUSSIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0563"> UNION WITH IRELAND COMPLETED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0564"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0565"> CAMPAIGN IN ITALY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0566"> CAPTURE OF MALTA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0567"> NAVAL OPERATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0568"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0569"> MOTIONS FOR PEACE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0025"> CHAPTER XXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0571"> COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNION WITH IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0572"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0573"> RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0574"> THE NEW MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0575"> MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE
        NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0576"> PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0577"> WAR WITH THE NORTHERN POWERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0578"> DISSOLUTION OF THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0579"> EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0580"> AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0581"> NAVAL OPERATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0582"> TREATY OF AMIENS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0583"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0584"> PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0585"> PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0586"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0587"> TRIAL OF COLONEL DESPARD. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0588"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0589"> ACT TO RELIEVE CATHOLICS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0590"> WAR PROCLAIMED WITH FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0591"> THE CAUSES FOR THE RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0592"> WAR WITH HOLLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0593"> MILITIA BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0594"> FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0595"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0596"> INSURRECTION IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0597"> LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0598"> MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0599"> NAVAL CONQUESTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0600"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0601"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0026"> CHAPTER XXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0603"> HIS MAJESTY'S INDISPOSITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0604"> CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY&mdash;PITT RESUMES
        OFFICE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0605"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0606"> ADDITIONAL FORCE ACT </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0607"> DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0608"> THE BUDGET&mdash;PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0609"> AFFAIRS OF FRANCE: NAPOLEON CREATED EMPEROR.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0610"> NAVAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0611"> COALITION BETWEEN PITT AND ADDINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0612"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0613"> ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0614"> DEBATE ON THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0615"> CLAIMS OF THE CATHOLICS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0616"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0617"> IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0618"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0619"> DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0620"> NAPOLEON CROWNED KING OF ITALY </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0621"> CONQUESTS OF NAPOLEON IN BAVARIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0622"> THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0623"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0624"> DEATH OF MR. PITT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0625"> THE GRENVILLE ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0626"> NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0627"> WINDHAM'S MILITARY PLAN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0628"> THE BUDGET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0629"> TRIAL OF LORD MELVILLE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0630"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0631"> PARLIAMENT PROROGUED, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0632"> DEATH OF FOX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0633"> NAVAL SUCCESSES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0634"> DISPUTES WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0635"> AFFAIRS OF SICILY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0636"> WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0637"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0027"> CHAPTER XXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0639"> DEBATE ON THE NEGOCIATION WITH FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0640"> FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0641"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0642"> BILL FOR REMOVING THE DISABILITIES OF THE
        ROMAN CATHOLICS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0643"> DISMISSAL OF MINISTERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0644"> NEW CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0645"> TRIAL OF STRENGTH BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0646"> DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0647"> THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0648"> CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0649"> THE PEACE OF TILSIT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0650"> EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0651"> HOSTILITIES AGAINST TURKEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0652"> EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0653"> DISASTERS IN SOUTH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0654"> WAR WITH RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0655"> FRENCH INVASION OF PORTUGAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0656"> MILAN DECREE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0657"> DISPUTES WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0658"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0659"> DEBATES ON THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0660"> FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0661"> DEBATE ON IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0662"> MOTION RESPECTING THE DROITS OF ADMIRALTY,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0663"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0664"> RISING OF THE SPANISH NATION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0665"> AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. CONFEDERATION OF FRANCE
        AND RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0666"> OPERATIONS IN SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0667"> NAVAL AFFAIRS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0668"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0028"> CHAPTER XXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0670"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0671"> THE SUPPLIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0672"> CHARGES AGAINST THE DUKE OF YORK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0673"> PARLIAMENTARY CORRUPTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0674"> MOTION FOR REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0675"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0676"> AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0677"> FURTHER OPERATIONS IN SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0678"> CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON IN ITALY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0679"> BRITISH EXPEDITION AGAINST NAPLES AND
        WALCHEREN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0680"> DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0681"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0682"> DEBATE ON THE WALCHEREN EXPEDITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0683"> PROCEEDINGS AGAINST SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0684"> THE SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0685"> THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0686"> PETITION OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0687"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0688"> CAMPAIGN IN PORTUGAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0689"> AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0690"> FOREIGN CONQUESTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0691"> THE MARRIAGE OF NAPOLEON, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0692"> ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY&mdash;OPENING OF
        PARLIAMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0693"> OPENING OF PARLIAMENT BY THE REGENT </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0694"> DEBATE ON THE RE-APPOINTMENT OF THE DUKE OF
        YORK TO THE WAR-OFFICE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0695"> THE SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0696"> THE BULLION COMMITTEE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0697"> SUBJECT OF MILITARY DISCIPLINE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0698"> LOUD SIDMOUTH'S MOTION RESPECTING DISSENTING
        PREACHERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0699"> AFFAIRS OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0700"> AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMINAL LAW </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0701"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0702"> DISPUTES WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0703"> CAPTURE OF JAVA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0704"> AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0705"> AFFAIRS OF SPAIN, CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0706"> NAVAL AFFAIRS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0707"> AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0029"> CHAPTER XXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0709"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0710"> AUGMENTATION OF THE CIVIL LIST. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0711"> BILL FOR PROHIBITING THE GRANT OF OFFICES IN
        REVERSION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0712"> CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0713"> ATTACKS UPON MINISTERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0714"> ASSASSINATION OF MR. PERCEVAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0715"> ADMINISTRATION OF LORD LIVERPOOL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0716"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0717"> POPULATION RETURNS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0718"> BILL FOR PRESERVATION OF THE PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0719"> BILL TO EXTEND THE PRIVILEGES OF DISSENTERS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0720"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0721"> CAPTURE OF CIUDAD RODRIGO BY THE BRITISH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0722"> STORM AND CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0723"> OPERATIONS IN SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0724"> WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0725"> WAR WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0726"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0727"> DEBATES ON THE WAR WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0728"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0729"> RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0730"> THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0731"> CURATES' BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0732"> APPOINTMENT OF VICE-CHANCELLOR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0733"> DEBATES ON THE TREATY WITH SWEDEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0734"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0735"> AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0736"> AMERICAN CAMPAIGN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0737"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0738"> BILL FOR ALLOWING THE MILITIA TO VOLUNTEER
        INTO THE LINE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0030"> CHAPTER XXX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0740"> PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0741"> CAMPAIGN OF LORD WELLINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0742"> THE ALLIES ENTER PARIS; NAPOLEON DETHRONED,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0743"> TREATY OF PEACE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0744"> HONOURS CONFERRED ON WELLINGTON, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0745"> VISIT OF THE ALLIED SOVEREIGNS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0746"> CONGRESS OF VIENNA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0747"> CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0748"> TREATY OF PEACE WITH AMERICA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0749"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0750"> RETURN OF NAPOLEON FROM. ELBA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0751"> TRIAL BY JURY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0752"> WAR RESOLVED ON; FINANCIAL MEASURES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0753"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0754"> CONGRESS OF VIENNA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0755"> AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0756"> THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0757"> CAPTURE OF PARIS.&mdash;SURRENDER OF NAPOLEON,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0758"> RETURN OF LOUIS XVIII. TO PARIS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0759"> BRITAIN GAINS POSSESSION OF THE ISLAND OF
        CEYLON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0760"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0761"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0762"> DEBATES ON THE TREATIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0763"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0764"> ROYAL MARRIAGES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0765"> VARIOUS MOTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0766"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0767"> RIOTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0768"> EXPEDITION TO ALGIERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0769"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0770"> MEASURES OF ECONOMY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0771"> RESTRICTIONS ON PUBLIC LIBERTY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0772"> COMMITTEE ON THE POOR-LAWS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0773"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0774"> RIOTS AT MANCHESTER, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0775"> DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#link2HCH0031"> CHAPTER XXXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0777"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0778"> MOTION FOR SECRET COMMITTEES PREPARATORY TO A
        BILL OF INDEMNITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0779"> EXTENSION OF THE BANK RESTRICTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0780"> TREATY WITH SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0781"> ROYAL MARRIAGES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0782"> THE SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0783"> THE ALIEN ACT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0784"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0785"> STATE OF THE MANUFACTURERS OF LANCASHIRE, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0786"> DEATH OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0787"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0788"> THE DUKE OF YORK APPOINTED GUARDIAN TO HIS
        MAJESTY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0789"> COMMITTEE ON THE CRIMINAL CODE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0790"> MEASURES FOR RESUMPTION OF CASH-PAYMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0791"> FINANCIAL STATEMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0792"> CATHOLIC CLAIMS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0793"> FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0794"> SLAVE-TRADE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0795"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0796"> SEDITIOUS ASSEMBLAGES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0797"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0798"> MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE
        NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0799"> PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0800"> CESSION OF PARGA TO THE TURKS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#link2H_4_0801"> DEATH OF GEORGE III. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0001"> CHAPTER XXXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0002"> ACCESSION OF GEORGE IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0003"> DECLARATION OF THE KING, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0004"> DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0005"> CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0006"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0007"> BILLS FOR AMENDING THE CRIMINAL CODE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0008"> EDUCATION BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0009"> MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0010"> MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE RESPECTING FREE TRADE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0011"> THE CIVIL LIST, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0012"> MESSAGE RESPECTING THE QUEEN </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0013"> TRIAL OF THE QUEEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0002"> CHAPTER XXXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0015"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0016"> DEBATE ON THE HOLY ALLIANCE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0017"> THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0018"> MOTIONS FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0019"> REPORT OF THE AGRICULTURAL COMMITTEE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0020"> THE NAVIGATION LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0021"> THE SUPPLIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0022"> CORONATION OF GEORGE IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0023"> DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0024"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0025"> CHANGES IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0026"> MOTION TO RESTORE ROMAN CATHOLIC PEERS TO
        THEIR SEATS IN PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0027"> MOTION ON AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0028"> ACTS FOR THE REDUCTION OF EXPENDITURE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0029"> DEBATES ON THE CURRENCY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0030"> REDUCTION OF IMPOSTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0031"> MOTION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0032"> CAUSE OF THE GREEKS&mdash;PROROGATION OF
        PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0033"> CHANGE IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0003"> CHAPTER XXXIV </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0035"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0036"> AFFAIRS OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0037"> THE SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0038"> THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0039"> AFFAIRS IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0040"> MOTIONS TO REFORM THE CRIMINAL LAW. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0041"> MOTION TO REFORM THE SCOTCH REPRESENTATION.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0042"> NEW LONDON BRIDGE BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0043"> MOTION RESPECTING THE DUTY ON THE LEEWARD
        ISLANDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0044"> EXPENSES OF THE CORONATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0045"> MUNIFICENCE OF GEORGE IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0046"> IRISH TITHE COMMUTATION BILL, ETC.&mdash;PROROGATION
        OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0047"> STATE OF THE COUNTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0048"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0049"> ATTACK ON MINISTERS WITH REFERENCE TO SPAIN,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0050"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0051"> THE TRADE QUESTION </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0052"> ALIEN BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0053"> DISCUSSIONS ON THE REVOLT IN DEMARARA, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0054"> STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0055"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0004"> CHAPTER XXXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0057"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0058"> BILL FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF UNLAWFUL
        ASSOCIATIONS IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0059"> CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0060"> COMMITTEE OF INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF
        IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0061"> MR. HUME'S MOTION AGAINST THE IRISH CHURCH
        ESTABLISHMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0062"> STATE OF THE IRISH CHARTER SCHOOLS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0063"> DEBATES ON ALLEGED ABUSES IN CHANCERY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0064"> REGULATION OF THE SALARIES OF THE JUDGES.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0065"> REJECTION OF THE UNITARIAN MARRIAGE ACT, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0066"> ACT AGAINST COMBINATIONS AMONG WORKMEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0067"> FREE-TRADE SYSTEM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0068"> SURRENDER, OF THE CHARTER OF THE LEVANT
        COMPANY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0069"> REPORT OF TREATIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0070"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0071"> PROPOSALS FOR THE ABOLITION OF CERTAIN TAXES,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0072"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0073"> GREAT COMMERCIAL PANIC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0074"> THE BURMESE WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0075"> REVIEW OF FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0005"> CHAPTER XXXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0077"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0078"> MEASURES PROPOSED FOR RELIEVING COMMERCIAL
        DISTRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0079"> BILL TO ENABLE PRIVATE BANKS TO HAVE AN
        UNLIMITED NUMBER OF PARTNERS, </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0080"> APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE ON EMIGRATION.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0081"> MODIFICATION OF THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0082"> DEBATES ON FREE TRADE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0083"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0084"> BILL TO PREVENT BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0085"> PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0086"> ALTERATION OF THE CRIMINAL CODE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0087"> CASE OF MR. KENRICK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0088"> STATE OF THE COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0089"> MODE FOR AMENDING THE REPRESENTATION OF
        EDINBURGH, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0090"> RESOLUTION FOR THE REGULATION OF PRIVATE
        COMMITTEES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0091"> MOTION TO HOLD PARLIAMENT OCCASIONALLY IN
        DUBLIN AND EDINBURGH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0092"> RESTORATION OF FORFEITED SCOTCH PEERAGES.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0093"> MOTION TO DISJOIN THE PRESIDENCY OF THE BOARD
        OF TRADE FROM THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0094"> CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0095"> INDIA JURY BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0096"> NATURALIZATION ACT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0097"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0098"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0099"> THE BURMESE WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0100"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0101"> MOTION FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON JOINT-STOCK
        COMPANIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0102"> KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF
        SPAIN TOWARDS PORTUGAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0103"> RESOLUTIONS AGAINST BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0006"> CHAPTER XXXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0105"> DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0106"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0107"> CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0108"> THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0109"> DISSOLUTION OF THE MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0110"> REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0111"> EXPLANATIONS OF MEMBERS, AND HOSTILITY TO THE
        MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0112"> OPINIONS OF HIS MAJESTY ON THE CATHOLIC
        QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0113"> MOTION ON THE CHANCELLOR'S JURISDICTION IN
        BANKRUPTCY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0114"> MOTIONS REGARDING THE STAMP-DUTY AND CHEAP
        PUBLICATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0115"> THE CORN-LAW QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0116"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0117"> CORRUPT BOROUGHS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0118"> THE GAME-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0119"> IMPROVEMENT OF THE CRIMINAL CODE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0120"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0121"> DEATH OF MR. CANNING. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0122"> ADMINISTRATION OF LORD GODERICH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0123"> REVIEW OF FOREIGN POLICY. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0007"> CHAPTER XXXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0125"> DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0126"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0127"> DISCUSSIONS AND EXPLANATIONS CONCERNING THE
        DISSOLUTION OF THE GODERICH </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0128"> QUESTIONS OF FINANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0129"> MOTION FOR A GRANT TO THE FAMILY OF MR.
        CANNING. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0130"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0131"> REPEAL OF THE TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0132"> THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0133"> MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE LAW. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0134"> BILLS CONNECTED WITH ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF
        THE HOUSE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0135"> CORN-LAW QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0136"> DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0137"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0138"> DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0139"> DEATH OF THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0140"> FOREIGN POLICY. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0008"> CHAPTER XXXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0142"> THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0143"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0144"> SUPPRESSION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0145"> REJECTION OF MR. PEEL AT OXFORD. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0146"> THE TRIUMPH OF CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0147"> BILL FOR THE DISFRANCHISEMENT OF THE
        FORTY-SHILLING FREEHOLDERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0148"> THE CASE OF MR. O'CONNELL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0149"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0150"> MOTION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0151"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0152"> STATE OF AFFAIRS IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0153"> AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL DISTRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0154"> FOREIGN POLITICS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkB2HCH0009"> CHAPTER XL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0156"> STATE OF PARTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0157"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0158"> MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE HOUSE ON
        THE STATE OF THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0159"> REDUCTION OF SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICERS,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0160"> MOTION FOR REVISING THE WHOLE SYSTEM OF
        TAXATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0161"> COMMITTEE ON THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S
        CHARTER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0162"> DEBATE ON A PROPOSAL TO ALTER THE CURRENCY.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0163"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS&mdash;BILL FOR REPEALING
        THE DUTY ON BEER, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0164"> THE QUESTION OF REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0165"> THE CASE OF EAST RETFORD. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0166"> MR. O'CONNELL'S BILL FOR REFORM BY UNIVERSAL
        SUFFRAGE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0167"> MR. O'CONNELL'S BILL FOR REFORM BY UNIVERSAL
        SUFFRAGE AND VOTE BY </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0168"> BILL FOR REMOVING THE CIVIL DISABILITIES
        AFFECTING JEWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0169"> BILL FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IN CASES OF
        FORGERY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0170"> BILL FOR AMENDING THE LAW OF LIBEL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0171"> ALTERATIONS IN COURTS OF JUSTICE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0172"> ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0173"> BILL TO AUTHORISE THE ADHIBITING OF THE
        SIGN-MANUAL BY STAMP. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkB2H_4_0174"> DEATH OF THE KING, AND ACCESSION OF THE DUKE
        OF CLARENCE, WILLIAM IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0001"> CHAPTER XL. (Continued) </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0002"> ROYAL MESSAGE TO PARLIAMENT&mdash;RUPTURE
        BETWEEN THE MINISTERS AND </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0003"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0004"> STATE OF PARTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0005"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0006"> DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING THEIR MAJESTIES' VISIT
        TO LONDON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0007"> MAJORITY AGAINST MINISTERS FOR A SELECT
        COMMITTEE ON THE CIVIL LIST. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0008"> FORMATION OF EARL GREY'S ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0009"> DEATH OF MR. HUSKISSON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0010"> STATE OF FOREIGN NATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0002"> CHAPTER XLI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0012"> STATE OF THE REFORM QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0013"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION OF THE REFORM BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0015"> DEBATE ON THE MOTION THAT THE BILL BE READ A
        SECOND TIME, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0016"> MOTION OF ADJOURNMENT PENDING THE ORDNANCE
        ESTIMATES CARRIED AGAINST </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0017"> THE BUDGET&mdash;PROPOSED CHANGES IN TAXES,
        ETC.&mdash;ARRANGEMENT OF THE CIVIL </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0018"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0019"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT&mdash;THE REFORM
        QUESTION RENEWED IN PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0020"> REJECTION OF THE REFORM BILL BY THE LORDS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0021"> CONSEQUENCES OF THE REJECTION OF THE REFORM
        BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0022"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0023"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0024"> CORONATION OF WILLIAM IV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0025"> OPENING OF NEW LONDON BRIDGE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0026"> RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0027"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0028"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0029"> NEW REFORM BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0003"> CHAPTER XLII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0031"> REFORM BILL PASSED BY THE COMMONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0032"> DEBATES ON THE REFORM BILL IN THE LORDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0033"> DISTURBED STATE OF THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0034"> REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0035"> FAILURE OF THE ATTEMPTS TO FORM A NEW
        ADMINISTRATION&mdash;MINISTERS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0036"> REFORM BILL PASSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0037"> IRISH AND SCOTCH REFORM BILLS PASSED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0038"> BILL TO PREVENT BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0039"> COMMITTEES ON IRISH TITHES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0040"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0041"> COMMITTEE ON THE CHARTER OF THE EAST INDIA
        COMPANY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0042"> THE AFFAIRS OF THE WEST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0043"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0044"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0045"> RESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0046"> STATE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0047"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0004"> CHAPTER XLIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0049"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT&mdash;RE-ELECTION OF
        MR. MANNERS SUTTON AS SPEAKER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0050"> OPENING OF THE REFORMED PARLIAMENT BY THE
        KING IN PERSON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0051"> CASE OF MR. PEASE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0052"> IRISH COERCION BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0053"> IRISH CHURCH BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0054"> IRISH TITHE BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0055"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0056"> BANK OF ENGLAND CHARTER RENEWED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0057"> EAST INDIA QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0058"> ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0059"> FACTORY BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0060"> THE CORN LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0061"> RESOLUTIONS AGAINST BRIBERY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0062"> BILL TO REMOVE THE CIVIL DISABILITIES OF
        JEWS.&mdash;PROROGATION OF </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0063"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0005"> CHAPTER XLIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0065"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0066"> MR. O'CONNELL'S MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE
        UNION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0067"> DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0068"> COMMISSION ISSUED TO INQUIRE INTO THE STATE
        OF THE IRISH CHURCH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0069"> IRISH TITHE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0070"> RENEWAL OF THE IRISH COERCION BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0071"> RESIGNATION OF EARL GREY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0072"> REJECTION OF THE IRISH TITHE QUESTION BY THE
        PEERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0073"> STATE OF ECCLESIASTICAL QUESTIONS AND THE
        CLAIMS OF DISSENTERS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0074"> POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0075"> THE CORN-LAW QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0076"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0077"> BILL FOR THE REMOVAL OF THE CIVIL
        DISABILITIES OF THE JEWS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0078"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0079"> DISSOLUTION OF THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0080"> SIR ROBERT PEEL APPOINTED PRIME-MINISTER.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0081"> DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0082"> THE ACT ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN THE WEST INDIES
        CARRIED INTO EFFECT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0083"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0006"> CHAPTER XLV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0085"> STATE OF PARTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0086"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0087"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;CONTEST FOR THE
        ELECTION OF SPEAKER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0088"> OPENING OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0089"> DISCUSSION IN THE LORDS RESPECTING THE
        SLAVERY ABOLITION ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0090"> MOTION OF THE MARQUIS OF CHANDOS TO REPEAL
        THE MALT-TAX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0091"> THE DISSENTERS' MARRIAGE ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0092"> REPORT OF COMMISSION REGARDING THE CHURCH OF
        ENGLAND, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0093"> REPEATED DEFEATS OF THE MINISTRY IN THE HOUSE
        OF COMMONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0094"> THE QUESTION OF THE APPROPRIATION OF THE
        SURPLUS OF THE REVENUES OF THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0095"> RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS, AND RESTORATION OF
        LORD MELBOURNE'S CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0096"> MUNICIPAL REFORM AND THE IRISH CHURCH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0097"> AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0098"> DISCUSSION REGARDING ORANGE SOCIETIES IN
        IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0099"> THE VOTE BY BALLOT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0100"> THE BUDGET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0101"> DISCUSSIONS REGARDING CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0102"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0103"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0007"> CHAPTER XLVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0105"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0106"> THE QUESTION OF ORANGE LODGES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0107"> BILL TO REFORM THE IRISH MUNICIPAL
        CORPORATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0108"> THE IRISH TITHE-BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0109"> COMMUTATION OF TITHES IN ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0110"> BILL FOR REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND
        MARRIAGES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0111"> BILL TO ALTER THE REVENUES AND TERRITORIES OF
        THE DIFFERENT SEES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0112"> BILL TO ABOLISH THE SECULAR JURISDICTION OF
        BISHOPS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0113"> BILL TO AMEND THE ENGLISH MUNICIPAL
        CORPORATION ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0114"> BILL TO ALLOW FELONS' COUNSEL TO ADDRESS THE
        JURY, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0115"> ABOLITION OF IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0116"> ELECTION COMMITTEES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0117"> NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0118"> MOTION FOR THE REDUCTION OF TAXATION ON
        BEHALF OF THE AGRICULTURISTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0119"> THE BUDGET, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0120"> DISCUSSIONS ON THE COLONIES, AND ON OUR
        FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0121"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0122"> THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0123"> FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkC2HCH0008"> CHAPTER XLVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0125"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0126"> CONSIDERATION OF THE STATE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0127"> QUESTION OF ESTABLISHING A SYSTEM OF
        POOR-LAWS IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0128"> IRISH TITHE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0129"> QUESTION OF CHURCH-RATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0130"> THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0131"> NOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL
        CHANGES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0132"> OPERATION OF THE NEW POOR-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0133"> AFFAIRS OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0134"> STATE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0135"> CONSIDERATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF
        ENGLAND UNDER THE WHIG </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0136"> MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkC2H_4_0137"> ILLNESS AND DEATH OF THE KING&mdash;REMARKS
        ON HIS CHARACTER. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0001"> CHAPTER XLVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0002"> THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0003"> THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES&mdash;EULOGIES
        OF THE LATE SOVEREIGN IN </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0004"> BILL FOR PROVIDING THE SUCCESSION TO THE
        CROWN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0005"> THE BUDGET, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0006"> ALTERATIONS IN THE CRIMINAL LAW, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0007"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0008"> STATE OF PARTIES AND ELECTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0009"> CITY BANQUET TO THE QUEEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0010"> OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0011"> THE SUBJECT OF THE CIVIL LIST DEBATED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0012"> THE SUBJECT OF THE PENSION LIST. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0013"> INTELLIGENCE FROM CANADA&mdash;DISCUSSION ON
        THE SUBJECT&mdash;ADJOURNMENT OF THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0014"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0002"> CHAPTER XLIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0016"> PARLIAMENT REASSEMBLES&mdash;DEBATES ON
        CANADA&mdash;ADDRESS TO THE THRONE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0017"> THE QUESTION OF ELECTION COMMITTEES, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0018"> MOTION FOR THE BALLOT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0019"> PARLIAMENTARY QUALIFICATION BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0020"> PERSONAL ATTACKS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0021"> REVIVAL OF ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0022"> DEBATES ON THE IRISH POOR-LAW BILL&mdash;THE
        BILL CARRIED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0023"> MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE APPROPRIATION
        CLAUSE&mdash;MINISTERIAL PLAN FOR </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0024"> COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS UPON THE
        IRISH MUNICIPAL BILL&mdash;THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0025"> THE CORONATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0026"> DEBATES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE IRISH
        TITHE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0027"> THE IRISH POOR-LAW BILL CARRIED IN THE LORDS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0028"> PROJECTED FORMATION OF A COLONY IN NEW
        ZEALAND, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0029"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0030"> MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0031"> VARIOUS IMPROVEMENTS IN THE LAW. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0032"> A SELECT COMMITTEE TO INQUIRE INTO THE
        OPERATION OF THE POOR-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0033"> COMBINATIONS IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0034"> JOHN THOM. ALIAS SIR WILLIAM COURTENAY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0035"> COMMITTEE ON CHURCH LANDS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0036"> ACT FOR ABOLISHING PLURALITIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0037"> THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION DISCUSSED IN
        PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0038"> THE QUESTION OF CANADA RENEWED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0039"> QUEEN PROROGUES PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0040"> DISAFFECTION AMONG THE WORKING CLASSES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0041"> PROPOSED REDUCTION OF THE RATES OF POSTAGE.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0042"> THE STATE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0043"> THE AFFAIRS OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0044"> THE STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0003"> CHAPTER L. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0046"> STATE OF PARTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0047"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0048"> THE CORN-LAW QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0049"> THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND DISCUSSED IN
        PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0050"> IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0051"> PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT RESPECTING JAMAICA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0052"> RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS, AND FAILURE OF SIR
        ROBERT PEEL TO FORM A NEW </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0053"> NATIONAL EDUCATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0054"> AFFAIRS OF CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0055"> THE SECOND JAMAICA BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0056"> BILL FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE PORTUGUESE
        SLAVE-TRADE, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0057"> MOTION FOR THE BALLOT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0058"> ACT FOR THE BETTER ORDERING OF PRISONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0059"> MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE HOUSE TO
        CONSIDER THE NATIONAL </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0060"> BIRMINGHAM RIOTS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0061"> THE BUDGET&mdash;PROPOSED REDUCTION OF
        POSTAGE DUTIES, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0062"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0063"> AFFAIRS IN THE EAST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0064"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0004"> CHAPTER LI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0066"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;ANNOUNCEMENT OF
        THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0067"> BILL FOR THE NATURALIZATION OF PRINCE ALBERT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0068"> THE CIVIL-LIST. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0069"> QUESTION OF PRIVILEGE&mdash;HANSARD AND
        STOCKDALE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0070"> AFFAIRS OF CHINA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0071"> THE IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0072"> FINANCIAL STATEMENT, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0073"> THE UNION OF THE CANADAS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0074"> ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0075"> THE REGENCY BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0076"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0077"> AFFAIRS OF BRITISH INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0078"> THE MARRIAGE OF THE QUEEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0079"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0005"> CHAPTER LII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0081"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0082"> POOR LAW AMENDMENT ACT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0083"> JEWS' CIVIL DISABILITIES REMOVAL BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0084"> CHURCH OF SCOTLAND: NON-INTRUSION QUESTION,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0085"> LAW-REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0086"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0087"> DISCUSSION ON THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0088"> RESOLUTION OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN THE
        GOVERNMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0089"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0090"> STATE OF PARTIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0091"> MEETING OF THE NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0092"> RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.&mdash;SIR ROBERT
        PEEL'S ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0093"> STATEMENT OF SIR ROBERT PEEL AS TO HIS
        INTENDED COURSE OF PROCEEDING, </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0094"> FINANCIAL STATEMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0095"> POOR LAWS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0096"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0097"> STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0006"> CHAPTER LIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0099"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0100"> DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS&mdash;PROPOSITION OF
        MINISTERS ON THE SUBJECT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0101"> FINANCIAL MEASURES&mdash;INCOME-TAX BILL,
        ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0102"> NEW TARIFF. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0103"> MR. VILLIERS'S MOTION ON THE CORN-LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0104"> THE GREAT CHARTIST PETITION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0105"> BILL FOR RESTRAINING THE EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN
        AND CHILDREN IN MINES AND </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0106"> BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0107"> LAW REFORMS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0108"> BILL FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE ROYAL PERSON.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0109"> POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0110"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0111"> EAST INDIA AFFAIRS, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0007"> CHAPTER LIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0113"> STATE OF THE COUNTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0114"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0115"> NATIONAL DISTRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0116"> ADDRESS TO THE CROWN ON THE SUBJECT OF
        EDUCATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0117"> AFFAIRS OF INDIA, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0118"> THE CORN-LAW QUESTION RESUMED. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0119"> IRISH AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0120"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0121"> EDUCATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0122"> CHURCH EXTENSION, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0123"> LAW REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0124"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0125"> AGITATION IN IRELAND, FORMATION OF THE FREE
        CHURCH IN SCOTLAND, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0126"> DISPUTES WITH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0127"> THE STATE OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0128"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0008"> CHAPTER LV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0130"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0131"> MOTION FOR THE STOPPAGE OF SUPPLIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0132"> AFFAIRS OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0133"> IRISH AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0134"> RESTRICTIONS ON LABOUR IN FACTORIES, ETC.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0135"> THE CORN-LAWS AND FREE-TRADE QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0136"> FINANCIAL STATEMENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0137"> SUGAR-DUTIES BILL, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0138"> BANK CHARTER AND BANKING REGULATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0139"> DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0140"> SEES OF BANGOR AND ST. ASAPH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0141"> MISCELLANEOUS MEASURES OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0142"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0143"> THE STATE OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0144"> PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MR. O'CONNELL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0145"> CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0009"> CHAPTER LVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0147"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0148"> FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL POLICY&mdash;RETENTION
        OF THE INCOME-TAX, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0149"> THE SUGAR-DUTIES QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0150"> CORN-LAWS AND FREE TRADE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0151"> AFFAIRS OF IRELAND&mdash;MAYNOOTH IMPROVEMENT
        BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0152"> ACADEMICAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0153"> COLONIAL POLICY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0154"> QUESTION OF THE OREGON TERRITORY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0155"> MISCELLANEOUS MEASURES OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0156"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0157"> THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0158"> THE STATE OF THE CONTINENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0010"> CHAPTER LVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0160"> STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS AT THE COMMENCEMENT
        OF THIS YEAR, ETC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0161"> MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0162"> SETTLEMENT OF THE CORN-LAW QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0011"> CHAPTER LVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0164"> POSITION OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY ON THE
        DEFECTION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0165"> THE CONDITION OF IRELAND.&mdash;DISTURBED
        STATE OF THE COUNTRY.&mdash;DISAFFECTION </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0166"> POLITICAL AGITATION.&mdash;YOUNG IRELAND.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0167"> AFFAIRS OF INDIA.&mdash;BATTLE OF ALIWAL.&mdash;TOTAL
        EXPULSION OF THE SIKHS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0168"> STATE OF AFFAIRS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.&mdash;SUCCESSES
        OF THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0169"> STATE OF NEW ZEALAND.&mdash;SUPPRESSION OF
        THE NATIVE REVOLT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0170"> BORNEO. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0171"> OUR NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0172"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0173"> SOUTH AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0174"> RELATIONS WITH CONTINENTAL EUROPE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0175"> HOME. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0012"> CHAPTER LIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0177"> COLONIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0178"> FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0179"> STATE OF IRELAND.&mdash;PROGRESS OF FAMINE
        AND DISEASE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0180"> CONTINUED POLITICAL AGITATION.&mdash;DREADFUL
        PREVALENCE OF CRIME. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0181"> DEATH OF O'CONNELL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0182"> MR. JOHN O'CONNELL ASSUMES THE PRESIDENCY OF
        THE REPEAL </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0183"> BITTER DISPUTES BETWEEN "OLD IRELAND" AND
        "YOUNG IRELAND." </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0184"> GENERAL STATE OF AFFAIRS IN GREAT BRITAIN.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0185"> POLITICAL AGITATION IN ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0186"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0187"> HOME NAVAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0188"> GENERAL HOME INCIDENTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0189"> PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF THE YEAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0190"> GOVERNMENT PLAN OF EDUCATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0191"> BILL FOR CREATING A NEW DIOCESS OF
        MANCHESTER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0192"> DEBATE ON THE ANNEXATION OF CRACOW. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0193"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0194"> ASSEMBLING OF A NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0195"> DEBATE ON THE DISTRESS OF THE NATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0196"> MEASURES FOR THE REPRESSION OF HOMICIDE AND
        OUTRAGE IN IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0197"> MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF JEWISH DISABILITIES.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0198"> ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.&mdash;CLOSE OF THE
        PARLIAMENTARY LABOURS OF 1847. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0013"> CHAPTER LX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0200"> THE WAR IN INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0201"> MUTINY OF SIKH TROOPS IN THE PUNJAUB. AND
        REVOLT OF CHUTTUR SINGH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0202"> SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF MOOLTAN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0203"> CAMPAIGN IN THE PUNJAUB UNDER LORD GOUGH.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0204"> CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0205"> THE WEST INDIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0206"> FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0207"> THE UNITED STATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0208"> SPAIN: DIPLOMATIC DISAGREEMENT WITH THAT
        COUNTRY; DISMISSION OF THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0209"> THE CONTINENTAL REVOLUTIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0210"> ITALY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0211"> THE PAPAL STATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0212"> NAPLES AND SICILY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0213"> BELGIUM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0214"> GERMANY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0215"> THE AUSTRIAN EMPIRE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0216"> THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0217"> DENMARK.&mdash;SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0218"> RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0219"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0220"> ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0221"> VISIT OF FRENCH NATIONAL GUARDS TO LONDON.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0222"> COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0223"> THE COBDEN TESTIMONIAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0224"> AGITATION CONCERNING THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0225"> REWARDS FOR INDIA SERVICE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0226"> REFORM OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0227"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0228"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0229"> CLOSE OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0230"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0014"> CHAPTER LXI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0232"> PROSECUTION OF THE WAR IN INDIA, AND
        ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAUB. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0233"> CHINA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0234"> BORNEO. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0235"> THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0236"> CANADA.&mdash;POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.&mdash;OPPOSITION
        AND INSOLENT PROCEEDINGS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0237"> AUSTRALIA.&mdash;DISCONTENTS CREATED BY THE
        TRANSPORTATION QUESTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0238"> CEPHALONIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0239"> THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION UNDER SIR J. ROSS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0240"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0241"> STATE OF GERMANY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0242"> DEMANDS OF THE RUSSIAN AND AUSTRIAN EMPERORS
        UPON THE SULTAN OF TURKEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0243"> CONTINUED DISTRESS IN IRELAND&mdash;CRIME AND
        OUTRAGE&mdash;POLITICAL </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0244"> POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0245"> COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0246"> THE CHOLERA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0247"> PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF 1849&mdash;OPENING
        OF THE SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0248"> REPEAL OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0249"> AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS&mdash;MOTION FOR
        GOVERNMENTAL RELIEF. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0250"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0251"> VOTE OF THANKS TO THE ARMY IN INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0252"> MR. COBDEN'S MOTION FOR REDUCING THE ARMY AND
        NAVY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0253"> THE BUDGET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0254"> MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NATION </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0255"> THE PROROGATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0256"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0257"> THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0258"> THE ROYAL VISIT TO SCOTLAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0259"> DEATH OF THE QUEEN DOWAGER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0260"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0015"> CHAPTER LXII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0262"> FOREIGN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0263"> COLONIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0264"> INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0265"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0266"> HOME EVENTS.&mdash;PROPOSAL FOR AN EXHIBITION
        OF THE INDUSTRY OF ALL NATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0267"> COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0268"> THE CHOLERA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0269"> PAPAL AGGRESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0270"> COMPLIMENT TO LORD PALMERSTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0271"> ARRIVAL OF THE KOH-I-NOOR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0272"> ATTACK UPON GENERAL HAYNAU. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0273"> PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.&mdash;OPENING OF THE
        SESSION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0274"> AFFAIRS OF GREECE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0275"> CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0276"> AUSTRALIAN COLONIES' BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0277"> LOCAL BURDENS ON LAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0278"> PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0279"> IRISH DISTRESS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0280"> IRISH FRANCHISE BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0281"> BILL FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE
        LORD-LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0282"> MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS OF DEBATE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0283"> FINANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0284"> THE BUDGET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0285"> DEATH OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0286"> PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0287"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0288"> DEATHS OF REMARKABLE PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0016"> CHAPTER LXIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0290"> GENERAL PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF 1851. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0291"> EXHIBITION OF THE INDUSTRY OF ALL NATIONS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0292"> THE CENSUS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0293"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0294"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0295"> COLONIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0296"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS&mdash;EUROPEAN RELATIONS.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0297"> DISCUSSIONS IN THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT
        CONCERNING THE STATE OF AFFAIRS AT </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0298"> DIPLOMATIC DISPUTE WITH AUSTRIA AND TUSCANY,
        ARISING FROM AN OUTRAGE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0299"> STATEMENT OF MR. ERSKINE MATHER TO M.
        SALVAGNOLI.* </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0300"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS DURING THE YEAR
        1851. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0017"> CHAPTER LXIV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0302"> DEATH OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0303"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0304"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS AND PARTY CONFLICTS
        DURING 1852. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0305"> PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0306"> THE MILITIA BILL.&mdash;DEFEAT AND
        RESIGNATION OF THE CABINET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0307"> THE EARL OF DERBY'S ADMINISTRATION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0308"> FOREIGN POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.&mdash;OUTRAGE
        ON MR. MATHER AT FLORENCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0309"> LAW REFORM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0310"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;GENERAL
        ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0311"> MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0312"> BOTH HOUSES CARRY RESOLUTIONS PLEDGING THEM
        TO THE FREE-TRADE POLICY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0313"> THE GOVERNMENT SCHEME OF FINANCE.&mdash;DEFEAT
        AND RESIGNATION OF THE </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0314"> FORMATION OF A NEW MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0315"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0316"> COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0317"> CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0318"> INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0319"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;BIRMESE WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0320"> FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0321"> GENERAL EUROPEAN RELATIONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0322"> UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0323"> EFFORTS AGAINST THE SLAVE TRADE, AND TO
        SUPPRESS PIRACY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0324"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0018"> CHAPTER LXV. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0326"> GENERAL STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0327"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0328"> STATE OF IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0329"> GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0330"> CANADA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0331"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0332"> THE WAR WITH RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0333"> PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0334"> INDIA BILL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0335"> DISCUSSIONS ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;RUSSIA
        AND TURKEY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0336"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0019"> CHAPTER LXVI. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0338"> HOME AFFAIRS.&mdash;GENERAL PROSPECTS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0339"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0340"> IRELAND </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0341"> COLONIAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0342"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;THE ALLIANCE WITH
        FRANCE, THE WAR WITH RUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0343"> PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0344"> DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0020"> CHAPTER LXVII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0346"> HOME AFFAIRS&mdash;PUBLIC OPINION, AGITATION
        OF PEOPLE AND PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0347"> DEATH OF THE CZAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0348"> DEPARTURE OF THE BALTIC FLEET. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0349"> FINANCIAL OPERATIONS FOR THE YEAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0350"> SEVERITY OF THE WEATHER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0351"> VISIT OF THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0352"> DISTRIBUTION OF MEDALS BY THE QUEEN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0353"> VISIT OF THE KING OF THE BELGIANS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0354"> HER MAJESTY VISITS THE FRENCH EMPEROR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0355"> VISIT OF THE KING OF SARDINIA TO THE ENGLISH
        COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0356"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0357"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS, MINISTERIAL
        CHANGES, AND DIPLOMATIC </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0358"> THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR&mdash;OPERATIONS IN
        THE CRIMEA AND BLACK SEA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0359"> OPERATIONS IN THE SEA OF AZOFF. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0360"> OPERATIONS IN ASIA MINOR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0361"> OPERATIONS OF THE ALLIES IN THE BALTIC. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0362"> OPERATIONS IN THE WHITE SEA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0363"> OPERATIONS IN THE PACIFIC, AND AGAINST THE
        RUSSIAN SETTLEMENTS IN </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0364"> COLONIAL AFFAIRS. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0365"> INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0021"> CHAPTER LXVIII. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_CONC"> CONCLUSION OF THE RUSSIAN WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0368"> GENERAL CONDITION OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF
        THE UNITED KINGDOM. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0369"> BRITISH POLICY IN ASIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0370"> THE PERSIAN WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0371"> WAR WITH CHINA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0372"> DISPUTES WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0373"> INTERNATIONAL MARITIME LAW. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0374"> INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0375"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0376"> HOME&mdash;GENERAL CONDITION OF GREAT
        BRITAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0377"> NATIONAL FINANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0378"> PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0022"> CHAPTER LXIX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0380"> FOREIGN AFFAIRS: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE, AND
        WITH OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0381"> DIFFERENCE WITH THE UNITED STATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0382"> CHINA&mdash;PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0383"> JAPAN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0384"> COLONIAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0385"> SARAWAK. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0386"> INDIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0387"> THE MUTINY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0388"> HOME. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0389"> PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0390"> DEBATES ON THE CHINESE WAR-DEFEAT OF THE
        MINISTRY. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0391"> PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0392"> GENERAL ELECTION. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0393"> RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0394"> SUDDEN CONVENTION OF PARLIAMENT IN DECEMBER.
        </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0395"> THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0396"> ART EXHIBITION IN MANCHESTER. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkD2HCH0023"> CHAPTER LXX. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0398"> FRANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0399"> NAPLES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0400"> PRUSSIA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0401"> SPAIN. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0402"> HANOVER. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0403"> THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0404"> SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0405"> THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0406"> BRITISH AMERICA </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0407"> IRELAND. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0408"> HOME.&mdash;THE COURT. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0409"> COMMERCE AND FINANCE. </a>
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <a href="#linkD2H_4_0410"> PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br /> <br />
      </p>
      <hr />
      <p>
        <a name="linkillustrations" id="linkillustrations"></a><br /> <br /> <br />
      </p>
      <p class="toc">
        <big><b>Illustrations</b></big>
      </p>
      <p>
        <br />
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0001"> Queen Victoria </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0002"> Titlepage </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0003"> George III. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0004"> Battle of Bunker's Hill </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0005"> Ticonderoga </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0006"> General Burgoyne Addressing the Indians </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0007"> Death of Chatham </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0008"> Portrait of Lord Rodney </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0009"> British Surrendering to General Washington
        </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0010"> Siege of Gibralter </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0011"> Portrait of Lord Nelson </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0013"> Yarmouth: Nelson's Monument </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0014"> Portrait of Charles James Fox </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkimage-0015"> Plain of Waterloo </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0003"> Coronation Chair </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0004"> Holyrood Palace </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0006"> The Grass Market Edinborough </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0007"> The Duke of Wellington. </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0008"> Southampton </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0009"> Battle of Alma </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0010"> Battle of Inkerman </a>
      </p>
      <p>
        <a href="#linkDimage-0011"> Bombardment of Sweaborg </a>
      </p>
    </blockquote>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h1>
      GEORGE III.
    </h1>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="chap01 (378K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-chap01.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER I.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Accession of George III...... Meeting of Parliament, &amp;c......
     Judges made independent of the Crown..... Changes in the
     Cabinet..... The Operations of the War..... The Resignation of
     Mr. Pitt..... The Marriage of the King..... Coronation of
     their Majesties..... Meeting of Parliament..... Disturbances
     in Ireland..... War with Spain..... France and Spain declare
     War against Portugal..... Dissensions in the Cabinet.....
     Events in Germany, &amp;c..... Negociations for Peace..... The
     Meeting of Parliament, and the Conclusion of Peace..... The
     Resignation of Bute..... The Character and Impeachment of
     Wilkes..... Changes in the Cabinet..... Meeting of Parliament,
     and further proceedings against Wilkes..... Proposition to
     tax the American Colonies..... Opposition of the Americans.....
     War with the North American Indians..... Domestic
     Occurrences
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      1760
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Few monarchs ever ascended a throne under more auspicious circumstances
      than George III. The sources of national wealth and prosperity were daily
      becoming developed, and the British arms were everywhere victorious. So
      extensive were their conquests, indeed, that it may be said, the sun rose
      and set, at this date, within the limits of the British dominions.
    </p>
    <p>
      Prince George, who was the eldest son of the late Frederick, Prince of
      Wales, was riding on horseback in the neighbourhood of Kew palace, with
      his groom of the stole, Lord Bute, when news was brought him that his
      grandfather was dead. This intelligence was confirmed soon after by the
      arrival of Mr. Pitt, the head of the government, and they repaired
      together to Kew. On the next morning George went up to St. James's, where
      Pitt waited upon him, and presented the sketch of an address to be
      pronounced at the meeting of the privy council. Pitt, however, was doomed
      to find a rival where he thought to have found a friend. He was told by
      his majesty, that an address had already been prepared, which convinced
      him that Bute, on whose favour he had reckoned, would not be contented
      with a subordinate place in the new government, but would aspire to the
      highest offices in the state. In the course of the day, October 26th,
      George was proclaimed king with the usual solemnities.
    </p>
    <p>
      The accession of George, notwithstanding, did not involve any immediate
      change in the existing administration. The Earl of Bute, together with
      Prince Edward, Duke of York, were admitted into the privy council, but it
      was given out that his majesty was satisfied, and even charmed, with the
      existing cabinet, and that he would make no changes, with the exception of
      a few in the household and in the minor offices. One of the first acts of
      George III., was a proclamation "for the encouragement of piety and
      virtue, and for preventing and punishing of vice, profaneness, and
      immorality." This was naturally looked upon as a token of his majesty's
      virtue and devotion, which view was borne out by his after character; for
      although the proclamation may be considered in the light of a dead letter
      as regards actual operation, it was enforced, or recommended, by his
      example; and example hath a louder tongue either than precept,
      proclamations, or laws. From the beginning to the close of his long reign,
      George III. manifested a decent, moral, and religious life, which
      doubtless had very beneficial effects upon society at large.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the accession of the new king, parliament was prorogued, first to the
      thirteenth, and afterwards to the eighteenth, of November. In the
      meantime, public attention was engaged by the equipment of a large
      squadron of men-of-war and transports at Portsmouth, and speculations were
      rife as to the policy of the monarch&mdash;whether it would be favourable
      to war or to peace. All classes of society, however, agreed in
      anticipating the happiest results from his rule, since he had been born
      and bred among them, and was well acquainted with the language, manners,
      laws, and institutions of the people over whom he presided. Loyal and
      dutiful addresses, expressing such sentiments, were presented to the young
      monarch by the city of London, the two universities, and from various
      bodies of people, to all which he returned sententious but suitable
      replies, declaring his fixed resolve to respect their rights and
      conciliate their esteem. A letter was addressed to him by the venerable
      Bishop of London, Dr. Sherlock, as a parting benediction, in which he gave
      him the following wise council:&mdash;"You, sir," he writes, "are the
      person whom the people ardently desire; which affection of theirs is
      happily returned by your majesty's declared concern for their prosperity:
      and let nothing disturb this mutual consent; let there be but one contest,
      whether the king loves the people best, or the people him; and may it be a
      long, a very long, contest; may it never be decided, but let it remain
      doubtful; and may the paternal affection on the one side, and the filial
      obedience on the other, he had in perpetual remembrance."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new king met parliament for the first time on the eighteenth of
      November. He opened the session with a speech, announcing not only the
      state of public and domestic affairs, but also the general principles by
      which he intended to rule. One clause in his speech was very gratifying to
      the people: "Born and educated in this country," he observed, "I glory in
      the name of Briton." Having uttered this memorable sentence, he said it
      would be the happiness of his life to promote the happiness and interests
      of his loyal and affectionate people; and that their civil and religious
      rights were equally as dear to him as the valuable prerogatives of his
      crown. He then declared, that on his accession to the throne of his
      ancestors he found the kingdom in a flourishing and glorious state;
      victorious and happy; although engaged in a necessary war, which, in the
      language of the late reign, he designated, "a war for the Protestant
      interest." In this speech he neither spoke of peace nor negociation, but
      asked the assistance of parliament to prosecute this war with vigour.
      Finally, addressing the Commons on the subject of supplies, he concluded
      his speech thus:&mdash;"The eyes of all Europe are on you; from your
      resolutions the Protestant interest hopes for protection, as well as all
      our friends for the preservation of their independency; and our enemies
      fear the final disappointment of their ambitious and destructive views:
      let these hopes and fears be confirmed and augmented, by the vigour,
      unanimity, and despatch of our proceedings. In this expectation I am the
      more encouraged, by a pleasing circumstance, which I consider one of the
      most auspicious omens of my reign&mdash;that happy extinction of
      divisions, and that union and good harmony, which continue to prevail
      amongst my subjects, afford me the most agreeable prospects; the natural
      disposition and wish of my heart are to cement and promote them; and I
      promise myself, that nothing will arise on your part to interrupt or
      disturb a situation so essential to the true and lasting felicity of this
      great people." This speech was warmly responded to by addresses from both
      houses of parliament; and the supplies for the ensuing year, amounting to
      £19,616,119, were cheerfully voted, while the civil list was fixed at
      £809,000; the king, on his part, consenting to such a disposition of the
      hereditary revenues of the crown, as might best promote the interests of
      the nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      War, therefore, was to be continued, and Mr. Pitt and his colleagues
      seemed to be confirmed in office: yet at this very moment the train was
      laying for their expulsion. Earl Bute was anxious to become secretary of
      state, and he was busily engaged in a correspondence with the noted
      intriguer, Bubb Doddington. A few days after the meeting of parliament his
      lordship declared to Doddington, that Lord Holderness "was ready at his
      desire to quarrel with his fellow ministers, and go to the king and throw
      up with seeming-anger, and then he (Bute) might come in without seeming to
      displace anybody." This expedient, however, did not please Doddington, and
      Bute paid deference to his opinion. Still the two friends took counsel
      together on this important affair. In a letter from Doddington to Bute,
      which was written in December, he advises "that nothing be done that can
      be justly imputed to precipitation; nothing delayed that can be imputed to
      fear." He adds: "Remember, my noble and generous friend, that to recover
      monarchy from the inveterate usurpation of oligarchy, is a point too
      arduous and important to be achieved without much difficulty, and some
      degree of danger; though none but what attentive moderation and
      unalterable firmness will certainly surmount."
    </p>
    <p>
      In his career of ambition, Bute, who was "better fitted to perform
      Lothario on the stage," than to act as secretary of state, paid small
      regard to danger, but kept his eye fixed steadily on the point he had in
      view. In January, he told Doddington that "Mr. Pitt meditated a retreat;"
      and in the same month Doddington writes to him&mdash;"If the intelligence
      they bring me be true, Mr. Pitt goes down fast in the city, and faster at
      this end of the town: they add, you rise daily. This may not be true; but
      if he sinks, you will observe that his system sinks with him, and that
      there is nothing to replace it but recalling the troops and leaving
      Hanover in deposit." Again, on the 6th of February, Lord Bute declared,
      that it was easy to make the Duke of Newcastle resign, but at the same
      time he expressed a doubt as to the expediency of beginning in that
      quarter. Doddington replied, that he saw no objection to this step; and
      that if Bute thought there was, he might put it into hands that would
      resign it to him when he thought proper to take it. But Bute was not
      disposed to try the duke too much, nor to risk too bold a leap at once: so
      all ill humours were concealed under a fair surface.
    </p>
    <p>
      Had Earl Bute taken any decisive step thus early in the reign of the new
      king, it would probably have exposed him to public derision and scorn. At
      this time the old system seemed to please everybody; and among the
      supplies voted by the House of Commons, none were more freely granted than
      the continental subsidies, and especially that of £670,000 to the King of
      Prussia. His victory at Torgau, which subjected all Saxony&mdash;Dresden
      excepted&mdash;to his power, was made known in England just before the
      meeting of parliament, and it had the effect of raising him high in the
      public favour of the people of England. Nor was it less advantageous to
      him on the Continent. His victory, with its results, indeed, were a full
      compensation to him for the previous losses he had sustained during the
      campaign. Laudohn raised the siege of Cosel, and evacuated Silesia; the
      Russians raised that of Colburg, and retreated into Poland; and the Swedes
      were driven out of Western Pomerania. In the same spirit of gratitude, the
      parliament granted £200,000 to our colonies in America, for the expenses
      they had incurred, and the efforts they had made in the present war&mdash;a
      war which laid some of the groundworks of the independence which a few
      years later was claimed by those colonies.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      JUDGES MADE INDEPENDENT OF THE CROWN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By an act passed in the year 1701, under the reign of William III., the
      commissions of the judges were continued <i>quamdiu bené se gesserint</i>;
      or the power of displacing them was taken from the crown, and their
      continuance in office was made solely dependent on the faithful discharge
      of their duties, so that it might be lawful to remove them on the address
      of both houses to the king. Still, at the demise of the crown, their
      offices were vacated, and George II. had even refused to renew the
      commission of a judge who had given him personal offence. Towards the
      close of this session, his present majesty, in a speech from the throne,
      recommended an important improvement in this matter, which greatly
      increased his popularity. He declared his wish to render the bench still
      more independent of the crown, and the administration of justice still
      more impartial; and he recommended that provisions should be made for the
      continuance of their commissions and salaries, without any reference to
      the death of one king, or the accession of his successor. In compliance
      with this expressed wish, a bill was framed for rendering the judges thus
      independent, which was carried through both houses. It received the royal
      assent on the 19th of March, on which day his majesty put an end to the
      session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before this event took place, a certain party in the state began to think
      that circumstances would authorise them to commence a gradual change of
      ministers, and of the policy of the nation. In this his majesty seems to
      have coincided, for on the same day that he closed the session, Mr. Legge,
      who was co-partner with Mr. Pitt in popularity, was unceremoniously
      dismissed from the office of chancellor of the exchequer, and Sir Francis
      Dashwood nominated his successor. On the same day, also, Lord Holderness
      having secured a pecuniary indemnification, with the reversion of the
      wardenship of the cinque ports, resigned the office of secretary of state
      in favour of Lord Bute. It was said that the king "was tired of having two
      secretaries, of which one (Pitt) <i>would</i> do nothing, and the other
      (Holderness) <i>could</i> do nothing; and that he would have a secretary
      who both could and would act." At the same time, Lord Halifax was advanced
      from the board of trade to be Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and was replaced
      by Lord Barrington; and the Duke of Richmond, displeased by a military
      promotion injurious to his brother, resigned his post as lord of the
      bed-chamber. Other changes, of minor importance, took place&mdash;such as
      the introduction of several Tories into the offices of the court, and
      there was a considerable addition made to the peerage. These changes were,
      doubtless, unpalatable to Mr. Pitt; but Horace Walpole says that he was
      somewhat softened by the offer of the place of cofferer for his
      brother-in-law, James Grenville. At all events Mr. Pitt continued in
      office, and Earl Bute consented to leave the management of foreign affairs
      in his hands; but at the same time, both Bute and his majesty gave him to
      understand that an end <i>must</i> be put to the war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE OPERATIONS OF THE WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Since the accession of George III., the events of the war had been
      various. Although Frederick the Great had driven the Russians and
      Austrians from his capital, they were still within his own territory;
      while the French were on the side of the Rhine, and the Swedes continued
      to threaten invasions. Such was his situation when he heard that George
      II, was dead; that his successor was desirous of peace; that some of his
      advisers were projecting a separate treaty with France; and that it was
      probable that the English subsidies would soon be discontinued. This
      intelligence in some degree was confirmed by the tardiness with which the
      subsidy, so readily granted by the parliament in December, was paid into
      his treasury. Nothing daunted, however, Frederick planned fresh campaigns,
      and remonstrated with England; and, as an effect of the bold front he put
      upon his affairs, he had the satisfaction of learning, before he went into
      winter-quarters, that the Russians had retired beyond the Vistula, and
      that the Austrians and Swedes had departed out of Brandenburg, Silesia,
      and Pomerania. Still his situation was a critical one. His losses in men
      had been great, his coffers were empty, and his recruiting was therefore
      difficult: he looked forward to the campaign of 1761 with doubt and
      anxiety.
    </p>
    <p>
      Contrary to the general rules of war, this campaign opened in the very
      depth of the winter. Contrasting the strong constitutions of his troops
      with the less hardy character of his opponents, Prince Ferdinand resolved
      to take them thus by surprise. Accordingly, early in February, by a sudden
      attack, he drove the French out of their quarters near Cassel, and they
      were only saved from utter destruction, by the defiles, and other
      difficulties of the country, which favoured their retreat. Almost
      simultaneously with this achievement, the Prussian general, Sybourg,
      effected a junction with the Hanoverian general, Sporken, and took three
      thousand French prisoners. Subsequently, these generals defeated the
      troops of the empire under General Clefeld; and Prince Ferdinand followed
      up these advantages by laying siege to Cassel, Marbourg, and Ziegenhayn.
      He was ably seconded in his operations by the Marquis of Granby, but he
      failed in capturing these places, and was compelled to retire into the
      electorate of Hanover. The retreat of Ferdinand took place in April, and
      in the same month the hereditary Prince of Brunswick was defeated by the
      French under Broglie, near Frankfort.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time, Frederick had certain information that the English were
      negociating with the French. This information appears to have paralysed
      his efforts, for preparations were not recommenced before June. On their
      part the French, also, were inactive till that time, when Broglie, being
      joined by the Prince of Soubise with large reinforcements, endeavoured to
      drive Prince Ferdinand and the combined army of English and Hanoverians
      from their entrenchments at Hohenower. On two several days Broglie made a
      fierce attack upon his posts, chiefly directing his murderous fire against
      that commanded by Lord Granby; but on the second day the French gave way,
      and made a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them several pieces of
      cannon, with five thousand of their comrades sleeping the sleep of death.
      Their non-success produced mutual recriminations between Broglie and
      Soubise, who had never perfectly agreed, and they resolved to separate:
      Broglie crossed the Weser, and threatened to fall upon Hanover, while
      Soubise crossed the Lippe, as if with the intention of laying siege to
      Munster.
    </p>
    <p>
      The division of the French army caused a corresponding division in that of
      Prince Ferdinand; for whilst he marched with one half to watch the
      operations of Broglie, the hereditary Prince of Brunswick marched with the
      other half to check the career of Soubise. The skill and vigour of
      Ferdinand prevented Broglie from making any important conquests, though he
      could not protect the country from his ravages. Perceiving, indeed, that
      he could not check the onward march of his enemy, Ferdinand turned aside
      into Hesse, and cut off all the communications of the French in that
      country, destroying their magazines and menacing their forts, which, as he
      foresaw, had the effect of alarming Broglie, and causing him to retreat
      out of Hanover. In the meantime, the hereditary Prince of Brunswick had
      checked the career of Soubise, and destroyed many of his magazines; and
      soon after the French went into winter quarters&mdash;Soubise on the Lower
      Rhine, and Broglie at Cassel.
    </p>
    <p>
      Frederick had taken the field in the month of April, and had marched into
      Silesia, where the fortress of Schweidnitz was threatened by the Austrian
      general, Laudon. On his approach, Laudon retreated into Bohemia, where he
      was joined by fresh columns of Russians under Marshal Butterlin. At the
      same time another Russian horde, under Romanzow, re-occupied Pomerania.
      The Austrian and Russian generals conceived that they could hem in
      Frederick, and prevent his escape; but aware of his danger, the skilful
      monarch threw himself into his fortified camp of Buntzelwitz, from behind
      the strong ramparts of which he laughed his enemies to scorn. A blockade
      was attempted, but the country, wasted by long wars, had become like a
      wilderness, and afforded no food either for man or horse; while their
      provision-waggons, 5000 in number, had all been taken by a flying column
      of Prussians, under General Platen, who had also destroyed three of the
      largest magazines which the Russians had established on the confines of
      Poland. Famine stared them in the face, and breaking up their blockade,
      Butterlin marched into Pomerania, and Laudon to an entrenched camp, near
      Fribourg. Thus relieved, Frederick marched towards Upper Silesia, which
      proved to be an unfortunate movement; for Laudon, taking advantage of it,
      rushed from his entrenched camp, made an assault by night upon
      Schweidnitz, which lie took by storm, and then took up his winter-quarters
      in Silesia. About the same time the Russians, assisted by the Swedes, took
      Colberg, which enabled them to winter in Pomerania and Brandenburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the arms of the English had, for the most part, been
      successfully employed. Pondicherry, the capital settlement of the French
      in, the East Indies, and their last stronghold in that country,
      surrendered at discretion to Colonel Coote, after the garrison and
      inhabitants had been reduced to the necessity of feeding on the flesh of
      camels and elephants, and even upon dogs and vermin. In the West Indies,
      also, Lord Rollo and Sir James Douglas reduced the island of Dominica,
      which, contrary to treaty, had been fortified by the French. A less
      important conquest was made on the coast of Brittany. A secret expedition,
      which had been for some time in preparation, suddenly sailed from
      Spithead, and under the command of Commodore Kepple, with troops on board
      under General Hodgson, took its course across the Channel. Great things
      were expected as the result of this expedition, but it only enacted the
      old story of "The mountain in labour." The point against which this force
      was directed was the sterile rock of Bellisle, which, at the expense of
      two thousand lives, was captured. Thus disappointed, the people complained
      of the obstinacy of Pitt, and asked, sarcastically, what could be done
      with it? Nevertheless, if it was no use to England, it was a place of
      importance to France, as commanding a large extent of coast, and affording
      a convenient receptacle to privateers, whence it was insisted on as a
      valuable article of exchange, when peace was concluded between the two
      nations.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time France was rapidly sinking under the efforts made to sustain
      war. Many of her colonies were conquered, her navy was ruined, and her
      finances exhausted, while the people were impoverished and discontented.
      Under these circumstances the king wished for repose and peace, and in
      this wish, Sweden, Poland, and even Russia were ready to join. Austria
      alone, whose empress-queen was bent on the recovery of Silesia, and the
      overthrow of its conqueror Frederick, was desirous of prolonging
      hostilities.
    </p>
    <p>
      This wish of the king of France&mdash;which was also the wish of his
      people&mdash;seemed to be favoured by circumstances in England. The
      influence of Pitt was daily growing weaker, and Bute was fast gaining
      paramount ascendancy. The French ministers, therefore, flattered
      themselves that there would be no great difficulty in negociating;
      especially as they were ready and willing to make some sacrifices, in
      order to obtain peace. Accordingly an interchange of memorials was
      commenced, and in the month of July Mr. Stanley was dispatched to Paris,
      while the Count de Bussy came over to London, for the purpose of
      negociating. Preliminaries were mutually proposed and examined. On their
      part the French offered to cede Canada; to restore Minorca in exchange for
      Guadaloupe and Marigalante; to give up Senegal and Goree for Anamaboo and
      Acra; to renounce all claim to Cape Breton, on which no fortification was
      to be erected; and to consent that Dunkirk should be demolished. But one
      demand made by the French was fatal to the success of the negociations.
      They demanded the restitution of all the captures made at sea by the
      English before the declaration of war, on the ground that such captures
      were contrary to all international law, which restitution was sternly and
      absolutely refused, the English ministers arguing, that the right of all
      hostile operations results not from a formal declaration of war, but from
      the original hostilities of the aggressor. Another obstacle in the way of
      peace, was the refusal of the French to restore Cassel, Gueldres, and
      other places which they had taken from his Prussian majesty, although they
      were ready to evacuate what they occupied in Hanover. And as if these
      obstacles were not sufficient, the French preliminaries were accompanied
      by a private memorial, demanding from England the satisfaction of certain
      claims advanced by Spain, a country with which, though differences
      existed, England was at peace. The French ambassador was given to
      understand on this point, that the king of England would never suffer his
      disputes with Spain to be thus mixed up with the negociations carrying on
      with his country, and the cabinet called upon the Spanish ambassador to
      disavow all participation in such a procedure, and to state that his court
      was neither cognizant of it, nor wished to blend its trifling differences
      with the weighty quarrels of France. But this demand produced an
      unlooked-for budget, The Spanish ambassador at first returned an evasive
      reply, but he was soon authorized by the court of Spain to declare, that
      the proceedings of the French envoy had the entire sanction of his
      Catholic majesty; and that, while his master was anxious for peace, he was
      united as much by mutual interest as by the ties of blood with the king of
      France. The fact is, Charles III., who now occupied the throne of Spain,
      had privately agreed, before this date, with the King of France, to
      consider every power as their common enemy who might become the enemy of
      either, and to afford mutual succours by sea and land. It had been also
      stipulated between them, that no proposal of peace to their common enemies
      was to be made except by common consent; that the two monarchs were to act
      as if they formed one and the same power; that they should maintain for
      each other all the possessions which they might possess at the conclusion
      of peace; and finally, that the King of Naples might be allowed to
      participate in their treaty, though no other family, except a prince of
      the house of Bourbon, was to be admitted into this family compact.
    </p>
    <p>
      Negociations for peace, therefore, proved abortive. Even Bute considered
      many of the proposals of the French if not insulting to the majesty of the
      British nation, at least inadmissible. Yet these négociations resulted in
      the downfall of Pitt. At the council-table, that great minister
      represented that Spain was only waiting for the arrival of her annual
      plate-fleet from America, and then she would declare war. He proposed,
      therefore, that her declaration should be anticipated by England: that war
      should be forthwith proclaimed against Spain, and a fleet sent out to
      intercept her ships and treasures from the western world. He likewise
      proposed an immediate attack upon her colonies; recommending the capture
      of the Havannah and the occupation of the Isthmus of Panama, from whence
      an expedition might be sent against Manilla and the Philippine Isles, to
      intercept the communication between the continent of South America and the
      rich regions of the East. It suited the purpose of Bute, however, to raise
      the laugh of incredulity as to the declaration of war by Spain,
      questioning, at the same time, the real meaning of the treaty entered into
      between the two Bourbons. The other members of the cabinet also&mdash;Lord
      Temple excepted&mdash;pronounced the measures proposed by Pitt too
      precipitate, and he had no alternative but to resign; especially as he
      found, also, that the king was adverse to his schemes. Accordingly, on the
      6th of October, Pitt delivered up his seals to the king, which his majesty
      received with ease and firmness, but without requesting him to resume
      them. The monarch, notwithstanding, lamented to him the loss of so
      valuable a servant, while he declared that even if his cabinet had been
      unanimous for war with Spain, he should have found great difficulty in
      consenting to such a measure. Pitt was affected by the kind, yet
      dignified, behaviour of the young king. "I confess, sire," said he, with
      emotion, "I had but too much reason to expect your majesty's displeasure:
      I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness: pardon me, sir; it
      overpowers,&mdash;it oppresses me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Pitt retired with a pension of £3,000 per annum, which was to be continued
      for three lives. The peerage was offered him, but he declined it
      personally, accepting it only for his wife and her issue. He was succeeded
      in office by Lord Egremont, son of the great Tory, Sir William Wyndam. At
      the same time Lord Temple retired from office, and the privy seal was
      given to the Duke of Bedford. The resignation of Mr. Pitt, with his
      honours and rewards, were published in the Gazette on the following day,
      and in the same paper a letter was published from the English ambassador
      at Madrid, which was replete with assurances of the pacific intentions of
      Spain. On this circumstance, combined with the resignation of Mr. Pitt,
      Burke remarks:&mdash;"It must be owned that this manouvre was very
      skilfully executed: for it at once gave the people to understand the true
      motive to the resignation, the insufficiency of that motive, and the
      gracious-ness of the king, notwithstanding the abrupt departure of his
      minister. If after this the late minister should choose to enter into
      opposition, he must go into it loaded and oppressed with the imputation of
      the blackest ingratitude; if, on the other hand, he should retire from
      business, or should concur in support of that administration which he had
      left, because he disapproved its measures, his acquiescence would be
      attributed by the multitude to a bargain for his forsaking the public, and
      that the title and his pension were the considerations. These were the
      barriers that opposed against that torrent of popular rage which it was
      apprehended would proceed from this resignation. And the truth is, they
      answered their end perfectly."
    </p>
    <p>
      This reasoning of Mr. Burke was strictly correct. The friends and
      partisans of Mr. Pitt raised violent clamours against Bute, for displacing
      a man who had raised the nation from its once abject state to the pinnacle
      of glory; and addresses, resolutions, and condolences were set on foot in
      London and the greater corporations, with a view of exciting the smaller
      cities and boroughs in England to follow the example. The press, also, was
      active in vilifying Bute for the part he had taken in this affair. But
      Bute had his friends as well as his enemies, and Pitt had his enemies as
      well as his friends. The press worked on both sides of the question; while
      it vilified Bute, it animadverted on Pitt's pensions and honours. At the
      same time the people were only partially in the favour of the ex-minister.
      The progress of addresses, resolutions, and condolences was languid, and
      in some instances the people were disposed to cast odium <i>upon</i>, and
      to blacken the character <i>of</i>, the retired secretary. The popularity
      of Pitt was, in truth, obscured with mists and clouds for a time, and it
      was not till after he had raised a few thunder-storms of opposition, that
      his political atmosphere once again became radiant with the sunshine of
      prosperity. For the mind of Pitt was not to be long borne down by its
      heavy weight of gratitude to royalty, or by public accusations: he soon
      shook off the one, and resolutely braved the other.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MARRIAGE OF THE KING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 8th of July the young king having called an extraordinary council,
      made the following declaration to its members:&mdash;"Having nothing so
      much at heart as to procure the welfare and happiness of my people, and to
      render the same stable and permanent to posterity, I have, ever since my
      accession to the throne, turned my thoughts towards the choice of a
      princess for my consort; and I now with great satisfaction acquaint you,
      that after the fullest information, and mature deliberation, I am come to
      a resolution to demand in marriage the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenberg
      Strelitz; a princess distinguished by every eminent virtue and amiable
      endowment; whose illustrious line has constantly shown the firmest zeal
      for the Protestant religion, and a particular attachment to my family. I
      have judged it proper to communicate to you these my intentions, in order
      that you may be fully apprised of a matter so highly important to me and
      to my kingdoms, and which I persuade myself will be most acceptable to my
      loving subjects."
    </p>
    <p>
      The preliminary negociations concerning this union had been conducted with
      great secresy, whence this announcement occasioned some surprise to most
      of the members of the extraordinary council. It met, however, with the
      warmest approbation of them all, and the treaty was concluded on the 15th
      of August. The Earl of Harcourt, with the Duchesses of Ancaster and
      Hamilton, were selected to escort the young bride to England, and Lord
      Anson was the commander of the fleet destined to convoy the royal yacht.
      Princess Charlotte arrived in England on the 7th of September, and on the
      following day she was escorted to St. James's, where she was met by his
      majesty.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the arrival of the future Queen of England, in a letter to one of
      his correspondents, Lord Harcourt had given this description of her:&mdash;"Our
      queen, that is to be, has seen very little of the world; but her very good
      sense, vivacity, and cheerfulness, I dare say will recommend her to the
      king, and make her the darling of the British nation. She is no regular
      beauty; but she is of a pretty size, has a charming complexion, with very
      pretty eyes, and is finely made." Lord Harcourt was right in his
      conjectures concerning the views which the king would take of his young
      bride. It is said, that in the first interview, although he saluted her
      tenderly, the king was disappointed in not finding in the princess those
      personal charms which he had expected. But this was only a momentary
      feeling. The king soon became interested in her artlessness, cheerful
      manners, and obliging disposition, while the whole court was loud in their
      praises of her affability, and even of her beauty. "In half an hour," says
      Horace Walpole, "one heard of nothing but proclamations of her beauty:
      everybody was content; everybody was pleased." So the marriage took place
      in the midst of good-humour and rejoicings: the nuptial benediction was
      given by Dr. Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of Cumberland
      gave away the bride.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CORONATION OF THEIR MAJESTIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Extraordinary preparations were made for the coronation of their
      majesties. It took place on the 22nd of September, and though described as
      solemn and magnificent, it did not materially differ from preceding
      coronations. The crown was placed on the head of the monarch by Archbishop
      Seeker, and before his majesty partook of the holy sacrament, he exhibited
      a very pleasing instance of piety before the assembled court. As he
      approached the altar, he asked if he might lay aside his crown; and when
      the archbishop, after consulting with Bishop Pearce, replied, that no
      order existed on the subject in the service, he rejoined, "Then it ought
      to be done;" at the same time taking the diadem from his head, he placed
      it, reverentially, on the altar. His majesty wished the queen to manifest
      the same reverence to the Almighty, but being informed that her crown was
      fastened to her hair, he did not press the subject. On the return of the
      procession, an incident occurred, which, had it happened among the nations
      of antiquity, would have been considered an omen of evil portent, which
      could only have been averted by a whole hecatomb of sacrifices. The most
      valuable diamond in his majesty's diadem fell from it, and was for some
      time lost, but it was afterwards found, and restored to his crown. The
      coronation of George III. could boast of one very extraordinary spectator
      among the many thousands present. This was Charles Edward Stuart, the
      young Pretender, who had come over in disguise, and who obtained admission
      into the abbey, and witnessed all the ceremonies consecrating a king on
      that throne which he considered legitimately belonged to his father or
      himself! It is said that George knew that he was in London, and that he
      would not allow him to be molested; feeling, no doubt, secure in the
      affections of a loyal people. And that he was secure, the éclat with which
      the great festival of his coronation passed off, fully manifested. All
      combined to testify that their majesties were very popular, and that they
      had good reasons for anticipating a happy and prosperous reign.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament met on the 3rd of November, when Sir John Cust was
      elected speaker of the commons. He was presented to his majesty on the
      6th, on which day the king, having first approved of the choice, thus
      addressed both houses:&mdash;"At the opening of the first parliament
      summoned and elected under my authority, I with pleasure notice an event
      which has made me completely happy, and given universal joy to my loving
      subjects. My marriage with a princess, eminently distinguished by every
      virtue and amiable endowment, while it affords me all possible domestic
      comfort, cannot but highly contribute to the happiness of my kingdoms,
      which has been, and always shall be, the first object in every action of
      my life.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It has been my earnest wish that this first period of my reign might be
      marked with another felicity; the restoring of the blessings of peace to
      my people, and putting an end to the calamities of war, under which so
      great a part of Europe suffers: but though overtures were made to me, and
      my good brother and ally, the King of Prussia, by the several belligerent
      powers, in order to a general pacification, for which purpose a congress
      was appointed, and propositions were made to me by France for a particular
      peace with that crown, which were followed by an actual négociation; yet
      that congress has not hitherto taken place, and the negociation with
      France is entirely broken off.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The sincerity of my disposition to effectuate this good work has been
      manifested in the progress of it: and I have the consolation to reflect,
      that the continuance of the war, and the further effusion of Christian
      blood, to which it was the desire of my heart to put a stop, cannot, with
      justice, be imputed to me.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Our military operations have been in no degree suspended or delayed; and
      it has pleased God to grant us further important success, by the conquest
      of the islands of Belleisle and Dominica: and by the reduction of
      Pondicherry, which has in a manner annihilated the French power in the
      East Indies. In other parts, where the enemy's numbers were greatly
      superior, their principal designs and projects have been generally
      disappointed, by a conduct which does the highest honour to the
      distinguished capacity of my general, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, and
      by the valour of my troops. The magnanimity and ability of the King of
      Prussia have eminently appeared in resisting such numerous armies, and
      surmounting so great difficulties.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In this situation I am glad to have an opportunity of receiving the
      truest information of the sense of my people by a new choice of their
      representatives: I am fully persuaded you will agree with me in opinion,
      that the steady exertion of our most vigorous efforts, in every part where
      the enemy may still be attacked with advantage, is the only means that can
      be productive of such a peace as may with reason be expected from our
      successes. It is therefore my fixed resolution, with your concurrence and
      support, to carry on the war in the most effectual manner, for the
      interest and advantage of my kingdoms; and to maintain to the utmost of my
      power the good faith and honour of my crown, by adhering firmly to the
      engagements entered into with my allies. In this I will persevere until my
      enemies, moved by their own losses and distresses, and touched with the
      miseries of so many nations, shall yield to the equitable conditions of an
      honourable peace: in which case, as well as in the prosecution of the war,
      I do assure you, no consideration whatever shall make me depart from the
      true interests of these my kingdoms, and the honour and dignity of my
      crown."
    </p>
    <p>
      His majesty concluded his speech by calling upon the commons for adequate
      supplies to enable him to prosecute the war with vigour, and by asking for
      a provision for the queen in case she should survive him. The commons,
      besides the usual address, sent a message of congratulation to the queen,
      and they proved the sincerity of their professions by making her a grant
      of £100,000 per annum, with Somerset House and the Lodge in Richmond Park
      annexed: a patent also passed the privy seal, granting her majesty the
      yearly sum of £40,000 for the support of her dignity. On the subject of
      the supplies for the ensuing year, however, a long and stormy debate took
      place; and a month elapsed before they were finally adjusted. Opposition
      to them chiefly arose from the circumstance that the sentiments of the
      people, and likewise of the court, were beginning to change respecting the
      German war. But Lord Egremont found himself compelled to walk in the very
      steps which Pitt had marked out, at least for some time, and the large
      demands made were pressed upon the parliament, and finally received its
      sanction. Seventy thousand seamen were voted, and it was agreed to
      maintain 67,676 effective men, beside the militia of England, two
      regiments of fencibles in Scotland, the provincial troops in America, and
      67,167 German auxiliaries. Some new taxes, also, were imposed, including
      an additional one on windows, and an increased duty on spirituous liquors,
      in order to pay the interest of £12,000,000, which it was found necessary
      to borrow, to make good the deficiences of last session. In the whole the
      supplies for the year 1762, voted by the parliament, amounted to more than
      £18,000,000: two millions of which were required for the defence of
      Portugal.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1760-1765
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of October, Lord Halifax, the new Lord-lieutenant of Ireland
      met his Majesty's first parliament in that country. The Irish parliament
      responded to the sentiments of the English parliament respecting the
      accession of the young monarch. Addresses replete with loyalty were voted
      by both houses; and the greatest confidence was expressed in the rule of
      Lord Halifax, auguring the happiest results from his administration, and
      promising cordial co-operation. That ill-fated country, however, was
      restless as the waves of the ocean. During the viceroyalty of the Duke of
      Bedford, it had been totally under the dominion of the lord's justices,
      and they had recently made an attempt to gain popularity, by expressing
      doubts in the privy council concerning the propriety of sending over a
      money bill, lest the rejection of it should occasion the dissolution of
      the new parliament, and thereby endanger the peace of the country. They
      were opposed in their views by Lord Chancellor Bowes and his party, and
      party violence was inflamed to the highest pitch. The popular coalition
      prevailed so far as to alter the established custom, by sending a bill not
      for the actual supplies, but relating to a vote of credit for Ireland,
      whence all ferment on this subject subsided. In such a contest it is not
      likely that the people would have joined, but they had grievances of their
      own, which endangered the public tranquillity. In his speech to the new
      parliament, Lord Halifax had recommended that the linen trade, which had
      been confined to the southern parts of the kingdom, should be extended
      throughout the country, inasmuch as there was a large demand for it, and
      it might thereby be made a source of wealth to the whole country. True
      patriots would have observed the wisdom of, and have acquiesced in, this
      measure; but self-interest in Ireland, as in all countries under the face
      of the sun, prevailed over the feelings of patriotism. The people in the
      southern parts of the kingdom murmured at such a project, as it would
      affect their personal interests, and their discontents were increased by
      the conversion of considerable quantities of land from a state of tillage
      to that of pasturage, for the purpose of feeding more cattle. By this
      measure, great numbers of the peasantry were deprived at once, not only of
      employment, but of their cottages. Many small farms were indeed still let
      to some cottagers at rack-rent, which cottages had the right of commonage,
      guaranteed to them in their leases; but afterwards the commons were
      enclosed, and no recompense was made to the tenants by the landlords. Thus
      provoked, and being joined by the idle and dissolute, these unhappy people
      sought to redress their own wrongs by acts of violence. Fences were
      destroyed, horses and arms were seized, cattle were maltreated, and
      obnoxious persons, especially tithe-proctors, were exposed to their
      vengeance. Many were stripped naked, and made to ride on horses with
      saddles formed of the skins of hedgehogs, or buried up to their chins in
      holes lined with thorns that were trodden down closely to their bodies.
      From their outrageous violence these people obtained the name of
      "Levellers," but afterwards, from the circumstance of their wearing white
      shirts over their clothes for the purpose of disguise, they were termed
      "White Boys." Their outrages demanded the strong arm of the law, and the
      royal troops were employed in their suppression. Many suffered the extreme
      penalty of the law, though many more were permitted to escape through the
      lenity of the judges, whence the disorders long prevailed. As the rioters
      were all Romanists, a popish plot was suspected, and the Romish clergy
      were charged with promoting their outrages. A motion was made in
      parliament to investigate this matter, but there not being sufficient
      evidence to inculpate any parties, it was dropped, and no efficient remedy
      was therefore applied to heal the disorder.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year had not closed before the ministers found that a rupture with
      Spain was inevitable. The first intimation of it was detected in the
      menacing conduct of the court of Versailles; and Lord Bristol, the English
      ambassador at Madrid, was instructed to demand the real intentions of
      Charles III., and the real purport of the family compact. General Wall,
      the Spanish minister replied more insolently than before; but an open
      rupture was avoided till the plate-ships had arrived at Cadiz with all the
      wealth expected from Spanish America. Then it was seen that the political
      vision of Pitt could penetrate much deeper than that of Bute and his
      colleagues. Complaining of the haughty spirit and the discord which
      prevailed in the British cabinet, and of the insults offered to his
      sovereign, Wall informed Bristol that he might leave Spain as soon as he
      pleased, and at the same time issued orders to detain all English ships
      then in the ports of Spain. Lord Bristol returned; the Count of Fuentes,
      the Spanish ambassador, quitted London, and war was mutually declared by
      both countries.
    </p>
    <p>
      The declaration of war was made on the 4th of January, and on the 19th
      parliament met after its adjournment, when the king informed both houses
      of the measures he had been compelled to adopt. The members of both houses
      were unanimous in their approbation of his majesty's conduct, and in
      assurances of vigorous support. The consideration of the intelligence,
      notwithstanding, caused a stormy debate, but as no regular opposition was
      organized, and government was supported by Pitt, clamour died away, and
      the war met with general approbation. In the house of lords, a motion was
      made reprobating the expense of the German campaigns, and recommending a
      recall of the British troops for the security of our own dominions; but it
      was strongly opposed, and the previous question was carried by a large
      majority. Preparations were therefore made for war with Spain, without
      diminishing the expenses of the war in Germany; and while fresh troops
      were enlisted, some wise alterations were made by parliament in the
      militia laws, by which a line was drawn between those persons liable to
      serve, and such as were exempt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Operations were commenced in the Havannah. On the 5th of March, an
      expedition sailed under the command of General Lord Albemarle and Admiral
      Pococke, in order to strike a severe blow against the commerce of Spain in
      that quarter. This expedition was joined in the West Indies by a strong
      squadron commanded by Sir James Douglas, and sailing through the Straits
      of Bahama, it arrived before the Havannah on the 5th of June. A landing
      was easily effected and siege was laid to the Moro, a strong fort which
      defended the harbour, and which was considered impregnable. The
      difficulties in making the approaches on a hard rocky soil were great, and
      the troops suffered from sickness, fatigue, and the fire of the enemy; but
      being joined by fresh reinforcements from New York and our West Indian
      Islands, the fort was isolated from the town, and it was then stormed
      through a narrow and perilous breach, and carried at the point of the
      bayonet. The city of Havannah maintained the siege a fortnight longer; but
      it was compelled to capitulate, and it was yielded up with 180 miles of
      country westward, or all the best part of the island of Cuba. Nine Spanish
      ships of the line and three frigates were taken in the harbour, and three
      ships of the line and a galleon were destroyed, while the booty that fell
      into the hands of the victors amounted to £3,000,000 sterling. But the
      ultimate advantages of this victory promised to be greater than its
      immediate results. By the possession of the Havannah, indeed, England
      obtained the absolute command of the passage pursued by the plate-fleets
      of Spain, and seemed to lay the wealth of that country at her feet.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not in the western hemisphere alone, that the dominions of the King
      of Spain were attacked. When the news of the war reached the East Indies
      an armament was fitted out at Madras, under the command of Admiral Cornish
      and Sir William Draper, which suddenly appeared off Manilla, the capital
      of Luconia, and the surrounding isles. Draper landed his forces and took
      possession of the suburbs of Manilla, before the inhabitants were well
      aware of the war between Spain and England. Manilla was governed by the
      archbishop, who proved by his conduct, that like the ecclesiastics of the
      middle ages, he could both fight and say mass. The archbishop excited the
      natives to assault the assailants in the rear, while at the head of about
      eight hundred Spainards he opposed them in front. The Indians fought with
      almost incredible ferocity; but they were cut to pieces by the sword, or
      died gnawing with their teeth the bayonets by which they were transfixed.
      The works of Manilla were carried by storm, and Draper's forces, which
      were chiefly composed of Sepoys and Lascars, began to plunder and destroy
      the city. The inner citadel, however, remained uncaptured, and the
      archbishop with the magistrates, and some of the garrison threw themselves
      into it for safety. A capitulation ensued, by which the city and port of
      Manilla, with several ships and the military stores, were surrendered to
      England, while a ransom was given for all private property, amounting to
      4,000,000 dollars. The fruits of this important conquest did not terminate
      here. Two ships were despatched from the British squadron to intercept the
      rich galleon Phillippina, and though they missed this prize, they captured
      the Santa Trinidad, a great Manilla and Acapulco galleon, with a cargo
      valued at 3,000,000 dollars. The whole group of islands then submitted to
      the English flag.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English arms were equally successful in a series of attacks on the
      remaining French West India Islands. Martinique, Grenada, the Grenadines,
      St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Tobago, were all captured by an army under
      general Moncton and a squadron under Admiral Rodney, so that England
      obtained possession of the entire chain of the Caribbees. It was in vain
      that the French in that part of the world sought to stem the onward
      progress of the British arms: they were overpowering, and being hopeless
      of succour from their mother-country, the French everywhere submitted to
      the conquerors.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRANCE AND SPAIN DECLARE WAR AGAINST PORTUGAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the news of the loss of Havannah and Manilla reached the court of
      Spain, that court had commenced a land campaign on the continent. A close
      alliance had long subsisted between England and Portugal, whence France
      and Spain at this period chose to consider the king of Portugal as the
      creature of the King of England. These two powers therefore determined on
      a rupture with Portugal, unless the Portuguese should renounce their
      English alliance. Preparations were accordingly made for an invasion of
      Portugal by France as well as by Spain, while in the meantime a joint
      memorial was presented by the two powers, inviting the king of that
      country to join the alliance of the Bourbons against Great Britain, which
      they were pleased to designate "the common enemy of all maritime nations."
      At the same time they insisted that he should expel all English merchants
      and English sojourners from his kingdom, and close his ports to English
      shipping. It was added that ii he acceeded to these proposals, his
      fortresses and sea-ports should be garrisoned by French and Spanish troops
      to protect him from England's vengeance, but that if he refused&mdash;and
      the answer was to be given within four days&mdash;he must take the
      consequences of such a line of policy.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were circumstances existing which ought to have disarmed all
      hostility on the part of France and Spain towards Portugal, even if that
      hostility had been founded in justice. The Portuguese had not yet
      recovered from the effects of the earthquake which, in 1756, had reduced a
      third part of Lisbon to a ruinous heap. Then again, the Portuguese power
      was acknowledged to be weak; but, above all, the King of Portugal was the
      near relation of the King of Spain. The weakness of the Portuguese
      government, however, was rather a temptation than a barrier to the view of
      the Spanish monarch, and as for the claims of kindred, they were absorbed
      in his views of ambition. Portugal was incorporated geographically, and he
      longed to incorporate it politically with Spain, whence the claims of
      misfortune and kindred were overlooked by him. Conscience, moreover, was
      not allowed to assert its sway over his actions, for he had armed himself
      against its lawful power by leaving the decision of peace or war to his
      Portuguese majesty. If he joined the Bourbon alliance, well and good, for
      the forces of France and Spain would obtain possession of Portugal at an
      easy rate; but if not, if he still adhered to his old alliance with
      England, then it would be manifest to all the world, if he lost the
      kingdom, it would be his own fault: in such cheap estimation does ambition
      hold morality.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period, Portugal had not an army exceeding 20,000 men, and her
      fleet was reduced to six ships of the line and a few frigates, while her
      fortresses were in ruins. In such a desperate condition, therefore, it
      might have been expected that, however repugnant to his inclinations, the
      heir of the house of Braganza would have broken his alliance with England,
      and have joined the Family Compact. Prudence would seem to have dictated
      such a step, but he acted otherwise. He had spirit enough to declare that
      he would never submit to such conditions; and the French and Spanish
      ambassadors quitted Lisbon, while their armies on the frontiers put
      themselves in motion towards his capital. Ruin seemed to await the monarch
      of Portugal. Braganza, Miranda, and Torre de Moncorvo were captured by the
      Marquis of Saria, who commanded the Spanish army north of the Douro, while
      another body of Spanish troops penetrated south of the Douro into Beira,
      and occupied a post near Almeida. But the Spaniards were doomed to receive
      a check. The militia and the brave peasantry of Portugal, assisted and
      directed by some British officers, maintained a destructive war of posts
      on the forces of Saria, and thus stemmed his onward progress till relief
      came from England.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of May, George III. ordered the following message to be laid
      before the house of commons:&mdash;"His majesty, relying on the known zeal
      and affection of his faithful commons, and considering that in this
      conjuncture emergencies may arise, which may be of the utmost importance,
      and be attended with the most pernicious consequences, if proper means
      should not be immediately applied to prevent or defeat them; and his
      majesty also taking into his most serious consideration the imminent
      danger with which the kingdom of Portugal, an ancient and natural ally of
      his crown, is threatened by the powers now in open war with his majesty,
      and of what importance the preservation of that kingdom is to the
      commercial interests of this country, is desirous that the house would
      enable him to defray any extraordinary expenses of the war incurred, or to
      be incurred for the service of the year 1762; and to take all such
      measures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprises or
      designs of his enemies against his majesty or his allies."
    </p>
    <p>
      This message was favourably received; Pitt advocated the cause of our
      ancient ally with fervour and eloquence, and the house of commons voted
      £1,000,000 sterling for the purposes therein specified. And this vote was
      followed by prompt and effective measures to arrest the arms of France and
      Spain. Eight thousand British troops under the command of Lord Tyrawley,
      the Earl of Loudon, General Townshend, Lord George Lennox, and Brigadiers
      Crawford and Burgoyne, landed in Portugal, and immediately commenced
      operations. At the same time the native Portuguese army consented to
      submit to the command of the Count de la Lippe, an active and experienced
      German officer, who had commanded the British artillery in Germany. The
      events of this campaign were complicated and various. Lippe concentrated
      the principal part of the Portuguese forces at Puente de Marcello, to
      prevent the progress of the Spanish arms northward, while Brigadier
      Burgoyne was detached to fall upon Valencia d'Alcantara, on the frontiers
      of Spain, southward. Burgoyne carried Valencia d'Alcantara by a <i>coup-de-main</i>,
      capturing a Spanish general with all his staff, and all the magazines
      which Spain had there collected for the purpose of an invasion along the
      Tagus, and then retraced his steps to Pnente de Marcello. At the same time
      Almeida was taken by the Spanish general, Count d'Aranda, and having
      garrisoned this place, and Ciudad Rodrigo, he marched towards the Tagus,
      designing to pass into the Alemtejo. When, however, he arrived at Villa
      Velha, on the Tagus, he found that the passage of the river would be
      disputed. Lippe, aware of his designs, had marched to Abrantes, the key of
      Portugal on the Tagus, and had posted detachments under Burgoyne and the
      Count de St. Jago at the adjacent passes of Alvite and at Niza. The
      Spanish general obtained possession of the castle of Villa Velha, and
      drove the Count de St. Jago from the pass of Alvite; but while some of the
      Spaniards were pursuing the routed Portuguese forces, Burgoyne threw a
      detachment across the Tagus upon Villa Velha, and while the Count
      d'Abrantes was amused in front by a feigned attack from Niza, this
      detachment, commanded by Colonel Lee, entered their quarters in the rear,
      and began a terrible fire of musquetry. It was under cover of the night
      that Lee entered the quarters of the Spanish commander, and thus
      surprised, the Spaniards were routed with terrible slaughter, while their
      magazines were destroyed and their guns spiked. This was a blow from which
      the Spaniards could not recover; and the French invading forces having
      failed in their co-operation, his provisions beginning to fail, the
      autumnal rains to descend in torrents, and the peasantry to block up the
      roads, the Count d'Aranda dismantled the few fortresses he had taken, and
      returned to Spain. To all these losses and defeats was added the capture
      of the Spanish ship, Hermione, off Cape St. Vincent, by the English,
      having treasure on board that amounted to nearly £1,000,000 sterling. The
      only expedition of the English which failed during this year was that
      against Buenos Ayres, which was as ill conceived as it was paltry. But
      this gave Spain no hope for the future. Taught experience by reverses, the
      war with England became, indeed, unpopular with the Spanish people, and
      their universal cry was, at the close of this campaign, "Peace with
      England, and war with all the world!"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in January of this year died the Czarina Elizabeth, one of the most
      bitter and inveterate enemies of our ally, the King of Prussia. She was
      succeeded in her empire by Peter III., who, by the month of March, had
      concluded a close alliance with Frederick, placing an army of 20,000 men,
      which had hitherto fought against him, entirely at his disposal to fight
      against Austria. This had no sooner become known to the English cabinet,
      than Bute and his party proposed that no further subsidies should be paid
      to Frederick; at the same time, they reminded his Prussian majesty, that
      he had himself declared that if he were once secured by the neutrality of
      Russia, he should have little need of further assistance from England. But
      the old Duke of Newcastle would not admit the validity of this reasoning
      of his colleagues. He waited on Bute, and declared his intention to
      resign, unless a subsidy of £2,000,000 was paid, and the continental war
      continued. Bute answered drily, "that if the money were granted, peace
      might be retarded;" but he never requested him to continue in office, nor
      said a civil word to the aged politician. Accordingly, the Duke repaired
      from the minister to his master, and resigned his office, refusing a
      pension which was offered as a reward for his services, and for the large
      sacrifices which he had made since he had been minister, out of his
      private fortunes. "If he could no longer be permitted to serve his
      country," he said, "he was at least determined not to be a burden on it:
      that if his private fortune had suffered by his loyalty, it was his
      pleasure, his glory, and his pride; and that he desired no reward but his
      majesty's approbation." Horace Walpole says, that he retired from the
      royal presence comparatively a poor man, to find how solitary and deserted
      could be the mansion of an ex-minister. Newcastle had been more than
      forty-five years in the cabinet, and this utter disregard to money-making
      exhibits his patriotism in a strong light: few would have served their
      country so long without well replenishing their coffers, especially at
      that age, when the virtues of disinterestedness and self-abnegation were
      exotic rather than indigenous to the human heart.
    </p>
    <p>
      Bute had his reasons for answering the Duke of Newcastle coldly, and the
      result answered his expectations. He succeeded the ex-minister at the head
      of the treasury, "taking the reins of government with almost as little
      experience as Phaeton, and meeting with a fall almost as soon." Mr. George
      Grenville was appointed secretary of state; but he afterwards exchanged
      posts with Lord Halifax, who had recently been appointed head of the
      admiralty. Lord Barrington was removed from the Exchequer in which office
      he was succeeded by Sir Francis Dashwood, and he was appointed treasurer
      of the navy. Soon after the Duke of Devonshire resigned his post of lord
      high chamberlain, and the Earl of Hardwicke retired from public life
      altogether. Many of the friends of the duke retained their places or
      accepted others; but several noblemen and commoners of distinction before
      the end of the year ranged themselves in the ranks of opposition. Amongst
      these was the Duke of Newcastle, who, although during the summer he had
      abstained from opposing the government, at length formed a political
      connexion with the Duke of Cumberland, whom he had before invariably
      opposed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EVENTS IN GERMANY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Frederick of Prussia had not only entered into an alliance with Russia,
      but towards the end of May he had concluded a peace with Sweden. Backed by
      these two powers he boasted that he was in possession of more advantages
      than he could have derived from gaining three pitched battles, and without
      waiting for the English subsidy he took the field. He began operations in
      Silesia, and directed his attention to the recovery of Schweidnitz. He was
      aided in his designs by his brother, Prince Henry, who had gained an
      important battle near Freyburg, and thus changed the aspect of affairs in
      Saxony; but while he was intent on his plans, he was threatened with a
      sudden reverse of fortune. This was the death of his new ally, the Czar
      Peter.
    </p>
    <p>
      After making peace with Frederick, and sending 20,000 of his troops to
      serve under him, Peter, from a spirit of admiration of the Prussian
      monarch, and of enthusiasm in his cause, insisted upon introducing the
      Prussian discipline, and even the Prussian uniform into his army. He set
      the example by appearing in the dress of a Prussian general, and he often
      observed that, if he had remained Duke of Holstein, he would have
      commanded a regiment in the Prussian service, and have become personally
      acquainted with Frederick. This naturally offended the national
      prejudices; but he took a more fatal step for his own welfare, by building
      or dedicating Protestant chapels, by ordering the removal of painted
      images of saints from the churches, and by checking the entrances of
      novices into convents. By these measures he therefore gained himself many
      enemies both among the military and the priesthood. Every third man he
      admitted into his councils or his presence, it has been said, was a
      traitor. His fall, however, might have been far distant but for the wife
      of his bosom. Catherine, Princess of Anhalt Zerbst, charmed the Russians
      as much as Peter disgusted them, and she was, moreover, induced to believe
      that he had discovered her guilty connexion with Count Gregory Orloff, and
      entertained a design of divorcing her and casting her into prison, that he
      might raise his own favourite mistress, Elizabeth Countess of Woronzow, to
      the throne. Hence&mdash;and being also inflamed with ambition&mdash;Catherine
      lent a willing ear to the complaints of the army, clergy, and nobility,
      and, aided by them, she effected another revolution in Russia. Habited in
      the garb of a man, and surrounded by some of the military and nobility,
      she proceeded to the church of the Virgin Mary of Casan, where a vast
      concourse of the clergy, the nobles, and the soldiery hailed her on her
      arrival as their deliverer. She was crowned sole empress by the Archbishop
      of Novogorod, and all present took the oath of allegiance to her. From the
      church, Catherine proceeded to the senate, which at once acknowledged her
      right, and swore fidelity to her cause. All the adherents of her husband
      were then arrested, and Peter himself was thrown into prison, where, after
      a few days, he died, as some say by disease, but more probably as others
      assert, by assassination.
    </p>
    <p>
      No one was more interested in these proceedings than Frederick of Prussia.
      He conceived that he might find an enemy as implacable in Catherine as he
      had found in her predecessor, Elizabeth. His forebodings were not fully
      realized, for while the empress recalled the Russian troops serving under
      him, she restored the Prussian territories which had been occupied by
      Elizabeth, and promised to observe a strict neutrality. Thus set free from
      his fears, Frederick proceeded in his campaign with his accustomed vigour.
      Schweidnitz and Silesia were recovered, and the Austrians were driven into
      Bohemia, one part of the Prussian army advancing to the very gates of
      Prague. At the same time, the allied armies, under Prince Ferdinand and
      the Marquis of Granby, reduced Cassel, expelled the French from Hesse, and
      effected the salvation of Hanover&mdash;events which created alarm and
      despondency in the French cabinet.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the uninterrupted success of the British arms, Lord Bute
      was still anxious for peace. And his views at this time were seconded by
      the voice of the people, who loudly complained of the increased taxation
      and the expenses and burdens consequent upon this protracted war.
      Accordingly, having indirectly sounded some of the French cabinet, Bute
      engaged the neutral King of Sardinia to propose that it should resume
      négociations for peace. Both France and Spain, taught experience by their
      reverses, were eager for such a consummation; and Louis XV. had no sooner
      received the hint, than he acted upon it with all his heart and soul.
      Notes were interchanged, and it was agreed that a minister should be
      appointed on either side forthwith. In compliance with this agreement, the
      Duke of Bedford went as plenipotentiary and ambassador extraordinary to
      Paris, and the Duke de Nivernois came over to London in the same capacity.
      Preliminaries for peace were signed at Fontainbleau, on the third of
      November, by the ministers of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal;
      and the sanction of the British parliament only was wanting to carry them
      into effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      The terms of the preliminaries signed at Fontainbleau were as follow:&mdash;France
      consented to restore Minorca; to evacuate Hanover, Cleves, Wesel,
      Gueldres, the territories of the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of
      Brunswick, and the Count de la Lippe Bucke-burg, and every place taken
      from his Prussian majesty. France, also, renounced all pretensions to Nova
      Scotia, and ceded the islands of Cape Breton and St. John, with the entire
      province of Canada, including the islands in the Gulf and River of St.
      Lawrence; that part of Louisiana which is situate east of the Mississippi,
      and the tract between the Ohio and St. Lawrence, on which French forts had
      been erected, and which had been the proximate cause of the war. On her
      part Spain resigned East and West Florida, with all pretensions to fish on
      the coast of Newfoundland; and conceded the full right of cutting logwood
      in the Bay of Honduras. France and Spain promised full restitution to
      Portugal, and the fortifications of Dunkirk were to be demolished,
      according to the tenor of previous treaties. For these advantages, England
      agreed to restore Pondicherry, in the East Indies, Goree, in Africa, and
      Martinique, Guadaloupe, Mari-galante, Desirade, and St. Lucie, in the West
      Indies, to France, together with Belleisle, in Europe. To Spain she was to
      give up the Havannah, with all other conquests in Cuba, The conquests
      England retained, beside those specified in the preliminaries, were
      Senegal, in Africa, and St. Vincent, Dominique, Tobago, Grenada, and the
      Grenadines, in the West Indies. On the whole, England would evidently
      become a great gainer; but the terms gave rise to great contention, and a
      struggle of party on the meeting of Parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT AND THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the great body of the people of England desired peace, yet there
      was a section of the community equally desirous for the continuance of the
      war. The citizens of London had largely profited by it; and during the
      negociations of last year they had instructed their representatives to
      oppose any peace which did not reserve to England all, or the greater
      part, of their conquests. This feeling was heightened by the successes of
      the last campaign, and while the whole glory of the war was assigned by
      them to Pitt, the very name of peace was considered as a sacrifice of the
      national honour. Encouraged by these feelings, Pitt organised a party in
      opposition to the cabinet, and he was aided in this by many of the Whigs,
      who, irritated by the removal of so many of their adherents from office,
      looked with jealousy upon the actions of the favourite minister, Bute. The
      premier, likewise, was very unpopular with the people, for although his
      views of peace coincided with their own, yet he lacked the genius which
      could alone command their admiration; and his cold, formal manners, and
      known lust of power, subjected him to their scorn and contempt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 25th of November, and the preliminaries of peace
      were then laid before both houses for their decision. In his opening
      speech, his majesty remarked upon this subject:&mdash;"It was impossible
      to execute what this nation has so gloriously performed in all parts of
      the world, without the loss of great numbers of men. When you consider
      this loss, whether on the principles of policy or humanity, you will see
      one of the many reasons which induced me to enter early into negociation,
      so as to make considerable progress in it before the fate of many
      operations was determined; and now, to hasten the conclusion of it, to
      prevent the necessity of making preparations for another campaign. As by
      this peace my territories are greatly augmented, and new sources opened
      for trades and manufactures, it is my earnest desire that you would
      consider of such methods, in the settlements of our new acquisitions, as
      shall most effectually tend to the security of those countries, and to the
      improvement of the commerce and navigation of Great Britain. I cannot
      mention our acquisitions without earnestly recommending to your care and
      attention my gallant subjects, by whose valour they were made. We could
      never have carried on this extensive war without the greatest union at
      home. You will find the same union peculiarly necessary in order to make
      the best use of the great advantages acquired by the peace, and to lay the
      foundation of that economy which we owe to ourselves and to our posterity,
      and which can alone relieve this nation from the heavy burdens brought on
      it by the necessities of this long and expensive war."
    </p>
    <p>
      There were points in this pacific speech of his majesty which were
      perfectly unanswerable. Humanity, and the burdens of the country demanded
      that the sword should be sheathed, and the demand was eloquently seconded
      by the great advantages which England would secure by the peace.
      Notwithstanding, opposition was not disarmed, and a fierce war of words
      ensued. The motion for an address in the house of commons, approving of
      the terms of the treaty, was moved by Mr. Fox, Pitt's ancient rival, who
      still retained the lucrative place of paymaster of the forces. Pitt
      followed on the opposite side. He came to the house, suffering from gout
      and wrapped up in flannel; but, nevertheless, supported by two members, in
      an elaborate argument of more than three hours, he advanced every
      objection that could be urged against the negociations. The whole tenor of
      the treaty was denounced by him as unsound and impolitic, and as
      derogatory to the honour of England. He came, he said, at the hazard of
      his life to the house that day, to lift up his voice, his hand, and his
      arm against the preliminary articles of a treaty which obscured all the
      glories of the war, surrendered up the interests of the nation, and
      sacrificed the public faith by the abandonment of long-tried and faithful
      allies. Fox, supported by George Grenville, replied in a less eloquent;
      tone, but with more cogent arguments, and the ministers obtained a large
      majority. In the house of lords, Bute undertook the defence of the
      measure, and in his speech, the clauses of which fell from his lips like
      so many minute-guns, he detailed the rise and progress of the negociations
      at large, and set forth the advantages which England would derive from the
      treaty in the best manner his talents for oratory&mdash;which were very
      mean&mdash;would permit. He concluded his speech with declaring, that he
      desired no other epitaph to be inscribed on his tomb, than that he was the
      adviser of such a peace. He was opposed by Lord Temple, and supported by
      the Earl of Halifax; and notwithstanding all the arguments of the opposing
      peers, the address was carried by a large majority. The treaty was
      therefore signed, and commercial communications, which had been stopped
      during the war, were reopened with France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Pitt had declared in his speech, that the desertion of the King of
      Prussia, England's most magnanimous ally, was insidious, base, and
      treacherous. A glance at the preliminaries will suffice to prove that
      Frederick's interests were not forgotten. Frederick, moreover, was now in
      a condition to defend himself. At this very time, in fact, he had induced
      all the princes and states in Germany to sign a declaration of neutrality,
      which led first to a truce between Austria and Prussia, then to a
      congress, and finally, in that congress, to a treaty of peace between
      Austria, Prussia, Saxony, and Poland. This treaty was not signed till the
      15th of February, 1763, but its terms were agreed upon before the close of
      the present year. Frederick retained Silesia, and all the territories that
      belonged to him before the war, and the other powers were compelled to
      rest satisfied with their legitimate possessions, without the slightest
      reparation for the damages they had endured, and the sums they had spent,
      during this dream of their ambition. Thus ended this Seven Years' War&mdash;a
      war which had cost millions of lives, and in which a large portion of
      Europe was devastated, and carnage was earned into every quarter of the
      globe. England was a gainer by it, but her acquisitions cost so much
      blood, and treasures, that it may fairly be questioned whether her
      advantages were commensurate with the price she paid for them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE RESIGNATION OF BUTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the large majority ministers had obtained in both houses
      of parliament on the subject of the newly-signed treaty, causes were at
      work which soon effected their overthrow. Pitt was resolutely bent on
      driving Bute from office; his stern opposition being ostensibly founded on
      an assertion that he had thrown away the best advantages in the treaty of
      peace. He was joined in his opposition by the old Duke of Newcastle, whose
      halls again became the resort of politicians. Meetings were held at his
      residence, in which nobles and commons alike concerted together the means
      of making the peace unpopular, and bringing Bute into still greater
      contempt with the public. Pens, dipped in gall, were set to work to
      demonstrate to the people that Martinique, Guadaloupe, St. Lucie,
      Pondicherry, and the Havannah ought to have been retained in the treaty of
      Fontainebleau; that compensation in money ought to have been obtained from
      both France and Spain; that, by demolishing the forts in Honduras, English
      subjects were deprived of the log-wood trade, and subjected to the jealous
      rage of the Spaniards; and that an opportunity of humbling the house of
      Bourbon had been completely thrown away. In maintaining these
      propositions, dark insinuations were thrown out, reflecting upon the
      characters of Bute, the king's mother, and the Duke of Bedford. They had
      all, it was said, touched French gold. Epigrams, scandals, and stories,
      also, concerning Bute and the princess dowager, rang from one end of the
      country to the other. And the conduct of the princess and Bute seemed to
      justify the scandal, although it does not appear to have rested on sure
      grounds. Thus they precluded, as much as possible, all access to the king,
      except to Bute's relatives connexions, and dependents; and when Bute
      visited the princess it was generally in the evening, and then in a
      sedan-chair belonging to a lady of the household of the princess, and with
      close-drawn curtains. His enemies did not fail to take advantage of his
      imprudent conduct, and they soon succeeded in making him the most
      unpopular man in the three kingdoms. This soon became manifest to the
      royal favourite; for addresses on occasion of this peace were refused by
      the counties of York and Surrey, and they came in slowly and ill-supported
      from other quarters. Bute, however, was too proud and unconciliating to
      make any attempt to set himself right in public opinion, and he suffered
      his enemies to work on, till his character became unredeemable, and his
      downfall was effected.
    </p>
    <p>
      Still Bute might possibly have enjoyed his high station for some time
      longer had there not existed at this time a necessity for an increase of
      taxation, and for a loan of three millions and a half, to enable
      government to pay debts contracted during the war. This necessity could
      not be fairly imputed to Bute, but he was unfortunate in his plan of
      raising the loan, and in his choice of new taxes. Instead of throwing the
      loan open to competition, he disposed of the shares privately, and they
      immediately rose to eleven per cent, premium; whence he was charged with
      gratifying himself or his dependents with £350,000 at the public expense.
      His new tax was produced in the shape of ten shillings duty per hogshead
      on cider and perry, which was to be paid by the first purchaser, while an
      additional duty of eight pounds per ton was proposed to be laid on French
      wines, and half that sum on other wines. The tax on cider raised such a
      storm of opposition from the country members generally, without reference
      to party, that Bute was induced to alter both the sum and the mode of
      levying it&mdash;four shillings per hogshead was to be paid, and it was to
      be levied upon the grower, through the medium of the exciseman. This was
      not an unreasonable tax, for ale and porter were already taxed both
      directly and indirectly, and no argument could show that while a liquor
      produced from malt contributed to the public exigencies, a liquor produced
      from apples should be exempt. Englishmen, however, were always averse to
      the visits of the excisemen; and the city of London, the cities of Exeter
      and Worcester, and the counties of Devonshire and Herefordshire, the
      interests of which were concerned in the matter more nearly than the
      citizens of London, petitioned the commons, the lords, and the throne,
      against the bill. A general threat was made, that the apples should rot
      upon the ground rather than be made into a beverage subject to such a duty
      and such annoyances. In the house of commons, also, Pitt spoke long and
      eloquently against the bill; inveighing bitterly against the intrusion of
      officers into the private dwellings of Englishmen; quoting the well-known
      maxim that in England "every man's house is his castle." Stern opposition
      was, moreover, made in the house of lords; and, had Bute been wise, he
      would have bowed deferentially to the public feeling, and have adopted
      some other mode of raising the money less repugnant to the temper and
      disposition of the people. Bute, however, to use a figurative expression,
      proudly bared his head to the tempest which was playing around him. He was
      determined that the bill should pass, and he carried his point despite the
      fierce opposition of the whole country. The bill passed into a law, and
      although there were four different kinds of cider, varying in price from
      five to fifty shillings per hogshead, they were all taxed alike.
    </p>
    <p>
      Yet Bute was not made of such stern material that he could defy the people
      with impunity. He had gained this victory over them, but he evidently felt
      that their voice was omnipotent, and that if he longer resisted it, he
      might possibly one day, and that soon, be doomed to suffer disgrace by
      defeat. Under these circumstances, almost as soon as the bill passed into
      a law, he surprised his friends and his enemies alike, by suddenly
      tendering his resignation. Opinions varied as to his motives for taking
      such a step. Some of his enemies said that he had retired from the rising
      storm of national indignation, and that Pitt had politically killed him;
      others that the king and queen, whose strict morality of conduct was well
      known, had at length taken umbrage at his intimacy with the queen dowager;
      while others asserted that he abandoned his post from a consciousness of
      guilt, and a dread of impeachment for certain acts not yet made known to
      the public. On the other hand, his friends asserted that his retirement
      arose from his hatred of the intrigues of a public life, and represented
      him as panting in the midst of the toils of his office for literary and
      rural retirement. His own reason, as expressed to a friend, was, that he
      found himself powerless in his own cabinet. "Single in a cabinet of my own
      forming," he observed, "no aid in the house of lords to support me, except
      two peers, [Denbigh and Pomfret]; both the secretaries of state silent,
      and the lord chief justice, whom I myself brought into office, voting for
      me, yet speaking against me; the ground I tread upon is so hollow, that I
      am afraid, not only of falling myself, but of involving my royal master in
      my ruin. It is time for me to retire." Bute retired as proudly as he had
      exercised his office, for he neither asked for pension nor sinecure, and
      his retirement was followed by that of Sir Francis Dashwood, chancellor of
      the exchequer, and of Fox, who were elevated to the peerage: the former as
      Baron le Despencer, and the latter as Baron Holland. Mr. George Grenville
      succeeded to the premiership, and also to the place which had been
      occupied by Dashwood, uniting in himself the offices of chancellor of the
      exchequer and first lord of the treasury. But Bute still acted behind the
      scenes. He pulled the strings, and Grenville and the rest of the cabinet
      answered his motions, as mechanically as though they had been so many
      puppets. Grenville, indeed, seems to have been chosen by the king and
      Bute, as a willing instrument for carrying their plans into ready
      execution.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CHARACTER AND IMPEACHMENT OF WILKES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most sturdy opponents of Bute and his administration had been
      the celebrated John Wilkes, member of parliament for Aylesbury, and a
      lieutenant-colonel in the Buckinghamshire militia. On first entering into
      office, Bute, by the advice of Bubb Doddington, had established a
      newspaper, styled "The Briton," the ostensible object of which was, to
      advocate the measures of Bute's administration. Many writers were employed
      to write for this paper; and while they exalted the premier, they did not
      fail to vilify his opponents. To oppose this organ of the ministers,
      another paper was set on foot, and conducted by Wilkes, under the the
      title of "The North Briton." Wilkes was a man of ruined fortune and of
      dissolute habits; but he was active, enterprising, and daring, and
      possessed a considerable fund of wit and repartee. In the beginning of
      this reign, he had solicited a lucrative post under government, but had
      been disappointed. His failure was attributed by him to the influence
      which Bute held over the monarch, and he began to vent his spleen against
      the minister and his coadjutors in scandalizing and calumniating their
      actions and private characters. Both in conversation and in the "North
      Briton," they were ever made the butts of his ready wit. He even reviled,
      stigmatized, and heaped curses upon Bute's country and countrymen.
      According to his showing, the river Tweed was the line of demarcation
      between all that was honourable and noble, and all that was dishonourable
      and servile&mdash;south of that river, honour, virtue, and patriotism
      flourished; north of it, malice, meanness, and slavery prevailed. Every
      Scotchman was painted by him as a hungry beggar, time-server, and traitor.
      Wilkes was, perhaps, not singular in his antipathies at this time against
      the Scotch, for wiser men than him exhibited them in their writings and in
      their conversation, arising in a great measure from the circumstance of
      the introduction of large numbers of them into the offices of government.
      But in this, Bute acted as any other man would have done under similar
      circumstances, as every one possesses by nature a predilection for their
      own country and countrymen. This conduct, therefore, of Wilkes was as
      unwise as it was unjust and impolitic. Still no danger would have occurred
      to himself from the display of such bitter feelings, had he confined his
      malevolence to the subjects of Great Britain. Grown bold by impunity,
      however, Wilkes at length pointed his pen at the royal family, and even at
      the monarch himself; and, by so doing, he raised a persecution against
      himself, which has rendered him a prominent object in the annals of his
      country. On the 19th of April his majesty prorogued parliament, and in the
      next number of the "North Briton," the celebrated 45th, Wilkes accused the
      monarch of uttering a direct falsehood in his speech on that occasion.
      Whether Grenville was more sensitive than his predecessor had shown
      himself, or whether Bute instigated him to take notice of this attack, in
      order to revenge himself upon Wilkes, is not clear, but it is certain that
      on the 26th a general warrant was issued from the secretary of state's
      office, signed and sealed by Lord Halifax, for the arrest of the authors,
      printers, and publishers of the seditious paper, and for the seizure of
      their papers. No names were specified in this warrant, and within three
      days, no less than forty-nine persons were taken upon mere suspicion.
      These were innocent, but on the 29th, Kearsley, the avowed publisher, and
      Balfe, the printer, were taken into custody, who confessed that Wilkes was
      the author of the paper. Accordingly, the crown lawyers having been
      consulted, the messengers were directed to seize Wilkes, and bring him
      forthwith before the secretary of state. It was in vain that the offender
      asserted that they were acting upon an illegal warrant: his papers were
      seized, and he was carried before Lord Halifax. At the request of Wilkes,
      his friend, Lord Temple, applied to the court of common pleas for a writ
      of habeas corpus, and the motion was granted; but before it could be
      prepared, he was committed to the Tower in close custody, and his friends,
      his counsel, and his solicitor were denied access to him. The confinement
      of Wilkes, however, was of short duration, for on the 3rd of May, a writ
      of habeas corpus was directed to the constable of the Tower, by which he
      was brought before the court in Westminster Hall. In that court he made a
      virulent speech against the existing administration, broadly asserting
      that there was a plot among its members for destroying the liberties of
      the nation, and that he was selected as their victim, because they could
      not corrupt him with their gold. The court took time to consider the
      matter, and on the 6th, Lord Chief Justice Pratt proceeded to deliver the
      joint opinion of the judges. This opinion was, that though the commitment
      of Wilkes and the general warrant were not in themselves illegal, as they
      were justified by numerous precedents, yet he was entitled to his
      discharge by virtue of his privilege as a member of parliament; that
      privilege being only forfeited by members who were guilty either of
      treason, felony, or a breach of the peace. Wilkes was therefore
      discharged, but the attorney-general immediately instituted a prosecution
      against him for the libel in question, and the king deprived him of his
      commission as colonel in the Buckinghamshire militia, and dismissed his
      friend Lord Temple from the lord-lieutenancy of Buckinghamshire, and
      struck his name out of the roll of privy councillors. The liberation of
      Wilkes was followed by a long inky war. Upon regaining the use of his pen,
      he wrote a letter to the secretaries of state, in which he complained of
      the treatment he had received, and accused them of holding in their hands,
      goods of which his house had been robbed by their messengers. This letter,
      to which government replied, was printed and distributed by thousands, and
      considerable numbers of the opposition in parliament rallied round the
      author of the "North Briton," while the populace began to hail him
      throughout the country, as the noblest patriot England had known since the
      days of Algernon Sidney and Hampden. Taking advantage of his popularity,
      when he found publishers averse to the hazard of publishing his works, he
      established a printing-press in his own house, where he struck off copies
      of the proceedings against him, which were sold at one guinea each; a
      blasphemous and obscene poem entitled, "An Essay on Woman," with
      annotations; and the forty-five first numbers of the "North Briton," with
      notes and emendations. His pen was seconded by hundreds of newspaper
      writers and pamphleteers who wrote on his behalf, and John Wilkes thereby
      became one of the most popular men in all England. Men, even of talents
      and probity, though they detested his immoralities, associated his name
      with the idea of liberty, and the proceedings against him were designated
      as the tyrannical efforts of arbitrary power.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1760-1765
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. George Grenville had been first brought into notice by his connexion
      with Mr. Pitt. He was a man of integrity and of understanding, but he
      lacked the personal influence, and the abilities which could alone give
      stability to a political party. His proceedings against Wilkes, moreover,
      had brought his cabinet into public contempt, and in the month of August
      he was deprived of the best supporter of his administration, by the death
      of Lord Egremont. The loss of this nobleman brought his cabinet, indeed,
      to the verge of dissolution, and a coalition of parties was hence deemed
      desirable. To this end Bute waited, at his majesty's commands, on his
      stern rival, Pitt, to whom he stated the king's wish of employing
      political talent and integrity without respect of persons or parties. This
      was done without the knowledge of the members of the existing cabinet, and
      Pitt consented to wait upon his majesty at Buckingham House. He was
      received graciously, and in a conference which lasted three hours, he
      expatiated on the infirmities of the peace, and the disorders of the
      state; and the remedy he proposed to adopt, was the restoration of the
      Whigs to office; they only, he asserted, having the public confidence.
      This was on Saturday, the 27th of August, and at this time his majesty
      made no objection to his proposals, and he appointed a second interview on
      the following Monday. On Sunday, Pitt was closeted with the Duke of
      Newcastle, in arranging the new administration, in full confidence that
      the king was acquiescent. Pitt, however, did not find his majesty so
      pliant on the Monday, as he expected, and he was doomed to experience a
      complete disappointment of his views and hopes. The king wished to provide
      for Grenville, by allotting him the profitable place of paymaster of the
      forces, and to restore Lord Temple to favour, by placing him at the head
      of the treasury; but although both Grenville and Temple were Pitt's
      relatives, he would not consent. "The alliance of the great Whig interests
      which had supported the revolution government," he said, "was
      indispensable." The whole project, therefore, fell to the ground. His
      majesty broke up the conference by observing, "This will not do; my honour
      is concerned, and I must support it."
    </p>
    <p>
      Negociation with Pitt having failed, overtures were made to the Duke of
      Bedford, who, it was thought, possessed sufficient influence&mdash;though
      he was little less unpopular than Bute himself&mdash;to support the
      tottering cabinet. His grace accepted the post of lord president of the
      council, Lord Sandwich was made secretary of state, and Lord Egmont was
      placed at the head of the admiralty. Grenville still retained his post,
      though the Duke of Bedford gave his name to the ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT, AND FURTHER PROCEEDINGS AGAINST WILKES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 15th of November, when his majesty exhorted both
      houses to cultivate the blessings of peace; to improve the commercial
      acquisitions of the country; to attend to the reduction of the debts
      contracted in the late war; to improve the navy; and to promote domestic
      union, and discourage the licentious spirit which prevailed, to the utter
      subversion of the true principles of liberty.
    </p>
    <p>
      The allusion in his Majesty's speech to the licentious spirit prevalent at
      that time in England, had reference to Wilkes and his associates. Many men
      of fashion and dissipation had lived with him and upon him recently as
      boon companions and partners in debauchery. Together with him, they formed
      the Dilettanti Club in Palace Yard, and they also revived the Hell-Fire
      Club of the days of the Duke of Wharton, at Medmenham Abbey, Bucks, where
      they revelled in obscenity, and made everything that was moral or
      religious, a subject of their scorn and derision. Over the grand entrance
      of this abbey was inscribed, <i>Fays ce que voudras</i>, "Do what you
      like;" and the jokes of the members of the club consisted principally in
      wearing monkish dresses, and drinking wine out of a communion cup to a
      pagan divinity. For the entertainment of these men, some of whom were even
      more conspicuous in their profligacy than Wilkes himself, he took a house
      at the court end of the town, by which he incurred expenses his fortune
      could not support, and which they were not willing to discharge. They
      could feast at his table, and drink his claret; but his entertainments and
      his wit, which they equally enjoyed, must be set down to his own account.
      Nay, one of his companions, the new secretary of state, Lord Sandwich, one
      of the most notorious of the whole club, now suddenly turned round upon
      him, and accused him of leading a profligate and debauched life!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the return of the commons to their own house, Grenville, aware of the
      intention of Wilkes to make a formal complaint respecting the breach of
      privilege, anticipated him by relating what had passed in the arrest and
      liberation of that member, and by laying the libel on the table. The house
      by a large majority-resolved, that the 45th No. of the "North Briton" was
      a false, scandalous, and seditious libel, and ordered that the said paper
      should be burned by the hands of the common hangman. In reply, Wilkes
      declared that the rights of all the members had been violated in his
      person, and he requested that the question of privilege should be at once
      taken into consideration. The house adjourned this question for one week,
      but on the same night, Lord Sandwich produced in the house of lords, a
      copy of the "Essay on Woman," and loudly exclaimed against the profaneness
      and indecency of this poetical production of Wilkes. His attack on Wilkes
      surprised most men who heard him, but he was followed by one who had a
      right to complain. Dr. Warburton, now Bishop of Gloucester, inveighed
      bitterly on the use which had been made of his name in the annotations,
      and commented in severe language on the outrageous infidelity of the
      production, declaring that when the author of it arrived in hell, he would
      not find one companion there among its "blackest fiends." A day was
      appointed for bringing John Wilkes to their lordship's bar, to answer to a
      charge of a breach of privilege; but in the meantime, an event occurred
      which rendered it impossible for him to appear. In the course of the
      debate in the lower house, Mr. Martin, member for Camelford, who had been
      secretary to the treasury during Bute's administration, and had been
      attacked in the "North Briton," stigmatized Wilkes as a "cowardly,
      malignant, and scandalous scoundrel." His words were twice repeated, as he
      looked across the house at the object of his attack, with rage flashing
      from his eyes. Wilkes seemed to hear with cool indifference, but on
      leaving the house, he addressed a note to Martin, and a meeting in Hyde
      Park was the consequence, in which the former was dangerously wounded. It
      was reported the next day that he was delirious, and crowds of people
      surrounded his house, hooting and shouting at his murderers: had he died,
      the populace would have considered him a martyr in the cause of liberty;
      but he recovered.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of privilege came on in the house of commons on the 23rd of
      November, and it lasted two whole days. Wilkes was defended by Pitt, who
      came to the house again enveloped in flannel, and this time supported by
      crutches. While Pitt defended him, however, he was careful to maintain his
      own character. He condemned the whole series of "North Britons," as
      illiberal, unmanly, and detestable; declaimed against all national
      reflections, as having a tendency to promote disloyal feelings and
      disunity: asserted that his majesty's complaint was well founded, just,
      and necessary; and declared that the author did not deserve to rank among
      the human species, as he was the blasphemer of his God, and the libeller
      of his sovereign. He was not connected with Wilkes, he said, nor had he
      any connexion with writers of his stamp. At the same time, he reprobated
      the facility with which parliament was surrendering its own privileges,
      carefully impressing on the house, that in so doing, he was simply
      delivering a constitutional opinion, and not vindicating the character of
      John Wilkes. The speech of Pitt was characterised by great eloquence and
      acuteness, but the measure was warmly defended by other members, and at
      the conclusion, a resolution was carried by a large majority, to the
      effect, "That the privilege of parliament does not extend to the case of
      writing and publishing seditious libels, nor ought to be allowed to
      obstruct the ordinary course of the laws in the speedy and effectual
      prosecution of so heinous and dangerous an offence." The concurrence of
      the lords was not obtained without considerable difficulty, and when it
      was obtained, a spirited protest was signed by seventeen peers, affirming
      it to be "incompatible with the dignity, gravity, and justice of the
      house, thus to explain away a parliamentary privilege of such magnitude
      and importance, founded in the wisdom of ages, declared with precision in
      their standing orders, repeatedly confirmed, and hitherto preserved
      inviolable by the spirit of their ancestors; called to it only by the
      other house on a particular occasion, and to serve a particular purpose,
      <i>ex post facto, ex parte, et pendente lite</i>, the courts below." On
      the 1st of December, a conference of both houses took place, when both
      lords and commons agreed in a loyal address to the king, expressive of
      their detestation of the libels against him; and Wilkes was ordered to
      attend at the bar of the commons in a week, should his health permit.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime&mdash;on the 3rd of the month&mdash;there was a terrible
      riot in London occasioned, by the burning of the "North Briton" in
      Cheapside. The execution of this sentence was entrusted to Alderman
      Harley, sheriff of London, and he assembled the city officers and the
      common hangman at the Royal Exchange, to put it into effect. The people,
      however, manifested a very different spirit from that of their
      representatives. So violent were they, that Harley was compelled to
      retreat to the Mansion House, where the lord mayor was sitting, surrounded
      by members of the common council, who were almost to a man the friends and
      admirers of Wilkes, and therefore not disposed to take part in the matter.
      The hangman was compelled to follow the sheriff. He had succeeded in
      partially burning the paper with a link, when cheered on by some gentlemen
      standing at the windows of houses near the spot, the mob rushed upon him,
      and rescued the fragments, carrying them in triumph to Temple Bar, where a
      fire was kindled and a large jack-boot was committed to the flames, in
      derision of the Earl of Bute. The city was restored to its usual
      tranquillity in about an hour and a half, the mob dispersing of their own
      accord; but the affair occupied the attention of parliament four days,
      during which time nothing else was done, except voting a pension of
      £80,000 as a dowry to the Princess Augusta, the king's sister, who was
      about to be married to the Duke of Brunswick. In the debate on the subject
      of the riot, it was fully manifested that the populace of London was
      generally in favour of Wilkes; but both houses concurred in voting that
      the rioters were disturbers of the public peace, dangerous to the
      liberties of the country, and obstructors of national justice. Thanks were
      also voted to the sheriffs, and an address was presented to his majesty,
      praying that measures might be taken to discover and punish the offenders.
    </p>
    <p>
      By their proceedings against Wilkes ministers had surrounded themselves
      with a maze of perplexity. Actions were brought by the printers, and
      others arrested under the general warrant, to recover damages for false
      imprisonment, and a verdict was universally given in their favour. These
      actions were brought against the messengers: Wilkes had nobler game in
      view. He brought actions against the two secretaries of state, Lord
      Egremont and Lord Halifax, and against Robert Wood, Esq., late
      under-secretary. Egremont was now dead, Halifax stood upon his privilege
      and defied the court, till relieved by the sentence of outlawry that was
      passed upon Wilkes, but Wood was condemned to pay £1000 damages to the
      plaintiff. At this trial, the lord chief justice Pratt was bold enough to
      declare that general warrants were unconstitutional, illegal, and
      absolutely void, and to challenge a reference of this opinion to the
      twelve judges. This was not deemed expedient, and Pratt's judgment
      respecting the illegality of warrants was shortly afterwards confirmed by
      the court of king's bench. The boldness of Pratt secured for him great
      popularity. He was presented with the freedom of the cities of London and
      Dublin, and others; and in addition to this mark of respect, the
      corporation of London requested that he would sit for his picture, which
      was to be placed in Guildhall, as a memorial of their gratitude.
    </p>
    <p>
      The popularity of Wilkes was at this time increased by an attempt made
      upon his life by one Alexander Dun, a Scotchman, who sought admission into
      the patriot's house, and who publicly declared that he and ten others were
      determined to cut him off. A new penknife was found in his pocket, and for
      this alleged attempt against the life of a member of parliament, Dun was
      carried before the commons, who voted him insane, and ordered his
      dismissal. The court of king's bench, however, committed Dun to prison for
      want of bail and securities, and looking upon facts only in a cursory
      light, the people believed that the government was determined to make away
      with the defender of their liberties. All this tended to render the
      cabinet so obnoxious, that Horace Walpole was apprehensive that there
      would have been some violent commotion.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the day arrived for the attendance of Wilkes at the bar of the house
      of commons, two medical gentlemen, Dr. Brocklesby and Mr. Graves appeared,
      and made a declaration that he was unable, from the state of his health,
      to obey the summons. The house granted a week's delay, and the excuse
      being repeated, the grant was extended beyond the Christmas recess. At the
      same time it was ordered that a physician and surgeon of their own
      appointing should see Wilkes, and report their opinion on his case. These
      were refused admittance into his house; but to vindicate the character of
      his own medical attendants, and to have the laugh at the ministry, he
      called in two Scotch doctors, observing that as the house wished him to be
      watched, two Scotchmen would prove the most proper spies.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Christmas recess arrived, and the Christmas festivities afforded a
      short truce to this war of politicians. Wilkes, who could not have been so
      ill as represented, went to Paris, where he obtained great admiration by
      his wit in the salons and soirées of that gay city. He was thus employed
      when the parliament met on the 19th of January, 1764. This was the day
      fixed for his appearance, but the speaker produced a letter from him,
      enclosing a certificate signed by a French physician and a French surgeon,
      testifying that he could not quit Paris without danger to his life. This
      certificate wanted the signature of a notary public to give it
      authenticity, and the house, therefore, resolved to proceed against Wilkes
      as though he were present. Witnesses and papers were examined, and it was
      resolved, that No. 45 of the "North Briton," which had been voted a
      seditious libel, contained expressions of unexampled insolence and
      contumely toward his majesty, the grossest aspersions upon both houses of
      parliament, and the most audacious defiance of the whole legislative
      authority. It was also denounced as having a manifest tendency to alienate
      the affections of the people from their king, to withdraw them from
      obedience to the laws, and to excite them to insurrection. On the next day
      it was further resolved, that Wilkes should be expelled the house, and a
      new writ was issued for the borough of Aylesbury; a measure which
      ultimately had the effect of rendering him a popular champion in the
      struggle between the house of commons and the electors of Middlesex, which
      defined the power of the representative body in relation to its
      constituency. Even now it greatly increased the popularity of Wilkes among
      the great body of the people. On every opportune occasion they loudly
      expressed their sentiments in his favour. The king and his ministers were
      compelled to hear whenever they appeared in public the grating and
      unwelcome exclamation of, "Wilkes and liberty!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Although ministers had triumphed over Wilkes personally, by obtaining his
      expulsion from the house, yet they were doomed to suffer a check from a
      motion naturally arising out of his prosecution. On the 13th of February,
      it was moved by the opposition, that Wilkes' complaint of breach of
      privilege should be heard. On this subject they obtained a large majority;
      his complaint being thrown out, after a stormy debate which lasted three
      days and one whole night. This, however, was followed by a resolution
      moved by Sir William Meredith, in which they were not so successful,
      namely, "That a general warrant for apprehending and securing the authors,
      printers, and publishers of a seditious libel, together with their papers,
      is not warranted by law." An adjournment was proposed, but Pitt and others
      made speeches upon the subject, and when the house divided, ministers had
      only the small majority of fourteen upon the question of adjournment. This
      was virtually a defeat, and the illegality of general warrants was so
      effectually established by the numbers who voted on the side of the
      opposition, and by the sentiments of the orators, that henceforth the use
      of them was wholly discontinued. If, therefore, this prosecution of Wilkes
      was impolitic, it had at least the effect of settling a great
      constitutional principle; nor was it long before the measures taken
      against him effected other alterations in the constitution equally
      important.
    </p>
    <p>
      Wilkes having entered an appearance in Westminster Hall, was at length
      tried and convicted on two indictments, for publishing the 45th Number of
      the North Briton, and the "Essay on Woman." He was afterwards outlawed for
      not appearing in court to receive his sentence, whence the suit he had
      instituted against Lord Halifax fell to the ground. The cause of Wilkes,
      however, being identified with that of the constitution, his popularity
      remained undiminished, and the spirit excited by the proceedings against
      him was still as rife with bitterness as ever.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROPOSITION TO TAX THE AMERICAN COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was at this troubled season that George Grenville brought forward a
      motion for extracting a direct revenue from the colonies. The idea was not
      altogether new, for such a scheme had been hinted at during Sir Robert
      Walpole's administration. At this time it seems to have been revived, by
      the general complaint heard among the people of England, of the burden of
      taxation which they were called upon to bear. His majesty proposed such a
      step, as a just, as well as advantageous measure for relieving the country
      from the financial difficulties which had been occasioned by a war
      undertaken for the protection and security of the colonies themselves.
      Accordingly, a series of resolutions, respecting new duties to be laid on
      goods imported by the Americans, was brought into the House by Grenville
      on the 10th of March. These resolutions passed with little notice; General
      Conway, it is said, being the only member who protested against them; and
      they received the royal assent on the 5th of April. The minister, also,
      proposed raising a direct revenue from the colonies in the shape of a
      stamp-tax, but this was objected to by the opposition, and it was
      postponed to another session. Certain restrictions, however, were at the
      same time laid upon the profitable contraband trade carried on by the
      Americans with the Spanish colonies; a trade alike advantageous to England
      and the North American colonists, but of which the Spanish government was
      constantly and bitterly complaining to the court of Great Britain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPPOSITION OF THE AMERICANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It seems probable that ministers undertook this scheme of taxation, in
      order to gain popularity. It had that effect in some slight degree. The
      country gentlemen, in particular, were well pleased with the prospect of
      the non-increase on the diminution of the land-tax, and other sections of
      the community hoped eventually to have their burdens lightened by such a
      measure. In proroguing parliament the king expressed his hearty
      approbation of it, auguring the augmentation of the public revenues, a
      unity of the interests of his most distant possessions, and an increase of
      commerce, as its natural results. Like the Greek fisherman in Theocritus,
      all dreamed of gold; but in the course of a few months this pleasant dream
      was swept away by a strong wind across the Atlantic.
    </p>
    <p>
      The inhabitants of New England received these "wise regulations" of the
      British parliament "like knives put to their throats." Perceiving that the
      claim made by their mother-country to tax the colonies for her own
      benefit, and at her own discretion, might possibly introduce a system of
      oppression, they boldly denied the authority of parliament to levy any
      direct tax on the colonies, and declared that it was a violation of their
      rights as colonists, possessing by charter the privilege of taxing
      themselves for their own support; and as British subjects, who ought not
      to be taxed without their legitimate representatives. The disaffection of
      the northern provinces extended to those of the south, and, as a strong
      measure of resistance, all engaged to abstain from the use of those
      luxuries which had hitherto been imported from Great Britain. They also
      made colonial taxation a subject of their petitions to king, lords, and
      commons, and thus firmly established the principle of resistance to such a
      measure. Their resistance was confirmed by an unwise measure of Grenville,
      who determined to intrust the execution of his prohibitory orders to
      military and naval officers, who were disposed to act with rigour.
      Government, also, had increased the salaries of judges, which gave rise to
      an opinion that it was desirous of diminishing their independence; and the
      governors had recently acted very arbitrarily, and when complaints were
      made no attention was paid to them, or if a reply was given, it was
      accompanied with rebuke. The colonists, moreover, were encouraged in their
      spirit of resistance by the emigration of numbers who had lately left
      England, and who being disaffected persons, diffused republican sentiments
      in all the provinces. The seeds of discontent were, in fact, sown far and
      wide before this new system of taxation was projected, and it had the
      effect of causing them to germinate and flourish.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It unfortunately happened, that the news of colonial taxation arrived in
      America when the colonists were in no very pleasant humour. On quitting
      Canada, the French government still retained some slight connexion with
      the native Indians, and partly by their agents, and in part through
      encroachments made by the British on their hunting-grounds, they were
      incited to war. The tribes flew to arms, designing to make a simultaneous
      attack on all the English back-settlements in harvest-time, and though
      their secret was made known, and their intentions prevented in some
      places, yet the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia were
      mercilessly ravaged by them, and the inhabitants in those parts utterly
      destroyed. The Indians also captured several forts in Canada, and
      massacred the garrisons; and their flying parties frequently intercepted
      and butchered the troops that were marching from place to place, and
      plundered and murdered the traders in the upper part of the country.
      Success made them more bold, and it seems probable, from the display of
      courage and of military talent which they manifested, that French officers
      were among them. They even resolved to advance on the principal force
      stationed at Fort Pitt, and they marched forward in full confidence of
      victory. In their route they defeated a detachment under Captain Dalzel,
      and killed that unfortunate officer, and the soldiers escaped with
      difficulty into Fort Detroit. Fort Pitt was now surrounded by them, but
      they soon abandoned it, in order to attack Colonel Bouquet, who was
      advancing with a strong corps under his command for its relief. Fearful
      struggles took place between Colonel Bouquet and the Indians, in which a
      great number was killed on both sides, but they were finally routed, and
      as their bravest chiefs had perished, it was supposed that their loss was
      irreparable. The Indians, however, in the other parts of the country were
      not discouraged, and they surrounded an escort, and slew about eighty
      officers and men near the falls of Niagara. Thus disheartened, General
      Amherst used the powerful influence of Sir William Johnstone, who was
      enabled to detach the Indians of the Six Nations from the confederacy, and
      to engage them on the side of the British, and after various skirmishes
      and surprises, the rest submitted on conditions, or retired into the
      depths of their native wilds and forests. In the treaty concluded with
      them all occasions of future quarrels were guarded against; the limits of
      their territories were accurately defined; their past offences forgiven;
      and they were re-admitted to the friendship of Great Britain: the Indians
      on their part solemnly engaging to commit no more acts of violence.
    </p>
    <p>
      These occurrences had for the most part happened in the summer and autumn
      of the year 1763. But the recollection of them was, from their very
      nature, strongly impressed upon the minds of the colonists, when they
      heard of the system proposed for their taxation. Moreover, every one was
      armed for the defence of his home and property against the Indians, and
      being now freed from their terrors in that quarter, they were bold to
      think that they might be used against their mother-country, should the
      scheme of colonial taxation not be abandoned. Hence the colonists made a
      show of resistance by passing strong resolutions against the measure,
      which were transmitted to their agents in London, to be laid before
      government. The province of Pennsylvania appointed a new agent to London,
      in the person of the celebrated Benjamin Franklin, who was instructed to
      oppose the stamp-act to the very utmost, and indeed every other act that
      might be proposed to the British parliament to tax the Americans without
      their consent. A more efficient agent than Franklin could not have been
      chosen by the Pennsylvanians. Born in humble life, he had, nevertheless,
      raised himself by genius and steady perseverance, to be a man of property
      and science, a leading magistrate, a high functionary in their state, a
      powerful writer, a statesman, and a philosopher.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The measures of the new administration were generally approved of in the
      house of commons, and on dismissing the parliament the king thanked the
      members of both houses for their wise and spirited exertions, and exhorted
      them all to employ the present season of tranquillity in perfecting the
      peace so happily commenced. There was occasion for this exhortation. The
      cider-tax occasioned many turbulent meetings, which frequently ended in
      riot, and a great scarcity of provisions caused an increase of robberies
      and crime to a large amount. These evils were augmented by the discharge
      of large bodies of soldiers and sailors, who either could not find
      employment, or from their previous occupation could not settle down into
      habits of industry. Moreover, country gentlemen and landed proprietors
      from all parts of the United Kingdom came to the metropolis, in order to
      gain posts under government, leaving their estates to be managed by
      stewards and bailiffs, the results of which were that they involved
      themselves in debt, and that they raised their rents for the purpose of
      relieving themselves. Discontent everywhere prevailed, and especially in
      Scotland and Ireland, and many thousands emigrated to the North American
      provinces, that they might be able to obtain a subsistence for their
      families, and at the same time preserve their religion and the customs of
      their fathers.
    </p>
    <p>
      This year was marked by many maritime discoveries. A spirit of enterprize,
      fostered by the munificence of the king, was displayed, indeed, equal to
      that which distinguished the 15th and 16th centuries, and which produced
      advantages to the country of equal importance to those produced by the
      recent war. Byron, Wallis, Carteret, Cook, and Mulgrave, all set sail
      during this year, and in a few years discoveries were made which
      outrivalled all which had occurred since the expeditions of Columbus.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this autumn Pitt broke his recently-formed league with the old Duke
      of Newcastle, telling him in a letter that he resolved henceforward to act
      for himself, to keep himself free from all stipulations, and to oppose or
      support measures in parliament upon his own responsibility. It is not
      clear why Pitt came to this resolution; but perhaps it may have arisen
      from his growing infirmity of body and temper, and of his overbearing
      pride. From his letter, in fact, it is made very manifest that his pride
      was offended, because the system of war which he had so long and
      eloquently defended was given up "by silence" in a full house. Hence it
      was, probably, that he was induced to stand single, and dare to appeal to
      his country solely upon the merits&mdash;real or supposed&mdash;of his
      principles. At all events, it seems certain that his resolution did not
      arise, as some have imagined, from dark and inexplicable intrigue, though
      it may wear that imposing aspect. But after all, as it has been well
      observed, it is next to impossible to understand the extraordinary
      alternations of alliance, neutrality, and opposition, between Pitt and the
      old Duke of Newcastle.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of this year, the treaty of Fontainbleau was somewhat shaken
      by a French ship of the line having seized Turk's Island, in the West
      Indies, and making the English inhabitants prisoners. The Spaniards also
      annoyed and interrupted the English logwood-cutters at Honduras, and were
      supposed to have seized a ship in the Mediterranean. These occurrences
      happened during the recess of parliament, but before the houses met, both
      the court of France and Spain disavowed all hostile proceedings, and gave
      explanations to the English cabinet, which were deemed satisfactory. It
      was evident, however, that the Bourbon courts were not satisfied with the
      terms of the recent peace, and that their weakness alone prevented them
      from renewing the struggle: their chagrin and enmity were but
      ill-concealed under the mask of friendship, which defeat in the field of
      battle had compelled them to wear.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1765-1769
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Meeting of Parliament..... Debates on Colonial
     Taxation..... Instability of the Cabinet..... Attempts to
     form a new Administration..... Opposition to the Stamp
     Duties in America..... Embarrassment of Ministers and
     Meeting of Parliament..... Sentiments of the Americans on
     the Declaratory  Act..... The Dissolution of the
     Rockingham  Cabinet..... Decline of Lord Chatham's
     Popularity..... Meeting of Parliament..... East India
     Question..... American Taxation..... Changes in the
     Ministry..... Proceedings in America..... Domestic Troubles
     and  Commotions..... The Return of Wilkes, &amp;c......
     Resignation of Lord Chatham..... The Affairs of Wilkes.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on Wilkes, &amp;c......
     Debates on America..... East India Affairs..... Prorogation
     of Parliament, &amp;c...... Discontents in England and Ireland.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      1765
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament assembled on the 10th of January, 1765. The leading topics of
      the king's speech referred to continental events, from which he augured
      the continuation of peace. In allusion to American taxation and American
      discontents, he recommended the carrying out of Grenville's measures, and
      the enforcing obedience in the colonies. He remarked:&mdash;"The
      experience I have had of your former conduct makes me rely on your wisdom
      and firmness, in promoting that obedience to the laws, and respect to the
      legislative authority of this kingdom, which is essentially necessary for
      the safety of the whole, and in establishing such regulations as may best
      connect and strengthen every part of my dominions for their mutual benefit
      and support." In this speech, also, his majesty announced the approaching
      marriage of his youngest sister, the Princess Caroline, with the Prince
      Royal of Denmark: a union which was ultimately attended with tragical
      consequences.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in this session complaints were made by the opposition that the
      court of Spain had not paid the Manilla ransom, which gave rise to an
      angry debate; the ministers warmly defending the conduct of the Spaniards
      in this particular. An attempt was also again made by the opposition to
      procure a resolution against the illegality of general warrants, but
      decision on this point was eluded, and the previous question carried.
      Another motion, to restrain the attorney-general in his power of filing
      informations <i>ex officio</i>, which was made by the opposition, was
      likewise negatived by a ministerial majority. But these were only so many
      preludes to a storm which took place on the subject of colonial taxation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON COLONIAL TAXATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the measure of laying a duty on stamps had been
      postponed, in order to give the colonists time to propose any other mode
      of taxation in lieu of it more agreeable to their own feelings. The agents
      of America, however, all replied that they were instructed not only to
      oppose the stamp-tax, but every other bill which assumed as a principle
      the right of taxing the colonies. They urged in reply to the statement,
      that it was reasonable for America to contribute her proportion toward the
      general expenses of the empire; that, "America had never been backward in
      obeying the constitutional requisitions of the crown, and contributing
      liberally, in her own assemblies, towards the expenses of wars, in which,
      conjointly with England, she had been engaged; that in the course of the
      last memorable contest, her patriotism had been so conspicuous, that large
      sums had been repeatedly voted, as an indemnification to the colonists for
      exertions allowed to be far beyond their means and resources; and that the
      proper compensation to Britain for the expense of rearing and protecting
      her colonies was the monopoly of their trade, the absolute direction and
      regulation of which was universally acknowledged to be inherent in the
      British legislature."
    </p>
    <p>
      In all ages of the world sovereign states have assumed to themselves the
      right of taxing their dependant colonies for the general good. A glance at
      ancient history, however, is sufficient to prove that there is danger in
      the expedient. By colonial taxation Athens involved herself in many
      dangerous wars, which proved highly prejudicial to her interests, and
      which reads a powerful lesson to modern states and kingdoms on this
      subject. The British king and British cabinet, however, had, like the
      Athenians, to learn a lesson from experience, and not from the pages of
      history. Conceiving that they had gone too far to recede, they were
      resolutely determined not to yield their claim of right. The memorials
      were not even allowed to be read in the house, for the British
      legislature, with few exceptions, considered the right which they
      questioned to be indisputable. Fifty-five resolutions of the committee of
      ways and means, relating to this branch of the revenue, were agreed to by
      the commons, and they were afterwards incorporated into an act for laying
      nearly the same stamp-duties on the American colonies as were payable at
      the time in England. The debate on this subject was generally languid, but
      on Townshend venturing to assert, that the Americans were "children
      planted by our care and nourished by our indulgence," Colonel Barre, who
      had served beyond the Atlantic, and knew both the country and people well,
      exclaimed vehemently, "They planted by your care! No! your oppression
      planted them in America&mdash;they fled from your tyranny to a then
      uncultivated and inhospitable wilderness, exposed to all the hardships to
      which human nature is liable. They nourished by your indulgence! No! they
      grew by your neglect of them; your care of them was displayed, as soon as
      you began to take care about them, in sending persons to rule them who
      were the deputies of deputies of ministers&mdash;men whose behaviour on
      many occasions has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil
      within them&mdash;men who have been promoted to the highest seats of
      justice in that country, in order to escape being brought to the bar of
      justice in their own. I have been conversant with the Americans, and I
      know them to be loyal indeed, but a people jealous of their liberties, and
      who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated; and let my
      prediction of this day be remembered, that the same spirit of freedom
      which actuated that people at first will accompany them still." The
      prediction of Colonel Barre was treated as emanating from his loss of the
      regiment which he had commanded in America; and the bill passed both
      houses without any difficulty, and it received the royal assent by
      commission on the 22nd of March. It passed from a lack of knowledge of
      American affairs; from an indifference to the interests of the colonists;
      and from sheer cupidity. The profits which we had derived from commerce
      with the Americans, and which were the ostensible object proposed in
      planting the colonies, were not sufficient: if we could obtain it, we must
      share in their profits likewise. But this was a question which time only
      could solve; a riddle, which events must explain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INSTABILITY OF THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ministers seemed to have carried matters with a high hand in parliament
      during the previous debates, but there were nevertheless causes at work
      which tended to weaken and dissolve their administration. The Americans
      had already put their threats into execution concerning their abstinence
      from the use of British goods, and this created great alarm among
      shipowners, merchants, manufacturers, artizans, and labourers. The
      complaints of the two latter classes of the community were increased by a
      scarcity of bread, and the high price of provisions, which were ascribed
      to the maladministration of the ministers. These popular discontents,
      however, might have been disregarded, had not Grenville given offence to a
      royal personage, whose resentment would have ensured the downfall of even
      a much greater and more popular man than the prime minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      About a week after he had given his assent to the American Stamp Act, it
      was reported that his majesty was seriously ill, and it would appear that
      his illness was a slight attack of that fearful malady which thrice
      afflicted him during his long reign, and incapacitated him for his kingly
      duties. This time his malady was transient; but, taking warning by it, he
      acquainted his ministers that he was anxious for a Regency Bill, and told
      them the particulars of his intention. The sketch of such a bill was drawn
      up by Fox, now Lord Holland, which left the regent to be named by the
      king, and which, among other members of the royal family, omitted the name
      of the queen. The queen's name was subsequently added, but no mention was
      made of the Princess-dowager of Wales. The king himself proposed that he
      should be invested with power, from time to time, by instruments under his
      sign manual, to appoint either the queen or any other person of the royal
      family, usually residing in Great Britain, to be guardian of his
      succession and regent of the kingdom, until his successor should have
      attained his eighteenth year. A bill to this effect was carried in the
      upper house, but in the commons a motion was made requiring the king to
      name those persons whom he would intrust with so important a charge. This
      motion was negatived, and a question was then raised as to the
      construction of the words "any other member of the royal family," and the
      answer given was, that they meant "the descendants of George the Second."
      This interpretation would have excluded the princess-dowager from all
      share in the public councils, and therefore an amendment was moved at the
      next reading to insert her name next to that of the queen. This amendment
      was carried by a large majority; but it was foreseen that the king would
      resent the insult put upon his mother in both houses, and would attempt to
      rid himself of Mr. Grenville and Lord Halifax, who had omitted to insert
      her name in the bill at the very outset of the proceedings.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of May, the king went in person to give his assent to this
      bill. On that occasion a mob of silk-weavers and others, from
      Spitalfields, went to St. James's Palace with black flags and other
      symptoms of mourning and distress, to present a petition, complaining that
      they were reduced to a state of starvation by the importation of French
      silks. Both houses of parliament were surrounded by them, where they
      insulted various members, and even terrified the lords into an
      adjournment. In the evening they attacked Bedford-house, and began to pull
      down the walls, declaring that the duke had been bribed to make the treaty
      of Fontainbleau, and that it had brought poverty and all other curses into
      England. The riot act was read, and the mob dispersed, but the streets
      were crowded with soldiers for some days for fear of an outbreak. Reports
      were also spread of mutinies among the sailors at Portsmouth,
      insurrections among the Norwich weavers, and riots in Essex and
      Lancashire. The cabinet and country alike seemed to be fast going to
      pieces; whence his majesty, combined with the insult offered to his
      mother, resolved to make some attempt to form a new administration, hoping
      thereby to effect a change in the aspect of public affairs.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTEMPTS TO FORM A NEW ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In a letter written to the Earl of Hertford, when the yells of the
      populace of London were ringing in his ears, Mr. Burke writes:&mdash;"The
      Regency Bill has shown such want of capacity in the ministers, such an
      inattention to the honour of the crown, if not such a design against it;
      such imposition and surprise upon the king, and such a misrepresentation
      of the disposition of parliament to the sovereign, that there is no doubt
      a fixed resolution to get rid of them all&mdash;unless perhaps of
      Grenville&mdash;but principally of the Duke of Bedford; so that you will
      have much more reason to be surprised to find the ministry standing by the
      end of next week, than to hear of their entire removal. Nothing but an
      intractable temper in your friend Pitt can prevent a most admirable and
      lasting system from being put together, and this crisis will show whether
      pride or patriotism be predominant in his character: for you may be
      assured he has it now in his power to come into the service of his country
      upon any plan of politics he may choose to dictate, with great and
      honourable terms to himself and to every friend he has in the world, and
      with such a strength of power as will be equal to everything but absolute
      despotism over the king and kingdom. A few days will show whether he will
      take this part, or that of continuing on his back at Hayes, talking
      fustian, excluded from all ministerial, and incapable of all parliamentary
      service: for his gout is worse than ever, but his pride may disable him
      more than his gout."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the very time Burke wrote thus, negociations were in progress with
      Pitt. For when ministers went to the king on the 16th of May, to receive
      his commands for his speech at the end of the session, he had given them
      to understand that he would only have it prorogued, since he intended to
      make a change in the administration. In consequence of this determination,
      his majesty sent his uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, to Hayes, in Kent, to
      treat with Pitt. The final reply of Pitt to the offers is said to have
      been, "that he was ready to go to St. James's provided he might carry with
      him the constitution." A total change of men, measures, and counsels was
      involved in this reply; but the king had some "friends" whom he wished to
      retain in their official situations, and such a sweeping change could not
      be conceded. The Duke of Cumberland continued his endeavours to form a
      ministry for a day or two, but no one, possessing any merit, would
      undertake office when it was known that Pitt had refused, and the king was
      compelled to retain his old ministers. This was a mortifying circumstance
      in itself, but it was rendered doubly so by the insolent behaviour of some
      of the members of the cabinet. When he desired to know the conditions of
      their continuance in office, they peremptorily demanded a royal promise of
      never consulting the Earl of Bute; the instant dismissal of Mr. Mackenzie,
      his lordship's brother, from his high offices in Scotland; the deprivation
      of the paymastership of the forces, held by Lord Holland, which should be
      given to a member of the House of Commons; the nomination of Lord Granby
      to be head of the army; and the discretionary power of nominating to the
      government of Ireland whoever they pleased. The king expressed his anger
      and astonishment at these hard terms, and bade them return at ten o'clock
      at night for his answer. A partial compliance, however, was necessary, and
      before the appointed hour he sent them word by the lord chancellor that he
      would not bind himself by a promise never to consult Bute, though he
      acquiesced in the propriety of not letting him interfere in the councils
      of the state; that he consented to displace Mr. Mackenzie from his office,
      as well as Lord Holland; but that he absolutely refused the article about
      Lord Granby. Ministers now took time to consider, but they were too fond
      of office to retire without being actually compelled. On the following
      morning they gave up the point of Lord Granby, and contented themselves
      with the promise of not permitting Bute to interfere. They were,
      therefore, to continue in office; and Charles Townshend was made paymaster
      of the forces, while Lord Weymouth was appointed to the government in
      Ireland. But the king considered that he was dishonoured, and that he was
      held in thraldom by his ministers, whence he soon made fresh efforts to
      deliver himself. Again he negociated with Pitt, and again negociations
      with him fell to the ground. Pitt could not engage without Lord Temple,
      and Temple, when sent for, raised objections which rendered the whole
      scheme abortive. But the king was resolute in his determination to free
      himself from the chains by which his ministers had enthralled him. Early
      in July, he once more applied to his uncle, who undertook to treat with
      the Duke of Newcastle, whose parliamentary weight was nearly a
      counterpoise to Pitt's oratory and popularity. Newcastle joined Cumberland
      in addressing himself to the more moderate section of the opposition, and
      at length a new ministry was formed. The Marquis of Rockingham became head
      of the treasury; General Conway became one of the secretaries of state,
      and was intrusted with the House of Commons; the Duke of Grafton was the
      other secretary of state; Mr. Dowdeswell was the chancellor of the
      exchequer; the Earl of Hertford was made lord-lieutenant of Ireland,
      instead of Lord Weymouth; the president's chair, vacated by the Duke of
      Bedford, was given to Lord Winchelsea; and the Duke of Newcastle contented
      himself with the privy seal. The celebrated Edmund Burke was engaged as
      private secretary by Lord Rockingham, and now, for the first time, had a
      seat in parliament. There seemed a reasonable hope that this ministry
      would obtain strength and durability, but it wanted Pitt for its
      supporter; and it was weakened in October by the death of the Duke of
      Cumberland. This blow was more severely felt, because there was a want of
      union in the members of this cabinet from the first, and where there is no
      union there can be no real strength. Moreover, the Earl of Rockingham,
      though one of the most honest, honourable, and well-intentioned men in
      existence at that period, lacked the ability for collecting the scattered
      energies of party, and forming them into a system, whence it was soon
      found that his cabinet was unpopular; and, at no distant period of time,
      it was compelled to give place to another. In the whole course of its
      existence, indeed, it exhibited the lack of that vitality which could
      alone make it memorable and enduring.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III 1765-1769.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPPOSITION TO THE STAMP DUTIES IN AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The fatal effects of Grenville's Stamp Act were soon made manifest&mdash;the
      storm which the anticipation of it had raised, grew into a perfect
      hurricane as soon as it was known in America that it was consummated.
      Throughout the whole country a disposition existed to resist to the death,
      rather than submit. The episcopalian and aristocratic colonists of
      Virginia, alike with the presbyterian and democratic colonists of New
      England, denounced the measure in the strongest language, and displayed
      strong feelings of dislike to it. Nay, the Assembly of Virginia, which
      hitherto had been pre-eminent in loyalty, was now the first to set an
      example of disobedience. The House of Assembly there was shaken by the
      eloquence of Patrick Henry, who took the lead in the debate. In a
      resolution which he brought forward against the Stamp Act, Henry exclaimed&mdash;"Cæsar
      had his Brutus; Charles I. his Oliver Cromwell; and George III."&mdash;the
      orator at this point was interrupted by a voice crying "treason!" and,
      pausing for a moment, he added, "and George III. may profit by that
      example. If that be treason, make the most of it." When tranquillity was
      restored, the assembly voted a series of resolutions, declaring that the
      first settlers in Virginia had brought with them all the privileges and
      immunities enjoyed by the people of England; that they possessed the
      exclusive right of taxing themselves in their own representative
      assemblies, which right had been constantly recognised by the king and
      parliament of Great Britain; and that every attempt to vest such a power
      in any other person or persons was illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust,
      and had a tendency to destroy both British and American independence. This
      had a great effect on the other colonies, and the house of representatives
      of Boston suggested that a congress should be held at New York, whither
      each province should send deputies to concert measures for averting the
      grievance of the Stamp Act. Nine out of thirteen of the colonies sent
      their delegates to this congress, and fourteen strong resolutions were
      passed condemnatory of the bill; and three petitions were concocted&mdash;one
      to the king, another to the lords, and a third to the commons. From the
      decorous manner adopted in its proceedings little alarm was excited, but
      by it an important point was gained to the Americans&mdash;a closer
      connexion was established by the meeting among the leading men of the
      various colonies; and thus a way was prepared for a more general and
      extensive combination should it be required by circumstances.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not in the assemblies alone that resistance to the Stamp Act was
      manifested. Ominous proceedings were adopted by the public. As soon as the
      news of it arrived in America, at Boston the colours of the shipping were
      hoisted half-mast high, and the bells were rung muffled; at New York the
      act was printed with a skull and cross bones, and hawked about the streets
      by the title of "England's Folly, and America's Ruin;" while at
      Philadelphia the people spiked the very guns on the ramparts. The public
      irritation daily increased, and when at length the stamps arrived, it was
      found impossible either to put them into circulation, or to preserve them
      from destruction. The distributors were even forced publicly to renounce,
      on oath, all concern with them; and riots broke out in Boston, and several
      other cities, at which the public authorities were compelled to connive.
      Law-agents generally resolved to forego the practice of their profession
      rather than use stamps, and all stamped mercantile or custom-house papers
      were seized as the ships came into port, and publicly committed to the
      flames. By the 1st of November, the time when the act came into operation,
      not a sheet of stamped paper was to be found; and, therefore, all business
      which could not be legally carried on without it, was brought to a stand&mdash;the
      courts of justice were closed, and the ports shut up.
    </p>
    <p>
      These measures were followed by others far more injurious to the interests
      of Great Britain. Merchants entered into solemn engagements not to order
      any more goods from England; to recall the orders already given, if not
      fulfilled by the 1st of January, 1766; and not to dispose of any goods
      sent to them on commission after that date, unless the Stamp Act, and even
      the Sugar and Paper-money Acts were repealed. Measures were also taken to
      render the importation of British manufactures unnecessary. A society for
      the promotion of arts and commerce was instituted at New York, and markets
      opened for the sale of home-made goods, which soon poured into them from
      every quarter. Linens, woollens, paper-hangings, coarse kind of iron-ware,
      and various other articles of domestic life were approved by the society,
      and eagerly purchased by the public. People of the highest fashion even
      preferred wearing home-spun, or old clothes, rather than purchase articles
      which could conduce to the welfare of Britain; and lest the new
      manufactories should fail from want of materials, many entered into an
      engagement to abstain from the flesh of the lamb. All classes were
      animated by the spirit of resistance to their mother-country, and
      resolutions began to be circulated of stopping exports as well as imports,
      and of preventing the tobacco of Virginia and South Carolina from finding
      its way into the British markets. The flame even spread to the West Indian
      plantations; for in the islands of St. Christopher and Nevis, all stamps
      were committed to the flames, and the distributors compelled to resign
      office. Here was evidently work for the British Cabinet during the next
      session of parliament, and we proceed to show how they acted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EMBARRASSMENT OF MINISTERS AND MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess, ministers, who were divided in opinion and thwarted by
      the king, could do nothing. It would not appear, indeed, that the subject
      was considered of such vital importance as to demand instant attention and
      extraordinary exertions. Parliament met on the 17th of December, but it
      was only to be prorogued for the Christmas holidays, and the king merely
      mentioned in his speech, that something had occurred in America which
      would demand the attention of the legislature. In the meantime a meeting
      was held at Rockingham-house, for the purpose of arranging measures
      against the opening of the session, and particularly with respect to
      America. Yet no vigorous measures were resolved on, and all which they did
      decide upon was merely the terms in which the king's speech should be
      comprised when parliament reassembled.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1766
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 14th of January, when his majesty spoke more
      at length on the subject of the American colonies, and said that the
      papers were ordered to be laid before them. The subject was pointed out to
      the members as the principal object of their deliberation, and it was left
      to their wisdom, in full confidence the judgment and moderation of the two
      houses would conciliate the colonists without compromising the rights of
      the British legislature. Everything had been done, his majesty said, by
      the governors, and the commanders of the forces in America, for the
      suppression of riot and tumult, and the effectual support of lawful
      authority&mdash;they had failed, and the rest was left to them.
    </p>
    <p>
      His majesty's speech was followed by the presentation of the petitions
      from America, and of numerous petitions from the great manufacturing towns
      of the kingdom, which set forth the present ruin of all classes, with the
      prospective derangement of the national finances; all which seemed to
      declare that the time was arrived when effectual measures should be taken
      for their redemption. Then succeeded the debate. It was opened in the
      commons by Mr. Nugent, who condemned the opposition made by the colonists,
      to what he deemed a reasonable and easy tax, yet expressed his willingness
      to abandon it, provided they would solicit its repeal as a boon, and
      acknowledge the right of the British legislature to impose it: with him "a
      peppercorn as an acknowledgment of a right was of more value than millions
      without such a concession." Burke followed; but nothing more is known of
      his first speech in parliament than that he astonished the house by the
      force and fancy of his eloquence, and that he gained by it the golden
      opinion of Pitt. That more experienced orator next spoke, and his
      sentiments were more to the purpose. After condemning the daring measures
      adopted by the late administration, and blaming the indecision and tardy
      efforts of their successors, against whom, as men, he had nothing to
      allege, as they were men of fair characters, and such as he rejoiced to
      see in his majesty's service, bowing with grace and dignity to them, he
      observed&mdash;"Pardon me, gentlemen, but confidence is a plant of slow
      growth in an aged bosom; youth is the season of credulity. By comparing
      events with each other, and reasoning from effects to causes, methinks I
      plainly discover an overruling influence. I have had the honour to serve
      the crown, and if I could have submitted to influence, I might have
      continued to serve, but I would not be responsible for others. I have no
      local attachments: it is indifferent to me whether a man was rocked in his
      cradle on this side, or the other side of the Tweed. I sought for merit
      wherever it was to be found. It is my boast that I was the first minister
      who looked for it, and found it in the mountains of the north. I called it
      forth, and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of men!&mdash;men
      who, when left to your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your
      enemies, and had gone nigh to overturn the state in the war before the
      last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side;
      they served with fidelity as they fought with valour, and conquered for
      you in every part of the world. Detested be the national reflections
      against them!&mdash;they are unjust, groundless, illiberal, unmanly. When
      I ceased to serve his majesty as a minister, it was not the country of the
      man by which I was moved; but the man of that country wanted wisdom, and
      held principles incompatible with freedom."
    </p>
    <p>
      The great orator proceeded to observe, that when the resolution of taxing
      America was first taken he was ill in bed, and if he could have been
      brought to the floor of that house, he would have given his firm testimony
      against the measure. He then expressed a hope that the members of the
      British legislature would not consider it a point of honour, or themselves
      bound to persevere in carrying out what they had begun. His opinion was,
      that Great Britain had no right to lay a tax on the American colonies; but
      at the same time he uttered this seemingly contradictory opinion&mdash;that
      her authority over them was sovereign in all cases of legislation. He said&mdash;"The
      colonists are subjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with yourselves
      to all the natural advantages of mankind, and the peculiar privileges of
      Englishmen: equally bound by its laws, and equally participating in its
      free constitution. Taxation is no part of the legislative power. Taxes are
      the voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. In legislation, the
      three estates of the realm are alike concerned; but the concurrence of the
      peers and the crown to a tax is only necessary to clothe it with the form
      of a law. The gift and grant is of the commons alone." Having shown in
      what way the great bulk of the land had passed into the hands of the
      commons, he remarked&mdash;"When, therefore, in this house, we give and
      grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax what do
      we do? We, your majesty's commons of Great Britain, give and grant to your
      majesty&mdash;what? our own property?&mdash;No; we give and grant the
      property of your majesty's commons of America! It is an absurdity in
      terms. The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially
      necessary to liberty. The crown, the peers, are equally legislative powers
      with the commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the crown
      and the peers have rights to taxation as well as yourselves&mdash;rights
      which they will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle
      can be supported by power." Pitt then proceeded to combat the arguments of
      those who asserted that America was represented in the British parliament.
      "I would fain know," said he, "by whom an American is represented here. Is
      he represented by any knight of the shire, in any county in this kingdom?
      Or will you tell him that he is represented by any representative of a
      borough&mdash;a borough which perhaps its own representatives never saw?
      This is what is called the rotten part of the constitution. It cannot last
      a century: if it does not drop, it must be amputated." Pitt concluded by
      reasserting, that the commons of America, represented in their assemblies,
      had ever been in possession of the constitutional right of granting their
      own money; and this kingdom had ever been in the possession of the rights
      of binding the colonies by her laws, and by her regulations and
      restrictions in trade, navigation, and manufactures, and in fact in
      everything, except taking money out of their pockets without their free
      and full consent.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house was awed by Pitt's oratory, and, for some time, no one rose to
      reply. General Conway at length broke the silence by frankly declaring
      that his sentiments were generally conformable to those of Pitt; and by
      excusing ministers for their tardy notice of the subject, on the grounds
      that the first news of the troubles were vague and imperfect. In denying
      the continued ascendency of Bute, however, the general spoke with great
      warmth, utterly disclaiming it for himself, and, as far as he could
      discern, for all the members of the cabinet. Grenville, who followed, did
      not treat Pitt with such urbanity. He defended himself and his measures
      with great warmth and ability, and boldly declared that the seditious
      spirit of the colonies owed its birth to the factions in the house of
      commons, and that gentlemen were careless of the consequences of what they
      uttered, provided it answered the purposes of opposition. As he ceased
      speaking, several members rose together; but Pitt was among them, and a
      loud cry was made for him, so that the rest gave way, and left him to
      answer the attack. Taking no notice of the denial which Conway gave to his
      charge concerning Bute's holding paramount influence in the cabinet, which
      denial he could not with justice gainsay, he confined his remarks to
      Grenville's arguments and grave charge. Since, he said, that member had
      gone into the justice, policy, and expediency of the Stamp Act, he would
      follow him through the whole field, and combat all his arguments. He
      bitterly complained that Grenville should have designated the liberty of
      speech in that house as a crime; but declared that the imputation should
      not prevent him from uttering his sentiments upon the subject. He then
      proceeded thus:&mdash;"The gentleman tells us America is obstinate&mdash;America
      is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three
      millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntary to
      submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of the
      rest." Pitt then said, that in all our wants of money, no minister, since
      the revolution, had ever thought of taxing the American colonies; that he
      had, when in office, refused to burn his fingers with an American Stamp
      Act; and he recapitulated his arguments to prove that legislation and
      taxation were two different things, and that while we had a right to
      regulate the trade of the colonists, we could not legally or justly impose
      taxes upon them. He then asserted, that the profits to Great Britain from
      the trade of the colonies were two millions a year, and that this was the
      sum which carried England triumphantly through the last war, and the price
      America paid us for protection. "And shall," he asked, "a miserable
      financier come with a boast, that he can fetch a peppercorn into the
      exchequer by the loss of millions to the nation?" He added&mdash;"I am
      convinced the whole commercial system of America may be altered to
      advantage: you have prohibited where you ought to have encouraged, and you
      have encouraged where you ought to have prohibited: improper restraints
      have been laid on the Continent in favour of the islands. Let the acts of
      parliament, in consequence of treaties, remain; but let not an English
      minister become a custom-house officer for Spain or for any foreign power.
      Much is wrong; much may be amended for the general good of the whole. The
      gentleman must not wonder that he was not contradicted, when, as a
      minister, he asserted the right of parliament to tax America. I know not
      how it is, but there is a modesty in this house which does not choose to
      contradict a minister&mdash;even your chair, sir, looks towards St.
      James's. I wish gentlemen would think better of this modesty; if they do
      not, perhaps the collective body may begin to abate of its respect for the
      representative. A great deal has been said without doors of the power, the
      strength of America&mdash;it is a topic that ought to be cautiously
      meddled with. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this
      country can crush America to atoms; but on this ground, on the Stamp Act,
      when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift
      up my hands against it;&mdash;in such a cause your success would be
      hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man; she would
      embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along
      with her." Pitt, then deprecating the conduct of those who judged the
      Americans with an eye of severity, said&mdash;"I acknowledge they have not
      acted in all things with prudence and temper; they have been wronged; they
      have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the
      madness you have occasioned? Rather let prudence and temper come first
      from this side. I will undertake for America that she will follow the
      example. There are two lines in a ballad of Prior, on a man's behaviour to
      his wife, so applicable to you and your colonies, that I cannot help
      repeating them:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     'Be to her faults a little blind;
      Be to her virtues very kind.'"
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      Pitt concluded by proposing that the Stamp Act should be repealed,
      absolutely, totally, and immediately; but at the same time he advised,
      that the repeal should be accompanied by the strongest declaration of the
      sovereign authority of this country over the colonies, in everything that
      relates to trade and manufactures&mdash;in fact, in everything except
      taking their money out of their pockets without their consent.
    </p>
    <p>
      This speech of Mr. Pitt had a potent effect upon the administration and
      the country at large. Nearly all the ministers coincided in his views, and
      petitions, which poured into the house from all parts against the stamp
      act, and which had been imperiously rejected by the late cabinet, were
      received with all due deference. Burke made two speeches against it, which
      were commended by Pitt, and filled the town with wonder. So great was the
      change in public opinion upon the subject, that a bill was brought in by
      the ministers for the repeal of the act, which bill was passed by a great
      majority. It was accompanied by a declaratory bill, setting forth the
      supreme right, sovereignty, &amp;c. of Great Britain over her colonies in
      all other matters of legislation, and reprobating the tumultuous
      proceedings of the colonists. The repeal act was sent up to the lords,
      where it encountered a violent opposition, but it passed toward the end of
      March, when it received the reluctant consent of the crown. Sixty-one
      peers entered a strong protest against its non-taxing principle, and it
      was observed that in both houses the members belonging to the royal
      household voted with the opposition: a strong proof of his majesty's
      feeling upon this subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was asserted by some that ministers were "bullied" into the repeal of
      the stamp act by Pitt. This was manifestly unjust, both to the great
      orator and the ministers themselves. In this session they showed
      themselves equally ready to redress grievances at home as in America. Thus
      they proposed and carried a repeal of the obnoxious cider-tax, laying on a
      different duty, and the mode of collecting it; they passed an act for
      restraining the importation of foreign silks; and they abolished the old
      duties on houses and windows, and settled the rates with greater equity
      toward the middle and lower classes of society. They also appeased the
      general apprehension of a scarcity of bread, by orders to prevent the
      exportation of corn, and by enforcing the old laws against monopoly,
      forestalling, and regrating. Moreover, they passed a bill for opening free
      ports in the islands of Dominica and Jamaica; made several new and
      important regulations in the commercial system of the colonies; and took
      off some burdensome restrictions. Finally, they promoted the extension of
      trade in general by a commercial treaty with Russia, and they obtained
      from France a liquidation of those bills which had been left unsettled
      since the cession of Canada.
    </p>
    <p>
      Still, though the legislative acts of this administration were of great
      importance to the country, and were calculated to insure popularity, its
      doom was sealed. By a large portion of the community, the members of which
      it was composed were considered as intruders, who kept Pitt out of office,
      and they had lost the confidence of the king by the repeal of the Stamp
      Act. The resentment of the king was also excited by their omitting to
      procure a supply of money for his younger brothers. Sensible of their
      weakness, the Duke of Grafton resigned office, and the seals which he
      resigned were given to the Duke of Richmond. When he resigned he declared
      that he had no fault to find with his colleague's, except that they wanted
      strength, and that his opinion was, Mr. Pitt alone could give vigour and
      solidity to any administration in the present state of affairs. Under him,
      his grace said, he was "willing to serve in any capacity, not merely as a
      general officer, but as a pioneer: under him he would take up a spade or a
      mattock." Such was the situation in which the ministers found themselves
      at the close of this session, which was prorogued early in June.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SENTIMENTS OF THE AMERICANS ON THE DECLARATORY ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The manner in which the repeal of the Stamp Act was received in America
      seemed to justify the measure. Although accompanied with the Declaratory
      Act, it was welcomed by many persons among the higher classes, of honest
      and upright mind, with great satisfaction. Washington declared that those
      who were instrumental in procuring the repeal were entitled to the thanks
      of all well-wishers to Great Britain and her colonies. There were fierce
      republican spirits, however, in New England, who viewed the Declaratory
      Act in the same light which they had viewed the Stamp Act; and as soon as
      the first burst of joy had subsided, this was made the subject of their
      declamation, and a stimulus to popular excitement. Public writers were
      employed to prevent a return of harmony between Great Britain and her
      colonies, and though addresses of thanks were voted by the assemblies to
      the king, this was but an evanescent show of gratitude. The same temper
      was found especially to prevail in the assembly of Massachusets against
      the Declaratory Act, as had been displayed against the Stamp Act, and the
      spirit of resistance soon spread to the other colonies. The right of
      legislative authority assumed by Great Britain over her colonies was
      loudly questioned, and bills were passed in the assemblies independently
      of the British parliament, and in defiance of our declared sovereign
      legislative right. One breach was therefore healed by the repeal of the
      Stamp Act, but another was opened by the scarcely less obnoxious act with
      which it was accompanied. A tree of liberty had been planted, and there
      was a universal disposition to preserve its leaves and its fruits from the
      touch of kingly and sovereign power.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE DISSOLUTION OF THE ROCKINGHAM CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The seeds of the dissolution of the ministry, as before shown, were
      thickly scattered, and it was easy to foresee that the event was at no
      great distance. Its fall, however, might have been retarded for a little
      space, had it not been for the intrigues of the chancellor, Henry Earl of
      Northington. In order to discredit the cabinet, that nobleman started
      numerous difficulties on some legal points that were submitted to his
      judgment, and set on foot several intrigues, which accelerated its
      downfall. The first token of his defection appeared in the strong
      dissatisfaction which he exhibited on account of the commercial treaty
      with Russia, and it was soon after made more fully manifest in a meeting
      of ministers on the subject of the government of Canada. There appears to
      have been no good ground for his opposition, but Northington panted for
      retirement, and longed to serve his ancient friend Pitt; whence it pleased
      him to denounce a report drawn up and submitted to the council on this
      subject as theoretical, visionary, and unworthy of practical statesmen.
      The meeting broke up without coming to any conclusion, and before another
      could be convened, Northington demanded an audience of the king; resigned
      under the pretence that the present ministry was unable to carry on the
      government; and recommended that his majesty should call Pitt into his
      councils. In consequence of this, Pitt received the personal commands of
      his majesty to form a new administration, offering him a <i>carte blanche</i>
      for its formation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hitherto Pitt had manifested great patriotism, having served his country,
      apparently, for the love of it alone. That he was ambitious, however, he
      now proved. In reply to his majesty's commands he spoke of his
      infirmities, and&mdash;although he was only fifty-eight years old&mdash;of
      his great age. Under these circumstances he proposed taking to himself not
      the premiership, with the direction of the house of commons, but the
      office of privy-seal, which implied his exaltation to the peerage. The
      king and the country alike stared with astonishment at this proposition,
      but his views were not thwarted, and he proceeded to form his own cabinet.
      Negociations failed with Lord Temple, the Marquess of Rockingham, Lord
      Gower, Mr. Dowdeswell, and Lord Scarborough. In the midst of them,
      however, Pitt received an autograph note from his majesty, announcing his
      creation as Earl of Chatham, and thus stimulated, he proceeded in his
      task. On the 2nd of August the members of the new cabinet were formally
      announced in the Gazette. Pitt, as Earl of Chatham, took the office of
      privy-seal; Lord Camden was made chancellor; the Earl of Shelburne was
      appointed one of the secretaries of state; General Conway continued in
      office as the other; the Duke of Grafton was made first lord of the
      treasury; Charles Townshend became chancellor of the exchequer; Sir
      Charles Saunders succeeded to the admiralty; and the Earl of Hillsborough
      was nominated first lord of trade. Several changes were also made in the
      subordinate places of the treasury and the admiralty boards, and the
      strange medley, which soon became more mixed and various, has been thus
      described by Burke:&mdash;"He [Lord Chatham] made an administration so
      chequered and speckled; he put together a piece of joinery so crossly
      indented and whimsically dovetailed; a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a
      piece of diversified mosaic; such a tesselated pavement without cement;
      here a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white; patriots and
      courtiers; king's friends and republicans; Whigs and Tories; treacherous
      friends and open enemies; that it was indeed a very curious show, but
      utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand on. The colleagues whom he
      had assorted at the same boards stared at each other, and were obliged to
      ask, Sir, your name? Sir, you have the advantage of me. Mr. Such-a-one, I
      beg a thousand pardons. I venture to say it did so happen, that persons
      had a single office divided between them, who had never spoken to each
      other in their lives, until they found themselves, they knew not how,
      pigging together, heads and points, in the same truckle bed."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DECLINE OF LORD CHATHAM'S POPULARITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord Chesterfield characterised the exaltation of Pitt to an earldom as "a
      fall up stairs"&mdash;a fall which hurt him so much, that he would never
      be able to stand upright again. By his acceptance of a coronet, in truth,
      he greatly diminished his popularity. Burke undermined his influence in
      the city by two clever publications: in the first of these he gave an
      account of the late short administration, and in the second he gave a
      humorous and ironical reply to it, in which the disingenuous conduct of
      their successors was ably exposed. The wit of Chesterfield ably seconded
      the pen of Burke; and the Earl of Chatham soon found that though he was
      dignified by the king, he had shorn himself of all his honours in the
      sight of the people. The influence which the Earl of Bute was supposed to
      have had over him tended still more to blight his fair fame. He was
      taunted with being a willing agent of men whom he did not esteem, and his
      acceptance of a peerage was a never-failing source of invective. Moreover,
      in his negociations with his brother-in-law, Lord Temple, he had
      quarrelled with that nobleman, and all its disparaging circumstances were
      freely discussed to his lasting disadvantage.. A shower of pamphlets
      appealed against him, and the city of London, where his influence had
      recently reigned paramount, mortified him, by declining repeated proposals
      of presenting him with an address on his appointment. Men saw in him no
      longer the unblemished patriot, but looked upon him as a cringing slave to
      royalty for place and power. In their displeasure they may have judged too
      harshly, but it is certain, as Lord Chesterfield observed, that he was no
      longer Mr. Pitt in any respect, but <i>only</i> the Earl of Chatham. The
      charms of his eloquence were lost for ever, for when the people can place
      no confidence in their rulers, the finest oratory is but an empty sound.
    </p>
    <p>
      It happened unfortunately for the Earl of Chatham's popularity, that owing
      to a deficiency in the harvest of last year great scarcity prevailed, and
      as distress existed on the continent. The people, always disposed to look
      upon the dark side of the picture, apprehended that the country would be
      involved in all the horrors of famine. The price of provisions greatly
      increased, and in consequence tumultuous riots occurred in various parts
      of the kingdom, in which many lives were lost. Some of the rioters were
      captured, and special commissions were sent into the country to try them,
      and, in many instances, they were brought to condign punishment. A
      proclamation was issued for enforcing the law against forestallers and
      regraters, but as the price of all articles rose, and the city of London
      made a representation to the throne respecting large orders for wheat
      which had been received from the continent, another was issued prohibiting
      its exportation. At the same time an embargo was laid by royal authority
      on all outward-bound vessels laden with corn.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not in England alone that the waning influence of the Earl of
      Chatham became manifest. One of his first diplomatic attempts was to
      establish a powerful northern confederacy, principally between England,
      Prussia, and Russia, in order to counterbalance the formidable alliance
      framed by the Bourbons in their family compact. The king of Prussia,
      however, was averse to the formation of any new and stricter connexions
      with England, as well on account of the usage he had met with during the
      late war, as of the unsettled state of the government of Great Britain
      since the peace. "Till he saw," he said, "more stability in our
      administration, he did not choose to draw his connexions with us closer,"
      and the negociations was therefore dropped.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session was opened on the 11th of November, and the principal topic of
      the king's speech was the scarcity of corn; and measures were recommended,
      if necessary, for allaying or remedying the evil. The address was opposed
      in both houses, and in the commons four amendments were moved, but the
      government in every instance had a majority. On the subject of the
      embargo, however, and the delay of assembling parliament when the country
      was in such critical circumstances, ministers had a harder battle to
      fight. It was thought right to pass a bill of indemnity in favour of those
      who had acted in obedience to the council with respect to the embargo, and
      when this bill was brought in by a member of the cabinet, a remark was
      made, that although it provided for the security of the inferior officers,
      who had acted under the proclamation, it passed over those who advised the
      measure. This gave rise to much altercation and debate, especially among
      the lords, where the Earl of Chatham, Lord Camden, and others, who had
      long been the advocates of popular rights, vindicated the present exercise
      of royal prerogative, not on the plea of necessity but of right: arguing
      that a dispensing power was inherent in the crown, which might be exerted
      during the recess of parliament, but which expired whenever parliament
      reassembled. Camden asserted that Junius Brutus would not have hesitated
      to entrust such a power even to a Nero, and that it was at most but "a
      forty day's tyranny." The Earl of Chatham was a more powerful advocate of
      the measure. He vindicated the issuing of the embargo by legal authority
      during the recess of parliament as an act of power justifiable on the
      ground of necessity, and he read a paragraph from Locke on Government, to
      show that his views were borne out by that great friend of liberty, that
      constitutional philosopher, and that liberal statesman. The sentiments of
      the ministers, however, were strongly opposed by Lords Temple, Lyttleton,
      and Mansfield, the latter of whom, though he had once been spell-bound by
      court influence, "rode the great horse Liberty with much applause." The
      Earl of Chatham replied, but the constitutional principles which his
      opposers laid down could not be answered with success, for although
      parliament passed the act of indemnity, yet the opposition lords so
      enlightened the public mind upon the subject, that the cry was instantly
      raised that the present ministers had sold their consciences to the court,
      and were in a league to extend the prerogative beyond the precedent of the
      worst periods in English history. The ferment was greatly increased by Mr.
      Beckford's declaring in the house of commons, that the crown had in all
      cases of necessity a power to dispense with laws: an assertion which
      retraction, explanation, and contradiction from the same lips, could not
      efface from the public mind. When the bill passed it was in an amended
      state: the amendment including the advisers, as well as the officers, who
      had acted under the orders of council in enforcing the embargo. But even
      this, which implied an acknowledgment of error, was not sufficient to
      satisfy the public mind, for the clamour still continued against the
      ministers. The Earl of Chatham was also embarrassed by other
      circumstances, and in order to strengthen his hands, he was compelled to
      forego his determination, and to overlook his declaration, that he would
      never again have any connexion with the old Duke of Newcastle. The duke
      had a party which would be important to so weak a cabinet, and in order to
      gratify him, Lord Edgecumbe was ungraciously dismissed from his office of
      treasurer of the household, to make room for Sir John Shelley, a near
      relation of his grace. But the remedy was as bad as the disease. Indignant
      at the treatment which their colleague had received, Lord Resborough, the
      Duke of Portland, the Earl of Scarborough, Lord Monson, Sir Charles
      Saunders, first lord of the admiralty, Admiral Keppel, and Sir William
      Meredith, all sent in their resignation, and they, with their adherents,
      ranged themselves on the side of the opposition. These numerous secessions
      compelled Chatham to negociate more explicitly, not only with Newcastle's
      party, but with that also which was headed by the Duke of Bedford. The
      place of first lord of the admiralty was offered to Lord Gower, who took a
      journey to Woburn, for the express purpose of consulting his grace upon
      the subject. But negociations with the Bedford party concluded with its
      total alienation from the administration, nor were those who accepted
      office thoroughly conciliated. These were Sir Edward Hawke, who was made
      first lord of the admiralty, and Sir Percy Brett and Mr. Jenkinson, who
      filled the other seats of the board; while Lords Hillsborough and Le
      Despenser were appointed joint postmasters. The ministry, as thus patched
      up, was more anomalous than ever, and Chatham aware of this, and seeing
      that his popularity was daily more and more declining, became a prey to
      grief, disappointment, and vexation. At times he sank into the lowest
      state of despondency, and left his incapable colleagues, to make their own
      arrangements and adopt their own measures. But they could not act
      efficiently without him. Burke says:&mdash;"Having put so much the larger
      part of his enemies and opposers into power, the confusion was such that
      his own principles could not possibly have any effect, or influence, in
      the conduct of others. If ever he fell into a fit of the gout, or if any
      other cause withdrew him from public cares, principles directly the
      contrary were sure to predominate. When he had executed his plan, he had
      not an inch of ground to stand upon. When he had accomplished his scheme
      of administration, he was no longer a minister. When his face was hid but
      for a moment, his whole system was on a wide sea without chart or
      compass." Yet Chatham, just before the recess, put a bold front upon his
      affairs in the house. He proclaimed a war against party cabals, and
      asserted that his great point was to destroy faction, and that he could
      face and dare the greatest and proudest connexions. But this was an
      Herculean task which neither Chatham nor any other minister has yet been
      able to accomplish. Faction is an hydra-headed monster, which no man can
      destroy, either by the charms of his eloquence or the terror of his
      countenance.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1767
    </p>
    <p>
      Chatham found that the warfare was an unequal one, and that he had not
      sufficient strength to withstand the power of his enemies. Hence, at the
      end of December, when all the appointments were made, he retired to his
      estate of Burton Pynset, which had been recently left him, where he took
      up his abode, doing nothing for the state, and yet taking the salary
      attached to his office. Parliament reassembled after the recess without
      him, his friends in the cabinet wondering at, and the king himself
      lamenting, his absence. Yet the ministers attempted to work without him.
      The chancellor of the exchequer proposed that the land-tax should be
      continued at four shillings in the pound, stating that the proceeds of
      such a tax would enable him to bring about the most brilliant operation of
      finance recorded in the annals of Great Britain. This was a new measure,
      for hitherto it had been the practice at the return of peace to take off
      any addition that had been made to the land-tax in time of war. Hence when
      Townshend proposed it in committee he was laughed at by the country
      members, who contended for its reduction to three, or even two, shillings
      in the pound. Townshend had nobody by him to second his assertions, or
      give him powerful support; and when Mr. Grenville moved that the land-tax
      should be reduced to three shillings, his motion was carried by a majority
      of eighteen. It was said that the country gentlemen in effecting this
      reduction, "had bribed themselves with a shilling in the pound of their
      own land-tax," but as this was the first money-bill in which any cabinet
      had been successfully opposed since the Revolution, it was rightly viewed
      as a symptom of weakness in the administration: yet Townshend retained his
      office.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1765-1769
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The great question discussed in parliament during this session related to
      the East Indies. At this period the East India Company held "the gorgeous
      East in fee." The merchant princes of Leadenhall-street, who commenced
      their career with a strip of sea-coast on the outermost limits of
      Hindostan, had now acquired principalities and kingdoms, and had even made
      themselves masters of the vast inheritance of Aurungzebe. Fortunate as the
      Argonauts, they found and possessed themselves of the "golden fleece,"
      which had been the object of their search. Enormous fortunes were made
      with a rapidity hitherto unknown, and they were gathered into the laps of
      even the most obscure adventurers. The fables of the ring and the lamp
      were more than realised, and the fountain from whence these riches ran
      appeared to flow from an inexhaustible source. Men had only to go and
      stand by its brink, and if avarice could be satisfied, they might soon
      return home with not only sufficient wealth to maintain them in opulence
      and splendour, but with some to spare for the poor and needy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the views which government seems to have taken of these merchant
      princes. Early in November a committee was appointed for investigating the
      nature of their charters, treaties, and grants, and for calculating the
      expenses which had been incurred on their account by government. In the
      course of this scrutiny two questions suggested themselves to the
      committee; namely, whether the company had any right to territorial
      acquisitions, and whether it was proper for them to enjoy a monopoly of
      trade. Some of the members argued that the company had a right, while on
      the other side some maintained that, from the costly protection afforded
      it, government had an equitable claim to the revenues of all territory
      acquired by conquest. It was the opinion of the cabinet, that the state
      did not possess its proper share of the company's profits, and the
      chancellor of the exchequer conceived that by either taking their
      territorial conquests into the hands of government, or making them pay
      largely for keeping that management in their ow a hands, the state would
      obtain that wealth of which it stood so much in need. Chatham's attention
      was drawn to this subject, but he merely advised that Beckford should make
      a motion for examining into the state of the East India Company, and
      remained still in the west of England. This motion was made, and the house
      resolved itself into a committee of inquiry, and called for papers. In the
      meantime the company suggested an amicable arrangement, and presented a
      series of demands, among which were&mdash;that the administration should
      prolong the charter to the year 1800, or to a further term, and to confirm
      to the company the sole and exclusive trade of the East Indies for three
      years at least after the expiration of the charter granted in the last
      reign; that it should agree to an alteration in the inland duty upon tea,
      with the view of preventing smuggling; that it should allow a drawback on
      the exportation of tea; that it should alter the duties on calicoes and
      muslins; that it should consent to some proper methods of recruiting the
      company's military forces, and for strengthening their cause in India;
      that it should prevent the commanders of the company's ships and others
      from conveying any kind of warlike stores clandestinely to the East
      Indies; that it should use its strong interposition with the court of
      France to obtain large sums of money which the company had expended for
      the maintenance and transport of French prisoners to Europe; and that it
      should use its strong interposition likewise with the court of Spain with
      respect to the Manilla ransom, that the company might obtain
      indemnification for the great expenses incurred by that expedition. The
      company laid before the house their charters, treaties with the native
      sovereigns, letters and correspondence, and the state of their revenues in
      Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa; but the whole affair was so complicated, that
      the ministers could not make themselves thoroughly masters of the subject.
      Not one would, in fact, undertake the management of the business. They
      shifted the proposals from one to another, and could not come to any
      determination what to accept or what to reject. At every stage of the
      business it was attended with violent debates. Townshend was strongly in
      favour of an amicable arrangement with the company, laying great stress on
      the <i>quantum</i> to be given for the prolongation of the term of their
      charter, while Company declared that the salvation of the country depended
      upon the proper adjustment of this nice affair. Still Chatham kept aloof
      from the business, and he either would not from illness, or could not from
      despondency, give his thoughts and directions in writing as to what steps
      to take and what further motion to make. In the end, therefore, after many
      divisions, a bill was framed, granting nearly all that was asked for by
      the company, and binding it to pay £400,000 per annum, in half-yearly
      payments, and to indemnify the exchequer, should any loss be sustained in
      consequence of lower-ing the inland duties on tea, and the allowance of
      the drawback on its exportation. But the term of this contract was limited
      to two years; commencing from the 1st of February of the current year; so
      that the company had a further interference with their territories and
      wealth in prospect: but till the expiration of that term, their
      territorial rights were fully admitted.
    </p>
    <p>
      While this subject was under parliamentary discussion, the proprietors of
      East India stock demanded of the court, that, as the company had gained so
      much territory and so many new advantages, a larger dividend should be
      declared. In compliance with this demand the dividends were increased from
      ten to twelve and a half per cent., which step called for the interference
      of government. In order to check a proceeding which was considered
      calculated to renew the gambling stock and share jobbing of the memorable
      South Sea year, two bills were brought into the house by ministers; one
      for regulating the qualifications of voters in trading companies, and the
      other for restraining and limiting the making of dividends by the company;
      fixing them at ten per cent. This latter bill encountered a most violent
      opposition both by the company and in the house, particularly by the
      lords, but it was carried, and received the royal sanction.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN TAXATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after the reassembling of parliament Mr. Grenville, intent upon
      taxing America, had proposed saddling that country for the support of
      troops, &amp;c, and the chancellor of the exchequer, in reply, pledged
      himself to the house to find a revenue in the colonies sufficient to meet
      the expenses. Accordingly, during the session, he introduced a bill to lay
      certain duties on glass, tea, paper, and painters' colours, imported from
      Great Britain into America. This bill was carried through both houses with
      the greatest facility, and another act passed with equal facility, which
      placed these duties, and all other customs and duties in the American
      colonies, under the management of the king's resident commissioners. These
      acts were followed by one more justifiable. The assembly of New York had
      refused to comply with the statute requiring a grant of additional rations
      to the troops stationed in that province; and the refractory disposition
      of the colonists made it manifest that their intention was to deny the
      jurisdiction of Great Britain altogether. It was evident that a spirit of
      infatuation had taken deep root in America, and it was easy to foresee
      that confusion and bloodshed would one day ensue. Under these
      circumstances, and with a view of checking the onward progress of the
      march of insubordination, an act was passed, prohibiting the governor,
      council, and assembly of New York from passing any legislative act, till
      satisfaction should be given as to the treatment of the commissioners and
      troops, and submission paid to the Mutiny Act. But no measure which the
      parliament of England could devise, whether coercive or conciliatory,
      could tame the fierce spirit which the Stamp Act had created, and the new
      scheme of duties on imports was calculated to confirm in hostility to
      Great Britain. The breach grew wider and wider, until at length it was
      past all remedy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 2nd of July, with a speech from his
      majesty, in which he acknowledged annuities of £8000, which had been
      settled during this session on each of the king's brothers; namely, the
      Dukes of York, Gloucester, and Cumberland. During the recess, an event
      occurred which threatened to overthrow the tottering cabinet. This was the
      death of Charles Townshend, who suddenly expired on the 4th of September.
      But before his death, there were signs of a dissolution of the ministry,
      and Townshend was actually engaged in the projection of a new
      administration. Lord Northington and General Conway had both expressed a
      wish to resign, and the Duke of Grafton showed a greater disposition for
      pleasure than for business, whence negociations were opened by Townshend
      with the Rockingham party.
    </p>
    <p>
      His death set these aside, but several changes soon afterwards took place
      among the great officers of state. The Earl of Chatham, afflicted with the
      gout, and indisposed to business, still remained idle; and the king
      therefore, authorized the Duke of Grafton to make the necessary changes in
      the cabinet. All that could be done, however, before the meeting of
      parliament, was to entrust the seals of the office of chancellor of the
      exchequer to Lord Mansfield, chief justice of the king's bench, and to
      empower him to renew negociations with the Duke of Bedford, in which the
      Duke of Grafton had been unsuccessful.
    </p>
    <p>
      The ministry was in this unsettled state when the parliament met in
      November. The principal point recommended to its attention by his majesty
      was the high price of corn, with the consequent suffering of the poor.
      This subject was also impressed on parliament by strong petitions from all
      parts of the country; and an act was passed, extending the prohibition
      against exportation, and encouraging the importation of grain.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the midst of these proceedings, Lord North was prevailed upon to accept
      the chancellorship of the exchequer; Mr. Thomas Townshend, cousin of the
      late Charles Townshend, succeeded him as joint paymaster of the forces;
      and his place, as one of the lords of the treasury, was given to Mr.
      Jenkinson. Soon after this, General Conway and Lord Northington insisted
      on resigning, and fresh overtures were made to the Duke of Bedford. That
      nobleman having been gained over, Earl Gower became president of the
      council in the place of Lord Northington, and Lord Weymouth secretary of
      state in lieu of Conway. At the same time the Earl of Hillsborough was
      appointed third secretary of state, which was a new office; and he was
      succeeded as joint paymaster with Lord North, by the Duke of Bedford's
      ally, Lord Sandwich. General Conway was appointed lieutenant-general of
      the ordnance; and the ministry, thus reconstructed, took the name of the
      Duke of Grafton's administration. As for the Earl of Chatham he was still
      a cipher, keeping aloof at Bath, or at Burton Pynsent, or at Hayes in
      Kent, where he would neither see nor speak to anybody. But he still
      retained the privy seal, and still retained the emoluments of office, and
      the king was afraid to deprive him of them.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1768
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament, in this session, extended the act which restricted the East
      India Company's dividends to ten per cent.; but scarcely any other
      business was transacted beside the voting of supplies. The king prorogued
      parliament on the 10th of March, and on the 12th of that month it was
      dissolved by proclamation, it having nearly completed its legal term of
      seven years.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS IN AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new Revenue Act, which imposed duties on various articles of
      merchandise, excited great resentment in America. It was looked upon by
      the colonists, indeed, as a deceptive measure, having a similar object to
      that of the Stamp Act, and it had the effect of reviving a question, which
      the British parliament should have endeavoured to have consigned to utter
      oblivion. The Americans, animated by a spirit of resistance, would now no
      longer acknowledge that distinction between external and internal
      taxation, on which they had at first grounded their claim for relief.
      Their presses teemed with invectives against the British legislature, and
      it was confidently asserted that England was resolved to reduce the
      colonies to a state of abject slavery. The assembly of Massachusets Bay
      took the lead in opposing the government, and it soon engaged the other
      colonies to join in resisting the mother-country. A petition was likewise
      sent by that house to the king, and letters, signed by their speaker, to
      several of the British cabinet, containing statements of their rights and
      grievances, and soliciting relief.
    </p>
    <p>
      A letter was also sent to Mr. De Berdt, their agent in London, instructing
      him to oppose the obnoxious measure on every ground of right and policy.
      This letter adverted to the appropriation of the revenue intended to be
      thus unconstitutionally raised&mdash;stating that it was to supply a
      support for governors and judges, and a standing army. On both these
      grounds, as well as its unconstitutional nature, the house opposed it,
      remarking, on the subject of the standing army, in the following terms, by
      way of remonstrance:&mdash;"As Englishmen and British subjects, we have an
      aversion to a standing army, which we reckon dangerous to our civil
      liberties; and considering the examples of ancient times, it seems a
      little surprising that a mother-state should trust large bodies of
      mercenary troops in her colonies, at so great a distance from her; lest,
      in process of time, when the spirits of the people shall be depressed by
      the military power, another Caesar should arise and usurp the authority of
      his master."
    </p>
    <p>
      A circular letter was sent, in the name of the assembly of Massachusets
      Bay, to the other provincial assemblies, informing them of the measures
      already taken; and it was couched in such terms that it had the effect of
      lulling the suspicions of some whose opinions were not so violent, and of
      making many of them firm adherents to the cause of liberty. The conduct of
      this republican assembly excited strong indignation in the ministry. A
      letter was sent, by Lord Hillsborough, to the governor, expressing great
      displeasure against those who had endeavoured to revive the dissensions
      which had been so injurious to both countries, and directing him to
      dissolve the assembly if it should decline to rescind the vote which gave
      rise to the circular. This letter was laid before the house; but instead
      of rescinding the vote, it justified the spirit and language of the
      circular, and declared that, as it had been answered by several of the
      assemblies, the vote had been already executed, and could not therefore be
      rescinded. The conclusion of this uncompromising reply was as follows:&mdash;"We
      take this opportunity faithfully to represent to your excellency, that the
      new revenue acts and measures are not only disagreeable, but in every view
      are deemed an insupportable burden and grievance, with very few
      exceptions, by all the freeholders and other inhabitants of this
      jurisdiction: and we beg leave, once for all, to assure your excellency,
      that those of this opinion are no 'party or expiring faction;'&mdash;they
      have at all times been ready to devote their time and fortune to his
      majesty's service. Of loyalty, this majority could as reasonably boast as
      any who may happen to enjoy your excellency's smiles: their reputation,
      rank, and fortune, are at least equal to those who may have sometimes been
      considered as the only friends in good government; while some of the best
      blood in the colony, even in the two houses of assembly, lawfully convened
      and duly acting, have been openly charged with the unpardonable crime of
      oppugnation against the royal authority. We have now only to inform your
      excellency, that this house has voted not to rescind, as required, its
      resolution; and that, in a division on the question, there were ninety-two
      nays, and seventeen yeas. In all this we have been actuated by a
      conscientious, and finally, by a clear and determined sense of duty to
      God, to our king, our country, and our latest posterity; and we most
      ardently wish and humbly pray, that in your future conduct, your
      excellency may be influenced by the same privileges."
    </p>
    <p>
      A letter to the same import was addressed, by the assembly, to Lord
      Hillsborough. But this was its last act. When the governor had received
      the above communication, he immediately dissolved it, and the province was
      left for the remainder of the year without a legislature. Opposition,
      however, was not checked by such a measure&mdash;rather it was carried on
      with more spirit than ever. Riots took place at Boston and Halifax, and
      arms and ammunition were provided, under the pretext of anticipated war
      with France A meeting of delegates, from all the towns of the province,
      was convened at Boston, which was attended by deputies from every one
      except Hatfield. This convention sent a communication to the governor,
      disclaiming all intention of performing any act of government; professing
      to have met, in dark and distressing times, to consult and advise measures
      for the peace and good order of his majesty's subjects in the province;
      and praying that he would call together the legislative assembly. The
      governor refused to receive any communication from the meeting, warned it
      of the irregularity of its proceedings, and assured it that his majesty
      was determined to maintain his entire sovereignty over the province. A
      deputation was then sent to the governor by the convention, but it was
      refused admission into his presence, and a committee of nine persons were
      appointed to consult on the best mode of promoting peace and good order in
      the province. This committee sent in its report, and the meeting drew up a
      petition to the king, which was transmitted to the agent in London, and it
      then broke up. This was on the 29th of September, and on the same day, two
      regiments and a detachment of artillery from Halifax inarched into Boston.
      These were soon after joined by two more regiments from Ireland, under
      General Gage; and thus awed, the province was restored to comparative
      tranquillity. But underneath this show of quiet there were heart-burnings,
      which nothing but the recognition of American independence could allay.
      Associations formed throughout the whole length and breadth of America, by
      the exertions of the assembly of Massachusets Bay, stirred up and kept
      alive the flame of discord, and occasion need but fan it, and it would
      kindle into a blaze; the lurid glare of which would be seen burning
      brightly, and raging furiously across the wide Atlantic. The proceedings
      in America were but as yet, in truth, the warnings of a terrible commotion&mdash;the
      first intimations of an irruption, more frightful in its nature, and more
      disastrous in its consequences, than the bursting forth of the
      fire-streaming bowels of Mounts Ætna and Vesuvius, or the devastations of
      an earthquake. For the storms of human passion, when they burst forth in
      war and bloodshed, are more desolating to the human family, than any
      outbreak of visible nature recorded in the many-paged annals of history.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DOMESTIC TROUBLES AND COMMOTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While America threatened some fearful catastrophe, Great Britain was
      scarcely less disturbed by internal troubles and commotions. Much as he
      desired the happiness of the people, the jewels set in his majesty's crown
      were intermixed with sharp, piercing thorns. This is plainly observable in
      the previous pages, wherein the difficulties which had beset his various
      administrations, and which chiefly arose from the discordant passions of
      their members, are historically narrated. Burke rightly observes:&mdash;"Our
      constitution stands on a nice equipoise, with steep precipices and deep
      waters on all sides of it: in removing it from a dangerous leaning toward
      one side, there may be a risk of oversetting it on the other. Every
      project or a material change in a government so complicated, combined, at
      the same time, with external circumstances still more complicated, is a
      matter full of difficulties." This is not the language of a casual
      observer of men and manners, but of a profound politician. It is borne out
      by his majesty's early experience. The scheme which he adopted soon after
      his accession of breaking the power of the Whig aristocracy, and of
      calling men of different parties to the service of the state, was not only
      surrounded with difficulties, but fraught with clanger. Men looked with
      favour on the long-established supremacy of these great families, and
      their influence and power were therefore not easily broken. Bute sought to
      dissolve the spell; but the hand of Bute was not that of a magician, and
      he signally failed in the attempt. Broken, but not subdued, the
      aristocracy formed new parties, and acted upon new principles, all
      calculated, when dictated by the spirit of opposition, to annoy the
      sovereign, and disarrange the machinery of the state. Cabinets, formed
      with nice art and care, were unable to withstand their opponents; whence
      their frequent disarrangements and dissolutions. The age became signalised
      by ministerial revolutions and cabinet abortions; and why? because the
      cabinets formed were not supported by public opinion. Parliament itself
      had lost much of its credit with the people by reason of its indecisive
      measures. It had forfeited their confidence, nor could the recall of Pitt
      to the helm of state restore it to their favour, or rescue the sovereign
      from the dilemma in which he had placed himself. Intractable at all times,
      from the opposition he had met with, and from ill health, he had become so
      imperious, that, like an old Roman consul, he would fain have yoked the
      people, the cabinet, and the monarch to his chariot-wheels. Moreover,
      since he had become an earl, he was a changed man. He no longer sided
      with, but against, the people; sheltering himself from their clamours in
      the stronghold of privilege. Hence it was, that when he coalesced with
      others, he found no support on which he could lean with safety, and by
      which he could assist the monarch. His staff was but a reed on which, if
      he leant, it pierced his hand. This Chatham felt; and though he clung
      tenaciously to office, from the fear of displaying his weakness and
      incapacity, he only acted, when he did act, behind the scenes. Ministerial
      exertions were also paralysed by another cause. A prevalent notion existed
      that there was a mysterious power about the court which worked to the
      detriment of the public good. This was a constant theme of invective among
      the opposition, and, it would seem, not without good reason. But there was
      another cause of obstruction to the measures formed by government. This
      was found in the democratical spirit, which now universally prevailed.
      Courted by the aristocracy, who had till very recently
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Held them dangling at arm's length in scorn,"
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      and grown comparatively wealthy since relieved from the pressure of war,
      the population became restless, jealous, and insubordinate. The man whose
      fortune was only made, as it were, yesterday, deemed himself as great a
      man as the highest and noblest born aristocrat; while the man who had
      squandered away his patrimony, sought to restore himself from his fallen
      position in society, by assuming principles of patriotism which in his
      heart he despised. Moreover, the conduct of their rulers, which had been
      too frequently vacillating and manifestly corrupt, taught the great body
      of the people to look upon them with suspicion and distrust. Talk they as
      loud as they might of honesty of intention, of unimpeachable integrity,
      and of pure patriotism, the people nevertheless would not now believe
      them. Hence, political associations began to be formed; taverns were made
      so many parliament houses; and the people seemed as if they were resolved
      to take the government into their own hands.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     But oh! ye Muses, keep your votary's feet
     From tavern-haunts where politicians meet
     Where rector, doctor, and attorney pause,
     First on each parish, then each public cause:
     Indited roads and rates that still increase;
     The murmuring poor, who will not fast in peace:
     Election zeal and friendship since declined,
     A tax commuted, or a tithe in kind;
     The Dutch and German? kindling into strife;
     Hull port and poachers vile!&mdash;the serious ills of life.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      THE RETURN OF WILKES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Such was the state of society when writs were issued for a new election.
      Encouraged by it, John Wilkes once more stepped upon the stage, and
      offered himself as a candidate for the suffrages of the people. And, as it
      has been well said, Mephistopheles himself could not have chosen a better
      time for mischief. For, at this time, the populace had no idol in whom
      they could place their confidence, and they hailed his reappearance with
      delight. By their aid, indeed, he soon became enabled to insult his
      sovereign, and to trample on the legislature with impunity. Unprincipled
      as he was, he became the man of their choice, and their "champion bold" in
      the cause of what was called liberty.
    </p>
    <p>
      Wilkes had made an attempt to return to England during the Rockingham
      ministry, but that party would not receive his overtures. Recently he had
      also sounded the Duke of Grafton, with whom he had formerly been on terms
      of intimacy; but his application for his mediation with the king was
      treated by that nobleman with neglect and disdain. Thus disappointed, and
      finding his situation at Paris, from his accumulated load of debt,
      disagreeable, he at length resolved to brave every danger. During the
      elections, he boldly presented himself at Guildhall, as a candidate to
      represent the metropolitan city in parliament. He was received with
      rapturous applause by the populace; but his present views were frustrated
      by some of the good citizens of London, who exerted all their influence to
      insure his defeat. Nothing daunted, however, Wilkes immediately offered
      himself for the county, and he was returned by the freeholders of
      Middlesex, by a very large majority. The mob, on this occasion, was in a
      transport of joy. The air rang with shouts of "Wilkes and Liberty!" and by
      way of exhibiting their exultation at their triumph, they demolished
      Bute's windows in the west, and the windows of the mansion-house, in the
      east of the city.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having secured his election for Middlesex, and confident of the support of
      the people, Wilkes appeared, in the month of April, in the court of king's
      bench, and declared himself ready to submit to the laws of his country.
      Lord Mansfield, then on the bench, suggested that as he was not before the
      court by any legal process, no notice could be taken of his professed
      submission, and he was permitted to depart. On retiring, he was received
      with loud acclamations by the mob, and the general impression was, that
      Wilkes had conquered the government, and that the arm of the people was
      stronger than the arm of the law. Wilkes, likewise, may have flattered
      himself that he was secure from all further process; but, if so, he soon
      found himself deceived. Within a week, a writ of <i>capias ut legatum</i>
      was issued against him, and he was taken into custody. Sergeant Glynn, his
      counsel, pointed out several errors in the outlawry, and offered bail; but
      the judges decided that no bail could be taken, and he was at once
      committed to the king's bench prison. But the populace was resolved to
      reverse this decree. As he was proceeding over Westminster-bridge, they
      stopped the coach in which he was conveyed, took out the horses, and
      dragged him in triumph through the city, to a public-house in
      Spitalfields, where they retained him till nearly midnight. Wilkes,
      however, thought proper, when the people dispersed, to repair to the
      marshal of the king's bench, out of whose hands the mob had rescued him,
      and surrender himself. But as soon as it was known that the "patriot" was
      in prison, the mob showed signs of rescuing him again. Crowds collected
      around his prison-house, pulled down the outward fence, and made a bonfire
      with it on the spot. An order was sent to the horse-guards, and a body of
      soldiers were stationed near the prison, but this only tended to increase
      the popular excitement. Every day, for nearly a fortnight, the mob abused
      the soldiers, and the soldiers threatened the mob, so that the metropolis
      was one continued scene of riot and confusion; Wilkes adding fuel to the
      flames from within the doors of his prison.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the public temper when parliament reassembled on the 10th of May.
      The people supposed that neither strong walls, nor stronger laws, could
      prevent Wilkes from taking his seat in the house of commons, as member for
      Middlesex; and they assembled in great numbers round the gates of his
      prison, in order to escort him to Westminster. But the gates remained
      bolted and barred, and Wilkes continued secure within. They waited
      patiently for awhile, but when doubts arose whether they should be
      permitted to see then-idol, their patience at first grew into uneasiness,
      until at length it gendered into a storm of furious disappointment and
      passion. Demands were made for his appearance, but they were unheeded and
      unanswered. Their violence grew with their clamour, and it was in vain
      that they were urged to depart in peace. Stones and brickbats were aimed
      at the heads of the magistrates who attempted to read the riot act, and
      the military by whom they were guarded. Self-defence compelled the order
      to fire, which was readily obeyed by the soldiers; the more so, because
      the companies selected for the service were nearly all Highlanders and
      Lowland Scots, whose strong national feelings had been wounded by Wilkes,
      in his North Briton. Four or five persons were killed, and many more
      wounded; and among those who perished was a youth of the name of Allen,
      who had taken no part in the riot. One of the soldiers gave chase to a
      young man who had been pelting them, and by mistake shot Allen in a
      cow-house, near St. George's-fields, while he was in the act of protesting
      his innocence. This occurrence tended to increase the popular rage. At the
      coroner's inquest, a verdict of wilful murder was brought in against the
      soldier who shot Allen, and two others were charged with aiding and
      abetting. Maclean&mdash;for that was the name of the soldier who shot
      Allen&mdash;was committed to prison, and warrants were issued against the
      others as accessories. At the same time, Mr. Gillam, one of the Surrey
      magistrates, who had given the order to fire, was indicted for murder. On
      the other hand, the parliament then sitting voted loyal addresses to his
      majesty on the occasion, with assurances that every measure, which was
      adopted for the maintenance of the authority of the laws, had their hearty
      concurrence; and Lord Barrington returned thanks to the officers and men
      employed in this service, and directed that the crown lawyers should
      defend the soldiers under prosecution. This had the effect of exasperating
      the populace still more. They saw that the soldiers would be acquitted&mdash;which
      was actually the case, and rewarded likewise&mdash;and the exploit was
      named by the unenviable denomination of "The Massacre of St.
      George's-fields." Exciting papers were stuck up in every part of the
      metropolis, and even on the very walls of St. James's-palace. The
      mansion-house was assailed so frequently that a constant guard of soldiers
      was necessary to defend it from demolition. The firm of civil authority
      appeared too weak to control the unbridled passions of the populace; and
      it was rendered still more impotent by other riots and disturbances which
      broke out unconnected with politics. Coalheavers, sailors, and watermen at
      this time complained of low wages, and of frauds practised upon them by
      their employers; and Stepney-fields likewise became a scene of combat
      which could only be quelled by the military.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of June, Wilkes's case was again heard in the king's bench. His
      outlawry was reversed, because he had voluntarily surrendered: but he was
      sentenced, for the seditious sentiments contained in the 'North Briton',
      to be confined in prison ten calendar months, and to pay a fine of £500;
      and for publishing the 'Essay on Woman', to pay a similar fine, and to be
      imprisoned twelve calendar months, to commence at the expiration of the
      term of the former imprisonment. He was, also, to find security for his
      good behaviour for seven years&mdash;himself in the sum of £1000, and two
      sureties in £500 each. On the trial, facts were divulged very disgraceful
      to the temper of the people. In order to ensure impunity for their idol,
      anonymous letters had been sent to chief-justice Mansfield, threatening
      him, and insulting him by every species of insult and intimidation. His
      lordship spoke feelingly and wisely in delivering the judgment of the
      court on these unworthy and unmanly proceedings:&mdash;"The last event,"
      said he, "which can happen to a man never comes too soon, if he falls in
      support of the law and liberty of his country; for liberty is synonymous
      with law and government: as for himself, the temper of his mind, and the
      colour and conduct of his life, had given him a suit of armour against
      these arrows."
    </p>
    <p>
      The sentence passed against Wilkes tended only to increase his popularity.
      Though immured within the walls of a prison, he became now in the very
      zenith of his fame. Subscriptions were raised to pay off his debts;
      valuable presents were conferred on him; and his portrait met the eyes of
      the passers-by, over the doors of the public-houses, in every part of the
      kingdom. The popularity of Wilkes was, if possible, augmented by the issue
      of the trials of the magistrate and soldiers for the murder of Allen, and
      those who fell in "the massacre of St. George's-fields." They were all
      acquitted; and instead of being censured for a breach of discipline by the
      authorities, Maclean received from government the sum of thirty guineas
      for his sufferings on a false accusation. This was exceedingly impolitic;
      for it had the effect of further exasperating that huge-chafed monster,
      the populace, whose power is not to be provoked or despised with impunity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF LORD CHATHAM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A ministry so hetrogeneous in its composition as that which now
      administered the affairs of Great Britain could hardly be expected to act
      in union and with firmness at this critical season. The Earl of Chatham
      gave proof that he was not disposed to act with the opponents of Wilkes,
      by declaring to Sir William Beauchamp, who was contesting the election of
      Middlesex with Sergeant Glynn, and who applied to him for his assistance
      and countenance, that he constantly declined meddling in elections. His
      disinclination to act at all was, also, elicited by the Duke of Grafton,
      who sighed "after a life much more pleasing to his mind" than that of
      presiding over the government. Grafton urged the Countess of Chatham&mdash;for
      he dared not trouble his lordship&mdash;to state whether she thought her
      lord would resign. The countess, in reply, assured the noble duke that
      there was but little prospect of his ever being able to enter much into
      business; and intimated, that he was privy to, and highly disapproved of,
      an intention entertained of dismissing Lord Shelburne; adding, that he
      would never consent nor concur in such a removal, his services being of
      great importance to the administration. All the while the Earl of Chatham
      knew that it was Lord Shelburne's intention of resigning voluntarily,
      which he did immediately after, having for his successor, as secretary for
      the southern department, Lord Weymouth from the northern, in whose post
      the Earl of Rochford was placed. From this cause, and being also
      displeased with the conduct of his colleagues regarding America, Chatham
      at length resolved to tender his resignation. He wrote to the Duke of
      Grafton, informing him that his health would no longer permit him to be
      useful to his majesty, and begging that his grace would lay him at his
      majesty's feet, with his utmost duty and earnest request, that he would
      grant him his royal permission to resign the privy seal. It was in vain
      that the Duke of Grafton endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose, on
      the grounds that his services were at this moment indispensable. His
      request was repeated in more positive terms, and a letter was sent also to
      the king to the same intent. His majesty now tried whether the refractory
      lord could not be brought to a proper sense of his duty. He wrote in
      reply:&mdash;"As you entered upon this employment in August, 1766, at my
      own requisition, I think I have a right to insist on your remaining in my
      service; for I with pleasure look forward to the time of your recovery,
      when I may I have your assistance in resisting the torrent of factions
      this country so much labours under. This thought is the more frequent in
      my mind, as the lord chancellor and the Duke of Grafton take every
      opportunity to declare warmly their desire of seeing that: therefore I
      again repeat it, you must not think of retiring, but of pursuing what may
      be most conducive to your health, and to my seeing you take a public share
      in my affairs." It is probable that the Earl of Chatham was not so
      sanguine as his majesty concerning his ability to resist "the torrent of
      factions," for he shrunk from his task in coward fear. In his reply,
      affliction, submission, gratitude, veneration, and despair was seen in
      almost every line, and he insisted upon adhering to his purpose.
      Accordingly, he sent the privy seal by Lord Camden, who delivered it into
      the king's hands, and who, to increase the monarch's embarrassments,
      wished to resign likewise. Overcome by his majesty's entreaties, however,
      Camden consented to remain in office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The resignation of Chatham did not excite greater interest than the
      resignation of the meanest officer in the state. Even Thackeray, his
      admiring biographer, was obliged to make this confession:&mdash;"A greater
      contrast in the feelings of the cabinet and the nation upon the present
      resignation of Lord Chatham to those which were evinced upon his
      dismission from office in 1757, and upon his retirement in 1761, can
      scarcely be imagined. His dismission in 1757 excited one common cry of
      enthusiastic admiration towards himself, and of indignation towards his
      political opponents. The attention, not only of Great Britain, but of the
      whole of Europe, was attracted by his resignation in 1761; and although
      the voices of his countrymen were not so universally united in his favour
      as upon the former occasion, the event was considered as affecting the
      interests of nations in the four quarters of the globe. The resignation of
      Lord Chatham, in 1768, was, in fact, nothing more than the relinquishment
      of an appointment in which he had long ceased to exercise his authority,
      or to exert his abilities. It was expected by the ministry&mdash;it was
      little regarded by the people of Great Britain&mdash;it was almost unknown
      to the continent of Europe." So low had the Earl of Chatham descended from
      his giddy height of popularity&mdash;so little to be depended upon is the
      breath of the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the contrary, the causes which led to the retirement of Lord Shelburne,
      had the effect of increasing the reputation of that ex-minister, and of
      endearing him to the public. The ancient republic of Genoa had long been
      endeavouring to reduce the Corsicans to her obedience, but was compelled
      to give up the contest in despair. She resigned her right of sovereignty&mdash;real
      or pretended&mdash;to Louis XV.; and the French fitted out an armament to
      take possession of Corsica by force of arms. The Corsicans maintained that
      they were not to be bought and sold like revolted subjects and rebels; and
      their chosen chief, General Paoli, represented the cruelty of the case to
      all Europe, addressing himself in a special manner to England. As
      islanders and freemen, the English warmly sympathised with them. The Earl
      of Chatham and Lord Shelburne, likewise, felt deeply interested in the
      cause of the Corsicans; and the latter authorised Lord Rochford, the
      ambassador at Paris, to address a spirited remonstrance to the French
      cabinet on the subject. These orders, however, were not supported by the
      rest of the administration; the French court took no notice of the
      remonstrance; and Lord Shelburne was compelled to resign. Corsica was
      therefore abandoned to France, who established her supremacy by shedding
      much blood. This naturally created feelings of respect for Lord Shelburne
      in the breasts of the English people; and, as naturally, the feelings of
      contempt for his cold, calculating, official colleagues.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF WILKES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By this time Sergeant Glynn had been elected for the county of Middlesex.
      Glynn was the friend and companion of Wilkes, and it happened that some of
      the chairmen of his opponent killed a man of the name of Clarke in an
      affray. At this period, such events were by no means uncommon, but as Sir
      William Beauchamp was a ministerial candidate, the populace spread
      surmises abroad, and circulated accusations detrimental to his character.
      He was charged with being an employer of assassins, and two of his
      chairmen were tried at the Old Bailey for murder. They were acquitted, but
      this only tended to increase the popular excitement against the ministers.
      Wilkes still more inflamed it by his intemperate conduct. Lord Weymouth
      sent a letter to the bench of magistrates for the county of Surrey,
      expressing the warmest approbation of their conduct, and recommending them
      to quell all tumults on their first rising by the aid of the civil and
      military power. This letter, or a copy of it, having fallen into the hands
      of Wilkes, it was published by him, with an inflammatory preface, in which
      he called the affair in St. George's Fields "a horrid massacre, and the
      consequence of a hellish project deliberately planned." Irritated by his
      imprisonment, Wilkes, indeed, seems now to have set his fortune on the
      cast of a die, and the only way of playing the game successfully, seems to
      have been, considered by him, that of inflaming the passions of the
      people, already enraged beyond endurance, to the utmost. But the ministers
      resolved that he should not act with impunity, and this last act
      determined them upon taking effectual measures to overthrow his cause,
      finally and for ever. But the determination taken by them only aided the
      "patriot" in his ambitious projects, and tended to increase their own
      unpopularity.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1765-1769
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament, with the Duke of Grafton at its head, assembled on the 8th of
      November. In his speech his majesty alluded to the signs of commotion
      among the continental powers which now existed; to the state of our
      American colonies, especially to the proceedings at Boston, which he
      denounced in strong terms; and to the late abundant harvest, which he
      viewed with satisfaction, as having come opportunely to the relief of his
      poorer subjects. In the house of lords the address was agreed to
      unanimously, but the commons offered many objections, criticising the
      conduct of government with reference to America, Corsica, and its
      continental policy, whence it was not carried without much angry feeling.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first question debated was that of corn. To prevent the recurrence of
      scarcity, a bill was prepared for enlarging the prohibition against
      exportation, and for preventing distillation from wheat. A more effectual
      mode of securing plenty would have been to have passed a bill for the
      better cultivation of the lands already in use, and for the enclosure of
      large tracts of land then uncultivated. But government had no extended
      views at this period, and, moreover, its attention was absorbed in the
      consideration of the one all-engrossing subject&mdash;civil discord.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON WILKES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the session was a week old, Wilkes and the parliament were at open
      war. Determined upon keeping up the spirit of animosity among his
      admirers, the great agitator presented a petition to the house of commons,
      by means of Sir Joseph Mawbey, one of the members for Southwark, which
      recited all the proceedings of government against him, and claimed redress
      and liberty as a member of that house. A violent debate took place, and it
      was agreed that Wilkes should have liberty to attend the house to support
      his allegations, and that he should be allowed the assistance of counsel.
      He was to appear on the 2nd of December, but in the meantime a member
      moved for an Inquiry into the occurrences in St. George's Fields, and of
      the conduct of the military employed on that occasion. This motion was
      negatived, and when Burke, who acted as leader of the Rockingham party,
      renewed it, it shared the same fate: some observed because many members
      were afraid of investigating the subject too closely.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1769
    </p>
    <p>
      The house postponed the hearing of Wilkes and his counsel, and this
      postponement was several times repeated. They were unheard on the 23rd of
      January, when Mr. Martin, member for Gatton, moved, "That John Wilkes,
      Esq., although he is convicted of publishing a seditious libel, is
      entitled to privilege of parliament." An amendment was moved by Lord North
      to the effect, "That John Wilkes, Esq., although he is convicted of
      printing and publishing a malignant, seditious, and scandalous libel, and
      of printing and publishing three obscene and impious libels, and now
      stands committed to the king's-bench prison, by virtue of two several
      judgments in the court of king's-bench, for the said offences, is
      entitled, by privilege of parliament, to be discharged from his
      imprisonment for the said offences." After a fiery debate, the amendment
      was carried by a large majority; and Mr. Martin, feeling himself disgraced
      by its making him the patron of sedition, obscenity, and impiety, moved,
      "That, in entering in the votes of this day the proceedings of the house
      upon the said question, the original motion be stated, with the
      proceedings of the house in making the several amendments thereto." This
      was reasonable, but when put to the vote it was rejected.
    </p>
    <p>
      By these proceedings the temper of the house towards Wilkes was fully
      manifested, and it seemed morally certain that when his petition was taken
      into consideration it would prove a failure. It was on the 27th of January
      that this debate fairly commenced. On that day Lord North moved that the
      petitioner's counsel should be confined to two specified points only;
      namely, to prove the allegations in his petition, which asserted that Lord
      Mansfield had altered the record of his indictment the day before his
      trial in Westminster-hall; and that Mr. Carteret Webb, solicitor to the
      treasury, had bribed one Curry, a man in Wilkes's employment, to purloin
      the copy of the "Essay on Woman," for which he was undergoing
      imprisonment. This motion was agreed to, though not without fierce
      opposition, and Wilkes appeared at the bar of the house on the 31st, to
      make good these allegations. He objected, that as a member he could not
      legally appear there without taking the oaths, but this was overruled, he
      then proceeded to support his allegations, but all he could substantiate
      was, that Lord Mansfield had made an alteration on the record, and as this
      was in accordance with ancient custom, and had been sanctioned by all the
      judges, the house agreed, without a division, that the petitioner had not
      made good the two allegations upon which he had been heard, and that his
      petition was frivolous.
    </p>
    <p>
      The tables were now turned. Lord Weymouth made a complaint in the upper
      house, regarding a breach of privilege, in publishing his letter sent to
      the magistrates of Surrey, with an inflammatory preface. A conference
      between the two houses had been held, and Wilkes was charged with this
      misdemeanour before the bar of the commons. But at that bar Wilkes not
      only avowed himself the author of the publication, but claimed the thanks
      of his country for having exposed Weymouth's "bloody scroll." It was
      immediately resolved by the commons that he was guilty of a seditious
      libel, calculated "to inflame and stir up the minds of his majesty's
      subjects to sedition, and to a total subversion of all good order and
      legal government." This was on the 2nd of February, and on the following
      day Lord Barrington moved, "That John Wilkes, Esq., a member of this
      house, who hath at the bar of this house certified himself to be the
      author and publisher of what this house has resolved to be an insolent,
      scandalous, and seditious libel, and who has been convicted in the court
      of king's-bench of having printed and published a seditious libel, and
      three obscene and impious libels, and by the judgment of the said court
      has been sentenced to undergo twenty-two months imprisonment, and is now
      in execution under the said judgment, be expelled this house." A long and
      vehement debate followed this motion, Burke, Grenville, Beckford, and
      others taking the part of Wilkes, but the motion was carried by a large
      majority at midnight, and a new writ was issued for the election of
      another member for Middlesex.
    </p>
    <p>
      Burke denominated the expulsion of Wilkes from the house as the fifth act
      of the tragi-comedy acted by his majesty's servants, for the benefit of
      the agitator, at the expense of the constitution. As for Wilkes himself,
      he was nothing daunted by it, for after indulging in many witticisms at
      the expense of his adversaries, he declared that he would stand again for
      Middlesex, and expressed his conviction that he should be returned. And
      the event answered his expectation. Liberty and Wilkes were now synonymous
      terms, and no ministerial candidate had a chance of obtaining the popular
      favour in preference to him. He was rechosen representative for Middlesex
      free of all expense to himself, but the house declared him incapable of
      being elected during the present parliament. The popularity of Wilkes,
      however, increased in proportion as the opposition to him in the house
      assumed a vindictive character. The agitator, in fact, only laughed at his
      adversaries, and said he would try again. Great efforts were made this
      time by the ministerial party to ensure his defeat, but it was to no
      purpose. Assisted by the public press, the mob, and many opulent
      merchants, who deemed him the champion of liberty, Wilkes was again
      triumphantly returned member for Middlesex: his opponent, Mr. Dingley, not
      being able to get himself named for fear of the mob's violence. But again
      the house of commons declared Wilkes's return null and void, and ordered a
      new writ.
    </p>
    <p>
      The popular feeling was displayed on the occasion of this second election
      in a very unequivocal manner. The partisans of Dingley met at the
      King's-arms tavern, in Cornhill, for the purpose of proposing a loyal
      address to his majesty, in contradiction of certain instructions which had
      been prepared by the city. This was prevented by the Wilkites, who mingled
      among them, and who created such an uproar, that nothing could be agreed
      upon. At a second meeting, however, in another place, the Dingleyans were
      more successful; but on the 22nd of March, when they went to present the
      address, they were beset by a countless mob, shouting, "Wilkes and liberty&mdash;liberty
      and Wilkes for ever!" They were even pelted with dirt from the kennels,
      and assailed with every species of violence and insult. A hearse was
      dragged before them, covered with paintings, representing the death of
      Allen, in St. George's-fields, and the murder at Brentford by Sir William
      Proctor's chairmen. So violent was the conduct of the mob, that many of
      those who were going with the address made off through by-streets, or ran
      into houses for protection. Few remained when they arrived at the court of
      St. James's, and the mob attempted to pass through the gates with their
      ominous vehicle. This was resisted by the guard, and when the mob
      persevered, Lord Talbot rushed out and seized two of them, while the
      soldiers on duty captured fifteen more, and they were carried to prison.
    </p>
    <p>
      In opposing the election of Wilkes, therefore, there was considerable
      danger. Hence, when the third writ was issued, Colonel Henry Lawes
      Luttrell, who was then sitting in the house as member for Bossiney,
      conceived that he, as a military man, might assist ministers in their
      dilemma by offering himself as a member for Middlesex. To this end he
      vacated his seat for Bossiney, and the house ordered the sheriffs to be in
      attendance with a large number of extra constables round the hustings at
      Brentford, for the preservation of peace. Encouraged by this care, and by
      the colonel's boldness, two other candidates appeared at the hustings, to
      solicit the suffrages of the people. But all the care of the government,
      and all the exertions of the candidates were vain. Wilkes was a third time
      re-elected, and illuminations throughout the whole city of London
      testified the triumph of the people. The house of commons, however, was
      firm in its opposition to the popular idol and the popular feeling. A
      motion was made, and carried by a large majority, to alter this return,
      and to insert the name of Luttrell in place of Wilkes. The freeholders of
      Middlesex, looking only at the poll-book, exclaimed against the iniquity
      of this measure, as Luttrell had not above a fourth part of the votes
      which were entered on behalf of Wilkes; and they presented a petition to
      the commons, begging them to rescind their motion. An animated discussion
      followed this petition, but Luttrell was confirmed in his seat by a still
      greater majority. The exertions of the people were, therefore, rendered
      null and void, but Wilkes was as great a favourite with them as ever. Ten
      days after, he was chosen alderman of the city of London; and he was
      represented everywhere as a meritorious patriot, who was suffering for the
      cause of the people. And it cannot be denied that the conduct of ministers
      towards Wilkes assumed rather the aspect of vindictive persecution than
      that of strict justice. It was this that gave to Wilkes the importance he
      had obtained in the sight of the populace&mdash;an importance which his
      merits and his talents could never have given him.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, committees had been appointed by both houses to
      examine and report upon papers relative to American affairs, which were
      submitted to them by the crown. Measures of rigour were urged by
      majorities in both houses. The lords voted strong-resolutions relative to
      the unwarrantable and rebellious conduct of the legislature and people of
      Massachusets-bay, and recommended, in an address to the king, that the
      criminals should be brought over to England and tried by a special
      commission, according to a statute of the thirty-fifth of Henry the
      Eighth. It was moved in the commons that they should concur in this
      measure; and, after a long and spirited debate, in which many warning
      voices were lifted up against it, the motion was carried. This was on the
      26th of January, and a few days after the subject was again brought before
      the house of commons, and the ministers were again warned of the danger of
      driving matters to extremities. Mr. Rose Fuller moved that the address
      should be recommitted, but no arguments which he, or any speaker that took
      part with him adduced, could alter the disposition of the house upon the
      subject, and his motion was negatived by a large majority. On the 14th of
      March, the subject of American affairs was resumed. This was occasioned by
      a petition, or remonstrance, from New York, which denied the right of
      parliament to tax the Americans in any way. Lord North proposed that such
      a paper should not be received. He was opposed by Mr. Grenville, Mr.
      Burke, and Colonel Barre; but the house had made up its mind to show no
      favour to the Americans, and Lord North's motion was carried. Colonel
      Barre reminded the house that he had predicted all that would happen on
      passing the Stamp Act, and he now boldly asserted, that if ministers
      persisted in their present course, the whole continent of North America
      would rise in arms, and these colonies perhaps be lost to England for
      ever. But the ministers were deaf to argument, remonstrance, and warning,
      and they still determined upon rigorous measures. Later in the season,
      Governor Pownall moved, in a long speech, that the revenue acts affecting
      America should be forthwith repealed. This was the only mode of preserving
      the allegiance of that country; but it was pleaded that the session was
      too far advanced to enter upon the subject&mdash;all important as it was&mdash;and
      its discussion was therefore deferred till the next meeting of parliament,
      and then it was too late.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the charter of the East India Company was prolonged
      for the further term of five years, on conditions similar to those in the
      last agreement. The company was to continue to pay £400,000 per annum, and
      to continue to export British goods, at an average of equal value with
      those sent to India during the last five years. The company, however, was
      now allowed to increase its dividend to twelve and a half per cent.,
      provided it did not in any one year put on more than one per cent. If any
      decrease of dividend was found to be necessary, then the sum payable to
      government was to be reduced proportionately, and if the dividend fell to
      six per cent., it was to cease altogether. This bargain had scarcely been
      renewed when intelligence arrived from Hindostan, that Hyder Ally had
      reduced the company, after an expensive war, to sue for a dishonourable
      peace, and India stock fell rapidly.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session it was announced in a message from the king, that,
      in consequence of a deficiency in some branches of the revenue
      appropriated to the civil list, debts had been contracted to the amount of
      £513,511, which his majesty trusted that house would enable him to
      discharge. The opposition demanded the production of papers to account for
      these arrears, which were promised by Lord North, if they would vote the
      money first. This proposition was warmly opposed, but, in the end, the
      house showed its loyalty by voting the money. On the 9th of May, the king
      went down to prorogue parliament. This was the day after the last vehement
      debate and division on the election of Wilkes; and as he was passing from
      the palace to the house of lords, he was grossly insulted by the populace.
      In his speech, his majesty exhorted the members, with more than ordinary
      earnestness, to exert themselves in their several counties to repress the
      efforts of the disaffected, and in maintaining public peace and good
      order.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCONTENTS IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There was great occasion for his majesty's advice to the members of
      parliament, but they were powerless to effect that which he desired, and
      which was a "consummation devoutly to be wished" by every lover of good
      order. During this summer, discontent was more prevalent than at any
      preceding period of this reign. The disputes with the Americans, and the
      expulsion of Wilkes from his seat in parliament, had the effect of keeping
      the public mind in a state of constant excitement. This latter cause gave
      the greater umbrage to the people, because a man was sitting in his place
      who was supported only by a minority. This involved a constitutional right
      of great importance, and a question was mooted, whether expulsion
      constituted disqualification during the current parliament. The pen of Dr.
      Johnson was employed in proving the affirmative; his chief argument being,
      that the power of disqualification was necessary to the house of commons,
      for otherwise expulsion would not be a real, but a nominal punishment.
      Other pens were employed in proving the contrary; and among them was that
      of Junius, whose argument rested on the axiom that political expediency
      does not prove existing law, and who defied his opponents to produce any
      statute applicable to the subject. Junius also argued that, although the
      house of commons could expel, the concurrence of every branch of the
      legislature was necessary to incapacitate. Junius, whose extraordinary
      powers as a writer on politics have rarely, if ever, been surpassed, was
      the most bitter antagonist of the present government. The Middlesex
      election was eagerly embraced by him as an opportunity of advancing the
      great object he had in view&mdash;namely, that of the restoration of the
      Whig aristocracy to power. He dipped his pen in gall for this purpose,
      attacking the Duke of Grafton's administration with virulent invective and
      energetic eloquence, if haply he might effect its overthrow. He marred his
      fame, however, by an exhibition of personal resentment against individual
      members of the cabinet, and by putting forth foul calumnies from his
      secret hiding-place against the highest characters in the realm. Political
      writers may be bold in uttering truth, but when they use slander as one of
      their most powerful weapons, then they sink their characters as men, and
      forfeit their claim to be heard by society. But this was not the opinion
      in those days of turbulent excitement. Junius was heard and heeded by the
      mass, and though he did not break up the administration, which was the
      main object he had in view, his writings had the effect of confirming the
      people in their opposition to government. Faction was so prevalent that
      ministers sought to counteract it by procuring loyal addresses from
      various parts of the country. Only four counties, a few corporations, and
      the two universities responded to their call; while, on the other hand,
      numerous petitions of a contrary tendency, were got up without any
      difficulty. Discontent ruled dominant before the legislature reassembled,
      both in the city of London, and throughout the whole country. With a view
      of embarrassing government, Alderman Beckford was again elected to the
      mayoralty, although some ancient by-laws forbade the same person to be
      chosen twice within the space of seven years. This objection was urged,
      but overruled by precedents. Ministerial troubles grew on every side.
      Ireland, as well as England and America, was in a state of trouble and
      commotion. At this time it was overrun by Levellers, White-boys, Oak-boys,
      and Hearts-of-Steel&mdash;factions which were bound together by secret
      oaths and a mutual detestation of tithes. Nor was the Irish parliament
      less disorderly. In the month of October a bill was brought into the Irish
      house of commons for increasing the military establishment in that
      country, which was recommended by the lord-lieutenant, and although it was
      carried, it was not till after it had encountered a violent opposition. In
      the month of November, also, the Irish commons claimed the right of
      framing all money-bills, which hitherto had been sent over to them by the
      English cabinet. They rejected the one sent over this year, and although
      they voted a more liberal supply of their own freewill, the
      lord-lieutenant would not recognise the newly-claimed right. He called it
      a violation of the law, and an encroachment upon the king's prerogative.
      He entered his protest against it, and he then suddenly prorogued
      parliament before it had done any business. Thus his majesty was
      surrounded by troubles in almost every part of his dominions. England,
      Ireland, and America were all arrayed against him, and insubordination was
      the order of the day. What made his situation more critical was, that he
      had not a minister of sufficient ability to guide the helm of the state,
      so as to keep it clear from the rocks and the shoals by which it was
      surrounded.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1769&mdash;1771
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Affairs of  America..... Meeting of  Parliament.....
     Dissolution of the Grafton Cabinet..... Debates on   the
     Middlesex   Election,  &amp;c...... The Question of Controverted
     Elections..... Debates on America..... Release of
     Wilkes..... American Affairs..... Riots at Boston..... The
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Remonstrance of Beckford to
     the King..... Prosecution of Woodfall and Almon.....
     Disputes respecting  Falkland  Islands..... Affairs of
     America..... Meeting of Parliament..... Debate concerning
     the Falkland Islands..... Parliamentary Proceedings on the
     Law of Libel..... Quarrels between the Lords and
     Commons..... Convention with Spain...... Changes in the
     Ministry.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen how the Americans were affected by the Declaratory Bill,
      which accompanied the repeal of the Stamp Act. Had government been wise,
      their disaffection would have taught its members to have devised some
      conciliatory measures in order to prevent the threatened outbreak. The
      conduct of the government, however, was the very reverse from this.
      Instead of allaying the discontents of our colonists, ministers increased
      them by resolving to enforce what they called the Mutiny Act. This was
      carried hurriedly through the house at the close of the session; and
      though the consequences of such a course must have been as clear as
      daylight, yet ministers resolved to put it into execution. For the Mutiny
      Act was, more properly speaking, an act for quartering and better
      providing for the troops at the expense of the colonies. It gave power to
      the military to billet themselves on private houses, as was done in the
      war, and therefore was naturally offensive to the whole of the American
      population, whether friendly or adverse to the English government. It was
      calculated to make foes of friends, and to confirm those who were already
      foes, in their opposition to the mother country. The design of this
      measure, doubtless, was to overawe the colonists; but the spirit of
      freedom had taken too deep root in America thus to be overawed. Matters,
      in truth, grew worse and worse daily in that country. The minds of the
      Americans had been chafed to such a degree by their original grievances,
      and the measures which had been adopted to enforce their quiescence, that
      they became every day more and more disaffected toward the English
      government. How full fraught the country was with rebellion became
      manifest on the arrival of the newly-formed American board of
      commissioners, at Boston, to enforce the payment of the duties recently
      imposed upon them, and to put an end to smuggling. In the preamble to
      Charles Townshend's Act, the colonists read, that these duties were laid
      "for the better support of the government, and the administration of the
      colonies;" and in the bill itself they found a clause which seemed to
      empower the king, by sign manual, to establish a general civil list in
      every province in North America, with salaries, pensions, and everything
      that could be obnoxious to a free-thinking people. This was instantly
      declared to be unnecessary, unjust, and dangerous to the rights of
      Americans; while the establishment of a civil list in America, independent
      of the assemblies, was pronounced illegal. Measures were taken by the
      people of Boston for putting into effect the non-importation agreements,
      which had been before suggested; the press was employed to demonstrate the
      iniquity of the taxing acts; and the assembly of Massachusets addressed a
      circular letter to all the other colonies to invite them to combine in
      taking measures to defeat the obnoxious act. Every assembly, except that
      of New Hampshire, adopted the sentiments and the plan contained in the
      circular of the assembly of Massachusets, and passed votes of thanks to
      the authors of it. How effective it was in exciting opposition is manifest
      from the following circumstance. Bernard, the governor of Massachusets,
      was instructed to require the house of representatives to rescind the
      resolution which gave birth to the letter, and to declare the king's
      disapprobation of it. But instead of rescinding the resolution, it
      received the emphatic confirmation of the assembly. This reply was sent to
      the governor:&mdash;"If the votes of this house are to be controlled by
      the direction of a minister, we have left us but a vain semblance of
      liberty. We have now only to inform you that this house have voted not to
      rescind, and that, on a division on the question, there were ninety-two
      nays, and seventeen yeas."
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day, Governor Bernard received positive instructions to dissolve
      the assembly of Massachusets. But it was in vain that the arm of power
      sought to quell the general disaffection: when employed it had only the
      effect of making the colonists more resolute in their opposition.
      Associations and committees were formed in most of the provinces, and
      smuggling was carried on in the broad face of day. Some months before, one
      Malcolm had fought with the custom-house officers, and had landed sixty
      pipes of Madeira at Boston without paying duty. In the month of June
      another cargo arrived at Boston, and when the excise-officer stepped on
      board he was seized and confined below, while the wine was sent on shore.
      The officer was afterwards liberated, and on the following morning the
      skipper of the sloop entered four or five pipes at the custom-house,
      declaring that this was the whole of his cargo. Aware of the falsehood of
      this statement, the commissioners ordered a comptroller to seize the
      sloop, and to fix the king's broad arrow upon her. This was the signal for
      a riot. A mob, headed by Malcolm, beat and nearly killed several of the
      revenue officers, and the commissioners themselves were compelled to seek
      safety in flight. The sloop was, however, seized; the excise being
      assisted by the captain of the Romney man-of-war, then lying at anchor off
      Boston. This was on a Friday, and the two following days were
      comparatively quiet, but on Monday an immense mob gathered in the streets
      at Boston, and placards were stuck up, calling upon the "sons of liberty"
      to meet on the following morning. At this meeting a committee was
      appointed to wait upon the governor, to inquire why the sloop had been
      seized? This committee pretended that it was an affront offered to the
      town of Boston to act thus arbitrarily, since the sloop might have been
      left in safety at the wharf. The committee affected likewise to disapprove
      of the riot, and some few of the ringleaders were sought for and found,
      under the pretence of bringing them to condign punishment. But the whole
      was a farce. Malcolm, the smuggler, and others of a similar stamp, sate
      upon the grand jury, and quashed all prosecution.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was these proceedings which seem to have persuaded the ministers at
      home to revive the obsolete statute of Henry VIII. Before the news of
      these Boston riots, however, had arrived in England, ministers had
      resolved to employ force. In a secret and confidential letter, Lord
      Hillsborough had told General Gage that it was his majesty's pleasure he
      should send one regiment or more from Halifax to Boston, to be quartered
      in that town, in order to assist the civil magistrates and the revenue
      officers. This was on the 8th of June, and three days later Governor
      Bernard was informed by his lordship that his majesty had directed one
      regiment to be stationed at Boston, and had ordered a frigate, two sloops,
      and two armed cutters to repair to and remain in the harbour of that town
      for the above-mentioned purpose. It was not, however, till the month of
      September that the people of Boston became fully aware of the intention of
      government to send troops thither, and in the meantime they had been busy
      in organizing resistance to the Mutiny Act. In the month of August, the
      merchants and traders of Boston agreed upon a new subscription paper, to
      this effect:&mdash;"We will not send for or import from Great Britain,
      either upon our own account, or upon commission, this fall, any other
      goods than what are already ordered for the fall supply. We will not send
      for or import any kind of goods or merchandise from Great Britain, &amp;c,
      from the lat of January, 1769, to the 1st of January, 1770; except salt,
      coals, fish-hooks and lines, hemp and duck, bar-lead and shot, wool-cards
      and card wire. We will not purchase of any factor or others any kind of
      goods imported from Great Britain, from January, 1769, to January, 1770.
      We will not import on our own account, or on commission, or purchase of
      any who shall import from any other colony in America, from January, 1769,
      to January, 1770, any tea, paper, glass, or any other goods commonly
      imported from Great Britain. We will not, from and after the 1st of
      January, 1769, import into this province any tea, paper, glass, or
      painters' colours, until the act imposing duties on those articles shall
      be absolutely repealed." This paper was generally subscribed by the
      merchants of Boston, and, soon after, the merchants of Connecticut, New
      York, and Salem entered into similar agreements.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of September a committee waited upon Governor Bernard,
      praying him to convene a general assembly. Then it was that they were
      informed that a military force was coming; and that, consequently, another
      assembly could not be convened till the governor had received the commands
      of his majesty. The inhabitants of Boston now resolved, at the peril of
      their lives and fortunes, to take all legal and constitutional measures to
      defend the rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities granted in their
      royal charter. They also agreed, that a certain number of persons should
      be chosen to act for them as a committee in convention, and to consult and
      advise with such as might be sent from other towns in the province.
      Finally, they fixed a convention, to be held in Faneuil-hall, on the 22nd
      of September, and voted that all the inhabitants not provided with arms
      should be requested to obtain some forthwith, as there was an apprehension
      in the minds of many of an approaching war with France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The convention met on the day appointed. It consisted of deputies from
      eight districts and ninety-six towns, and its chief business was to
      petition the governor, make sundry loyal professions, and express an
      aversion to tumults and standing armies. Its deliberations were cut short
      by the arrival of the troops, under Colonel Dalrymple, who anchored in
      Nantasket Roads, near Boston. The governor requested the town-council to
      provide quarters for these troops in Boston, but they refused; stating,
      that by act of parliament all troops were to be quartered in the barracks,
      and that it was illegal to bring them into the town. Colonel Dalrymple led
      his soldiers to the common on the outside of Boston, and the town-council
      was again requested to quarter them in the town, which they again refused.
      He had two regiments under his command, and one of these took possession
      of Faneuil-hall&mdash;the other lay out on the cold common all night. On
      the evening of the next day, however, the governor ordered the town or
      state-house to be opened to the other regiment; and the soldiers took
      possession of every part of it, except the great council-chamber. These
      proceedings excited deep resentment, and when the governor and Colonel
      Dalrymple required the council to provide barrack provisions, as regulated
      by the Mutiny Act, the request was flatly refused. Still the inhabitants
      of Boston repressed their vindictive feelings. Care was taken by them,
      however, to make known their injuries, and the insults to which they were
      subjected in every part of British America. The picture they drew was,
      doubtless, exaggerated; but that they had grievances there can be no
      question. At all events they found the sympathy they desired in the
      various states of America. The Philadelphians, the Georgians, the
      Rhode-Islanders, and, in short, all the other colonies and towns, with the
      single exception of Portsmouth, the sole sea-port of New Hampshire, now
      followed their example, as regards the non-importation of goods from Great
      Britain. The very females of America partook of the general spirit of
      resistance; for they entered into associations among themselves,
      proscribing the use of tea. Some there were among the merchants who showed
      a reluctance to comply with the terms of the agreement; but their houses
      were surrounded by organised mobs, and they were compelled to give up
      trade rather than risk the forfeiture of their property and lives by
      selling British goods.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus encouraged, the Bostonians became more bold in their opposition to
      government. The assembly being called together in May, 1769, a committee
      from the house of representatives remonstrated with the governor,
      complaining of an armament investing their city&mdash;of the military
      guard&mdash;of cannon pointed at the door of their state-house&mdash;and
      requesting him, as his majesty's representative, to order the removal of
      the ships and the troops. The answer they received was, that he had no
      authority over his majesty's ships, or over his troops, within the town of
      Boston. A few days after the house declared that the use of a military
      force in the execution of the laws was inconsistent with the spirit of the
      constitution, and that they would not transact any business while thus
      menaced by soldiers. In order to obviate this objection to business, the
      governor adjourned the assembly to Cambridge, a town separated from Boston
      by a narrow arm of the sea, but they were not more disposed for business
      at Cambridge than at Boston. The only vote passed by them was to this
      effect:&mdash;"That the establishment of a standing army in this colony in
      time of peace is an invasion of natural rights; that a standing army is
      not known as a part of the British constitution; that sending an armed
      force into the colony, under a pretence of assisting the civil authority,
      is highly dangerous to the people, unprecedented, and unconstitutional."
      When requested by the governor to make provision for the troops, after an
      indignant denunciation of the Mutiny Act, and observing, that of all the
      new regulations, not excepting the Stamp Act, this was the most
      unreasonable, they thus declared their resolution:&mdash;"Your excellency
      must excuse us in this express declaration&mdash;that as we cannot
      consistently with our honour and our interest, and much less with the duty
      we owe to our constituents, so we never will make provision for the
      purposes in your several messages mentioned." Finding the assembly thus
      refractory, the governor prorogued them, taking his leave in the following
      terms:&mdash;"To his majesty, therefore, and if he pleases, to his
      parliament, must be referred your invasion of the rights of the imperial
      sovereignty: you need not be apprehensive of any misrepresentations, as it
      is not in the power of your enemies, if you have any, to add to your
      publications&mdash;they are plain and explicit and need no comment. It is
      my duty, and I shall do it with regret, to transmit to the king true
      copies of your proceedings: and that his majesty may have an opportunity
      to signify his pleasure thereon before you meet again, I think it
      necessary to prorogue this general court immediately, to the usual time of
      the winter session."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before governor Bernard prorogued the assembly, his majesty had requested
      his presence in England for the purpose of ascertaining the real state of
      the province; at the same time testifying his approbation of his conduct,
      and as a mark of his favour, creating him baronet. Sir Francis left the
      colony on the 1st of August, and at his departure, the powers of
      government devolved on lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, a native of the
      province; a man of great abilities, but influenced in his conduct by a
      grasping ambition, and an inordinate love of office and aggrandisement. On
      his return, Sir Francis had no very favourable report to make of his
      province. Notwithstanding every precaution had been adopted, smuggling was
      still carried on to a very great extent. The Bostonians had even adopted
      the practice of tarring and feathering all informers, or all who attempted
      to assist the government: a brutal operation, which was often attended
      with a violence that destroyed life. Nor was smuggling carried on in the
      province of Boston alone. Associations against British commerce were
      organized to such an extent, that the exports to America were found to
      fall short of those in the preceding year by £740,000, and the revenue
      derived from that country was reduced from £701,000 to £30,000. In this
      the Americans were aided by other countries, who sent them their
      manufactures in great abundance, so that the narrow views of ministers not
      only destroyed the resources of Great Britain, but tended to enrich its
      commercial and political rivals. This greatly alarmed the English
      merchants, and Lord Hillsborough thought proper to issue a circular letter
      to the colonies, stating that his majesty's ministers intended, during the
      next session, to take off the duties upon glass, paper, and painters'
      colours, they having been enacted contrary to the true principles of
      commerce. No mention, however, was made of the duty upon tea, and the
      Americans looked upon this omission as having been purposely and
      invidiously made, as a mark of the legislative supremacy of Great Britain.
      Nothing, moreover, was said about repealing the odious clauses in the
      Mutiny Act, and the colonists likewise complained that the circular spoke
      of commercial expediency, and not of the right which they claimed of
      imposing taxes upon the colonies by their own act alone In truth, if this
      circular was intended to conciliate the inhabitants of British America, it
      was a total failure. The universal mind was too much irritated to be
      soothed by such an impotent palliative.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1770
    </p>
    <p>
      Although America was almost in a state of open rebellion, and England
      itself, with Ireland, were rent with faction, yet the parliament did not
      assemble till the 9th of January. This delay naturally excited surprise,
      and this was still further heightened by the tenor of the king's speech.
      Taking no notice of the public discontents, though it feelingly lamented
      the general distress, it chiefly adverted to a general distemper which had
      broken out among the horned cattle, which the king gravely assured the
      lords and commons, he had, by the advice of his privy-council, endeavoured
      to check. And this was solemnly uttered when wits and scoffers abounded on
      every hand&mdash;when Junius had his pen in his hand full fraught with
      gall, and Wilkes was bandying about his bon-mots and sarcasms. "While the
      whole kingdom," says Junius, in a letter to the Duke of Grafton, "was
      agitated with anxious expectation upon one great point, you meanly evaded
      the question, and instead of the explicit firmness of a king, gave us
      nothing but the misery of a ruined grazier." Never was a speech from the
      throne more unfortunate, indeed, than this, for though it slightly
      adverted to the disturbances in America, yet the subject of the disease
      existing among horned cattle was its prominent feature. It was no wonder,
      therefore, that it became the jest of the whole nation. Newspapers,
      pamphlets, and periodicals teemed with biting sarcasm on this most
      extraordinary circumstance. The king's love of farming was bitterly
      descanted upon, and he was represented as attending to cows, stalls,
      dairies, and farms, while his people were misgoverned and discontented,
      and his empire, like a ship in a furious storm, in danger every minute of
      being dashed to pieces. In fine, to show the most profound contempt of
      such a speech from the mouth of the monarch, at such a season, the session
      was nicknamed "the horned cattle session."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the opening of parliament, one day the Earl of Chatham stalked into
      the drawing-room of St. James's, and after the levee had some private
      conversation with the king. What passed between them is unknown, but
      Horace Walpole says, that his reception was most flattering, and the king
      all condescension and goodness. It does not appear, however, that the
      interview satisfied Chatham, for it by no means tended to soften his
      opposition. When parliament met, indeed, he took his place in the house of
      lords, vigorous and more eloquent than ever, and the administration was
      doomed to feel his power, like that of a giant refreshed with wine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address, which was moved in the upper house by the Duke of Ancaster,
      and seconded by Lord Dun-more, was as general and unmeaning as the king's
      speech. Chatham rose to reply, and after glancing at his age and
      infirmities, he took a general review of measures since the year 1763.
      There never was a period, he asserted, when the serious attention of the
      house to public affairs was more imperatively demanded, and he boldly
      maintained that it was the duty of their lordships to lay the true state
      and condition of the country before his majesty. After indulging in a
      quiet sneer at the care the council had bestowed upon horned cattle, he
      remarked, that he was glad to hear that the king had reason to believe the
      peace of the country would be preserved, since peace could never be more
      desirable to a kingdom, than when it was torn to pieces by divisions and
      distractions, as England was at the passing hour. He then criticised the
      last treaty with France and Spain, asserting that England had not obtained
      what she had a right to expect from the success of our arms, and the
      feeble condition of our enemies. He also maintained, that having deserted
      our ally the King of Prussia, we had left ourselves without alliances on
      the continent, and, consequently, had been every moment on the verge of a
      new war, during a seven years' peace. This war, he said, might be
      unavoidable, and must be unfavourable to England, as the princes of the
      house of Bourbon, while we stood in an isolated position, had become
      closely united among themselves, and had formed the closest connexion with
      the powers of Europe. He, however, lamented still more the unhappy acts
      which had severed the affections of the American colonists from Great
      Britain; and the internal discontents of the country. To these he
      earnestly called the attention of their lordships, since their privileges,
      however transcendent and appropriate in themselves, stood in fact on the
      people as a basis. The rights of the highest and the meanest subject, he
      said, had the same foundation, the security of the law, which was common
      to all. He maintained that the liberty of the subject was invaded both at
      home and in the colonies, and that the people who were loud in their
      complaints, would not be pacified without a redress of their grievances.
      Liberty, he observed, was a plant that deserved to be cherished; that he
      loved the tree himself, and wished well to all its branches; that, like
      the vine in scripture, it had spread from east to west, had embraced whole
      nations with its branches, and sheltered them under its leaves. Concerning
      the discontents of the colonists, he conceived that they arose from the
      measures of government. These had driven them into excesses which could
      not be justified, but for which, he, for one, was inclined to make some
      allowance. As to their combinations, and their success in supplying
      themselves with goods, this, he said, had alarmed him for the commercial
      interests of the mother country, but he could not conceive in what sense
      they could be deemed illegal, or how the house by any declaration could
      remove the evil. Other remedies must be looked for, as the discontents of
      two millions of people could only be removed by a removal of their causes.
      Finally, on the subject of discontent in England, he attributed it to the
      proceedings of the house of commons in the matter of Mr. Wilkes, and he
      concluded by submitting the following amendment:&mdash;"That after the
      words, 'and which alone can render our deliberations respectable and
      effectual,' be inserted these words, 'and for these great and essential
      purposes, we will, with all convenient speed, take into our most serious
      consideration the causes of the discontents which prevail in so many parts
      of your majesty's dominions, and particularly the late proceedings of the
      house of commons, touching the incapacity of John Wilkes, Esq., expelled
      by that house, to be elected a member to serve in this present parliament,
      thereby refusing, by a resolution of one branch of the legislature only,
      to the subject his common right, and depriving the electors of Middlesex
      of their free choice of a representative."
    </p>
    <p>
      This amendment was opposed by Lord Mansfield, he considering that it was a
      gross attack on the privileges of the commons, and calculated to create a
      quarrel between the two houses, or between the king and the commons. A
      question, he said, relating to the seat of a member, could only be
      determined by the house itself, whose judgment was final, and must be
      received as the law of the land. The arguments which he used in his speech
      to support his opinions were ably answered by Chatham. The noble lord
      began his reply by extolling common sense above subtilty and ingenious
      refinement. The constitution had been invaded, and he heard with
      astonishment that invasion defended on principle. He denied that the
      commons had a supreme jurisdiction, or that its decision must be received
      as the law of the land; for why, he pertinently asked, were the generous
      exertions of our ancestors made to secure and transmit to their posterity
      a known law and a certain rule of living, if, instead of the arbitrary
      power of a king, we must submit to that of a house of commons? Tyranny was
      detestable in any shape, but especially when exercised by a number of
      tyrants. But that, he triumphantly asserted, was not the fact or the
      constitution of England, and he pointed out where the law of parliament
      might be found by every honest man; namely, in Magna Charta, in the
      statute-book, and in the Bill of Rights. The first principle of the
      constitution is, he observed, that the subject shall not be governed by
      the will of any man or body of men, but by the whole legislature, and by
      certain laws to which he has given his assent: laws which were open to him
      to examine, and not beyond his ability to understand. He then denounced
      the late decision as destitute of every condition essential to its
      legality, and as being unsupported by reason, precedent, Magna Charta, or
      the Bill of Rights. Whether it be questioned by the legislature, he
      continued, will depend on the resolution of the house; but that it
      violates the constitution, no man who had listened to the debate could
      deny. He then expressed his confidence in the wisdom and constitutional
      authority of the house, and after praising the ancient nobility as
      founders of the constitution, and invoking the house to follow their
      brilliant example, he thus concluded:&mdash;"Those iron barons&mdash;for
      so I may call them when compared with the silken barons of modern days&mdash;were
      the guardians of the people; yet their virtues were never engaged in a
      question of such importance as the present. A breach has been made in the
      constitution&mdash;the battlements are dismantled&mdash;the citadel is
      open to the first invader&mdash;the walls totter&mdash;the constitution is
      not tenable. What remains, then, but for us to stand foremost in the
      breach, to repair, or to perish in it?"
    </p>
    <p>
      The lord chancellor Camden had declared, upon his patron's resignation of
      the privy-seal, that Chatham should still be his polar star, and that he
      reluctantly consented "to hold on a little while longer with this crippled
      administration." The part which he took in this debate proved him to be
      sincere in his declarations. The house was astonished to hear, indeed,
      sentiments from his lips as strong as those delivered by Chatham. "I
      accepted," said he, "the great seal without conditions: I meant not
      therefore to be trammelled by his majesty&mdash;I beg pardon&mdash;by his
      ministers. But I have suffered myself to be so too long. For some time I
      have beheld with silent indignation the arbitrary measures of the
      minister. I have often drooped and hung down my head in council, and
      disapproved by my looks those steps which I knew my avowed opposition
      could not prevent. I will do so no longer, but will openly and boldly
      speak my sentiments." Lord Camden then agreed with his friend respecting
      the incapacitating vote of the commons, and accused the ministry, by
      implication, of having formed a conspiracy against the liberties of the
      country. By their violent and tyrannical conduct, he said, they had
      alienated the minds of the people from his majesty's government&mdash;he
      had almost said from his majesty's person&mdash;and that in consequence a
      spirit of discontent had spread itself into every nook of the kingdom, and
      was daily increasing, so that it was to be feared, that, if some methods
      were not devised to appease the clamours heard on every hand, the people
      might in despair become their own avengers, and take the redress of their
      grievances into their own hands. The address was negatived, and Lord
      Pomfret then moved an adjournment for some days; chiefly, as Lords Temple
      and Shelburne told the house in reply, for the purpose of removing the
      untractable chancellor, Camden, from his seat in the ministry. Lord
      Shelburne, however, expressed a conviction "that after the dismissal of
      the present worthy chancellor the seals would go a begging," and that
      "there would not be found in the kingdom a wretch so base and
      mean-spirited as to accept of them on the conditions on which they must be
      offered."
    </p>
    <p>
      The address in the house of commons was moved by Sir George Osborne In
      opposition, Mr. Dowdeswell moved for the insertion into the address of
      words, intimating the necessity of inquiring into the causes of the
      prevailing discontents in every part of his majesty's dominions. The
      debate on this motion was most violent, and lasted many hours. Colonel
      Barré observed, "that a great part of the king's subjects were alienated
      from him; England was in opposition to its own representatives; in Ireland
      the parliament was prorogued because it had supported the true
      constitutional right of taxation; the colonies were in actual rebellion on
      account of taxes confessedly imposed, not for gain, but as a mere test of
      obedience; and, perhaps to crown the whole, France was on the eve of a war
      with us." The Marquis of Granby expressed his regret for having, in the
      preceding session, voted with ministers on the question of the
      disqualification of Mr. Wilkes, and wished the house would re-examine
      their resolution. General Conway opposed the amendment; and Lord North,
      Sir Fletcher Norton, and Charles James Fox took the same side of the
      question, and the amendment was rejected by a majority of 254 to 138.
      Another warm debate arose on the morrow, on the question of receiving the
      report of the address. Sir William Meredith said, that thanking the king
      for his approbation of their conduct would imply an approval of the vote
      respecting the Middlesex election. Sir George Sackville accused the house
      of betraying the rights of the people; and being threatened with the tower
      by General Conway, he was defended by Sergeant Glynn and Mr. Burke, the
      latter of whom dared ministers to punish Sir George, and told them that
      they were abhorred by the people. Thus supported, Sackville repeated the
      charge, and he was followed by Fox, who deprecated the licentious language
      introduced in the house. Burke replied, but there was no division.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1769&mdash;1771
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF THE GRAFTON CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the declarations made by Lord-chancellor Camden in the house of
      lords, his conduct had been so displeasing to his colleagues that he was
      not consulted in any of their measures, and he had not even a voice in the
      preparation of the king's speech. When, therefore, he stood openly forward
      as an opponent of the cabinet, it was not to be expected that the seals
      would be long left in his possession. The opposition knew this, and their
      only fear was that he would anticipate ministers by a spontaneous
      resignation, and thereby free the ministers from the odium which they
      would obtain from the public by his dismissal. Camden, however, seems to
      have had no thoughts of taking such a step, and the ministers had no
      alternative left but to remove him from office. Accordingly he was
      dismissed, and Lord Shelburne's prediction was literally verified&mdash;the
      great seals went a begging. The Honourable Charles Yorke, indeed,
      reluctantly accepted them, but before his patent of peerage could be
      completed, he committed suicide, and the government had to seek another
      chancellor. The seals were successively offered to Sir Eardley Wilmot and
      Lord Mansfield, who would not accept them, and nothing remained but to put
      them in commission, and to appoint a speaker in the house of lords in the
      interim. This latter office was accepted by Lord Mansfield, and some time
      after, Sir Sidney Stafford Smythe, one of the barons of the exchequer; the
      Honourable Henry Bathurst, one of the justices of the common pleas; and
      Sir Richard Aston, one of the justices of the king's bench, were appointed
      commissioners. But the embarrassment of government did not end here. While
      business was suspended in the house of lords by the want of a chancellor,
      it was also suspended in the commons by the illness of the speaker, Sir
      John Cust. Moreover, the removal of Lord Camden was followed by the
      resignation of his friend Mr. Dunning, the solicitor-general; of the
      Marquess of Granby, as master-general of the ordnance, and
      commander-in-chief of the forces; of Mr. James Grenville, who held the
      office of one of the vice-treasurers for Ireland; and of several noblemen
      who held offices in the household. The greatest blow to the existence of
      the ministry seems to have been the resignation of Granby&mdash;a blow
      which the king and the ministers in vain sought to avert. Urged by some of
      the leading members of the opposition, who as earnestly desired him to
      adopt this line of conduct, as the king and his ministers entreated him
      not to resign, he gave up everything except his regiment&mdash;the Blues.
      The ordnance was then offered to General Conway, who refused to accept any
      of "Lord Granby's spoils," and the fragment of the ministry still left in
      office had to brave the storm of opposition as they best could.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the adjournment which had taken place during these changes, on the
      22nd of January, the Marquess of Rockingham moved in the house of lords,
      that the house should, on the 24th, take into consideration the lamentable
      state of the nation. In reply, the Duke of Grafton remarked, that he did
      not intend to oppose this inquiry, and that he was ready at any time to
      enter into the question. The Earl of Chatham then rose, and in a long and
      eloquent speech, complained of a breach made in the constitution. There
      was a capital mischief fixed at home, which corrupted the very foundation
      of our political existence, and preyed upon the very vitals of the state.
      "The constitution," he exclaimed vehemently, "has been grossly violated&mdash;the
      constitution at this moment stands violated! Until that wound be healed,
      until the grievances be redressed, it is in vain to recommend union to
      parliament&mdash;in vain to promote concord among the people. If we mean
      seriously to unite the nation within itself, we must convince them that
      their complaints are regarded, that their injuries shall be redressed. On
      that foundation I would take the lead in recommending peace and harmony to
      the people. On any other I would never wish to see them united again. If
      the breach in the constitution be effectually repaired, the people will of
      themselves return to a state of tranquillity; if not, may discord prevail
      for ever! I know to what point this doctrine and this language will appear
      directed; but I feel the principles of an Englishman, and I utter them
      without apprehension or reserve. The crisis is indeed alarming&mdash;so
      much the more does it require a prudent relaxation on the part of
      government. If the king's servants will not permit a constitutional
      question to be decided on according to the forms, and on the principles of
      the constitution, it must then be decided in some other manner; and rather
      than it should be given up&mdash;rather than the nation should surrender
      their birthright to a despotic minister, I hope, my lords, old as I am, I
      shall see the question brought to issue, and fairly tried between the
      people and the government." The Earl of Chatham next offered some severe
      remarks on the surrender of Corsica, the augmentation of troops in
      Ireland, the arrears of the civil list, the waste of the public revenues,
      and the evils arising from the riches of Asia. "The importers of foreign
      gold," said he, "have forced their way into parliament by such a torrent
      of private corruption, as no private hereditary fortune could resist." He
      then offered several suggestions on the propriety of a reform in
      parliament&mdash;suggestions, he observed, not crude and undigested, but
      ripe and well-considered, as the subject had long occupied his attention.
      His scheme was, not that the rotten boroughs should be disfranchised,
      though he considered them as the rotten part of the constitution; nor that
      the unrepresented towns should be allowed members, though he admitted that
      in them great part of the strength and vigour of the constitution resided&mdash;but
      that each county should elect three members instead of two, he considering
      that the knights of the shires approached the nearest to the
      constitutional representation of the country, because they represent the
      soil. At the same time, he recommended that the city representatives
      should be augmented, and that in increasing the number of representatives
      for the English counties, the shires of Scotland should be allowed an
      equal privilege, in order to prevent any jealousy which might arise from
      an apparent violation of the union. In concluding his speech, he
      proclaimed his coalition with the Marquess of Rockingham, whom, on a
      previous occasion he had overthrown as an incapable statesman; justifying
      the union formed between them, on the grounds that it was formed for the
      good of the country; or, in his own words, "to save the state."
    </p>
    <p>
      It must be admitted that the scheme of parliamentary reform divulged by
      the Earl of Chatham was by no means enlightened or impartial. In it no
      allowance was to be made for the growing importance of the commercial and
      manufacturing interests, the landed interests alone were consulted, and
      the country gentlemen, who had never been celebrated for liberal measures
      in their legislation, were to crowd the house of commons, and to decide
      upon the affairs of the nation. The Earl of Chatham himself, at a later
      period, seems to have doubted the efficacy of his plan of reform, for he
      admitted that the knights of the shires or the country members of the
      house of commons, "were not the most enlightened or spirited part of the
      house." All history, indeed, tends to prove that such a plan of reform
      would have proved abortive, so far as regards the liberty and well-being
      of the great body of the people, and the perfecting of the theory of the
      English constitution, so far as to make its political practice agree with
      its principles. There can be no question, indeed, but that all other
      interests would have been secondary to that of the agricultural in the
      consideration of a parliament thus constituted; whereas the aim of an
      enlightened legislature should be to secure the interests of every section
      of the community, whether agricultural, commercial, or manufacturing.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Earl of Chatham signified his intention of supporting the Marquess of
      Rockingham on the 24th, when the great question mooted by him was to be
      discussed. On that day, however, it was announced that he was too ill to
      attend, and Rockingham also was distressed in mind by the melancholy
      suicide of the Honourable Charles Yorke. Under these circumstances, he
      moved the adjournment of the question to the 2nd of February, which was
      granted by the house; but before that time the Duke of Grafton, harassed
      by these commotions and scourged by the press, especially by the writings
      of Junius, had resigned his office, and the king had committed the charge
      of government to Lord North. At the same time, the state of the health of
      Sir John Cust, having induced him to resign the speaker's chair, Sir
      Fletcher Norton was elected his successor. The Earl of Halifax, moreover,
      was appointed privy seal in the room of Lord Bristol; Mr. Wellbore Ellis
      was selected to be a vice-treasurer in Ireland; Charles Fox was made a
      lord of the admiralty; and Mr. Thurlow was created solicitor-general
      instead of Mr. Dunning. There were a few minor substitutions and
      interchanges of offices, but these were the principal; and Lord North's
      ministry was, therefore, for the most part a continuation of that of the
      Duke of Grafton. The Marquess of Gran by's places of the ordnance and
      commander-in-chief were left vacant for the present, and the great seal
      was left in commission, with the commissioners already named.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord North, with whose administration commences a momentous era in the
      annals of Great Britain, was eldest son to the Earl of Guildford. In
      private life he was one of the most amiable and worthy of men, and he was
      a man of elegant acquirements. In public life, also, he was scarcely less
      honoured. Brought up amidst official duties, and aiming constantly at
      legislatorial distinction, he had acquired eminent skill in managing a
      debate, while his good humour and equanimity of temper secured to him a
      greater share of esteem and affection than was perhaps ever possessed by
      any other minister. Yet his estimable qualities and his political skill
      had not sufficient potency to disarm opposition. In the very outset of his
      administration, indeed, the opposition made him feel that he had not taken
      possession of a bed of roses; or, at least, roses without thorns. The
      principal object of the late debates in the house of lords was to procure
      a vote in favour of the Middlesex electors: with the same end in view, Mr.
      Dowdeswell now moved another resolution in the commons; namely, "That by
      the law of the land, and the law and usage of parliament, no person
      eligible of common right can be incapacitated by a resolution of the
      house, but by an express act of parliament only." This undeniable
      proposition placed ministers in a dilemma, for it was only a prelude to
      others, and if they agreed to it and rejected those that followed, they
      would seem to resist conclusions from premises they had themselves
      conceded; while if they rejected it, it would appear as if the house of
      commons was a capricious court; a court neither bound by law nor by the
      usages of parliament. The debate on the question was one of great
      violence; and in the course of it, Colonel Barre compared the state to a
      vessel in a storm which had parted with her mainmast (Grafton,) and was
      trying to sail under a jury-mast (North). The new premier acknowledged
      that the storm was great, but asserted that the ship was not compelled to
      hang out lights for pilots, as her own crew were capable of conducting her
      safely into port. And so it proved. North avoided the snare laid for him
      by moving as an amendment, "That the judgment of the house on the
      Middlesex election is conformable to law and the usage of parliament,"
      which was eventually carried by a large majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of February, pursuant to notice, the Marquess of Rockingham
      made a similar motion to that of Mr. Dowdeswell in the house of lords. He
      moved, "That the house of commons, in the exercise of its judicature in
      matters of elections, is bound to judge according to the law of the land,
      and the known and established law and custom of parliament, which is part
      thereof" This was opposed by Lord Sandwich on the ground of improper
      interference with the lower house, which, if aggrieved, had the means of
      redress in its own power. Lord Sandwich was answered by Lord Chatham. In
      the course of his speech, Sandwich had alluded to the expulsion of Lionel,
      Earl of Middlesex, and the great Lord Bacon, "for certain crimes and
      misdemeanours," from which he argued that the peers now ought to take no
      more notice of the expulsion of Wilkes, than the commons then had taken
      notice of the expulsion pronounced by their lordships on the above-named
      noble offenders. To this point Chatham replied: "Neither of these cases
      bear any analogy to the present case. They affected only themselves: the
      rights of no constituent body were affected by them. It is not the person
      of Mr. Wilkes we complain of; as an individual he is personally out of the
      dispute. The cause of complaint, the great cause is, that the inherent
      rights and franchises of the people are in this case invaded, trampled
      upon, annihilated. Lord Bacon and Lord Middlesex represented no county or
      city: the rights of no freeholder, the franchises of no elector, were
      destroyed by their expulsion!" In his speech, Chatham declaimed with great
      severity against the gross dereliction of principle shown by the commons.
      They were, indeed, he said, the proper protectors of their own rights and
      privileges; but he lamented that they had, by their recent conduct,
      forgotten those privileges, and had added to the long list of venality
      from Esau to the present day. The vote of the commons which made Colonel
      Luttrell representative for Middlesex, he maintained, was a gross invasion
      of law and of the rights of election; a dangerous violation of the
      constitution; a treacherous surrender of privileges; and a corrupt
      sacrifice of honour. He added, that to gratify the resentment of certain
      individuals, the laws had been despised and destroyed, and that since the
      commons had slavishly obeyed the commands of his majesty's ministers, and
      proved themselves corrupt, it was necessary for their lordships to step
      forward and oppose themselves, on the one hand, to the justly incensed and
      intemperate rage of the people, and, on the other to the criminal and
      malignant conduct of his majesty's ministers: their lordships were the
      constitutional barrier between the extremes of liberty and prerogative.
      The house was excited, but the motion was negatived by a large majority.
      On the ministerial side, the Earl of March-mont then moved, "That any
      resolution of the lords directly or indirectly impeaching a judgment of
      the house of commons, in a matter where their jurisdiction is competent
      final, and conclusive, would be a violation of the constitutional right of
      the commons, tend-, ing to make a breach between the two houses of
      parliament, and leading to general confusion." In his speech, the Earl
      lost his temper and his discretion, imprudently hinting that if the
      opposition went one step further it would be necessary to call in the aid
      of Foreign assistance. He was called to order by the Duke of Richmond, and
      when he attempted to explain, he found himself unable, and Lord Mansfield
      was compelled to relieve him, by declaring as a lawyer and a statesman,
      that their lordships had no right to interfere in any determination of the
      commons. The Earl of Egmont pursued the same course, and declared that the
      people were guilty of treason in offering such petitions as they had
      recently offered to his majesty. The Earl of Chatham again rose, and after
      thanking Lord Egmont in an ironical strain for his lenity in allowing the
      petitioners to wear their heads, he defended the petitions as praiseworthy
      and constitutional, and re-asserted that the house of lords had a right to
      interfere, when either an invasion of the people's liberty was attempted,
      or an unconstitutional determination made. This was in reply to the
      statement of Lord Mansfield, and he then praised the abilities of that
      nobleman at the expense of his honour, honesty, and patriotism. Chatham
      next complained of the ministerial motion, and of the late hour&mdash;for
      it was midnight&mdash;at which it had been made. He proposed an
      adjournment for two days. "If," he exclaimed, "the constitution must be
      wounded, let it not receive its mortal stab at this dark hour, when honest
      men are asleep in their beds, and when only felons and assassins are
      seeking for prey." Ministers, however, seem to have acted upon the
      well-known adage, that "delays are dangerous." The adjournment was
      rejected, and at two o'clock in the morning Marchmont's motion was
      carried. Protests were entered against both decisions, the former being
      signed by forty-two, and the latter by forty peers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Similar discussions led to similar results in the house of commons. On the
      5th of February a debate was there entered upon, in which the opposition
      urged that the expulsion of Wilkes had been determined by ministers in
      council, and a motion was also made to bring in a bill to regulate and
      define the consequences of expulsion from the house; but the ministers in
      each instance were victorious. The exertions of the opposition, however,
      were warmly supported by a large majority of the liverymen of London, who
      busied themselves in getting up memorials and remonstrances, and hence
      they were nothing daunted by their repeated defeats. Ministers were,
      indeed, attacked upon other points of their policy besides the matter of
      Wilkes Thus, on the 2nd of March, Lord Craven, acting with the opposition,
      moved an address to the throne, beseeching his majesty forthwith to take
      proper steps for such an increase of seamen in the royal navy as should
      effectually preserve the honour and security of his; majesty's kingdom and
      colonies. This was made the medium of severe censures on the dismissal of
      able officers for their votes in parliament, and also on the entire
      management of the navy. Earl Chatham supported the motion, and condemned
      the conduct of ministers in this particular branch of the national
      service, as base and unworthy. In his speech he again adverted to his
      favourite topic; that of the secret influence which was at work near the
      throne. This influence he denounced as dangerous, base, unconstitutional,
      and wicked; and maintained that it had occasioned all the unhappiness of
      the nation, and created confusion in the government of the colonies. He
      then asserted that this invisible influence was still working for evil,
      for although the favourite (Bute) was gone to Turin, Mazarine absent was
      Mazarine still; and his influence by means of agents was potent as ever.
      Then, raising his voice, he exclaimed, "This country was sold at the late
      peace! We were sold by the court of Turin to the court of France!" Chatham
      then indirectly accused the king of insincerity and treachery to himself,
      personally, during the time that he was minister; asserting that after he
      had given his approbation to plans and measures one week, he would let
      them vanish into air the next, and that all his promises and assurances
      were broken through an in-invisible influence. The king was defended by
      the Duke of Grafton, who hinted that the intellect of Chatham was
      affected; but this only drew forth a repetition of the accusation in
      stronger language. "I rise," said he, "neither to deny nor retract, nor to
      explain away the words I have spoken. As for his majesty, I have always
      found him everything gracious and amiable in the closet; so amiably
      condescending as to promise, in every repeated audience, not only to
      forgive, but to supply the defects of health by his cheerful support, and
      by the ready assistance of all his immediate dependents. Instead of this,
      all the obstacles and difficulties which attended every great and public
      measure did not arise from those out of government: they were suggested,
      nourished, and supported by that secret influence I have mentioned, and by
      the industry of those very dependents; first by secret treachery, then by
      official influence, and afterwards in public councils. A long train of
      these practices has at length unwillingly convinced me that there is
      something behind the throne greater than the king himself."
    </p>
    <p>
      It seems clear that when the Earl of Chatham made these assertions, the
      councils of the king were no longer biassed by the influence of the Earl
      of Bute; but, notwithstanding, the charges made all the impressions on the
      public mind which he could have desired. Some even declared that they knew
      the secret agents that went between the absent lord, the princess dowager
      and the king, and Mr. Dyson, Mr. Bradshaw, both placemen and members of
      parliament, and subsequently, Mr. Jenkinson (afterwards Baron Hawkesbury
      and Earl of Liverpool,) were expressly named as the principal of the
      parasites. The popular credulity on this subject appeared to receive
      confirmation from the conduct of the king towards the "good citizens" of
      London. Four days after this debate in the house of lords the common hall
      of the city took into consideration a memorial complaining that a petition
      which had been presented to his majesty by the citizens remained
      unanswered. This memorial, after the lord mayor Beckford had delivered an
      exciting harangue, was adopted by acclamation, and with three rounds of
      applause. At first the king refused to hear this memorial; but he at
      length consented, and it was carried up to St. James's on the 14th of
      March by the lord mayor, and more than two hundred common-councilmen,
      liverymen, and city officers. It was read to the king as he sat upon his
      throne, and perhaps the ears of royalty were never destined to hear
      stronger remonstrances than this memorial contained. It told him that
      secret and evil counsellors, combined with a corrupt parliament, robbed
      the people of their dearest rights, and that they had done a deed more
      ruinous in its consequences than the levying of ship-money by Charles I.,
      or the dispensing power assumed by James IL, and which deed must vitiate
      all the further proceedings of the present parliament; it called God and
      man to witness that the citizens would not be thus cheated of their
      liberties; and that as they were gained by the stern virtues of their
      ancestors, so they should be preserved by themselves; and it concluded by
      praying that the king would dissolve the present parliament, and remove
      from him all evil counsellors. With a clouded brow the king in reply
      pronounced the contents of this memorial to be disrespectful to himself,
      injurious to his parliament, and irreconcilable to the principles of the
      constitution; and he asserted that he had ever made the law of the land
      the rule of his conduct, that he esteemed it his chief glory to rule over
      a free people, and that he had a right to expect from them a steady and
      affectionate support. The city deputation withdrew, amidst the manifest
      resentment of the courtiers, and the court instantly resolved to bring the
      memorial before the notice of parliament. This was done on the 19th of
      March, when it was moved by Sir Thomas Clavering, "That to deny the
      legality of the present parliament, and to assert that the proceedings
      thereof are not valid, is highly unwarrantable, and has a manifest
      tendency to disturb the peace of the kingdom, by withdrawing his majesty's
      subjects from then-obedience to the laws of the realm." This motion was
      warmly opposed, but it was carried by a large majority, and an address to
      the king was also agreed to in condemnation of the city memorial, both by
      the lords and the commons. It is said that the king graciously received
      this address, but that he thought the city magistrates ought to have been
      proceeded against by parliament for their conduct. On the other hand, the
      city and the people of Middlesex were offended by the conduct of the
      opposition, and the smallness of the minority that voted against the
      address, and they passed strong resolutions, expressing their discontent.
      The blame was chiefly imputed to the Rockingham party; and the Rev. Mr.
      Home&mdash;better known at a later date by the name of Home Tooke&mdash;who
      had begun to rule the democracy at the Mile-end and Brentford meetings,
      announced his intention of exposing that party; but this was prevented
      chiefly through the influence of the Earl of Chatham. Instead of this,
      indeed, the reverend orator employed his talents in getting up a strong
      petition and remonstrance to the king from the freeholders of Middlesex,
      and which was presented on the 31st of March; the Earl of Chatham having
      previously thanked him for his able exertions in the cause of freedom, and
      for abstaining from his proposed attack on the Rockingham party.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ever since the famous Aylesbury case, in 1704, the house of commons had
      been sole judge of the qualification of electors, and of all other matters
      regarding the election of their own members. All controverted elections
      were tried before a committee of the whole house, the members not being
      bound to impartiality, either by oath, promise, or pledge. On the 2nd of
      April, Mr. George Grenville brought in a bill for regulating the trial of
      controverted elections, which provided that, in every case, the judicature
      should be transferred from the house to a sworn committee of fifteen
      members, whereof thirteen were to be chosen by the contesting claimants
      for the seat, out of a list of forty-five chosen by ballot by the whole
      house, and the other two named by the contesting parties themselves; one
      for each. The committee were to have full power to examine witnesses,
      papers, and records, and their oath bound them to a strict impartiality.
      This bill met with stern opposition from the ministers, and at one stage
      it was moved by Mr. Welbore Ellis, that it should be rejected, which was
      seconded by Mr. Charles Fox; but the bill was eloquently defended by
      Burke, and it passed into a law. It was carried up to the lords by Mr.
      Grenville on the 5th of April, where, as Lord Mansfield had expressed his
      approbation of it, and promised its support, no opposition was feared. It
      passed unanimously, and it seems to have had a very beneficial effect on
      the legislature.
    </p>
    <p>
      Previously to the passing of this act, a bill was proposed by Mr.
      Dowdeswell to disqualify officers of the excise and customs from voting at
      elections The mover stated, that both classes were under the influence of
      the crown, and that the departments of the revenue were becoming so
      numerous as to render that influence incompatible with a free
      constitution. There was no attempt, however, to prove corruption, and the
      motion was rejected, as unfair in its attempt to deprive individuals of
      the rights of British subjects, on the mere presumption of venality. An
      act at the same time was passed for altering the law of privilege, so far
      as it extended to the effects and domestics of the members of either
      house. In the house of lords this bill was warmly supported by Lord
      Mansfield, and as warmly opposed by Lord Sandwich, who argued, that it was
      an encroachment upon the privileges of the peers. An inquiry into the
      accounts of the civil list, during the year 1769, was a popular subject in
      both houses about the same time. The expenses having greatly increased, it
      was inferred that the money was employed in the corruption of electors.
      Ministers opposed this inquiry, arguing, that as the civil list was solely
      the revenue of the crown, the crown had a right to expend it as it
      pleased; and that if an additional grant had been asked, then, and not
      till then, the expenditure might have been investigated, for the purpose
      of ascertaining the necessity of the grant, and how the money was spent.
      The motion was negatived, and other attempts to interfere with the
      management of the king's revenue met with a similar fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debate in the house of lords on this question is rendered remarkable
      by the eloquent speech uttered by the Earl of Chatham. In the course of
      this speech he asserted that the minister who was bold enough to spend the
      money of the people before it was granted, though it might not be used for
      the purpose of corrupting their representatives, deserved death. Fie was
      reminded that he, too, when in office, had granted pensions, to which he
      replied, "It is true, and here is a list of them: you will find there the
      names of General Amherst, Sir Edward Hawke, and several others of the same
      nature&mdash;they were given as rewards for real services, and as
      encouragements to other gallant heroes. They were honourably earned in a
      different sort of campaign than those at Westminster; they were gained by
      actions full of danger to themselves, of glory and of benefit to this
      nation&mdash;not by corrupt votes of baseness and of destruction to their
      country. You will find no secret service there; and you will find that,
      when the warrior was recompensed, the member of parliament was left free.
      You will likewise find a pension of £1,500 a year to Lord Camden. I
      recommended his lordship to be chancellor; his public and private virtues
      were acknowledged by all; they made his station more precarious. I could
      not reasonably expect from him that he would quit the chief-justiceship of
      the common pleas, which he held for life, and put himself in the power of
      those who were not to be trusted, to be dismissed from the chancery
      perhaps the day after his appointment. The public has not been deceived by
      his conduct. My suspicions have been justified. His integrity has made him
      once more a poor and private man; he was dismissed for the opinion he gave
      in favour of the right of election in the people." Here the noble orator
      was interrupted by loud cries of "To the bar, to the bar," and Lord
      Marchmont moved that his words should be taken down. Chatham himself
      seconded this motion: "My words," he thundered forth in an indignant tone,
      "My words remain unretracted, unexplained, and reaffirmed. I desire to
      know whether I am condemned or acquitted, and whether I may still presume
      to hold up my head as high as the noble lord who moved to have my words
      taken down." Chatham paused for a reply, and none being given, he
      continued, "I will trust no sovereign in the world with the means of
      purchasing the liberties of the people. When I had the honour of being the
      confidential keeper of the king's intention, he assured me that he never
      intended to exceed the allowance which was made by parliament, and
      therefore, my lords, at a time when there are no marks of personal
      dissipation in the king&mdash;at a time when there are no marks of any
      considerable sums having been expended to procure the secrets of our
      enemies&mdash;that a request of an inquiry into the expenditure of the
      civil list should be refused, is to me most extraordinary. Does the King
      of England want to build a palace equal to his rank and dignity? Does he
      want to encourage the polite and useful arts? Does he mean to reward the
      hardy veteran who has defended his quarrel in many a rough campaign, whose
      salary does not equal that of some of your servants? Or does he mean, by
      drawing the purse-strings of his subjects, to spread corruption through
      the people, to procure a parliament, like a packed jury, ready to acquit
      his ministers at all adventures? I do not say, my lords, that corruption
      lies here, or that corruption lies there; but if any gentleman in England
      were to ask me whether I thought both houses of parliament were bribed, I
      should laugh in his face and say, 'Sir it is not so.'" Chatham concluded
      by saying that an inquiry into the state and expenditure of the civil list
      was proper, just, and expedient; and that a refusal of it would elicit
      ridicule and exhibit folly. Nevertheless the motion was negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A petition was presented to parliament by the English merchants trading
      with America, representing that, in consequence of the duties and taxes,
      the discontents of the Americans, and their combinations to prevent the
      importation of goods from England, their trade had gone to ruin; and
      praying for the intervention of the legislature. In consequence of this, a
      bill was proposed by Lord North, to repeal all the American taxes and
      duties except tea. In proposing this repeal he censured the Revenue Act
      only as an inexpedient or unproductive impost, and not as an illegal or
      impolitic claim. The duty on tea, he said, was continued to maintain the
      right of taxing the Americans, and it could not be supposed that an impost
      of three pence per pound on an article from which one shilling was
      deducted when exported to America, would offend the colonists, unless they
      were determined upon a rebellion. Mr. Grenville, the parent of the Stamp
      Act, argued that he had at least acted systematically, and that in
      imposing the stamp duties he had reason to think that they would be paid.
      The succeeding ministry, he said, had repealed that act, but had
      re-affirmed the right of parliament to tax the colonies, by laying duties
      upon unwise and anti-commercial principles: duties which were far more
      odious to the colonies than his Stamp Act. His opinion was, therefore,
      that the ministers must now give up, or stand by the whole. A partial
      repeal, he added, will not do: the Americans would not rest satisfied with
      any thing short of the renunciation by parliament of the right to tax them
      in any way, either externally or internally. In this General Pownall
      coincided, and he proposed as an amendment, that the repeal should be
      extended to all articles, as the only way of quieting the colonies. This
      amendment was supported by General Conway, Colonel Barre, and Sir William
      Meredith, but it was rejected, and leave was given to bring in North's
      bill. A subsequent motion to repeal the duty on tea was also lost, and the
      act passed according to North's first proposal.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELEASE OF WILKES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 12th of April, the term of Wilkes's imprisonment having expired, he
      was set at liberty. He was no sooner freed from confinement than he
      recommenced his system of agitation. Everywhere he harangued on his
      sufferings, and declared that he was ready to die in the cause of liberty.
      He was considered a martyr by the populace, and in both houses he had his
      friends. On the 1st of May, the Earl of Chatham, after arranging his plan
      of attack with Temple, Rockingham, Shelburn, and others, stood up in the
      house of lords and presented a bill for reversing the adjudications of the
      house of commons, whereby John Wilkes, Esq. had been adjudged incapable of
      being elected a member to serve in this present parliament, and the
      freeholders of the county of Middlesex, had been deprived of one of their
      legal representatives. In descanting on this, Chatham declared that a
      violent outrage had been committed against everything dear and sacred to
      Englishmen. He then made some observations on the new state arithmetic by
      which Colonel Luttrel's 296 votes had been held to be a greater number
      than Wilkes's 1143! This, he said, was flying in the face of all law and
      freedom: a robbery of the liberty of freeholders; and making the
      birthrights of Englishmen a mere farce. He then represented Colonel
      Luttrell as sitting in the lap of John Wilkes, and the majority of the
      house as being turned into a state engine. He added, in conclusion, "I am
      afraid this measure originated too near the throne. I am sorry for it; but
      I hope his majesty will soon open his eyes, and see it in all its
      deformity." Lord Mansfield opposed the Earl of Chatham. He contended that
      the house had no right to interfere with the decisions of the commons;
      that those decisions were legal; that in consequence of previous votes and
      sentences, Wilkes was nobody in the eye of the law; and that, though the
      freeholders gave their votes, it was for the house of commons to judge as
      to the point of qualification. Lord Camden replied, that Lord Mansfield
      was delivering unconstitutional doctrines, and that Wilkes had been
      expelled in consequence of a secret influence which had said, "Mr. Wilkes
      shall not sit." He also asserted that the judgment of the commons on the
      Middlesex election was a worse wound in the constitution than any of those
      inflicted in the reign of Charles I., when the nation had no parliament;
      and he expressed a hope that if this bill should be rejected, the good
      sense and spirit of the people would persevere session after session, till
      the judgment of parliament should be revoked. The bill was rejected, and
      thirty-eight peers signed a protest.
    </p>
    <p>
      When this bill was lost, the Earl of Chatham demanded that the house
      should be summoned on the 4th, as he had a motion to make of great
      importance relative to the king. On the day appointed, his lordship moved,
      "That the advice inducing his majesty to give the answer to the late
      address, remonstrance, and petition of the lord mayor, aldermen, and
      livery of London, was of a most dangerous tendency, inasmuch as thereby
      the exercise of the rights of the subject to petition the king for redress
      of grievances, to complain of violations of the freedom of election, to
      pray dissolution of parliament, and to point out malpractices in
      administration, to urge the removal of evil ministers, etc., had been
      indiscriminately checked with reprimand; and the afflicted citizens of
      London had heard from the throne itself, that the contents of their humble
      addresses could not but be considered by his majesty as disrespectful,
      injurious, etc." The noble lord said that an answer so harsh as this
      exceeded all precedent in the history of this country; that the very
      essence of the constitution not only permitted, but required petitioning;
      and that the Stuarts themselves never dared to prevent the practice. He
      then eulogized the lord mayor and the liverymen of London, and in
      conclusion, pronounced Colonel Luttrell as a mere nominee thrust in by the
      enemies of the law and constitution. The motion was negatived by a large
      majority.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE II. 1769-1771
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of May, the opposition in the house of commons called for the
      correspondence of the American colonies, and subsequently Mr. Burke moved
      eight resolutions relating to the troubles in those colonies, and
      censuring the plan ministers were pursuing. The previous question was
      carried against the first of these resolutions, the second, third, and
      fourth were negatived, and the previous question was carried against the
      remainder. Similar resolutions were moved in the house of lords by the
      Duke of Richmond; but they were all negatived by a large majority. On the
      14th, however, nothing daunted, the Earl of Chatham coupled the
      discontents of America with those in England and Ireland, and founded a
      motion on them for an address to dissolve the parliament. He moved, "That
      an humble address be presented to his majesty, most dutifully and
      earnestly beseeching him, that in the dangerous state wherein his kingdoms
      are involved, from the high dissatisfactions generally prevailing at home,
      and from the most alarming disorders which have unhappily manifested
      themselves in his American dominions, his majesty will, in his great
      wisdom and necessary care, to prevent more fatal mischiefs, be graciously
      pleased to take the recent and genuine sense of his people, by dissolving
      this present parliament, and calling, with all convenient dispatch, a new
      parliament." In his speech he declared that the house of commons had not
      the confidence of the people; and in speaking of the mode of reforming
      that assembly, he said, "Instead of depriving a county of its
      representatives, one or more members ought to be added to its
      representation, in order to counter-balance the weight of corrupt and
      venal boroughs." The house, however, would not listen to his arguments: a
      loud cry of "Question, question," was raised, and the motion was rudely
      negatived. But if Chatham was not listened to in parliament, he was
      venerated for his recent opposition to the measures of government by the
      people. On the same day, the common council of London carried a vote of
      thanks to him, for the zeal he had exhibited in support of their sacred
      privileges and the right of election; and also for his declaration that he
      would use his best endeavours to restore the house of commons to its
      purity, by shortening the duration of its term, and introducing a more
      equal representation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RIOTS AT BOSTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While both houses of parliament were carrying on a wordy war, matters had
      assumed a more serious aspect in America. Committees had been appointed in
      nearly all the principal sea-ports of the colonies, to examine cargoes
      arriving from Great Britain, and to report to their constituents how far
      the act of association was carried into effect, or how far infringed
      Meetings of the association were regularly held at Faneuil Hall, Boston,
      and votes of censure were passed upon all who introduced or sold any of
      the prohibited goods. The names of such offenders were, indeed, regularly
      published in the newspapers, with comments appended to them, holding them
      up to the public as selfish slaves and traitors. A few, however, it would
      appear, were permitted to make a market, by selling the prohibited
      articles, which could only be purchased from their shops; and this
      becoming notorious, one Theophius Lillie, a tradesman at Boston, resolved
      to sell what was thus sold by others. In order to point him out as one
      whose shop was to be shunned, the mob placed a rude figure at his door,
      and a person named Richardson, either a friend or a servant of Lillies,
      attempted to remove the nuisance, and being defeated in his design by the
      mob, who pelted him with stones, he took up a loaded gun and fired upon
      his assailants from within doors. The shot killed a boy, who was forthwith
      recorded in the newspapers as the first martyr in the cause of liberty. He
      was, in truth, the first that was sacrificed, but the blow proceeded from
      the hand of a persecuted American, and not from the hand of an Englishman.
      It was not long, however, before the English were involved in quarrels
      with the Americans, which resulted in the loss of life. The boldness of
      the Bostonians seems daily to have increased after the above-mentioned
      incident. It was in vain that merchants implored even to keep the goods
      they had imported in store, as if bonded, until the duties in England
      should be repealed: they were compelled to send them back to those who had
      shipped them. At the same time, it was shrewdly suspected that several of
      the Bostonian leaders still imported and sold goods largely; or, at least,
      permitted goods to be imported in their vessels. The people of New York,
      indeed, taxed the Bostonians with unfair and selfish dealings, and
      renounced the non-importation agreement. This gave rise to mutual
      recrimination between these two states: the New Yorkers called the
      Bostonians pedlars, and the Bostonians said that the New Yorkers were no
      patriots. At the same time, the Bostonians were fierce in their hatred of
      the English government and its measures. If they acted with duplicity in
      the matter of trade, they were at least consistent in their denunciations
      against all connection with England. The soldiers quartered in Boston were
      subject to constant insults from them, and were continually interrupted in
      their duty. All classes conceived that as they had not been called in by
      the civil magistrates of the place, that their presence was illegal, and
      that every means employed to hasten their departure, or make their stay
      uncomfortable was laudable. Hence, no sentinel could stand in his place
      without being insulted; and it was too much to expect from human nature,
      that the soldiers should suffer continual insult without retorting upon
      theis adversaries. Some alleged that Colonel Dalrymple and his officers
      should have kept their men separate from the inhabitants; but this could
      not have been done, except by keeping them prisoners in their quarters,
      and by discontinuing the practice of mounting guard at the government
      offices. It was easy to foresee, therefore, that sooner or later
      disastrous consequences would ensue. And this was rendered more certain,
      because government had not sent a sufficient number of troops to keep the
      populace of Boston in awe. As soon as the arrival of troops at Boston was
      known at home, General Pownal had pointed out the error, stating that if
      they intended to govern the country by military force, they had not sent
      sufficient troops; and that if they did not intend this, they had sent too
      many. The people of Boston, he said, were set in array against the
      military; that though the sword was not drawn, it was ready to leap from
      the scabbard; and that though the word for action was not yet given,
      mischief was on tip-toe, and the slightest circumstance would set it on
      foot. These remarks were founded in truth. The Boston newspapers gave
      insertion to a fictitious narrative of a defeat of a body of soldiers by
      the people of New York, and to a series of fictions which represented the
      English troops as a set of poltroons who would quail before the sons of
      liberty. While these reflections were fresh in the minds of the soldiers,
      one of them was involved in a quarrel, and was beaten by several
      Bostonians, who were rope-makers belonging to the establishment of Mr.
      John Gray. Incensed at the ill-treatment he had received, twelve of his
      comrades returned with him to the spot and fell upon the rope-makers, and
      compelled them to take refuge in flight. This served as a prelude to a
      more serious conflict. Meetings were held by the mob, who decided upon
      attacking the soldiers, and driving them out of Boston. The day appointed
      for this was the 5th of March, and on the evening of that day parties from
      all quarters assembled, armed with sticks and clubs, and made an attack
      upon some of the troops in Dock-square. An officer appeared, who ordered
      the men to their bai&mdash;racks, and they with difficulty escaped
      thither. They were followed by the mob, who dared them to come out; and
      their rage increasing, the mob began to tear up the stalls of the
      market-place in Dock-square, and swore that they would attack the
      main-guard. Some peaceable citizens exerted themselves to allay their
      fury, and they had well nigh succeeded in persuading many of them to
      retire, when a tall man in a red cloak and white wig appeared among them,
      and incited them by a brief harangue to carry out their design. His
      discourse was followed by shouts of "To the main guard! To the main guard!
      We will destroy the soldiers!" The mob then separated into three
      divisions, each of which took separate roads. One of these divisions in
      their route passed by the Custom-house, and a boy pointing to the sentinel
      on duty there, asserted that he was the man who had knocked him down. A
      loud cry was instantly raised to kill him, and the sentinel loaded his gun
      by way of intimidating them. Nothing daunted, however, they first pelted
      him with every thing that came to hand, and then, seeing his reluctance to
      fire, closed upon him, and compelled him to retreat to the door of the
      Custom-house. He sought admittance, but those within were afraid of
      opening the door, and the sentinel then shouted for assistance to the main
      guard which was within hearing. A corporal and six privates were sent by
      Captain Preston to his rescue, while he followed at a short distance.
      Their guns were unloaded; but as they advanced, they found the mob
      increasing, and were pelted so pitilessly by them on every hand, and so
      grossly insulted by opprobrious language, that they loaded them and fixed
      on their bayonets. Still they were reluctant to fire; and when the mob
      pressed in upon them, they merely used their weapons to keep them off. At
      length a certain mulatto named Crispus Attucks, with others dressed like
      sailors, gave three cheers, hemmed in the soldiers, and struck at their
      muskets with clubs, exclaiming to those behind, "Come forward, they dare
      not fire; let us kill them, etc." Attucks aimed a blow at Captain Preston,
      who was begging the rioters to desist, and keeping his men quiet, and in
      doing so he not only hit the Captain on his arm, but struck down one of
      the men's muskets, and then seized his bayonet. Some persons behind
      Captain Preston now urged the soldiers to fire, and the private whose
      musket had been knocked out of his hand having recovered it, fired at the
      mulatto, who fell mortally wounded. The other soldiers now successively
      fired off their pieces, and three persons were killed, while others were
      wounded more or less dangerously. The mob retreated, but they re-collected
      in an adjoining street, with dreadful yells, and the drums beat to arms.
      It seemed as if a combat of the fiercest kind was about to take place; but
      certain persons who had been gliding about the mob, urging them on to acts
      of violence, now thought proper to persuade them to retire. The storm was
      hushed for that night; but early in the morning the mob again collected in
      large numbers. At the same time, the lieutenant-governor held a council,
      and the magistrates and chief citizens met in full assembly, and chose a
      committee. The committee soon waited upon the governor and council, and
      declared that nothing could restore peace to the town but the immediate
      removal of the troops. Colonel Dalrymple proposed that the 29th regiment,
      whose men had been engaged in the riot, should remove to Castle William,
      and that the 14th regiment should remain. This was reported to the
      assembly; but another deputation demanded the total and immediate removal
      of all the troops, as the only means of tranquillizing the town. The
      governor was told that he must not think the demand proceeded from a set
      of vagabonds, for that people of the best character were determined, that
      if the troops were not voluntarily removed, they should be expelled by
      force. A force of ten thousand men, it was stated, were at their beck, and
      these were determined to destroy the troops if not removed, albeit it
      might be called rebellion. The governor first flatly refused to accede to
      this demand; he then wavered in his determination, and finally he agreeded
      to divide the responsibility of removing them with Colonel Dalrymple and
      the members of the council, and the troops were ordered to march to Castle
      William. Thus successful the Bostonians grew more bold in their opposition
      to the English government. The newspapers represented the affair of the
      5th of March as a deliberate murder on the part of the troops, and nothing
      was neglected to exasperate the public mind and perpetuate the memory of
      "the bloody and inhuman massacre." Yet when Captain Preston and his men
      were put upon their trials, American judges and a jury from among the
      citizens of Boston, were compelled to admit that they had acted only in
      self-defence. Their verdict was, that Captain Preston and six of the
      solders were not guilty, and that two, Montgomery, who shot Crispus
      Attucks, and Killroy, who was proved to have shot another man, were not
      guilty of murder but of manslaughter only. These two prayed the benefit of
      clergy, which was allowed, and each being burnt in the hand in open court,
      they were discharged like their comrades. In the course of the trial,
      Judge Lynde declared that the affair turned out to the disgrace of every
      person concerned against Captain Preston, and to the shame of the people
      of Boston in general.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      News of the disturbances in Boston arrived before the close of this
      session; but hopes being entertained that the late bill would have the
      effect of conciliating the Americans, it was deemed proper to abstain from
      any investigation, lest it should relight the torch of discord. The
      session terminated on the 19th of May.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REMONSTRANCE OF BECKFORD TO THE KING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The answer which the king had given to the good citizens of London at the
      presentation of their recent memorial had given them great umbrage, and on
      the 23rd of May, the lord mayor and some aldermen, with a numerous train,
      went again to St. James's with another petition, complaining of this
      answer. The address stated that it was, as well as the general acts of
      government, "against the clearest principles of the constitution, and the
      result of insidious attempts made by evil counsellors, to perplex,
      confound and shake the rights of the people." It concluded with a renewed
      demand for the dissolution of parliament, and the removal of the present
      ministers. The king replied that it was his duty to express
      dissatisfaction at their last address, and that his sentiments on the
      subject were still the same. It was anticipated that the deputation would
      not be very graciously received, and that the king would not retract his
      former sentiments. Hence a remonstrance had been prepared in the shape of
      a reply, and to the astonishment of the court, Beckford, instead of
      retiring with the usual etiquette from the royal presence, approached the
      throne, and thus addressed the king: "Most gracious sovereign, will your
      majesty be pleased so far to condescend, as to permit the mayor of your
      loyal city of London to declare in your royal presence, in behalf of his
      fellow-citizens, how much the bare apprehension of your majesty's
      displeasure would at all times affect their minds. The declaration of that
      displeasure has already filled them with inexpressible anxiety and with
      the deepest affliction. Permit me to assure your majesty, that your
      majesty has not in all your dominions any subjects more faithful, more
      dutiful, or more ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in the
      maintenance of the true honour and dignity of your crown. We do therefore,
      with the greatest humility and submission, most earnestly supplicate your
      majesty that you will not dismiss us from your presence, without
      expressing a more favourable opinion of your faithful citizens, and
      without some comfort, or at least some prospect of redress." Had the
      remonstrance stopped here, Beckford might have obtained the smiles of the
      king; but he continued: "Permit me, sire, to observe, that whoever has
      already dared, or shall hereafter endeavour by false insinuations and
      suggestions to alienate your majesty's affections from your loyal subjects
      in general, and from the city of London in particular, is an enemy to your
      majesty's person and family; a violator of the public peace, and a
      betrayer of our happy constitution, as it was established at the glorious
      Revolution." Beckford prayed for a reply, but none being given, the
      deputation withdrew. The king appears, indeed, to have been too angry to
      reply with courtesy, for he immediately issued orders, through the medium
      of the lord chamberlain, that lord mayors should in future confine
      themselves to delivering their papers, and not presume to make speeches.
      But if Beckford did not please the king, he gained great credit with the
      people for his conduct. The Earl of Chatham warmly applauded him for
      asserting the rights of the city with weight and spirit. On the other
      hand, the king increased his unpopularity by his conduct towards the
      deputation. The common council were so incensed, that they demurred about
      voting an address of congratulation on the birth of the Princess
      Elizabeth, which happened about this time. Wilkes in particular, who was
      made an alderman even while in the King's Bench, and who now wore the
      civic gown, opposed such an address, and when the good feelings of the
      citizens prevailed over their anger, and they voted an address, he did
      what he could to render it unpopular. The address, however, was presented
      in the usual form, and his majesty observed in reply, "that the city of
      London, entertaining such loyal sentiments, might always feel assured of
      his protection." A few days after this Beckford died, and the city voted
      that he should be honoured with a statue in Guildhall, and that the speech
      he had delivered to the king should be engraved on the pedestal. His death
      was considered a serious blow to the opposition, as no one could be found
      possessing the weight which he derived from his wealth and munificence, or
      who could supply his ardour and fearlessness.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROSECUTION OF WOODFALL AND ALMON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Almost every act which the government now committed tended only to excite
      the public clamour and indignation. During this summer it involved itself
      in new troubles, and exposed itself to fiercer attacks, by prosecuting the
      printers and publishers of Junius's Letters. In the month of June Woodfall
      was tried for printing in his newspaper, the "Public Advertiser," one of
      these letters, which was addressed to his majesty, and was considered a
      scandalous libel; and Almon was tried for selling a re-publication of it
      in the "London Museum." Almon was found guilty of publishing, and was
      sentenced to pay a fine of ten marks, and find security for his good
      behaviour for two years. Wood-fall was found "guilty of printing and
      publishing only" and in his case, the defendant moved to stay the entering
      of judgment on the verdict, while the attorney-general moved for a rule on
      the defendant, to show cause why the verdict should not be entered
      according to the legal import of the words. The attorney-general's motion
      was attended to first; and when the matter came to be argued in the court
      of King's Bench, Lord Mansfield, before whom both cases had been tried,
      went regularly through the whole evidence, as well as his own charge to
      the jury. After recapitulating the defence on the trial, his lordship
      remarked: "I directed the jury, that if they believed the innuendoes, as
      to persons and things, to have been properly filled up in the information,
      and to be the true meaning of the paper, and if they gave credit to the
      witnesses, they must find the defendant guilty. If the jury were obliged
      to determine whether the paper was in law a libel or not, or to judge
      whether it was criminal, or to what degree; or if they were to require
      proofs of a criminal intention&mdash;then this direction was wrong. I told
      them, as I have always told them before, that whether a libel or not, was
      a mere question of law arising out of the record, and that all the
      epithets inserted in the information were formal inferences of law. A
      general verdict of the jury finds only what the law implies from the fact,
      for that is scarcely possible to be produced: the law implies from the act
      of publication, a criminal intent." After some further remarks of minor
      importance his lordship continued: "The motion of the attorney-general
      divides itself into two parts; first, to fill up the finding of the jury
      with the usual words of reference, so as to connect the verdict with the
      information: the omission of these words, we are of opinion, is a
      technical mistake of the clerk, and may be now supplied. The second head
      of the argument is to omit the word 'only' in the entry of the verdict:
      this we are all of opinion cannot be done. The word 'only' must stand in
      the verdict; if this word was omitted, the verdict would then be, 'guilty
      of printing and publishing,' which is a general verdict of guilty; for
      there is no other charge in the information but printing and publishing,
      and that alone the jury had to inquire. We are all of opinion, that my
      direction to the jury is right and according to law; the positions
      contained in it never were doubted; it never has been, nor is it now
      complained of in this court. There clearly can be no judgment of
      acquittal, because the fact found by the jury is the only question they
      had to try; the single doubt that remains, is concerning the meaning of
      the word 'only.'" The court considering that the word "only" had been used
      in an ambiguous sense, ordered Woodfall a new trial on that ground; but
      when it came on, the attorney-general remarked that he had not the
      original newspaper by which he could prove the publication Thus terminated
      the second trial: the want of this was fatal to the cause.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES RESPECTING FALKLAND ISLANDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the summer and autumn of the present year the attention of
      government was absorbed by a subject, which at one time threatened a new
      war with France and Spain&mdash;this was the affair of the Falkland
      Islands.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Falkland Islands are situate in the Southern Atlantic Ocean, off the
      extremity of the South American continent, and the eastern entrance to the
      Straits of Magellan. They consist of two larger islands called East and
      West Falkland, and a great number of isles and islets. By right, they
      certainly belonged to England. The discovery of them was made by Captain
      Hawkins in the reign of Elizabeth, who called them "Hawkins' Maiden
      Islands," and they were afterwards visited by Strong in 1689, who gave
      them their present name. Subsequently they were visited by the French, who
      in 1764 formed a settlement at Berkeley Sound, an excellent harbour on
      West Falkland. In the next year, Commodore Byron formed a counter
      settlement at Port Egmont on East Falkland. The Spaniards, who had
      neglected these islands and their resources, now took the alarm, and
      demanded their evacuation both from France and England, as territories
      belonging to them both by right of papal bulls, and degrees of latitude
      and longitude. The French abandoned their settlement, but the English
      refused to accede to the demand. Spain, dreading the power of England, was
      for the time compelled to give up the claim; but at length, in 1769, the
      domestic distractions of Great Britain, her ready acquiescence in the
      transfer of Corsica to France, and the encouragement of the French
      minister Choiseul, emboldened the Spanish court to revive its pretensions
      to these islands. An armament, consisting of several ships of war,
      provided with apparatus for a siege, sailed from Buenos Ayres, and in the
      month of June suddenly appeared off Port Egmont. The British commandant,
      Captain Farmer, knowing that the place could not sustain a siege, after a
      few shots, submitted to terms of capitulation. Contrary to all the rules
      of war, however, the Spanish commodore, in order to prevent the
      intelligence from arriving in England on an early day, or from being first
      related by English lips, enjoined Captain Farmer not to sail without his
      permission, and to ensure compliance, he even unshipped the rudder of his
      vessel, and kept it on shore for three weeks. This was an insult to the
      British flag not to be endured. As soon as the proceedings were known in
      England, all ranks were inflamed with resentment, and eagerly desired that
      the national honour, thus grossly violated should be avenged. Lord North
      prepared for the worst, by putting ships in commission ready for war. It
      was thought expedient, however, to avert war, if possible, by
      negociations, and Spain was ultimately induced to disavow the enterprise
      of the governor of Buenos Ayres, and to restore the island. At the same
      time it was either stipulated or understood, that the settlement should at
      a future period be abandoned by the English: an arrangement which, as will
      be seen, formed a subject of complaint in parliament against the ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the news arrived of the repeal of the taxes by the British
      parliament, the people of Boston were by no means thankful for that act.
      The retention of the duty on tea, it was said, did away with all its
      merits, as it proved the unalterable resolution of asserting the disputed
      right. As, however, they could not hope to keep up the whole of the
      non-importation agreement, it was resolved, in a meeting of merchants, to
      import every thing but tea. This resolve was also entered into by the
      Philadelphian merchants, and great efforts were made by the leaders of the
      movement, to induce the people to adhere strictly to this agreement, until
      the tea duty should be repealed. But most of the provinces were not
      desirous of persevering in the quarrel, and consequently renewed their
      commercial intercourse with the mother country: orders came over to
      England, indeed, to such an extent, that our exports to the colonies in
      this and the following year exceeded in amount what they had ever been
      before. Still the progress of a revolution was not impeded. There were
      many zealots in America, who could not rest satisfied while a connexion
      subsisted between England and her colonies, and who were still busied in
      sowing the seeds of discontent. Some such zealots existed in every colony,
      but it was in New England and in Virginia that that they were chiefly to
      be found. In the great southern province they were headed by Patrick Henry
      and Thomas Jefferson, and by their means the popular party in Virginia
      were led to deplore the massacre at Boston, and to uphold that city as a
      new Sparta and the seat of liberty. The assembly of Virginia, in a
      petition or remonstrance to his majesty, ventured to express their strong
      dissatisfaction at Lord North's imperfect Repeal Act, and their deep
      affliction at seeing that the pretension of the mother country to the
      right of taxing the colonies was persevered in by the retention of duty
      upon tea. They also criticised the conduct of Lord Bottetourt, their
      governor, and represented that no alliance was to be placed upon the
      good-will or moderation of those who managed the affairs of the mother
      country. All the houses of assembly, now re-opened, were, in truth,
      scarcely less difficult to manage than they had been the year before, and
      in almost every instance they were prorogued by the governors. In the
      assembly of Massachusets, especially, there were great commotions, arising
      partly from communications received from England, which represented that
      the state and conduct of the colony was likely to be submitted to the
      consideration of parliament in the present session, and partly from the
      dismissal of the provincial forces from Castle William, and the
      establishment of the royal troops in that fortress. It was suspected that
      measures were in train to reduce the province to a state of utter
      dependence on Great Britain, and they proceeded to prepare instructions
      for their agent in London, in order to prevent the blow. But before they
      proceeded to business the house made another attempt to obtain a removal
      of the seat of government to Boston; and having failed in this, they made
      a strong protest against their conduct being drawn into a precedent. Soon
      after this Mr. Hutchinson was appointed governor of the province; but the
      subject of the assembly's removal afforded matter of dispute in the
      remonstrances of the house at the opening of every session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The king opened parliament on the 13th of November. The prominent part of
      his speech related to the Falkland Islands, a question that was still in
      abeyance. His majesty informed the lords and commons, that by an act of
      the governor of Buenos Ayres, in seizing one of his possessions by force,
      the honour of the crown and the rights of the people were deeply affected;
      and he called on them for advice and assistance. The addresses of both
      houses approved of the steps taken by his majesty, and assured him of
      their effectual support: to this end, supplies for the augmentation of the
      army and navy were cheerfully voted,&mdash;and in order to defray any
      extraordinary expenses, the land-tax was increased from three to four
      shillings in the pound.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE CONCERNING THE FALKLAND ISLANDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the debate on the address, Lord North had said, that as the Spanish
      ambassador had thrown the responsibility upon the Governor of Buenos
      Ayres, it was proper that his Spanish majesty should be allowed time to
      disavow these proceedings. He had also endeavoured to show that the
      Falkland Islands were of little value to anybody, and not of sufficient
      importance to justify a war if it could be avoided. These sentiments ill
      accorded with the views of some in the lower house, in which they were
      uttered, and several, as Dowdeswell, Barré, Burke, Sir William Meredith,
      and Sir Charles Saunders, blamed the minister for putting forward the
      Governor of Buenos Ayres, instead of complaining of his master, the King
      of Spain; who must, they contended, have previously authorised his
      expedition against Port Egmont. Similar opinions appear to have been
      entertained in the house of lords, although the address passed there
      without any show of dissatisfaction. On the 20th of November, however, the
      Duke of Richmond gave notice that he would make a motion on the 22nd, on
      which day, therefore, the house was summoned. That day arrived, Richmond
      moved for an address, praying that the king would order that all papers
      received by the ministry between the 12th of September, 1769, and the 12th
      of September, 1770, touching hostilities commenced, or designed to be
      commenced, by the crown of Spain, or any of his officers, should be laid
      before parliament. In urging this demand, the duke said, that the affairs
      of the Falkland Islands was only one among many acts of aggression, and he
      asserted that while we were in want of seamen, three thousand, captured in
      trading ships by the Guarda-Costas, under pretence of smuggling, were
      rotting in Spanish prisons, or pining away in hopeless slavery in South
      America. The motion was opposed by Lords Weymouth and Hillsborough, who
      contended that the production of the papers called for, would embarrass a
      negociations now in good train that the Spanish government was entitled to
      respect and delicate management; and that the ministers were not wanting
      either in vigilance or vigour. The Duke of Richmond was supported by the
      Earl of Chatham, who, in a long and eloquent speech, showed the necessity
      of firmness on the part of the British cabinet;&mdash;accused the
      Spaniards of want of faith, and of being as mean and crafty as they are
      proud and insolent; and predicted that if ministers patched up an
      accommodation for the present, they would still have a Spanish war in six
      months. He concluded by charging the ministers with having destroyed all
      content and unanimity at home by a series of oppressive and
      unconstitutional measures; and with having delivered up the nation,
      defenceless, to a foreign enemy. He added this warning:&mdash;"Let me warn
      them of their danger. If they are forced into a war, they stand it at the
      hazard of their heads; if, by an ignominious compromise, they should stain
      the honour of the crown, or sacrifice the rights of the people, let them
      look to the consequences, and consider whether they will be able to walk
      the streets in safety."&mdash;The Duke of Manchester, the Marquess of
      Rockingham, the Earl of Shelburne, and Lord Lyttleton also supported the
      Duke of Richmond's motion, but it was nevertheless negatived by a large
      majority. On the same day, also, a similar motion was made and negatived
      in the house of commons; moreover, a few days later the Earl of Chatham
      moved that Captain Hunt, who had driven off a Spanish schooner from Port
      Egmont, before the armament arrived, should be ordered to attend the
      house; and when this was negatived, he moved an address to his majesty,
      praying that the house might be acquainted at what time reparation was
      first demanded from Spain, which likewise received a negation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS OF THE LAW OF LIBEL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The sentiments promulgated by Lord Mansfield on the law of libel, in the
      case of Woodfall, had created much discussion among the legal profession,
      and had met with much obloquy among the people. They were represented as
      an attempt to infringe the rights and powers of juries, and to reduce
      their verdicts to a mere echo of the opinions of judges, inasmuch as they
      were merely to inquire into the fact of printing and publishing, and not
      allowed to judge whether the matter in question was a libel or not On the
      28th of November, Lord Chatham denounced this mode of directing juries
      from the bench, but Lord Mansfield justified it, and laid it down as an
      axiom, "that a libel, or not a libel, was a matter of law to be decided by
      the bench, and the question to be left to the jury was only the fact of
      printing and publishing." Mansfield demanded a call of the house for the
      10th of December, and when that day arrived, he laid on the table a paper,
      drawn up with great care and precision, containing the unanimous opinion
      of the court of king's bench in Woodfall's case, in order that their
      lordships might, read or copy it as they pleased. Lord Camden inquired
      whether this paper was intended to be entered on the journals, and
      submitted to debate. Mansfield replied it was merely intended for the
      information of members, and he then suddenly moved an adjournment and
      quitted the house. On the next day, Camden considering the paper as a
      challenge to himself, endeavoured to provoke a discussion, by addressing
      six queries to the chief-justice, but Lord Mansfield declared that he
      would not answer interrogations, and the matter dropped.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, the power of filing <i>ex-officio</i>
      informations by the attorney-general in cases like Almon's, elicited the
      praises of Burke, on Junius as a writer, in these terms:&mdash;"How comes
      this Junius to have broken through the cobwebs of the law, and to have
      ranged uncontrolled, unpunished through the land? The myrmidons of the
      court have been long, and are still, pursuing him in vain. They will not
      spend their time upon me, or upon you, when the mighty boar of the forest,
      that has broke through all their toils, is before them. But what will all
      their efforts avail? No sooner has he wounded one than he strikes down
      another dead at his feet. For my own part, when I saw his attack upon the
      king, I own my blood ran cold. Not that he has not asserted many bold
      truths: yes, sir, there are in that composition many bold truths, by which
      a wise prince might profit. It was the rancour and venom with which I was
      struck. But while I expected from this daring flight his final ruin and
      fall, behold him rising still higher, and coming down souse upon both
      houses of parliament;&mdash;not content with carrying away our royal eagle
      in his pounces, and dashing him against a rock, he has laid you prostrate,
      and kings, lords, and commons, thus become but the sport of his fury."
      Soon after this Sergeant Glynn moved for a committee to inquire "into the
      constitutional power and duty of juries." His motion was opposed by Fox,
      and supported by Dunning, Wedderbume, Burke, and others. Fox opposed it
      because it was said that "the people complained of the perversion of law,"
      and he laid himself open to the following severe remarks from the lips of
      Burke:&mdash;"That there should be found, he said, gentlemen who would
      annihilate the people, and acknowledge no other voice than that of this
      house, is to me, not at all surprising, because the conduct of the most
      violent sticklers for this doctrine has not deserved much applause or
      favour from them; but that they should have renounced reason and common
      sense so far as to maintain that the majority of this assembly is the only
      organ by which their sentiments can be expressed, is, to me, truly
      surprising. For where, in the name of wonder, should the house acquire the
      necessary knowledge or intelligence? Is it by turning these musty old
      volumes, or by rummaging these gaudy boxes which lie on your table? No!
      they contain none of these mysteries. How then are they to be explored? Is
      there any virtue or inspiration in these benches or cushions, by which
      they are to be communicated, or does the echo of these walls whisper the
      secret in your ears? No! but the echo of every other wall, the murmur of
      every stream, aye! the hoots and hisses of every street in the nation,
      ring it in your ears, and deafen you with their din. The people have a
      voice of their own, and it must, it will be, sooner or later heard: and I,
      as in duty bound, will always exert every nerve and every power of which I
      am master, to hasten the completion of so desirable an event." The motion
      was negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUARRELS BETWEEN THE LORDS AND COMMONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ministers were still pressed by the opposition concerning the lingering
      negociations with Spain, and the incompleteness of their preparations for
      war. In the house of lords, the Duke of Manchester descanted in strong
      terms on the defenceless condition of Gibraltar, Minorca, and Jamaica. In
      the midst of his harangue Lord Gower desired that the house might be
      cleared of all persons except those who had a right to sit there. When
      motions like this, he said, were brought on by surprise, no one should be
      allowed to hear the debate except peers, inasmuch as in a crowded house,
      emissaries from the court of Spain and other powers might be present. He
      added that there was another reason why the house should be cleared.
      Persons, he said, had been admitted who took note of what was said, for he
      had in his pocket a paper which contained a speech recently made by a
      noble lord! This, he asserted, was contrary to a standing order, which
      standing order, No. 112, was produced and read. The Duke of Richmond and
      the Earl of Chatham warmly opposed such a step, but their voices were
      drowned by shouts of "Clear the house! Clear the house!" The Earl of
      Chatham, with eighteen peers, indignantly left the house, and the party
      who remained then insisted that all the members of the house of commons
      present should be turned out <i>sans cérémonie</i>! These members
      represented that they were there in the discharge of their duty, for that
      they were there attending with a bill. The bill was demanded, and they had
      no sooner delivered it, than they were hooted out of the house. A strong
      protest was made against these proceedings by members of both houses;&mdash;and
      on the same day, Mr. George Onslow moved in the lower house that it should
      be cleared&mdash;"peers and all." This motion was made merely from pique
      at the treatment of the commons by the lords, and not with a view of
      encouraging the notion that debates ought to be open, reported, and
      published. A better motion was made by Mr. Dunning, who moved for a
      committee "to inspect the journals of the house of lords of that day, as
      to what proceedings and resolutions were therein, with relation to the not
      permitting any persons to be present in any part of the said house during
      the sitting thereof." This motion was negatived; but no vote passed either
      in the house of lords or that of the commons could remove the stain which
      the ministers had brought upon their characters by these tumultuous
      proceedings, or allay the desire which the people entertained for the
      publication of parliamentary debates; and the opposition did what they
      could to render their conduct more odious than it really was The Earl of
      Chatham recommended that search should be made by the commons in the
      journals, and that a conference should be demanded with the lords. Acting
      upon this advice, Lord George Germaine moved in the house of commons for
      such a conference, but though he was ably supported by Lord George
      Cavendish, Burke, Dunning, and Barré, all of whom dealt in humour as well
      as argument, the motion was negatived. Lord Germaine then moved that the
      speaker should write to such eldest sons and heirs apparent of peers,
      king's sergeants, and masters in chancery, as were members, and to the
      attorney and solicitor-general, and request them to be in their places
      every day at two o'clock, to assist in carrying bills to the house of
      lords; but the only result of this motion was a duel between the mover and
      Governor Johnstone, in Hyde-park, in consequence of some remarks which the
      latter had made in the course of the debate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONVENTION WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the sincerity of the Spanish government was doubted by the ministry
      before Christmas, it was deemed advisable to adjourn parliament to the
      latter end of January, in order to afford time for the development of
      circumstances, and to enable the cabinet to decide upon peace or war.
      Ministers seem, indeed, to have learned of late that the plan of paying
      deference to the Spanish court was not founded in wisdom, and they changed
      their policy. On the 21st of December a messenger was despatched to Spain
      to recall our ambassador, and to intimate to the English merchants and
      commanders of ships, that it would probably be expedient for them to leave
      that country. This conduct alarmed the Spanish court, but it is probable
      that the King of Spain would have decided upon war, had not his views been
      disappointed in another quarter. He had invited the King of France to
      co-operate with him, and the Duc de Choiseul, his minister, was favourable
      to the cause of Spain, but during the month of December Choiseul was
      disgraced and exiled, through the influence of Madame du Barry, the king's
      mistress, and he was succeeded by the Duke d'Aiguillon, who advocated
      peace. This had the effect of bringing the negociations to a close: Louis
      XV. wrote to the Spanish monarch with his own hand, that he would not have
      war, and instructions were immediately sent to London to Prince Masserano,
      the Spanish envoy, to accept the propositions offered by the British
      Cabinet.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the Christmas recess, ministers were employed in gaining converts
      from the ranks of the opposition, and in making arrangements to complete
      and strengthen the administration. Lord Weymouth having resigned the seals
      of secretary of state, they were given to Lord Sandwich, who was succeeded
      in his office of postmaster-general by the Honourable H. F. Thynne. Mr.
      Wedderburne, the pet of Chatham and the city, abandoned his friends, and
      became solicitor-general to the queen; while Thurlow was made
      attorney-general in the place of Mr. de Grey, who was created
      chief-justice of the common pleas. A chancellor was now also found in the
      person of the Hon. Henry Bathurst, who took the title of Baron Apsley.
      Lord Sandwich held the seals of secretary of state but for a few days.
      Having expressed a wish to be transferred to the admiralty, he was placed
      at the head of that board, instead of Sir Edward Hawke, and Lord Halifax
      succeeded him as secretary of state, giving up the privy seal to the Earl
      of Suffolk; Lord Rochford was removed to the southern department. Mr.
      Grenville had recently paid the great debt of nature, or he would have
      probably again come into office, but several of his friends were
      introduced into the ministry, by which it gained a considerable accession
      of talent.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1771-1773
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Re-opening of Parliament..... Proceedings against
     Shoreham..... Resolutions respecting the Publication of
     Debates..... Committal of the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver
     to the Tower..... Contest between the City  and
     Legislature..... The question of the Middlesex Election.....
     The question of the Dissolution of Parliament..... The
     Session closed..... Release of the Lord Mayor and Alderman
     Oliver..... Education of the Prince of Wales..... City
     Petition to the King..... Disputes in the City..... Meeting
     of Parliament..... Debates on Subscription to the Thirty-
     nine Articles..... ecclesiastical</i> <i>Nullum Tempus</i> <i>Bill.....
     The case of Dr.  Nowell..... Test and Corporation Acts.....
     The Royal Marriage Act..... East India Affairs..... The
     Session closed..... Fate of the Queen of Denmark..... Death
     of the Princess Dowager of Wales..... Revolution in
     Sweden..... Partition of Poland..... Investigation of the
     Middlesex Election..... Changes in the Ministry..... The
     Meeting of Parliament..... East India Affairs.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1771
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RE-OPENING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the commons assembled on the 22nd of January, Lord North announced
      the happy termination of the dispute with Spain, and the intention of
      government to lay the convention which had just been signed before
      parliament. Lord Rochford imparted similar information to the lords: in
      both houses the question gave rise to warm discussion. In the lords the
      Duke of Manchester moved for all the information received by government
      touching the designs of Spain upon Falkland Island, and for all the papers
      passed during the negociations. Rochford moved an amendment, limiting the
      inquiry to the subject of Falkland Island, and Lord Sandwich moved another
      amendment, which the Duke of Richmond said would so narrow the motion as
      to deprive the house of all necessary information. These amendments were
      withdrawn, and the original motion of the Duke of Manchester agreed to;
      but even this did not satisfy the opposition. The Duke of Richmond next
      moved, in order to recommend this ignominious affair to further censure,
      that all the memorials or other papers which had passed between his
      majesty's ministers and the ministers of the King of France, relating to
      the seizure of Falkland Island by the Spaniards, should be laid before the
      house. Rochford said that he knew of no such papers, which assertion was
      questioned by the Earl of Chatham, inasmuch as the interference of France
      in the matter was a fact that could not be denied. The house, he said,
      ought never to take the word of a minister, and that the refusal of this
      motion showed that some transaction with France had passed, though perhaps
      not papers or memorials. The motion was negatived; but the question gave
      rise to still further discussion in both houses, of which little is known;
      as on the great field-day in the lords, all strangers were rigidly
      excluded. The Earl of Chatham moved on that day, that the following two
      questions should be referred to the judges:&mdash;1. Whether, in law, the
      imperial crown of the realm can hold any territories or possessions
      otherwise than in sovereignty? 2. Whether the declaration or instrument
      for restitution of Port Egmont, to be made by the Catholic king to his
      majesty, under a reservation of a disputed right of sovereignty, expressed
      in the very declaration or instrument stipulating such restitution, can be
      accepted or carried into execution, without derogating from the maxim of
      law touching the inherent and essential dignity of the crown of Great
      Britain? This motion was negatived; and subsequently the Duke of Newcastle
      moved for an address to the king, in approbation of the convention, and of
      the wise and moderate measures which had been employed to procure it;
      which was carried by a large majority. So far as parliament was concerned,
      the question of Falkland Island was, by this motion, set at rest; but out
      of doors it long continued to be a matter of dispute. One party maintained
      that the possession of Port Egmont was of the utmost importance to
      England, and that by the secret article, which it was said existed in the
      convention, implying that after all we were to give it up, the national
      honour had been meanly sacrificed. The caustic Junius and other writers
      took this side of the question. Another party, however, at the head of
      whom Dr. Johnson may be reckoned, endeavoured to demonstrate that the
      whole group was worth little or nothing, and that it would have been
      absurd to go to war about them. Both parties adopted exaggerated language
      to prove their propositions; but whether they were of any real value or
      not, it behoved England, according to state maxims, to resent the conduct
      of Spain, in treacherously falling upon her colony at Port Egmont in times
      of peace. No argument, indeed, could justify such an invasion of the
      dignity of England's crown and the rights of her subjects. But one thing
      seems certain arose from this affair; namely, that if the interests of the
      country were sacrificed by this convention, private individuals, at least,
      reaped great advantage therefrom. The sudden signing of it, when war was
      well nigh pronounced by the prime minister, gave rise to stockjobbing, and
      in the course of a few days large fortunes were made in Change-alley. This
      formed one of the most weighty charges brought by the opposition against
      ministers in the course of the debate. Colonel Barré, indeed, directly
      accused them of being implicated in these unworthy transactions. "A
      Frenchman," said he, "being in your secrets, has made nearly half a
      million of money by jobbing in your funds; and some of the highest among
      yourselves have been deeply concerned in the same scandalous traffic." In
      the course of the session this led to a bill for the more effectual
      prevention of stock-jobbing; but though it passed the commons, it does not
      appear to have obtained the notice of the lords.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS AGAINST SHOREHAM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of a petition lodged against one Hugh Roberts, the
      returning officer of Shoreham, the public were at this time startled by
      strange disclosures of corruption in the elections for that borough. A
      select committee was appointed, according to Grenville's act, to determine
      a contested election, in which a candidate who had only thirty-seven votes
      had been declared duly elected, to the prejudice of a rival who had more
      than double that number. It appeared from the inquiry that the majority of
      the freeholders of this insignificant borough had formed themselves into
      an association, called "The Christian Club," for the ostensible purpose of
      promoting the cause of piety and charity. This, however, only served as a
      cloak for venality and corruption. These associated "Christians,"
      sometimes performed a charitable act, in order to accredit their
      professions, but the bulk of the money which they received from their
      representatives found its way into their own pockets;&mdash;and this was
      no trifling sum. The borough was offered at elections to the highest
      bidder, and he who offered most was successful. In order to escape
      detection, the members of this club were bound to secrecy by solemn oaths,
      and by bonds with large penalties attached to them; and negociations with
      candidates were carried on by means of a select committee, who, under
      pretence of scruples of conscience, never voted themselves, but having
      sold the borough and received the money, directed the suffrages of the
      rest, and afterwards shared in the booty. Their hypocrisy, however, was
      brought to light by one in their own camp. At this election five
      candidates had offered themselves, and the secret committee were sent to
      treat with the bidders. The best offers were made by General Smith and Mr.
      Rumbold: the former offering £3000 in cash, and to build six hundred tons
      of shipping at Shoreham; and the latter offering £35 a man to all the
      freemen. The secret committee preferred Rumbold, but Roberts, the
      returning officer, preferred the General, and knowing that a large sum of
      money had been distributed among eighty-one of the majority, he considered
      them disqualified, and omitted them in his return. This formed the subject
      of the petition, and the facts being proved, a bill was brought in and
      carried, by which eighty-one freemen of Shoreham were disfranchised; and
      the Shoreham franchise was extended to all the freeholders of the
      neighbouring district, called the Rape of Bramber, who occupied tenements
      of the annual value of forty shillings. At the same time Roberts was
      reprimanded at the bar of the house by the speaker, for his assumption of
      illegal authority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING THE PUBLICATION OF DEBATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Up to this period it had been held that to publish the debates of either
      house of parliament was a breach of privilege. The editors of periodicals
      had, indeed, endeavoured to evade the prohibition by publishing mutilated
      and occasionally invented speeches of honourable and noble lords, under
      fictitious names; but the people did not even obtain this doubtful
      information till after the discussion was over, and the matter in debate
      settled. The public, however, were now becoming more enlightened, and
      withal more curious, and these garbled and stale speeches did not satisfy
      them;&mdash;they longed for a full reporting newspaper, and the printers
      were encouraged by the general feeling to venture upon giving the
      proceedings in parliament from week to week, or from day to day, as they
      occurred. They were the more induced to take this step because the extent
      of the power of parliament to enforce this question of privilege had never
      been accurately defined. The letters of Junius, also, had a great effect
      in confirming them in their resolution: accordingly, during the Middlesex
      elections and the debates on the affairs of the Falkland Islands, the
      public were gratified with certain and immediate intelligence of what
      their representatives were doing. But this was not likely to be allowed by
      parliament without a struggle. The members of both houses had been
      strenuous in their endeavours to shut their doors in the face of the
      nation&mdash;to choke all attempts at publicity, and to seclude themselves
      as rigorously as a jury, and therefore the proprietors of these newly
      established papers, must have expected, sooner or later, to be disturbed
      in their occupations. On the 5th of February their anticipations were
      realized. Colonel George Onslow, now one of the lords of the treasury,
      denounced the insolence and wickedness of these proceedings, as tending to
      the destruction of all things to be venerated in our constitution; and, on
      the 26th of the same month, he moved:&mdash;"That it is an indignity to,
      and a breach of privilege of this house, for any person to presume to give
      in written or printed newspapers any account or minutes of debate, or
      other proceedings of this house, or any part thereof; and that upon
      discovery of the authors, printers, or publishers of any such written or
      printed newspaper, this house will proceed against the offenders with the
      utmost severity." The motion was opposed by Alderman Trecothick, who
      wished every man to hear what passed in the house; and by Burke, who in
      the course of his speech declared, that so long as an interest existed out
      of doors to examine the proceedings of parliament, so long would men be
      found to do what these printers had already done. It was also argued that
      the privilege enjoyed by constituents of knowing what is said and done by
      their representatives, is founded on the true principles of the
      constitution, and that falsehood and misrepresentation ought to be
      punished in a different manner from that proposed, inasmuch as it went to
      make the house of commons a secret tribunal. Onslow's motion, however, was
      carried, and two of the printers, Thompson and Wheble, were ordered to
      attend at the bar of the house. This order was not noticed, and the
      sergeant-at-arms was directed to take them into custody: they were not to
      be found; and another printer, Evans, who was ordered on the 1st of March
      to attend the house, treated the order with the same contempt. Colonel
      Onslow then moved for an address to the king, to issue a proclamation,
      offering a reward of fifty pounds for their apprehension, which was agreed
      to; and subsequently he denounced six more printers as guilty of the same
      enormities. Wheble was at length taken by another printer, and carried
      before Alderman Wilkes, who discharged him from custody, and made him
      enter into his own recognisance to prosecute the man who captured him at
      the Old Bailey sessions for false imprisonment or an illegal arrest. On
      the same day Thompson was also carried before Alderman Oliver, who
      followed the example of Wilkes, and discharged him. Four printers, out of
      the six last denounced by Onslow, attended at the bar of the house; a
      fifth [Woodfall] was already in custody in Newgate, by order of the house
      of lords, and the sixth, named Millar, refused to obey the summons. A
      messenger was sent to apprehend him, but Millar had a constable in
      readiness, and he gave the messenger into custody, and he was carried to
      Guildhall to answer for the assault. Wilkes, the sitting alderman, said he
      had finished the business of the day, and would not enter upon the case,
      and the messenger was then conveyed to the mansion-house. The lord mayor
      being indisposed, he was kept there for three hours, but in the evening,
      being attended by Wilkes and Oliver, he admitted the parties: the deputy
      sergeant-at-arms being also present. The printer having stated his
      complaint, the messenger was asked by what authority he had presumed to
      commit the assault? He produced his warrant, and the sergeant-at-arms then
      intimated that he was there by the speaker's order, not only to release
      the messenger, but to take Millar into custody. The magistrates, however,
      represented that by the city charters no caption could be made, east of
      Temple-bar, without the authority of the lord mayor; and while they
      released Millar, they would have committed the messenger to prison, had
      not bail been given for his appearance to answer for the alleged assault.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTAL OF THE LORD MAYOR AND ALDERMAN OLIVER TO THE TOWER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The above transactions were reported to the commons by the
      sergeant-at-arms, and orders were issued for the lord mayor to attend in
      his place, and his clerk to bring up the mansion-house minute-book, in
      which the proceedings had been entered. Alderman Oliver was likewise
      ordered to attend in his place, while Wilkes was directed to appear at the
      bar of the house. The two members obeyed the summons, and boldly justified
      their conduct; but though they were ably supported by many members in the
      house, and though the public emphatically displayed their approbation of
      their conduct, they were committed to the Tower. As for Wilkes he defied
      the government, refusing to attend unless in his seat as member for
      Middlesex. Three several times he was summoned to attend, but he would not
      listen to it under any other conditions, and nothing remained but
      compulsion, which the ministers were afraid of using. His majesty, indeed,
      is expressly said to have asserted, that he would have nothing to do with
      him, and he was left to act with impunity. This confessed weakness brought
      the cabinet into utter contempt, for though ministers resorted to the
      trick of adjournment with regard to his non-appearance, all men saw that
      it was fear alone which prevented them from taking him into custody. And
      that they had reason to fear there can be no question, for had any attempt
      been made to compel his appearance, it would have revived all the uproar
      of the election questions, and brought him forward with tenfold powers of
      mischief, as the champion of the mob: and, even as it was, ministers had
      brought themselves, by the proceedings against the printers, into no very
      enviable position. Riots and tumults in the avenues of the house were the
      order of the day, and the life of Lord North was on one occasion brought
      into imminent danger. On the day that the lord mayor was committed,
      indeed, the tumult was so violent that the house was obliged to stop
      business for some hours, and it was in vain that magistrates and
      constables endeavoured to restore peace: it was only through the speeches
      of some of the more popular members, who left the house on purpose to
      address them, that the minds of the chafed multitude became tranquil. It
      was thought that Lord North would now resign, and a report had been made
      to that effect, but he declared that though he wished for retirement, he
      entertained no such design; that nothing but the king or the mob, who were
      near destroying him, could remove him; and that he was determined to
      weather out the storm. He ungraciously charged the minority with hiring
      the mob to destroy him; upon which Burke's brother, William, indignantly
      exclaimed, &mdash;"It is a falsehood, a most egregious falsehood; the
      minority are to a man persons of honour, who scorn such a resource. Such a
      charge could only emanate from a man hackneyed in indirect measures."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTEST BETWEEN THE CITY AND LEGISLATURE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another occasion of contest between the city and legislature arose from
      the introduction of a bill for enclosing and embanking a part of the river
      Thames, adjoining to Durham-yard. The city considering that their rights
      were about to be invaded were heard by counsel. They produced a grant by
      Henry VII. of all the soil and bed of the river, from Staines bridge to a
      spot near the Medway, and likewise a lease granted by them of a nook of
      the river near Vauxhall, for which they had received rent upwards of sixty
      years. On the part of the legislature, a charter of Charles II. was
      produced, in which he had reserved the bed of the river, by the
      acceptation of which, it was argued, that the city had forfeited that
      granted by Henry VII. It was also contended that the charter of Henry only
      extended to that part of the river which was within the city, and the
      lease at Vauxhall was, therefore, an encroachment. These arguments
      prevailed, the bill was passed, and a pile of buildings, called the
      Adelphi, was erected on the site, and disposed of by lottery. The disposal
      of them in this manner was to eke out the ways and means, and this mode of
      procuring money called forth the indignant denunciations of Mr. Burke and
      Colonel Barré, who stigmatized it as an iniquitous project to bribe the
      servants of the public; a use to which lotteries had been previously
      applied.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The question of the Middlesex election was again brought forward in the
      lords on the 30th of April, when; the Duke of Richmond moved for expunging
      the resolution adopted on the subject. The Earl of Chatham delivered a
      long speech on that occasion, which was forthwith published in the Public
      Advertiser. The orator appears to have been unanswered, but the motion was
      negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF THE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of May, the Earl of Chatham moved for an address to the king to
      dissolve the present parliament at the end of the session, and to call a
      new one with all convenient dispatch. The speech, which he delivered in
      making this motion first drew a sad contrast between the state of the
      country at the time it was uttered, and the condition it was in only a few
      years before. He then descanted on the treaty of Fontainbleau; the late
      convention with Spain; the occurrences in St. George's Fields, which he
      called "murders;" on the affairs of America; and on the immense private
      debt contracted by the crown. "All these circumstances," he observed,
      "have justly alarmed the nation, and made them attentive to the operations
      of parliament. Hence the publication of the parliamentary debates. And
      where is the injury, if the members act upon honest principles? For a
      public assembly to be afraid of having their deliberations published is
      monstrous, and speaks for itself. No mortal can construe such a procedure
      to their advantage; and the practice of locking the doors is sufficient to
      open the eyes of the blind;&mdash;they must see that all is not well
      within. Not satisfied, however, with shutting the doors, the commons would
      overturn the liberty of the press. The printers had spirit and resisted.
      The irritated commons exalted their privilege above the laws of the land,
      and their servants acted illegally in the execution of their illegal
      orders. The magistrates of London undertook the cause of the printers, and
      the protection of the laws and of the city's franchises. The commons still
      proceeded with the same outrageous violence;&mdash;they called upon the
      magistrates to justify their conduct, and would not suffer them to be
      heard by counsel. These men, who had allowed the prostituted electors of
      Shoreham counsel to defend a bargain to sell their borough by auction,
      would not grant the same indulgence to the lord mayor of London, pleading
      for the laws of England, and the conscientious discharge of his duty.
      Accordingly they committed him to the tower for not violating his oath.
      The most sacred obligation of morality and religion they voted criminal,
      when it happened to stand in competition with their assumed privileges.
      Their next step was the act of a mob, and not of a parliament; I mean the
      expunging of the recognisance entered at Guildhall. We have heard of such
      violence committed by the French King; and it seems much better calculated
      for the latitude of Paris than of London. The people of this kingdom will
      never submit to such barefaced tyranny. They must see that it is time to
      rouse, when their own creatures dare to assume a power of stopping
      prosecutions by their vote, and consequently of resolving the law of the
      land into their will and pleasure. The imprudence, and indeed the absolute
      madness of these measures, demonstrates not the result of that assembly's
      calm, unbiassed deliberations, but the dictates of weak uninformed
      ministers, influenced by those who mislead their sovereign." Chatham then
      told the ministers that it was through their misconduct that Wilkes had
      become a person of consequence in the state, and twitted them with
      acknowledging him to be their lord and master, since while they had
      punished the chief magistrate of the city, they were compelled to allow
      him to act with impunity. On all these grounds, he said, it was that he
      moved for an address to the throne for the dissolution of parliament; a
      step which he considered might have the effect of restoring good humour
      and tranquillity on the one hand, and good government on the other. At the
      same time he expressed his doubts whether this would prove any thing more
      than a temporary and partial remedy, as the influence of the crown had
      become so enormous, that some stronger bulwark ought to be erected for the
      defence of the constitution. He concluded by stating that the act for
      septennial parliaments must be repealed, and by proclaiming himself a
      convert to triennial parliaments. The motion was negatived by seventy-two
      against twenty-three. In the house of commons, Alderman Sawbridge made a
      direct motion for shortening the duration of parliaments; a motion which,
      in spite of the large majorities against him, he renewed every session
      till his death. Out or doors, at this time, the question was very popular;
      the Rev. John Home, and Junius advocating it as the surest road to
      political perfection, and as the only means of preserving the substantial
      freedom of the constitution. It is probable, however, that Chatham only
      advocated this measure for the purpose of alarming ministers and
      increasing his popularity, for his views of parliamentary reform were
      never definite: he never had a fixed and settled purpose in the matter.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SESSION CLOSED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session ended on the eighth of May. In his speech from the throne,
      the king congratulated the houses on those exertions which had averted a
      war, and which enabled him to hope for the blessings of peace. He alluded
      to disturbances and groundless suspicions at home, and exhorted the
      members of both houses to use their best endeavours to repress them. It is
      manifest that ministers had lost much reputation during the session, but
      it seems clear that they were never firmer in their seats than they were
      at its close. The defection of Mr. Grenville's party added greatly to
      their strength, while it as greatly weakened the efforts of the
      opposition. In June the death of Lord Halifax made a vacancy in the
      cabinet, which was occupied by the Earl of Suffolk, while his place of
      lord privy seal was taken by the Duke of Grafton, whose restoration caused
      a great stir in the political world, and called forth the atrabilious
      rancour of Junius, who had prided himself on having driven the noble duke
      from office.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELEASE OF THE LORD MAYOR AND ALDERMAN OLIVER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      All honour was paid to these captives during their confinement in the
      Tower. They were visited by nobles and members of the house of commons;
      the sheriffs waited upon them to express their disapprobation of all the
      proceedings against them; and at a meeting of the common-council the day
      after their commitment, a vote of thanks was passed to such members of the
      house of commons as had given them their support. The common-council also
      agreed to pay any law expenses that might occur, and to defray all the
      expenses of their tables while in confinement. On the 5th of March, they
      were brought by <i>habeas corpus</i> from the Tower, to Lord Chief-Justice
      de Gray's chambers, attended by a host of friends; but after hearing
      Sergeant Glynn and Mr Lee, he said that he could neither bail nor
      discharge them. They were then taken to Lord Mansfield's chambers, who
      expressed the same sentiments; stating that he could neither take bail nor
      discharge them while parliament was sitting. They were, therefore, carried
      back to the Tower, where they remained till the day the session closed,
      when they regained their liberty. In the mean time the printers remained
      unscathed. They had, indeed, obtained advantages almost equal to a
      victory, and there was little more to fear from the publication of the
      speeches of members of parliament. In the course of the debate Mr. Welbore
      Ellis moved that a secret committee of twenty-one members should be chosen
      by ballot, "to examine into the several facts and circumstances relative
      to the late obstructions to the executions of the order of the house, and
      to consider what further proceedings may be requisite to enforce a due
      obedience thereto." This was agreed to, and on the 30th of April the
      secret committee produced their report. The document consisted of a
      tedious deduction of facts and cases, which concluded with a
      recommendation to the house to consider whether it might not yet be
      expedient that Millar should be taken into custody by the
      sergeant-at-arms. Roars of laughter followed this impotent conclusion, and
      Burke increased the merriment of the house, by observing that the secret
      committee might be compared to an assembly of mice, who came to a
      resolution that their old enemy the cat should be tied up, to prevent her
      doing any further mischief, but forgot to say how this was to be effected.
      Nothing, therefore, was done, and from that period the parliamentary
      debates have been published without any disguise or obstruction: a
      practice which is considered to be essential to the effective working of
      the representative system, and one of the best safeguards of the
      constitution, inasmuch as it brings the opinions and acts of
      representatives under the notice of the lynx-eyed public, who regard their
      rights and liberties with too severe a jealousy to admit of their being
      invaded with impunity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EDUCATION OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the rising of parliament there was much speculation afloat
      concerning the appointment of a governor and preceptors for the king's
      eldest son, Prince George. It was said that the king was at length
      "convinced of the error of his ways;" that is, he had become suspicious of
      the Tories, and was inclined to favour the Whigs. When the appointments
      were made, however, there was no display of any decided Whig tendency at
      court. The Earl of Holderness was made the young prince's governor, and
      Lord Mansfield's friend, Dr. Markham, Bishop of Chester, and the Rev.
      Cyril Jackson, were appointed preceptor and sub-preceptor. The plan of
      private education was severely censured at the time, as too narrow for the
      future sovereign of a free country: and it was argued that an education at
      one of the public schools would have proved more beneficial to the mind of
      the royal pupil, and to his future subjects. Lord Holderness, after a few
      years, resigned his trust, complaining that a secret and dangerous
      influence existed which was injurious to his authority. He was succeeded
      by Lord Bruce, who retained his office only a few days, and the next
      governor was the Duke of Montague, with Hurd, afterwards Bishop of
      Worcester, and the Rev. Mr. Arnold, as preceptor and sub-preceptor. During
      his education, common report spoke highly of the prince's quickness of
      apprehension, retentive memory, and general aptitude for acquiring the
      elegances of literature.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CITY PETITION TO THE KING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess, inflamed by the imprisonment of the lord mayor, the
      harangues of Wilkes, and other circumstances, the city drew up another
      strong petition and remonstrance. This petition, which was presented by
      order of the lord chamberlain, without the procession of liverymen,
      complained of the abitrary, illegal, and wicked proceedings of the house
      of commons in imprisoning the city magistrates and members, and in passing
      the Durham-yard Act: it concluded by praying the king to dissolve
      parliament, and to dismiss his present despotic ministers from his
      councils for ever His majesty replied, that he was always willing to lend
      an ear to well-founded complaints, and expressed his concern at seeing the
      citizens of London so misled and deluded as to renew a request with which
      he had already declared he would not comply.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES IN THE CITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time, Wilkes, not satisfied with the alderman's gown, aspired to
      be sheriff. In this he was supported by Farringdon ward, and by other
      parts of the city, and the court taking alarm at the circumstance made use
      of all its influence to prevent his election. Their efforts were
      encouraged by dissensions among the city patriots, and by reports that
      Wilkes had offended, the lord mayor and several of the aldermen, and had
      involved himself in a quarrel with the Rev. John Home, one of the
      principal leaders of the people. Aldermen Plumbe and Kirkman, were opposed
      by the government party to Wilkes and Alderman Bull, and every thing was
      done to secure their election. An awkward mistake, however, frustrated all
      their endeavours. A letter was written by the celebrated ministerial
      manager, Mr. John Robinson, to Mr. Benjamin Smith of Cannon-street,
      informing him that Mr. Harley was to meet his ward in the course of the
      day, to urge them to support Plumbe and Kirkman, and entreating him to
      second the efforts of government by active exertions. This letter was sent
      by a messenger, but by a mistake he carried it to Mr. B. Smith, of
      Budge-row, who was friendly to the cause of Wilkes, and he instantly
      published it, together with an affidavit as to its authenticity: this had
      such an effect on the poll, that Wilkes and Bull were elected. Alderman
      Oliver had been induced to offer himself, and he was supported by the Rev.
      John Home. This led to a correspondence between the Rev. orator and
      Junius, in the course of which the frailties of Wilkes were laid before
      the public eye in all their deformity. Home accused him of having
      commissioned Sir Thomas Walpole to procure a pension of £1000 upon the
      Irish establishment; of having accepted a clandestine pension from the
      Rockingham administration; of not having commenced patriot until his
      wife's fortune was consumed; and of various other delinquencies committed
      both in England and France, which were very derogatory to his moral
      character. These accusations, however, came too late, and were, moreover,
      made in too bad a spirit to have any immediate effect on his popularity:&mdash;this
      he had now the means in his hands of increasing, and he turned his power
      to good account in this particular. Together with his colleague, he
      declared that as long as they were sheriffs, the military, which had been
      the custom, should not be allowed to attend the execution of criminals;
      and they gratified the people at the beginning of the session, by throwing
      open the doors and galleries of the Old Bailey, and forbidding the
      doorkeepers to receive money.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1772
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament, contrary to usual custom did not meet till after the Christmas
      holidays. It met on the 21st of January, when the king opened it with a
      speech which afforded no subject for debate. Addresses were passed in both
      houses without a division. On the same day Sir John Mawbey obtained leave
      to bring in a bill for preventing "clandestine outlawries," of which
      nothing more is known. On the next day Alderman Sawbridge gave notice of
      moving for leave during the session to bring in a bill for shortening the
      duration of parliaments; and on the day following there was a debate about
      the prevailing scarcity, and the necessity of continuing the prohibition
      against the exportation of corn. Sir William Meredith moved on the same
      day, that no bill or clause of any bill should be permitted to pass the
      house, whereby capital punishments were decreed, unless the same should
      previously be referred to a committee of the whole house: a motion which
      passed unanimously, and was made a standing order. The first debate of
      consequence in the house took place on the 29th of January, when Mr.
      Buller informed the house, in a committee of supply, that his majesty
      expected they would vote a considerable augmentation to our naval force,
      as additional ships were required in the Levant, where Russia was carrying
      on a maritime war against Turkey; in the East Indies, where France began
      to manifest hostility; and in Jamaica and the West Indies. He moved that
      25,000 men including 6664 marines should be maintained, and the motion was
      seconded by Captain Harvey. The augmentation was opposed by several
      members as too small if war was expected, and too large to be kept up in
      peace, and hints were thrown out by the opposition that ministers or the
      lords of the admiralty, either wanted more patronage at their disposal, or
      that something was concealed that made this great armament necessary. Mr.
      Buller's motion, however, was carried without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The important subject of subscription to the thirty-nine articles of
      religion had long been discussed at public meetings, in the newspapers,
      and in pamphlets and other works, and during this session, on the 6th of
      February, a petition from about 240 of the clergy and many professors of
      civil law and physic, was presented to parliament, praying relief from
      subscription to these articles The document was thus worded:&mdash;"Your
      petitioners apprehend themselves to have certain rights and privileges
      which they hold of God alone, and of this kind is the exercise of their
      own reason and judgment. They conceive they are also warranted by those
      original principles of reformation from popery on which the church of
      England is constituted, to judge, in searching the scriptures, each man
      for himself, what may or may not be proved thereby. They find themselves,
      however, in a great measure precluded the enjoyment of this invaluable
      privilege, by the laws relative to subscription, whereby your petitioners
      are required to acknowledge certain articles and confessions of faith and
      doctrine, drawn up by fallible men, to be all and every one of them
      agreeable to the said scriptures. Your petitioners therefore pray that
      they may be relieved from such an imposition upon their judgment, and be
      restored to their undoubted right as Protestants, of interpreting
      scripture for themselves, without being bound by any human explanations
      thereof&mdash;holy scripture alone being acknowledged certain and
      sufficient for salvation." This petition was presented by Sir William
      Meredith, who said that he considered it as meriting the most serious
      attention of the house, as the grievance which affects the minds and
      consciences of men was more burtdensome than that which affects their
      property. It was inconsistent, he observed; with the liberality of the
      present age to oblige men to subscribe to the truth of articles which they
      could not believe; and he urged that such injunctions tended to establish,
      under religious authority, habits of prevarication and irreligion; were
      productive of great licentiousness in the church; and operated to the
      destruction of Christian charity. He affirmed that the removal of these
      shackles would give a strength to the established church which nothing
      could shake, and that no danger could arise from such a reformation while
      the hierarchy existed. He concluded with remarking that the oaths of
      allegiance and supremacy were quite enough for the security of the church
      and state.
    </p>
    <p>
      The champion of the church on this occasion was Sir Robert Newdigate,
      member for the University of Oxford. Sir Robert considered the petition as
      praying to overturn the church of England, which he argued was only to be
      found in the thirty-nine articles and the Book of Common Prayer. He
      accused those clergymen who had signed it with possessing accomodating
      consciences; such consciences as had subverted the church in the last
      century. As for the house of commons, he maintained that it had no power
      to dispense with oaths, or to relieve those who had subscribed. Nay, it
      could not, he said, even receive the petition, since to comply with it
      would be a breach of the articles of union between England and Scotland,
      and since the king is bound by oath never to admit any alteration either
      in the liturgy or the articles. Mr. Hans Stanley, Mr. Fitzmorris, and Mr.
      Jenkinson were all of opinion that the house ought to show no countenance
      to such a petition, and other members were either facetious at the expense
      of the tender consciences of the dissenters, or furious against every
      section of that body. Mr. Charles Fox spoke for the church as by law
      established, and said that he considered that all the laws and statutes by
      which it had been guarded were very necessary for its preservation: at the
      same time he deprecated the practice of exacting subscription to the
      articles from mere boys. Soame Jenyns said that at Cambridge no
      subscription was required except upon taking a degree, when the parties
      might be supposed to have arrived at an age when they might think for
      themselves. Other members opposed the petition, on the ground that it
      would give a mortal wound to the church, and through the church to the
      state, since they were so closely united that if one perished the other
      must share its fate. It was also argued that the church had long been and
      was still in danger; that the parliament could not grant relief to the
      petitioners, it having no power to release from oaths once taken; and that
      even the king could not afford relief, he being bound by oath to preserve
      the church as by law established. Burke, who opposed the opposition, took
      a more comprehensive and enlightened view of the subject than most of the
      preceding speakers. He remarked, "If the dissenters, as an honourable
      gentleman has described them, have formerly risen from a 'whining,
      canting, snarling generation,' to be a body dreadful and ruinous to our
      establishments, let him call to mind the follies, the violences, the
      outrages, and persecutions that conjured up, very blamably, but very
      naturally, that same spirit ol retaliation. Let him recollect, along with
      the injuries, the services which dissenters have done to our church and to
      our state. If they have once destroyed, more than once they have saved
      them." Burke next observed that the church of England might alter her laws
      without changing her identity. He said that she professed no
      infallibility, and had always exercised the right of reforming her
      doctrine, discipline, and ceremonies, instancing as examples the change
      which she had made in the liturgy in the reign of Edward VI. and the
      reduction of her articles from forty-two to thirty-nine. The act of union,
      he maintained, had not rendered any further change possible. At the same
      time he contended that there was no great occasion for the change sought
      by the petitioners. "I will not enter," he said, "into the abstract merits
      of our articles and liturgy; perhaps there are some things in them which
      one would wish had not been there; and they are not without the marks and
      character of human frailty. But," he added, "it is not human frailty and
      imperfection, or even a considerable degree of them, that becomes a ground
      for alteration; for by no alteration will you get rid of those errors,
      however you may vary them." He then adverted to the inexpediency of these
      alterations, and the temper of the times. "If," said he, "you make this a
      season of religious alterations, depend upon it you will soon find it a
      season of religious tumults and wars.... These gentlemen complain of
      hardships. No considerable number shows discontent; but in order to give
      satisfaction to any considerable number of men, who come in so decent and
      constitutional a mode before us, let us examine a little what that
      hardship is. They want to be preferred clergymen of the church of England
      as by law established, but their consciences will not suffer them to
      conform to the doctrines and practices of that church; that is, they want
      to be teachers in a church to which they do not belong; it is an odd sort
      of hardship. They want to receive the emoluments appropriated for teaching
      one set of doctrines, whilst they are teaching another. A church in any
      legal sense is only a certain system of religious doctrines and practices,
      fixed and ascertained by some law; by the difference of which laws
      different churches, as different commonwealths, are made in various parts
      of the world; and the establishment is a tax laid by the same sovereign
      authority for payment of those who so teach and practise, For no
      legislature was ever so absurd as to tax its people to support men, but by
      some prescribed rule." Burke then warned the house against making a new
      door into the church for such gentlemen, as ten times their number might
      be driven out of it, and as it would be inexpedient to displease the
      clergy of England as a body, for the chance of obliging a few who were, or
      wanted to be, beneficed clergymen, and who probably were not agreed among
      themselves as to what required alteration. He concluded by showing, from
      the different opinions of churches on the canon of scripture itself, that
      men are as little likely to be unanimous on that point as on any other. He
      remarked, "The Bible is a vast collection of different treatises: a man
      who holds the divine authority of one may consider the other as merely
      human. What is his canon? The Jewish? St. Jerome's? that of the
      thirty-nine articles? Luther's? There are some who reject the Canticles;
      others six of the Epistles; the Apocalypse has even been suspected as
      heretical, and was doubted of for many ages, and by many great men. As
      these narrow the canon, others have enlarged it, by admitting St.
      Barnabas's Epistles, the Apostolic Constitutions, to say nothing of many
      other Gospels. Therefore to ascertain scripture you must have one article
      more; and you must define what that scripture is which you mean to teach.
      There are, I believe, very few who, when scripture is to be ascertained,
      do not see the absolute necessity of knowing what general doctrine a man
      draws from it, before he is sent down authorised by the state to teach it
      as pure doctrine, and receive a tenth of the produce of our lands. The
      scripture is not one summary of doctrine regularly digested, in which a
      man cannot mistake his way; it is a most venerable but multivarious
      collection of the records of divine economy; a collection of an infinite
      variety of cosmogony, theology, history, prophecy, psalmody, morality,
      apologue, allegory, legislation, ethics, carried through different books
      by different authors at different ages, for different ends and purposes.
      It is necessary to sort out what is intended for example, what only as
      narrative, what to be understood literally, what figuratively&mdash;where
      one precept is to be controlled and modified by another&mdash;what is used
      directly and what only as an argument <i>ad hominem</i>&mdash;what is
      temporary and what of perpetual obligation&mdash;what appropriated to our
      state, and to one set of men, and what the general duty of all Christians.
      If we do not get some security for this, we not only permit, but we
      actually pay for, all the dangerous fanaticism which can be produced to
      corrupt our people and to derange the public worship of the country." Lord
      North said that he hoped to have seen nothing in the petition to prevent
      him from recommending that it should be laid on the table. He, however,
      saw that it was repugnant to the act of union, and that if such
      indulgences were allowed, there would then be nothing to exclude a man
      from the church of England but popery. Any innovations in the forms
      prescribed, he added, would occasion such contentions in the nation, that
      neither poppy nor mandragora could restore it to its former repose. Mr.
      Dunning replied, and he argued that every good subject ought to be
      entitled to a chance of obtaining posts of profit and honour. It was by no
      means a principle of sound policy, he said, to narrow the means of access
      to emoluments. As to the quiet of the nation being disturbed by
      innovation, he could not see such could be the result from granting the
      prayer of the petition. He added, if the repose of the nation partook at
      all of the torpid state of insensibility which Lord North's mandragora had
      diffused through the house, the sooner it was broken the better; it was an
      alarming symptom, which, instead of betokening health, was the forerunner
      of destruction. The house divided at midnight, when the petition was
      rejected by a large majority.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1771-1773
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ECCLESIASTICAL NULLUM TEMPUS BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another debate in which the clergy were concerned arose from a motion made
      by Mr. Henry Seymour, for leave to bring in a bill for securing estates
      against dormant claims of the church. It was argued that as the <i>nullum
      tempus</i> of the crown had been conceded in favour of the people, no
      reason existed why some limitation in this respect should not be set to
      ecclesiastical power. On the other hand it was contended that the power of
      reviving claims was necessary to protect the church from encroachments;
      and that while in the case of the crown it was an instrument in the hands
      of the strong to oppress the weak, in that of the church, it was a defence
      of the weak against the strong. The motion was rejected by 141 to 117.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CASE OF DR. NOWELL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the anniversary of the execution of King Charles, the 30th of January,
      Dr. Nowell preached a sermon before the house of commons. The speaker and
      four members only were present, and a motion of thanks and for printing
      the sermon was carried as a matter of course. When the sermon was printed,
      however, it was found to savour of the doctrines of passive obedience and
      the divine right of kings, and to contain principles in direct opposition
      to those which had placed the reigning family on the throne. This brought
      down a storm on the head of the preacher. Mr. Thomas Townshend moved that
      the sermon should be burned by the common hangman; and another member
      moved that all future sermons should be printed before the preachers
      received the thanks of the house. These motions were not carried, but on
      the motion of the Honourable Boyle Walsingham, it was voted that the
      thanks of the house to Dr. Nowell should be erased. In the course of the
      debate severe strictures were made upon the character of Charles I., and
      of that part of the liturgy which describes him as a blessed martyr; and
      this seems to have encouraged Mr. Montague soon afterwards to make a
      motion to repeal the act for observing the 30th of January as a holiday,
      or a day of prayer and fasting. Mr. Montague attacked the appointed form
      of prayer as blasphemous, inasmuch as it contains a parallel between
      Charles I. and our Saviour. But the motion was negatived by a majority of
      an 125 to 97.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the debates on the anti-subscription petition, many members on both
      sides of the house had acknowledged, that though it was just and
      reasonable to require subscription from persons entering the established
      church, it was nevertheless hard to demand it from dissenters and
      schoolmasters. Later in the season Sir Henry Houghton made a motion to
      relieve these from subscription, and from the operation of penal laws: in
      other words, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. This was
      strongly opposed by the high church party, who argued that such an
      exemption would open a road to heresy and infidelity, encourage schism,
      and tend to the overthrow of the church of England. The bill, however, was
      carried in the house of commons by a large majority; but it was thrown out
      in the lords, where it encountered the most violent opposition of the
      bench of bishops and the ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ROYAL MARRIAGE ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the year 1771, the Duke of Cumberland had contracted a private marriage
      with Mrs. Horton, widow of Christopher Horton, Esq., a daughter of Lord
      Irnham, and sister of Colonel Luttrell. It was also generally believed,
      that his majesty's other brother, the Duke of Gloucester, had married the
      widow of the Earl of Waldegrave. This gave offence to their majesties, who
      prided themselves on the antiquity of the House of Brunswick, on the
      family of Guelph, and the "antique blood" of Este, from which they were
      equally descended. The blood of princes, they thought, would be
      contaminated by any admixture with less precious blood, and especially
      with that which could not substantiate its claim to pure nobility. Such
      blood, they imagined, could not be found in all England, but the families
      out of which the royal dukes had chosen their wives were especially
      deficient in aristocratic pretensions; the Luttrells being an
      undistinguished stock of Irish Protestants, and the Countess Dowager
      Waldegrave, the natural daughter of Sir Edward Walpole. Under these
      circumstances, the royal dukes were forbidden the court, and his majesty
      sent a message to both houses of parliament, importing that he thought it
      would be wise and expedient to render effectual, by some new provision,
      the right of the sovereign to approve all marriages in the royal family.
      In consequence of this message, a bill was brought into the house of
      lords, by which it was declared that no member of the royal family, being
      under twenty-five years of age, should marry without the king's consent;
      and that after attaining that age, they were at liberty, if the king
      refused his consent, to apply to the privy council, by announcing the name
      of the person they wished to espouse, and if, within a year, neither house
      of parliament should address the king against it, then the marriage might
      be legally solemnised. The bill further declared that all persons
      assisting in, or knowing of any intention in any member of the royal
      family to marry without fulfilling these ceremonies, and not disclosing
      it, incurred the penalties of a premunire. The bill encountered a violent
      opposition in the house of lords, but it was carried by a large majority,
      and then sent down to the commons. In the commons it was opposed with
      still greater violence: it being denounced by Burke and various speakers
      as cruel and oppressive, and as being calculated to extend the dangerous
      power of ministers and the limits of prerogative. The bill was, however,
      carried by a majority of forty members. In the house of lords, nineteen
      peers entered a long protest, declaring that if the bill passed into a
      law, it would, nevertheless, be void. The excitement out of doors on the
      subject was scarcely less violent than that within the house. It was said
      there, that the bill should be entitled "an act for encouraging
      fornication and adultery in the descendants of George, II." As for the
      Duke of Gloucester, in the course of the spring, he openly avowed his
      marriage with the widow of the late Earl of Waldegrave, and both brothers
      abstained from going to court for ten years, and lived as strangers to his
      majesty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of February, Lord North had called the attention of the
      house to the affairs of the East India Company, which were every day
      increasing in importance, and involving greater interests. In March, Mr.
      Sullivan, deputy chairman of the company, moved for leave to bring in a
      bill for the better regulation of its officers and concerns in India. The
      bill was brought in and read a second time, but it was then laid aside. In
      the course of the debates upon it&mdash;many charges and defences passed
      between certain members of the house and others that had acquired vast
      fortunes in India, and these accusations led to a secret committee of
      inquiry, which forthwith commenced its task: a task that was not completed
      during this session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SESSION CLOSED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session closed on the 10th of June, when the king expressed his
      satisfaction at the temper and moderation displayed by the members during
      their sitting, and thanked them for the additional security which they had
      provided for the honour and welfare of his family: thanks which chiefly
      referred to the royal marriage act. The supplies voted for this year were
      £7,860,250; and the national debt amounted to £127,500,000. In the course
      of the session, it may be remarked, that the ancient and barbarous custom
      of <i>peine forte et dure</i>, by which felons refusing to plead, were
      stretched on their backs and pressed to death by heavy weights, was
      abolished by an act, which declared that all who acted thus contumaciously
      were to be adjudged guilty of the crimes laid to their charge. At the
      close of the session Lord North seemed firmly seated in office, and this
      conviction brought over many waverers, and time-servers to his side.
      Nevertheless, he was soon after doomed to lose the support of one of the
      best of his debaters, in the person of Charles Fox, who was suddenly
      converted to Whig principles, and who consequently resigned the admiralty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FATE OF THE QUEEN OF DENMARK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Carolina Matilda, the king's youngest sister, was married in her sixteenth
      year to Christian VII., king of Denmark. This monarch was addicted to
      licentious and degrading pleasures, and was a prince of weak intellect,
      irritable and capricious, open to flattery, and easily deceived by the
      crafty. Soon after his marriage he visited England, France, and Germany,
      where he might, if he had possessed intellect, have obtained such
      knowledge as would have made him a better man. He returned, however, to
      his dominions the same character as when he left it&mdash;vicious in his
      private life, and despotic in his rule. During his travels he had been
      accompanied by a physician named Struensee, and this man had acquired such
      an absolute ascendency over his mind, that he obtained the supreme
      direction of affairs, with a title of nobility. Struensee was endowed with
      considerable abilities, and was possessed of a handsome person and
      engaging manners. He appears to have ingratiated himself as much in the
      favour of the queen, as of the king, being allowed to converse with her in
      very familiar terms. Apart from this, however, there appears to have been
      no connection between the queen and the favourite. But Matilda was watched
      by unfriendly eyes. Juliana Maria, the queen-dowager, had from her first
      arrival taken a dislike to her, and this aversion was increased when she
      saw that Matilda, Struensee, and Brandt, a young nobleman, exercised
      complete authority over the imbecile monarch, and directed the affairs of
      government at their pleasure. The queen-dowager had numerous and powerful
      friends, and these were likewise incensed at seeing Struensee at the head
      of the government, and a strong party was formed against him; Juliana
      Maria being at the head of the faction. The queen, also, was an object of
      their malice from her supposed influence over the king, and her
      encouragement of a man who thus lorded it over the old nobility. By their
      intrigues they soon obtained an order from the king for her removal from
      Copenhagen, and for the apprehension of Struensee and Brandt: it being
      represented that they had plotted together and were about to depose him.
      It was on the night of the 16th of January that the faction put their
      conspiracy into execution. Struensee and Brandt were suddenly seized, cast
      into prison, and after undergoing the greatest indignities, were beheaded.
      At an early hour, also, the queen, who had just retired to rest from a
      masked ball, received a written order to remove instantly from Copenhagen.
      It was in vain that Matilda sought to see her husband: she was dragged
      half naked into a carriage, and driven to Cronborg castle, where she was
      immured with an English lady of her suite, and her infant daughter, the
      princess Louisa, whom she was then suckling. A project was set on foot to
      try her on a capital charge of adultery, for the purpose of rendering her
      offspring illegitimate, in order that Prince Frederic, son of the
      queen-dowager, might become presumptive heir to the throne. A secret
      commission had, indeed, found her guilty, and had pronounced a divorce, as
      a preparatory step to her trial on a capital charge. Matilda, however, was
      the sister of one of the greatest sovereigns of Europe, whose arm was to
      be dreaded, and the Danish court was compelled to agree that she should
      quit the kingdom, and live under the protection of his majesty of England.
      An English squadron repaired to Cronborg to receive her, but she was not
      allowed the consolation of bringing her infant daughter away with her. She
      was conveyed to the vessel in an agony of despair, and she sat on the deck
      with her eyes fixed on the walls of the castle where she had left her only
      earthly solace, till the darkness of night concealed them from her view.
      She was conveyed to the castle of Zell, in Hanover, where a cheap little
      court was provided for her; the expenses being paid out of the Hanoverian
      revenue, or out of the English privy purse. But her days of
      light-heartedness were over: her heart was stricken with grief which
      weighed her down. Portraits of her infant-son and daughter were procured,
      and these she hung in her chamber, where she would frequently talk to
      them, as though the images had been the originals&mdash;the shadows, the
      substance. She did not, however, long survive her misfortunes. She died at
      the age of twenty-four in the month of May 1775; less than three years
      after her release from Cronborg. Yet after all the machinations of the
      queen-dowager of Denmark, the son of the ill-fated queen afterwards
      ascended the throne: being first associated with his father Christian VII.
      as a sort of joint monarch. This, at least, proves that the king himself
      was convinced of the innocence of his unhappy consort.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE PRINCESS DOWAGER OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before her daughter was hurled from the throne of Denmark, her mother, the
      Princess-dowager of Wales, was no more. She died suddenly on the 8th of
      February, in the fifty-fourth year of her age. Although she had endured
      much popular clamour, the accusations of her enemies were never
      satisfactorily substantiated. At all events she appears to have possessed
      many good qualities. It tends greatly to her honour that she gradually
      liquidated her husband's debts out of her own private income.
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    <h2>
      REVOLUTION IN SWEDEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the beginning of this year a sudden revolution took place at Stockholm.
      About half a century before, the nobility of Sweden had limited the
      prerogative of the crown, and had erected themselves into an absolute and
      oppressive oligarchy. Since then the country had been split into two
      factions, which were called the Hats and Caps. Encouraged by this
      division, as well as by the venality of the aristocratical senate,
      Gustavus III. resolved to erect the old monarchical despotism. His plans
      were matured with extreme secrecy and precaution. The mass of the army was
      gained over to his cause; the affections of the brave people of
      Dalecarlia, who had established the dynasty of Gustavus Vasa, were
      secured; and the services of the citizens and burgher-guard of the capital
      were enlisted. All were ready, and the king, having assembled the troops
      within the walls of Stockholm, under the pretext of providing against an
      insurrection, then threw off the mask. He harangued the troops; telling
      them that he was about to save the nation from degradation and misery, to
      put an end to the insolence and venality of the nobles, and to restore the
      crown to its ancient splendour. The soldiers applauded; the senators were
      made prisoners; the obnoxious members of the secret committee of the
      states fled for their lives; the army, colleges, and citizens took the
      oath of allegiance in the absolute form; and the revolution was achieved.
      It was achieved gloriously; for not one drop of blood was shed. The states
      of the kingdom underwent no change&mdash;the council only was overturned,
      and the factions of the aristocracy, led on by family interests and
      supported by foreign influence, repressed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARTITION OF POLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sweden was more fortunate than Poland. At this time that country presented
      a melancholy aspect. It was torn by civil wars, harassed by religious
      discord, and wasted by the famine and the plague. But these were only the
      accessories to still greater misfortunes. Crippled by them, Poland had no
      power of resisting the spoilers who were now casting their eyes upon her
      as their prey. These spoilers were the rulers of Russia, Prussia, and
      Austria, whose armies entered the country under false pretences, in order
      to appropriate the fairest portion to themselves. And what made the
      condition of that unhappy country the more deplorable was, that she had
      not a single friend who could lend a willing ear to her call for aid.
      Turkey was at this period almost prostrate at the feet of Russia; Sweden
      and Denmark were engaged in revolutions of their own; Choiseul no longer
      directed the affairs of France, or was able to advocate war; and England
      was embarrassed by domestic commotions and the violent remonstrances of
      her rebellious colonies. It was in vain that the King of Poland published
      refutations to the claims of the co-partitioners, and in vain that they
      made an appeal to all the states that had ever guaranteed the integrity of
      the country. Before the spirit of Europe could be roused, violent hands
      were laid upon the kingdom, and the work was done. The three powers,
      indeed, proceeded to the dismemberment of Poland, with no other check or
      impediment than such as arose from their own clashing interests, where
      each one strove to obtain as much as they could. But the agreement was
      made marvellously quick. The treaty of partition was signed between the
      spoliators on the 2nd of August, in 1772, and it was followed in the month
      of September by declarations, manifestoes, and specifications of the
      territories which each of he powers was to possess Austria and Prussia
      claimed their portions as their rights; Russia represented that she was
      entitled to hers for expenses incurred in keeping Poland in order. All the
      powers agreed that it was to put an end to anarchy, and the frequent
      troubles of Poland, that induced them to take this step; and they asserted
      that it was their intention of placing the ancient constitution of Poland
      and the national liberties upon a sure foundation. But their assertions
      ill agreed with their actions: all the world knew their motives, and that
      it was self alone which made them take such deep interest in the affairs
      of Poland. Nay, their very manifestoes declared their real designs.
      Cities, towns, provinces, rivers, and Mountains were to be taken from her,
      and placed under their own fostering care. But then it was stated by them,
      this was only done out of mercy to the nation. Having limited their
      kingdom thus, they promised that they would discharge the Poles from all
      other debts, dues, and demands, and for ever respect the integrity of the
      remnant of their dominions. Thus preaching peace, though war was in their
      hearts, the three powers invited the Poles of all ranks and orders to put
      up their swords, and to banish the spirit of discord and delusion, in
      order that a diet legally assembled might co-operate with their imperial
      majesties and the King of Prussia in re-establishing tranquillity, and at
      the same time ratify, by public acts, the titles, pretensions, and claims
      of the three powers; and the partition agreed upon and effected. The diet
      met, and although for a long time they opposed the dismemberment of the
      country, yet they were overcome by large presents and larger promises. The
      king was more firm, but he was menaced with deposition, his family with
      ruin, and his capital with pillage, and he signed the fatal instrument.
      The territory taken and divided among them was almost the third part of
      Poland, and it comprised some of the richest provinces in the kingdom.
      Thus to Russia was assigned the greater part of Lithuania, with all the
      vast country between the livers Dwina and Dneister; to Prussia the whole
      of Pomeralia, part of Great Poland, the bishopric of Warmia, and the
      palatinates of Marienberg and Culm, with the complete command of the lower
      part of the Vistula; and to Austria the country along the left bank of the
      Vistula, from Vielicza down to the confluence of the river Viroz, the
      whole of the country called Red Russia, the palatinate of Belz, and a
      portion of the province of Volhynia. But even this did not satisfy the
      spoliators. The treaty was scarcely signed when Frederick extended the
      limits of his acquisitions in the neighbourhood of Thorn, and to the east
      of the Devenza, while Austria seized on Casimir, part of the palatinate of
      Lublin, and some lands lying on the right bank of the Bog. Were not these
      three powers actuated by a spirit of revenge and envy, as well as by a
      spirit of cupidity, in this spoliation of Poland? Prussia was formerly in
      a state of vassalage to that country; Russia once saw its capital and
      throne possessed by Poles; and Austria was indebted to a sovereign of this
      country for the preservation of its metropolis, if not for its very
      existence. Stanislaus could scarcely be persuaded that this dismemberment
      was intended to be perpetual; and when he was convinced of it, he
      addressed prayers and protests to France, Spain, and England, and to all
      the powers of Europe. These prayers and protests were useless; and yet it
      was the wisdom of the powers to vindicate his cause. Professor Heeren
      remarks:&mdash;"What were the consequences to Poland, in comparison with
      those which threatened the political system of Europe? The potentates
      themselves had begun its subversion. Politicians flatter ed themselves,
      indeed, and so did Frederick, that the balance of power would be upheld in
      the north by the nearly equal division; so fearfully had the error taken
      root, that this balance is to be sought in the material power of the
      state, and not in preserving the maxims of international law. What
      dismemberment could be illegal if this should be regarded as lawful? and
      what state could be more interested in maintaining the law of nations than
      Prussia&mdash;a state which was established by conquests piecemeal, and
      brought together by compacts and treaties of peace?" The dismemberment of
      Poland was in truth an outrage committed upon the law of nations. And this
      outrage was rendered tenfold more iniquitous by the new constitution
      imposed upon Poland. This constitution excluded all reform; perpetuated
      the elective monarchy with the <i>liberum veto</i>, the exorbitant
      privileges of the nobles, and every other inherent defect; and contracted
      the regal power, by appointing a co-operative council, and depriving the
      sovereign of more than half his patronage. The delegates who had been
      appointed to adjust the claims of the partitioning powers, and to settle
      this new constitution, long resisted these regulations, but their consent
      was finally extorted by threats, and a general diet was assembled which
      formally confirmed their acts. All things, therefore, were put into a
      proper train for future spoliation; nor did a long time elapse before
      another opportunity occurred of making inroads into the law of nations,
      and dissolving those ties which connect governing powers among themselves.
      The ambassadors of the three powers, indeed, continued to dictate to the
      council in which the executive power was vested, as they had done to the
      diet, and the king was only king in name. Some there were in the nation
      who dared to resist the spoliators, but they were soon compelled to leave
      the country with no fortune but their swords. Some of these afterwards
      fought under George Washington, in America, when the English colonies
      raised the standard of independence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INVESTIGATION OF THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the dispute concerning the Middlesex election was revived
      in a new mode of investigation. An action was brought by Mr. Alderman
      Townshend against the collector of the land-tax for distraint in default
      of payment, which was refused, on the plea that Middlesex was not
      represented in parliament. Sergeant Glynn was retained for the plaintiff,
      and Mr. Wallace was employed for the defendant&mdash;the former of whom
      argued, that the county was not represented, and the latter of whom
      contented himself with producing the act of parliament under which the
      collector had acted. Lord Mansfield, in his charge to the jury, said, that
      the sole question for them to consider was, whether at the present time
      there was any legislative power in the county or not&mdash;if they thought
      there was, they must find for the defendant. The jury thought there was,
      and gave a verdict accordingly.
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of August several changes occurred in the ministry which
      had a tendency to strengthen the administration. Lord Hillsborough
      resigned his post of secretary for the colonies and first lord of trade;
      the Earl of Harcourt succeeded Lord Townshend in Ireland, the latter being
      appointed master-general of the ordnance; General Conway obtained the
      government of Jersey, and was succeeded as lieutenant-general of the
      ordnance by Sir Jeffery Amherst; and Lord Stormont was sent as ambassador
      to Paris. Moreover, later in the year, Charles Fox, whose services were of
      value to the ministers, and who was in want of ministerial pay, again
      changed sides, and was made a lord of the treasury; while Mr. Jenkinson
      was created vice-treasurer of Ireland.
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    <h2>
      THE MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 26th of November. The speech of his majesty
      contained no topic of importance, and the addresses of both houses did
      little more than echo the speech. It was expected that some allusion would
      have been made in it to the partition of Poland, but not a word was said
      about that flagrant act, and the members who spoke on the addresses were
      equally silent upon the subject. Mr. Burke appears to have felt deeply
      concerning it, but he reserved his eloquence for a future period.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the first clay of the session hostile language was uttered by the
      retainers of government in the commons against the East India Company, and
      Lord North moved for a secret committee of thirteen to examine certain
      points, independently of the committee appointed last session, which was
      carried. In the course of seven days a report was made by this secret
      committee, recommending a bill to prevent the company from sending out
      certain supervisors whom it had selected to settle matters in India. It
      was at once seen that such a bill was only a preparatory measure for the
      interference of government in the administration of India, and therefore
      it excited the warmest opposition of many members. Several of the
      directors, sitting in parliament, declared that the report was hurried,
      irregular, and unconstitutional; and Burke, who was a holder of East India
      stock, maintained that the proposed bill would be a violation of the
      company's charter, and the law of the land. "If," said he, "we suffer this
      bill to pass we shall become the East India Company; the treasury bench
      will be the buyers, and on this side we shall be the sellers. The senate
      will become an auction-room, and the speaker an auctioneer." The
      recommendation of the secret committee was, notwithstanding, adopted, and
      the bill was introduced.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the progress of this bill, the East India directors petitioned
      against it, representing it as subversive of those rights and privileges
      which they held under their charter, which were purchased by their
      predecessors for a valuable consideration, and were confirmed to them by
      acts of parliament. The petition also complained of an erroneous
      calculation of expenses made by the committee, and stated that those of
      the commission would be defrayed by savings meditated, to the great
      benefit of the creditors. The petitioners, moreover, suggested that
      injurious consequences would arise from their being prohibited to transact
      their own affairs, in the want of means to fulfil their engagements with
      the public; claimed the benefit of the law; appealed to the faith of the
      nation for their chartered rights; and prayed to be heard by counsel. This
      latter prayer was granted, and it appeared from evidence that government
      had received nearly £2,000,000 annually from the company, while the
      company had received little more than six per cent, on their capital. The
      evidence given at the bar also served to establish the great delinquency
      of the company's servants, and the need that existed of their being
      subject to supervision. At the same time it did not show that the company
      of itself was competent to redress these abuses, and the question was,
      whether the incompetency of the company warranted the interposition of
      parliament. Ministers acknowledged it to be a stretch of authority, but
      they justified it on the plea of cogent necessity&mdash;a necessity which
      took precedence of all other law. The company's battle was fought in the
      commons by Burke, whose speech on this occasion attracted great attention.
      After observing that parliament took the state of the company's trade into
      consideration, in 1767 for the maintenance of the public faith and public
      credit; for the increase of its commerce and revenues, and for the
      security of its stockholders&mdash;a bargain with which the eyes of the
      house were dazzled&mdash;he thus descanted on the distress of the company
      and the iniquity of the bill:&mdash;"The distress of the company," said
      he, "arises from the improvidence of administration and the
      short-sightedness of parliament, in not forming for it a system of
      government suitable to its form and constitution. Or am I mistaken? Were
      the directors left without any effectual control over delinquent servants?
      Was the collection of the revenue left without any check? Was the tyranny
      of a double government, like our double cabinet, tolerated with a view of
      seeing the concerns of the company become an absolute chaos of disorder,
      and of giving to government a handle for seizing the territorial revenue?
      I know that this was the original scheme of administration, and I
      violently suspect that it never has been relinquished. If the ministry
      have no sinister view, if they do not mean by this unconstitutional step
      to extend the influence of the crown, they will now speak out, and
      explicitly declare their intentions: their silence may be justly construed
      into a confession of such a design, and they will thenceforth be
      considered as the determined enemies of the liberty of their country. God
      knows, that the places and pensions, and expectancies, furnished by the
      British establishment, are too powerful for the small remains of
      patriotism and public spirit that remain in our island. What then will
      become of us, if Bengal, if the Ganges, pour in a new tide of corruption?
      Should the evil genius of British liberty so ordain it, I fear this house
      will be so far from removing the corruption of the East, that it will be
      corrupted by it: I dread more from the infection of that place than I hope
      from the virtue of this house. Was it not the sudden plunder of the East
      that gave the final blow to the freedom of Borne? What reason have we to
      expect a better fate? I conjure you, by everything which man ought to hold
      sacred&mdash;I conjure you by the spirits of your forefathers, who so
      nobly fought and bled for the cause for which I now plead&mdash;I conjure
      you by what includes everything, by your country, not to yield to the
      temptations which the East, in the hands of the crown, holds out: not to
      sink into the gulf of corruption, and to drag after you your posterity and
      your country. I obtest heaven and earth, that in all places, and at all
      times, I have hitherto shoved by the gilded hand of corruption, and
      endeavoured to stem the torrent which threatens to overwhelm this land. On
      the whole, the bill is dangerous in itself, as being the first step
      towards the total invasion of the company's territories in Bengal; and
      should we admit the motives which lead to it to be good, yet such a step
      is dangerous as a precedent. I do not, however, deny that the house has
      power to pass it, but you have not the right. There is a perpetual
      confusion in gentlemen's ideas from inattention to this material
      distinction, from which, properly considered, it will appear that this
      bill is contrary to the eternal laws of right and wrong&mdash;laws that
      ought to bind all men, and, above all men, legislative assemblies."
      Notwithstanding Burke's eloquence, the bill was carried in the commons by
      an overwhelming majority, and it was also carried through the lords with
      little or no opposition. The two houses then adjourned for the Christmas
      recess.
    </p>
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    <div class="fig" >
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER V.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1773-1775
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Caribbs of St. Vincents..... Petition of Naval
     Officers..... Subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles.....
     Debates on  East  India   Measures..... The Session
     closed..... Proceedings in the City..... Continental
     Politics-Irish Affairs..... Disputes with the American
     Colonies..... Meeting of Parliament..... Early Measures in
     this Session..... The Bostonian Petition..... Parliamentary
     Proceedings against America..... Bill for the Administration
     of Canada..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Proceedings at
     Boston..... General Election..... Meeting of the New
     Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1773
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CARIBBS OF ST. VINCENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the Christmas holidays, Alderman Trecothick mentioned in the house
      that the island of St. Vincent had been made a scene of iniquity and
      cruelty: our troops having committed against the Caribbs, a defenceless
      and innocent people, the most shocking barbarities. Other members spoke on
      the same subject, and said that the troops had been barbarously made to
      suffer even more evils than those they inflicted on the Indians. Papers
      were produced which seemed to prove that proper care had been taken of the
      troops, but on the re-assembling of parliament, a further inquiry was set
      on foot upon the subject. It appears that the Caribbs, who were in
      possession of the most fertile parts of the island, had not been mentioned
      when it was ceded to Great Britain; and that the British settlers wished
      them to exchange their districts for tracts which were said to be more
      appropriate to their occupations of hunting and fishing. This proposal was
      received by the Caribbs with indignation. They replied that they had held
      their lands independent of the King of France, and would still hold them
      independent of the King of England. The planters then submitted a plan to
      government for transporting this brave people to Africa, which plan met
      with approbation. The Caribbs, however, were passionately attached to
      their native plains, and hence determined on resistance. Two regiments
      were then dispatched from North America, to join others in the island, for
      the purpose of reducing them to subjection. Several skirmishes took place,
      but the rainy season and sickness, added to the difficulties of the
      country, prevented our troops from completing their subjugation. Such was
      the state of the island when Parliament met, and the account of these
      hostilities, in which detestable cruelties had been committed on both
      sides, was made the subject of animadversion. Motions concerning the cause
      of the war and the state of our troops were made by the opposition, but
      ministers negatived them with their usual majorities; and before the
      discussions were over, intelligence arrived, that the Caribbs had
      acknowledged themselves subject to the British crown, retaining their
      ancient customs in their intercourse with each other, and ceding certain
      districts to the British settlers. This put an end to all further debates
      on the question.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF NAVAL OFFICERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 9th of February, a petition was presented by Lord Howe, from the
      captains of the navy, praying for a trifling increase of their half-pay.
      This was opposed by Lord North, who stated that the present state of the
      public finances put it out of his power to be liberal, and that by
      granting this petition a door would be open to similar claims. It was,
      however, so warmly defended by Lord Howe, and other members&mdash;some of
      whom ridiculed the idea that the finances of this great and opulent
      country were in so wretched a state as not to be able to afford the
      pittance of £6000 a year, for the relief of men to whom her power and
      glory were so much indebted&mdash;that the prayer of the petition was
      granted. A motion was carried by which the half-pay of naval officers was
      increased by the addition of two shillings a day.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUBSCRIPTION TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This subject again occupied the attention of parliament in this session. A
      bill, more generally conceived than the last, was brought into the commons
      for the relief of Protestant Dissenters. Upon this occasion the Wesleyan
      methodists, now a numerous and powerful body, made common cause with the
      church, and denounced any change or innovation in the Act of Toleration,
      as dangerous. Petitions were sent up to parliament by them against the
      relief prayed for by the dissenting body, although they were, in point of
      fact, themselves dissenters. Burke supported the bill, and his eloquence
      and powerful reasoning had a great effect upon the house. But his
      exertions this time were scarcely needed, for Lord North himself, and
      other ministers gave the bill their warmest support, and it passed the
      commons by large majorities. In the house of lords, it was strongly
      opposed, and rejected by a majority of 102 against 29. In the debate upon
      it, the bill was defended by the Earl of Chatham, who in his speech did
      not even spare the right reverend bench. In the debate, Dr. Drummond,
      Archbishop of York, had called the dissenting ministers "men of close
      ambition." In reply to this, Chatham observed:&mdash;"Whoever brought such
      a charge against them defamed them. The dissenting ministers are
      represented as men of close ambition. They are so in some respects. Their
      ambition is to keep close to the college of fishermen, not of cardinals;
      and to the doctrine of the inspired apostles, not to the decrees of
      interested and aspiring bishops. They contend for a spiritual creed and a
      spiritual worship: we have a Calvinistic creed, a Popish liturgy, and an
      Arminian clergy." At a later period of the session a motion was made in
      the commons by Sir William Meredith, for abolishing the subscription to
      the thirty-nine articles at the time of matriculation, but this was
      rejected.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON EAST INDIA MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess, the East India directors reduced their dividend to six
      per cent. This palliative, however, was of no avail, and they were obliged
      to pass a vote for applying to government for the loan of one million and
      a half to relieve them from their pecuniary difficulties. A petition to
      this effect was presented to parliament, and Lord North, after exculpating
      government from various insinuations regarding the annual payment of the
      company, moved a series of resolutions, tending to establish the grant of
      a loan as a matter of necessary policy, but not as a claim of right or
      justice. He proposed that £1,400,000 should be advanced, and that their
      dividends should be restricted to six per cent, till the whole was repaid,
      and afterwards to seven per cent, until their bond debt was reduced to
      £1,500,000. This passed without a division. At the same time, Lord North
      suggested some regulations as proper to prevent the recurrence of similar
      embarrassments, and to reform all abuses in the government of India. On a
      future day he moved that the company should be permitted to export tea to
      America free of all duty, which was accepted by the company as a great
      boon: they having at that time seventeen millions of pounds of tea in
      their warehouses in England. Finally, he proposed his grand plan for the
      regulation of their affairs, as well in India as in Europe. This plan
      provided that six directors should be elected annually, none holding their
      seats more than four years; that the stock for the qualification of an
      elector should be raised from five hundred to one thousand pounds, and
      possessed twelve months previous to an election; and that in lieu of the
      mayor's court at Calcutta, a new tribunal should be established,
      consisting of a chief justice and three puisne judges appointed by the
      crown, a superiority being also given to Bengal over all the other
      presidencies. These latter resolutions occasioned warm debates, and met
      with vehement opposition, but they were all eventually carried, and a bill
      framed on them passed through both houses with overwhelming majorities.
      From this time the affairs of India are generally regarded as being lodged
      securely in the hands of government.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SESSION CLOSED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, ministers seem to have carried their motions and
      plans with great facility. The opposition for the most part was tame and
      spiritless, whence Burke calls it,&mdash;"a tedious session." On one
      occasion, however, the harmony which prevailed in the cabinet, and between
      the two houses, was momentarily interrupted. The lords having taken upon
      themselves to make some amendments in a money bill, sent it again down to
      the commons, and they resenting this as an infringement of their rights,
      tossed it over the table, and kicked it out of the house as though it had
      been a foot-ball. This matter, however, was soon forgotten; and when his
      majesty put an end to the session, he expressed his satisfaction at the
      harmony which had subsisted during their deliberations, as well as at the
      zeal, assiduity, and perseverance which had been displayed. In his speech
      he regretted the continuance of the war between the Porte and Russia;
      declared he had a close friendship both with the czarina and sultan, but
      no engagements with either; applauded the relief and support given to the
      East India Company; and stated that the national debt had been somewhat
      reduced. But not one word was said about the fate of Poland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS IN THE CITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of May the Duke of Gloucester's wife was delivered of a
      daughter, and on this occasion, Wilkes moved at a court of common-council,
      that an humble address of congratulation should be presented to his
      majesty on the safe delivery, and the birth of a princess. This motion was
      supported by Sir Watkin Lewes, but other aldermen opposed it, not only on
      the ground that the king had never acknowledged the lady for his sister,
      but because it was unusual for the city to address the king, except for
      the issue of his immediate heir. Earlier in the year, indeed, the queen
      had been delivered of another son, Augustus Frederic, the late duke of
      Sussex, and no mention had then been made of an address, and therefore to
      have presented one on this occasion, would have been invidious, if not
      indelicate. This motion, therefore, proved abortive. Wilkes, however, with
      his friend Oliver, succeeded in obtaining from the court of alderman a
      resolution "that a frequent appeal to the people by short parliaments was
      their undoubted right, as well as the only means of obtaining a real
      representation;" and the livery not only passed a similar resolution, but
      proposed it as a test for the city candidates at a future election.
      Another strong petition and remonstrance on the old grievances, the
      Middlesex election, the imprisonment of the lord mayor, etc., and praying
      for a dissolution of parliament, and a change of ministers, was got up in
      the city and presented to the king, by the lord mayor, Sergeant Glynn,
      Alderman Bull, and others of the city officers, on the 26th of March.
      Before the citizens were introduced to his majesty, they were given to
      understand that they would not be allowed the honour of kissing his hand,
      and when it was presented, the king sternly told them, that their petition
      was so void of foundation, and conceived in such disrespectful terms, that
      he felt convinced the petitioners did not seriously imagine that its
      prayer could be complied with.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL POLITICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the cabinets of Petersburg, Vienna, and Berlin were occupied in
      dismembering Poland, and aggrandizing their dominions at the expense of
      that ill-fated country, France was making preparations to send a powerful
      fleet into the Baltic. This was evidently the forerunner of some ulterior
      design, although D'Aigullon, the prime minister of France, endeavoured to
      keep those designs from the public view. He was, however, unable to elude
      the vigilance, or to baffle the penetration of the British cabinet. After
      expatiating on the ambition of Russia, as well as the ties of honour and
      interest by which France was bound to assist Sweden, D'Aigullon was
      informed by Lord Stormont, the British ambassador, that, if France sent
      her ships into the Baltic, they would be followed by a British fleet. The
      presence of two fleets, he said, would have no more effect than a
      neutrality, and that, however the British cabinet might desire peace
      between England and France, it was impossible to foresee the consequences
      that might arise from accidental collision. This had some effect, for the
      squadron at Brest was countermanded; but soon after the French minister,
      in hopes of eluding observation, gave orders for the equipment of an
      armament at Toulon, under pretence of exercising the sailors of France in
      naval tactics. Discovering this, the British cabinet made vigorous
      demonstrations of resistance. The English ambassador was directed to
      declare that the objections made against a fleet of France occupying the
      Baltic, applied equally to the Mediterranean, and a memorial was presented
      to the French minister, accompanied by a demand that it should be laid
      before the king, and council. This was sufficient: the armament was
      countermanded and the sailors discharged.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The spirit of disaffection was still rife in Ireland. The Earl of Harcourt
      having been appointed to the government, was at first received with great
      joy, but he soon found that his popularity was not sufficient to ensure
      obedience to the dictates of the British cabinet, or to repress the
      overflowings of human passion. The White Boys, and the Hearts of Steel,
      still exhibited a turbulent spirit, which nothing could allay or soothe.
      Nor was it among the populace alone that ill-feeling was displayed. When
      the Irish parliament met, the spirit of liberty was discerned in that
      assembly likewise. The speaker of the house of commons, in a speech to his
      excellency before the lords, expressed the inability of the country to
      endure any additional taxation, by reason of those commercial
      restrictions, which, he said, had fettered all its energies. The claim of
      commercial freedom was, indeed, warmly repeated in the official addresses
      of the speaker during the continuance of the government of this viceroy,
      and a spirit of jealousy also appeared in a refusal to admit foreign
      mercenaries, when the British troops were withdrawn to America, although
      the English government offered to defray all the expenses. A relaxation of
      the penal code, however, by which the condition of the Roman Catholics was
      improved, had the effect of lowering the angry feelings of the nation, and
      on the whole the government of the Earl of Harcourt is looked upon as
      having produced beneficial results to the country. Dr. Miller says, "The
      government of Lord Townshend had termininated the oligarchical
      administration: that of Lord Harcourt unfolded those germs of political
      energy, which were soon to expand themselves into national prosperity and
      importance."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH THE AMERICAN COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The storm which had long been gathering in the horizon, was now gathering
      thick over our American colonies, and threatened ere long to pour out its
      fury throughout the whole length and breadth of the conn-try. It was now
      increased by the attempt of Lord North at taking the payment of the
      colonial judges and governors out of the hands of the houses of assembly.
      This the Americans declared was an attempt of the British government to
      impose its own arbitrary instruments upon them; to destroy the very
      essence of their charters and liberties, by making the judges and
      governors wholly independent of the people, and dependent on the crown.
      Resistance was therefore resolved upon. A series of protests were issued
      from the assembly of Boston, and the example was followed by all the
      assemblies throughout the colonies. For the purpose of making the
      opposition more effectual, a corresponding committee was established, with
      branches and ramifications, which reached nearly to every town and village
      throughout the colonies, and the effect of this great lever of the
      revolution was soon seen in a general combination of measures, a unanimity
      of language, and a general persecution of all those who were in favour of
      the British government. The movement, which had hitherto been slow in its
      progress, now took rapid strides, the celerity of which nothing could
      impede. The assembly of Boston, always in the van, next got up a
      manifesto, which treated the authority of the British parliament with
      contempt. This manifesto declared that the British parliament had no right
      to legislate for the colonies in any matter whatever; denounced the
      declaratory act recommended by Chatham, and passed in 1768, as an unjust
      assumption of a legislative power, without the consent of the colonists;
      and charged the British ministry with a design to complete a system of
      slavery begun in the house of commons. Copies of this manifesto were
      dispersed throughout the province of Massachusets, urging the people not
      to dose any longer, or to sit supinely, whilst the hand of oppression was
      plucking the choicest fruits from the tree of liberty. The people,
      however, seem to have considered it as too violent, for it was not
      responded to as the Bostonians expected it would have been, and they were
      compelled somewhat to retrace their steps, They apologized to the British
      government for having gone thus far, throwing the whole blame on their new
      governor, Mr. Hutchinson, who, they said, had provoked them to act thus by
      his intemperate conduct. At the same time they stated that they were
      faithful subjects of his majesty, and that they conceived themselves happy
      in their connexion with Great Britain! At this critical moment, however,
      when the minds of the people of New England wavered, and when the southern
      and middle countries were comparatively peaceable, communications were
      received from England, which set the whole country in commotion.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the course of the disputes, certain letters had been written by Mr.
      Hutchinson, Mr. Oliver, lieutenant-governor., and others, to the home
      government, reflecting strongly on the character of the colonial
      opposition, and recommending the adoption of coercive measures, and a
      material change in the system of the government of the colonies. These
      letters were strictly confidential, but they were purloined from the
      office in which they were deposited by some person favourable to American
      interests, and placed in the hands of Dr. Franklin, agent for the province
      of Massachusets. Franklin thought proper to transmit these letters to a
      friend in that province, with a strict injunction against their being
      printed, as he had given a promise to the friend who had furnished him
      with them to that effect. Their contents, however, soon became known, and
      the legislative assembly obliged Franklin's correspondent to produce them,
      and having resolved that the tendency of them was to overthrow the
      constitution and to introduce arbitrary power into the province, the house
      of assembly drew up a petition to the king, charging the governor with
      betraying his trust, and slandering the people under his government;
      declaring him an enemy to the colony; and praying for the instant
      dismissal of both Hutchinson and Oliver, the governor and deputy-governor
      of the province. Copies of this petition, and also of the letters which
      gave rise to it, were soon scattered over all the continent, from the
      Lawrence to the Mississippi, and from the shores of the Atlantic to the
      regions of the far west; and their effects soon became manifest. Long
      before this, in 1772, the people of Rhode Island had insulted the British
      flag by boarding, capturing, and burning a British ship of war, and though
      government had offered a large reward with pardon, if claimed by an
      accomplice, for the discovery and apprehension of any persons engaged in
      the outrage, all the offenders had escaped with impunity. Opposition to
      the British government, now that the letters transmitted by Franklin had
      inflamed the public mind, grew more bold. In the midst of the discontent
      two ships arrived at Boston with the cargoes of tea which Lord North had
      allowed the East India Company to export duty free. Anterior to their
      arrival, meetings had been held and mobs raised, to terrify the consignees
      into an engagement not to receive the tea, and when they arrived, another
      meeting of the inhabitants of Boston and all the neighbouring towns was
      called to prevent its being landed. At this meeting a resolution was
      passed, asserting among other things that the tea ships were sent for the
      purpose of enslaving and poisoning all free-born Americans, and that the
      tea which came charged with a duty to be paid in America should not be
      landed, but be sent back in the same bottoms. The consignees offered to
      store the teas till they could receive further instructions; but this
      moderate offer was rejected with disdain, and a strong body of Bostonians
      armed with muskets, rifles, swords, and cutlasses, were sent down to
      Griffin's wharf to watch the ships, in order to prevent a single leaf from
      being put on shore. This was on the 30th of November, and on the 14th of
      December, two other ships freighted by the East India Company having
      arrived, another crowded meeting was held at the Old South Meeting-house,
      whence orders were sent to the captains of the tea vessels to return
      without delay. The answer received was, that the collector could not give
      any clearance until the vessels had discharged their cargoes, and, indeed,
      if the captains had been disposed to return, they could not have complied
      with the demand, as the governor had ordered that they should not be
      allowed to pass the forts without a permit signed by himself, and Admiral
      Montague had sent two ships of war to guard all the passages out of the
      harbour. The meeting waited for the reply, and when it arrived, a question
      was put whether those assembled would abide by their former resolutions
      respecting the tea, which was carried unanimously. A message was then sent
      to desire the governor to give the ships a permit to depart, and he
      replied that he could not consistently with his duty to the king give any
      pass unless the vessels were properly qualified from the custom-house. The
      meeting was about to consider this reply, when a a person disguised like
      an Indian, began uttering the war-whoop in tones so natural that he might
      have been taken for a real savage. His yell was succeeded by the cry of "A
      mob, a mob!" and some, more cautious than the rest, moved that the meeting
      should be dissolved. This was done, and many of the people ran at once
      from the old meeting-house to Griffin's wharf, where they were met by a
      number of men disguised as Mohawk Indians, and by a still greater number
      of skippers, sailors, boatmen, and men of colour. In overwhelming force
      these boarded the ships, split open the tea-chests, and having emptied
      their contents into the sea, returned, without being discovered, to their
      homes. The moment of excitement was followed by trembling anxiety. The
      Bostonians now began to tremble for their charter, their property, and
      their trade; and, as before, some attempted to throw all the blame upon
      the conduct of their governor. As for the governor himself, he represented
      to the ministry at home, that it was out of his power to prevent the
      destruction of the tea, without yielding to unreasonable demands, and
      thereby rendering the authority of government null and void. It is to be
      regretted that the assembly took part with the mob, and thereby
      accelerated the fearful consummation of their violent proceedings. As if
      animated by the popular proceedings they renewed their personal contests
      with the governor, and even proceeded so far as to vote articles of
      impeachment against the chief justice, Peter Oliver, for a design of
      introducing a partial, arbitrary, and corrupt administration of the laws,
      he having declined to receive the annual grant of the assembly, and
      accepted a stipend from his majesty. The message conveying this resolution
      was indignantly rejected by the governor, who disclaimed all power of
      determining on such cases, and as the house persevered in attempting to
      force it on him under a different form, he dissolved the assembly.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1774
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 13th of January. At that time little was known of
      the disturbances in America, and the king's speech represented the state
      of foreign affairs to be in such a quiescent state, that the legislature
      would have ample time to attend to the improvement of our domestic
      concerns, and to the prosecution of measures immediately connected with
      the revenue and commerce of the kingdom. The deteriorated state of the
      gold coin was especially mentioned as an object requiring attention. The
      addresses were voted in both houses with little or no debate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EARLY MEASURES IN THIS SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session public attention was excited by the
      proceedings of the house of commons, respecting a libel on their speaker,
      which had been published in the Public Advertiser. The house issued an
      order for Woodfall the printer to attend at the bar, which was obeyed
      without hesitation, and being interrogated as to the author, he gave the
      name of the Rev. John Home. Woodfall was then ordered into the custody of
      the sergeant-at-arms, and Home was then brought before the house. Home
      inquired whether Woodfall's declaration was to be taken as evidence, or as
      the charge against him, and being told that it constituted the charge, he
      pleaded "Not guilty," as in an ordinary court. The house was embarrassed;
      Wood-fall was again called in and confronted with Home, but as he was
      implicated in the guilt of the publication, his evidence was not
      sufficient to warrant conviction. Three of Woodfall's printers were next
      brought before the house; but they failed in proving the accusation, and
      Home was set at liberty.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first parliamentary struggle in this session, took place on the
      ministerial motion for 20,000 seamen, as in the preceding year. The
      opposition argued that it was absurd to talk of peace and yet keep up such
      an establishment, and they called upon ministers to state how they had
      disposed of the supplies voted in the last meeting of parliament for the
      navy. This motion, however, was carried without a division. On the part of
      the opposition two motions were made and negatived: the first being that
      of Alderman Sawbridge for shortening the duration of parliament, and the
      second, that of Sir George Saville, concerning the Middlesex election, and
      the infringement of the rights of electors. Ministers, however, were not
      so successful in their opposition to a motion made by Sir Edward Stanley,
      to bring in a bill for rendering Grenville's Controverted Election Act
      perpetual. Experience seems to have proved its utility, and though Lord
      North appeared at the head of the opposition, many of his friends forsook
      him on this occasion, and the bill was passed by a large majority, and
      received the royal assent before the end of the session. From this period
      disputed elections have been tried with the same scrupulousness and
      solemnity as any other titles: while previous to it, as Dr. Johnson
      observed, "the nation was insulted with a mock election, and the
      parliament was filled with spurious representatives."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BOSTONIAN PETITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the assembly of Boston had voted a petition to the
      king for the removal of their governor and deputy governor. This petition,
      together with attested copies of the letters, were transmitted to Dr.
      Franklin, the agent for the colony, or house of representatives of
      Massachusets. These were delivered by Franklin to Lord Dartmouth, who
      presented them to the king, and his majesty signified his pleasure that
      they should be laid before the privy council.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the mean time the affair had been the cause of bloodshed. Mr. Whately,
      secretary to the treasury, to whom the letters had been originally
      addressed, had recently died, and a sharp correspondence took place
      between his brother, a banker in Lombard-street, and Mr. John Temple,
      lieutenant-governor of New Hampshire: the former wishing to avoid the
      charge of giving up the documents, and the latter that of purloining them.
      The dispute ran so high that a duel was the consequence, in which Mr.
      Whately was dangerously wounded. The event caused great excitement, and
      Dr. Franklin wrote and published a letter in the Public Advertiser, in
      which he declared that neither Mr. Whately nor Mr. Temple had any thing to
      do with the letters, and that both of them were totally ignorant of the
      transaction. His words are:&mdash;"I think it incumbent on me to declare,
      for the prevention of further mischief, that I alone am the person who
      obtained and transmitted to Boston the letters in question. Mr. Whately
      could not communicate them, because they were never in his possession; and
      for the same reason, they could not have been taken from him by Mr.
      Temple. They were not of the nature of private letters between friends;
      they were written by public officers to persons in public stations, on
      public affairs, and intended to procure public measures; they were,
      therefore, handed to other public persons, who might be influenced by them
      to produce those measures; their tendency was to incense the mother
      country against her colonies, and by the steps recommended to widen the
      breach, which they effected. The chief caution expressed with regard to
      privacy was, to keep their contents from the colony agents, who, the
      writers apprehended, might return them, or copies of them, to America.
      That apprehension was, it seems, well founded; for the first agent who
      laid his hands on them thought it his duty to transmit them to his
      constituents."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the 29th of January that the subject of the Bostonian petition
      was brought before the privy council. On that day, Franklin, with Mr.
      Dunning as council, attended to support the petition, and Mr. Wedderburne,
      the solicitor-general, attended as counsel for the governor. The counsel
      for the Assembly of Boston was first heard, and he endeavoured to
      substantiate their complaints, by exhibiting the letters which had been
      published, and drawing an inference from them, that the writers were
      unworthy of confidence, either from the government or the province of
      Massachusets. He called for the instant dismissal of an officer so hostile
      to the rights and liberties of his countrymen. He argued that the man who
      declared that "there must be an abridgment of English liberty in the
      colonies," was justly charged with making wicked and injurious
      representations, designed to influence the ministry and the nation, and to
      excite jealousies in the breast of the king against his faithful subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Dunning was replied to by Mr. Wedderburne, whose naturally sharp
      tongue was on this occasion rendered still sharper by his friendship for
      Mr. Whately who was lying between life and death. After reviewing the
      arguments of the opposite counsel, Wedderburne directed himself to an
      inculpation of the assembly and people of Massachusets; in the course of
      which he attacked Dr. Franklin in a strain of bitter invective, on the
      ground of having violated private confidence in the disclosure of the
      letters. He observed, "These could not have come to Dr. Franklin by fair
      means; the writers did not give them to him, nor yet did the deceased
      correspondent, who from our intimacy, would otherwise have told me of it.
      Nothing then will acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of obtaining them by
      fraudulent or corrupt means, for the most malignant of purposes, unless he
      stole them from the person who stole them.... I hope, my lords, you will
      mark and brand the man for the honour of this country, of Europe, and of
      mankind. Private correspondence has hitherto been held sacred in times of
      the greatest party rage, not only in politics, but religion;&mdash;he has
      forfeited all the respect of societies and of men. Into what companies
      will he hereafter go with an unembarrassed face, or the honest intrepidity
      of virtue? Men will watch him with a jealous eye; they will hide their
      papers from him, and lock up their escrutoires; he will henceforth esteem
      it a libel to be called a man of letters; <i>homo trium literarum</i>! He
      not only took away the letters from one brother, but kept himself
      concealed till he nearly occasioned the murder of the other. It is
      impossible to read his account, expressive of the coolest and most
      deliberate malice, without horror." Wedderburne concluded with this
      indignant burst of feeling:&mdash;"Amidst tranquil events, here is a man
      who, with the utmost insensibility of remorse, stands up and avows himself
      the author of all. I can compare him only to Zanga, in Dr. Young''s
      Revenge:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      'Know, then, 'twas I. I forged the letter&mdash;I disposed the picture&mdash;I
      hated&mdash;I despised&mdash;and I destroy'
    </p>
    <p>
      I ask, my lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed to the bloody
      African, is not surpassed by the coolness and apathy of the wily
      American?"
    </p>
    <p>
      It is said that during this celebrated invective the members of the
      council laughed with exultation; none preserving a decent gravity, except
      Lord North. On the other hand, Franklin is said to have heard it all with
      composure, standing erect in one corner of the room, and not suffering the
      slightest alteration of his countenance to be visible. The words of
      Wedderburne, however, coupled with the derisive and exulting laugh of the
      council, sank deep into the soul of Franklin. He appeared in a full dress
      of spotted Manchester velvet, and it is said that, when he returned to his
      lodgings he took off this dress, and vowed he would never wear it again
      until he should sign the degradation of England and the independence of
      America. After proceedings against him tended to perpetuate that feeling.
      Hitherto he had been allowed to retain the profitable place of post-master
      general for America, but three days after the meeting of the council, he
      was dismissed by letter from that office. The report of the council also,
      on the subject of the petition, tended to confirm him in feelings of
      hostility toward the British government. It stated "that the petition was
      founded on resolutions which were formed on false and erroneous
      allegations: that it was groundless, vexatious, scandalous, and calculated
      only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamour and
      discontent in the province: that nothing had appeared to impeach in any
      degree the honour, integrity, and conduct of the governor or
      deputy-governor; and that their lordships were humbly of opinion that the
      said petition ought to be dismissed." Moreover, the sympathy which
      Franklin met with from some of the leading members of the opposition,
      tended still further to embitter the passions which had been roused in the
      mind of the philosopher. That boastful patriot himself&mdash;the great
      Earl of Chatham&mdash;hastened to express his sympathy with Franklin, and
      his detestation of the treatment he had received from Wedderburne and the
      government. It is due to the character of Chatham, however, to say that
      had he been aware of Franklin's extreme intentions, he would, instead of
      affording him his sympathy, have joined with Wedderburne in holding him up
      to public contempt. That great orator, indeed, at all times, whether in
      office or out of office, whether in favour of the measures of government
      or banding against them, invariably held that the dependence of the
      colonies was absolutely and vitally essential, not merely to the honour
      and greatness and wealth of the mother country, but also to her safety and
      existence. He had, in truth, asserted that the moment America should be
      free, wholly independent of, and separated from Great Britain, the sun of
      England would set for ever. It cannot be, therefore, supposed for one
      moment, that he would willingly and knowingly have aided in lopping this
      fair and fruitful branch from the parent tree. In point of fact, Franklin
      endeavoured, to conceal his extreme views from the public eye; for while
      in private life, and to bosom friends, he stated his unalterable
      resolution of procuring the independence of America, he was openly
      professing to his best advocates, the leaders of the opposition in both
      houses of parliament, that the wish dearest to his heart&mdash;in common
      with the hearts of all honest Americans&mdash;was a continuance of the
      connexion with his dear old mother country!
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1773-1775
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS AGAINST AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At length intelligence arrived in England concerning the alarming
      transactions in America. The news excited strong national resentment, so
      that when the subject was brought before parliament, ministers had not to
      encounter any formidable opposition to the measures they proposed in order
      to meet the case. It was on the 7th of March that Lord North introduced
      this subject to the house. On that day he delivered a message to the
      members from the king, in which a design was intimated of correcting and
      preventing such disorders, and submitted a vast mass of documents from the
      governor of Boston, and other persons in authority for their inspection.
      In reply to this message, a motion was made for an address to the throne,
      to return thanks for it, and the gracious communication of the papers,
      with an assurance that they would not fail to exert every means in their
      power of effectually providing for objects so important to the general
      welfare as maintaining the due execution of the laws, and securing the
      just dependence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of Great
      Britain. Some few opposed this address, although they admitted that the
      conduct of the Bostonians and Rhode Islanders was exasperating in the
      highest degree; but the motion was nevertheless carried without a
      division. Following up this address, on the 14th of March, Lord North
      moved for leave to bring in a bill "for the immediate removal of all
      officers concerned in the collection and management of his majesty's
      duties and customs from the town of Boston; and to discontinue the landing
      and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandize at
      the said town of Boston, or within the harbour thereof." This bill
      encountered scarcely more opposition than the address had met with. On its
      first introduction it was received with general applause, and it was
      pushed on with such vigour that it passed through both houses within
      fourteen days, and on the 31st of March it received the royal assent: the
      trade of Boston was annihilated.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the Boston Port Bill was before the lords, North, in a committee of
      the whole house, brought in a bill "for better regulating the government
      of Massachusets Bay." The object of this bill was to alter the
      constitution of that province as it stood upon the charter of William
      III.; to do away with the popular elections, which decided everything in
      that colony; to take the executive power out of the hands of the
      democratic party; and to vest the nomination of the members of the
      council, of the judges, and of magistrates, including sheriffs, in the
      crown, and in the king's governor. In support of this bill, Lord North
      said, that the province of Massachusets Bay had been turbulent beyond all
      bearing, and had set an ill example to all the colonies; that an executive
      power was required in that province, inasmuch as the force of the civil
      power consisted solely in the <i>posse comitatus</i>: that is, in the very
      people by whom the tumults were excited. He asked if the democratic party
      exhibits a contempt for the laws, how any governor was to enforce them, if
      he had not the power either of appointing or removing magistrates? He
      could now, he said, give no order without the assent of seven members of
      the popularly elected council; and he urged that it was in vain laws and
      regulations were made in England, when there were none found to execute
      them in America. In conclusion, he expressed a hope that the present bill
      would create an executive power, and give strength and spirit to the civil
      magistracy; and professed himself open to discussion and a change of
      opinion, if his views were proved to be erroneous.
    </p>
    <p>
      This bill encountered more opposition than that of the Boston Port Bill,
      and it was considerably altered in committee. As it stood when presented
      anew, after the Easter recess, the council of Massachusets Bay was placed
      on the same footing as the councils of other colonies: the nomination was
      vested in the crown., and they were to have no negative voice, or power to
      appoint, as hitherto, the judicial officers of the province. Moreover, the
      mode of choosing juries was altered, and the continual assemblies and
      town-meetings held in Boston were not to be convened without the consent
      of the governor, unless for the annual election of certain officers. The
      bill, as altered, however, encountered much opposition. In support of it
      Mr. Welbore Ellis asserted that it was the duty of the legislature to
      alter or take away charters, if they were abused, or found deficient; and
      he was supported in these views by Mr. Charles Jenkinson and Mr. Dyson,
      who argued that in this case the house proceeded, not in its judicial, but
      in its legislative capacity, regulating and supplying deficiencies in
      charters granted by the crown. The opposition took a different view of the
      measure, denouncing it as arbitrary and likely to lead to permanent evils.
      Thus General Conway could see nothing but increased exasperation,
      misfortune, and ruin from the adoption of such measures; and he, with
      other members, asked for more time, and demanded that the province should
      be heard before an act was passed which would deprive its people of their
      chartered rights. The opposition, also, argued, that the Bostonians and
      their neighbours had flourished for nearly fourscore years under their
      democratic charter, and that, therefore, they ought not now to be deprived
      of it. Some even asked what crime and errors the New Englanders had really
      been guilty of, as though they had never heard of the outrages which had
      been committed. In reply to this latter question, Lord North said, with
      more than his usual warmth, "I will tell you what the Americans have done:
      they have tarred and feathered the officers and subjects of Great Britain;
      they have plundered our merchants, burnt our ships, denied all obedience
      to our laws and authority! Our conduct has been clement and forbearing,
      but now it is incumbent to take a different course. Whatever may be the
      consequence, we must risk something, or all is over." To adopt such a
      measure as this, however, was clearly risking too much. Governor Pownall,
      who said that he spoke for the last time on the subject, warned ministers
      of the more than probable consequences of it, in these terms:&mdash;"The
      measure which you are pursuing will be resisted, not by force or the
      effect of arms, but by a regular united system. I told this house, four
      years ago, that the people of America would resist the tax then permitted
      to remain on them&mdash;that they would not oppose power to power, But
      would become implacable. Have they not been so from that time to this very
      hour? I tell you again, that they will resist the measures now pursued in
      a more vigorous way. Committees of correspondence in the different
      provinces are in constant communication: they do not trust in the
      conveyance of the post-office; they have set up a constitutional courier,
      which will quickly grow up to the superseding of your post-office. As soon
      as intelligence of these affairs reaches them, they will judge it
      necessary to communicate with each other: it will be found inconvenient
      and ineffectual to do so by letters. They must confer; they will hold a
      conference; and to what these committees, thus met in congress, will grow
      up, I will not say. Should recourse be had to arms, you will hear of other
      officers than those appointed by your governor Then, as in the late civil
      wars of this country, it will be of little consequence to dispute who were
      the aggressors." Sir Richard Sutton spoke in a similar strain; asserting,
      that though it was not confessed, the Americans were aiming at total
      independence, and would never again submit quietly to English laws and
      regulations of trade.
    </p>
    <p>
      This debate took place on the second reading of the bill. The third
      reading occurred on the 2nd of May, when Sir William Meredith insisted
      that the parliament of Great Britain had an indisputable right to lay
      duties upon the Americans, and to tax them externally. Mr. Thomas
      Townshend, also, though equally warm as Sir William Meredith in opposition
      to ministers on general points, gave this measure his decided support.
      Though averse to meddling with charters, he said, the evils of
      town-meetings justified interference, and that the institution of juries
      was properly altered according to the forms of the mother country.
      Thurlow, the attorney-general, and Lord North spoke in favour of the bill,
      likewise, on this occasion, the latter expressing a hope that good
      consequences might arise from its adoption. It was opposed by Mr. Burke,
      Mr. Charles Fox, and Colonel Barré, the latter of whom reprobated the
      violence of both houses. "In the lords," said he, "the phrase is, 'We have
      passed the Rubicon!'&mdash;in the commons, 'Delenda est Carthago!'" But
      opposition was of no avail. The bill was carried by an overwhelming
      majority in the lower house; and when it was taken into the upper house,
      though it was severely criticised, opposed, and denounced by a few lords,
      most of the peers were in its favour, and it passed into a law.
    </p>
    <p>
      In order to qualify the severity of the bill for regulating the government
      of Massachusets, Mr. Rose Fuller, on the 19th of April, moved that the
      house should, that day se'nnight, resolve itself into a committee for
      taking into consideration the question of a total repeal of the tea duty.
      This was opposed by Lord North, who contended that no acts of lenity ought
      to attend their restrictive measures. He argued, that to repeal at this
      time would show such wavering and inconsistent policy as would defeat the
      good effects of that vigorous system which had been too long delayed, and
      which was now adopted. The expediency of the repeal, however, was ably
      advocated by Mr. Burke. He contended, that from the period of the repeal
      of the Stamp Act, the practical right of taxing America ought to have been
      for ever banished from the minds of all statesmen; and he severely exposed
      the absurdity of continuing a tax merely for the sake of a preamble to an
      act of parliament, when five-sixths of the revenue intended to be raised
      by it had been abandoned. Burke then gave a concise detail of our
      ministerial and political transactions with America; after which he
      recommended the repeal of this impost as a measure of policy, and advised
      the house, if they found any ill effects arising from this concession,
      then at once to stop short, and to oppose the ancient policy and practice
      of the empire to innovations on both sides. This, he said, would enable
      them to stand on great, manly, and sure grounds. As for the distinctions
      of rights he deprecated all reasonings about them. "Leave the Americans,"
      he observed, "as they anciently stood; and these distinctions, born of our
      unhappy contest, will die with it. Be content to bind America by laws of
      trade. You have always done so; and let this be your reason for continuing
      to do it. Do not burden them with taxes; for you were not used to do so
      from the beginning. These are arguments for states and kingdoms: leave the
      rest to the schools where alone they can be discussed with safety." The
      rejection of this advice, he said, would be followed by resistance on the
      part of the colonies; for if the sovereignty of England and the freedom of
      America could not be reconciled, the Americans would be sure to cast off
      sovereignty: no man would be argued into slavery. The opinions which Burke
      uttered on this occasion were at variance with those expressed on the
      passing of the Declaratory Act, and with the act itself. He attempted to
      reconcile them, however, by the nice distinction of a double power in
      parliament. He remarked:&mdash;"The parliament of Great Britain sits at
      the head of her extensive empire in two capacities&mdash;one as the local
      legislature of this island, with the executive power as her instrument of
      action; the other and nobler capacity is what I call her imperial
      character, by which she guides and controls all the inferior and
      provincial legislatures." In this, he maintained, her power was boundless;
      and having entered at large on its utility, and the manner in which it had
      been exercised, he thus concluded:&mdash;"It is agreed that a revenue is
      not to be had from America: if, then, we lose the profit, let us at least
      get rid of the odium." No arguments, however powerful, were of avail&mdash;the
      motion was negatived.
    </p>
    <p>
      A third measure of restriction introduced into the commons by ministers
      was "A Bill for the impartial Administration of Justice in the Cases of
      Persons questioned for any Acts done by them in the Execution of the Laws,
      as for the Suppression of Riots and Tumults in the Province of
      Massachusets Bay, in New England." By this bill the governor, if he found
      that a person indicted for murder, or any other capital offence, incurred
      in suppressing such tumults, was not likely to obtain an impartial trial,
      might send the person so indicted to another colony or to Great Britain,
      to be fairly tried there. This bill was to be limited to four years, and
      in support of it Lord North argued, that it was absolutely necessary to
      give effect to the other coercive measures; that it was in vain to appoint
      a magistracy that would act if none could be found bold enough to act with
      them and execute their orders; that these orders would probably be
      resisted by force; and this force would necessitate force on the side of
      government, and probably occasion the shedding of blood. He asked, what
      officers would risk this event if the rioters themselves, or their
      abettors, were afterwards to sit as their judges? And he alleged, that a
      precedent was to be found in our own laws, in the case of smuggling, it
      being customary to remove the trial of smugglers to another county: the
      Scotch rebels were also, he said, in 1745, tried in England. North next
      urged, that particular privileges ought to give way on some occasions, and
      that when the public safety of our own country was endangered even the <i>Habeas
      Corpus</i> had been suspended. The bill, he remarked, was not meant to
      screen guilt, but to protect innocence. The Americans, he said, must be
      taught that we will no longer sit quietly under their insults; and that,
      being roused, our measures, though free from cruelty and revenge, would be
      as efficacious as they were necessary. This was the last act, he stated,
      that he had to propose in order to perfect his plan, and that the rest
      would depend on the vigilance of his majesty's servants employed in
      America. In conclusion, he mentioned that four regiments, usually
      stationed in different parts of North America, had all been ordered to
      Boston; and that General Gage was appointed governor and
      commander-in-chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      This measure was opposed with greater vehemence and better arguments than
      those which had preceded it. Colonel Barré, who had given a partial
      support to the Boston Port Bill, denounced it as unprecedented,
      unwarranted, and as fraught with misery and oppression to America, and
      with danger to this country. It stigmatised a whole people, he remarked,
      as persecutors of innocence, and as men incapable of doing justice,
      whereas the very reverse was the fact. As a proof of the impartiality of
      Bostonian courts and juries, he instanced the acquittal of Captain Preston
      and the soldiers who had killed some persons in a riot; and he denied that
      the instances of trials for smuggling and for treason, adduced by Lord
      North, were at all applicable to the present case. He asked, what reliance
      the Americans could have on the impartiality of juries in other provinces,
      or in England, and dwelt with great force on the danger of screening the
      soldiery, whose passions were already inflamed against the people of
      Massachusets Bay. "A soldier," he observed, "feels himself so much above
      the rest of mankind, that the strict hand of the civil power is necessary
      to check and restrain the haughtiness of disposition which such
      superiority inspires. What constant care is taken in this country to
      remind the military that they are under the restraint of civil power! In
      America their superiority is felt still more. Remove the check of the law,
      as this bill proposes, and what insolence, what outrage, may you not
      expect! Every passion that is pernicious to society will be let loose on a
      people unaccustomed to licentiousness and intemperance. The colonists, who
      have been long complaining of oppression, will see in the soldiery those
      who are to enforce it on them; while the military, strongly prepossessed
      against the people as rebellious, unawed by the civil power, and actuated
      by that arbitrary spirit which prevails in the best troops, will commit
      violences that might rouse the tamest people to resistance, and which the
      vigilance of their officers cannot effectually restrain. The inevitable
      consequences will be open rebellion, which you profess by this act to
      obviate. I have been bred a soldier; I have served long; I respect the
      profession, and live in the strictest habits of friendship with many
      officers; but no country gentleman in this house looks on the army with a
      more jealous eye, or would more strenuously resist the setting them above
      the control of civil power. No man is to be trusted in such a situation.
      It is not the fault of the soldier, but the vice of human nature, which,
      unbridled by law, becomes insolent and licentious, wantonly violating the
      peace of society, and trampling upon the rights of human kind." In
      conclusion, Barré warned ministers of the results of their restrictive
      measures; entreating them, likewise, not to urge them on to rebellion. In
      the course of his speech Lord North had said that he had had the advantage
      of being aided by the ablest lawyers; and when Colonel Barré had concluded
      his harangue Mr. Wedderburne, the solicitor-general, arose, and explained
      and defended the principles of the bill, which, he observed, was limited
      as to time, and intended solely to procure a fair trial for the imputed
      offences of all who might be concerned or engaged to act under government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The motion for leave to bring in this bill was passed without a division,
      and it was introduced on the 21st of April, on which occasion another
      stormy debate occurred. Alderman Sawbridge contended, that it was a
      ridiculous and cruel measure&mdash;a measure designed to enslave the
      Americans, by a minister who would, if opportunity was afforded him,
      enslave England. He added:&mdash;"But I sincerely hope the Americans will
      not admit of the execution of any of those destructive bills, but nobly
      refuse them all. If they do not, they are the most abject slaves upon the
      face of the earth, and nothing which the minister can do is base enough
      for them." Lord North, in reply, calmly disclaimed any intention of
      enslaving America, and declared that the assertion was about as true as
      another report, circulated in some quarters, which stated that the
      colonists had seen their error, and were willing to make reparation to the
      East India Company for the tea they had destroyed. Instead of making
      reparation, he added, letters had been recently received which conveyed
      intelligence of renewed acts of violence. In the course of the debate one
      member uttered these remarkable words:&mdash;"I will now take my leave of
      the whole plan: you will commence your ruin from this day. I am sorry to
      say, that not only the house has fallen into this error, but the people
      approve of the measure. The people, I am sorry to say it, are misled. But
      a short time will prove the evil tendency of this bill. If ever there was
      a nation running headlong to its ruin it is this." The people were, in
      fact, as violently excited against the Americans, and the Bostonians in
      particular, as the ministers themselves, which doubtless had the effect of
      encouraging them in their measures. As a dissolution of parliament was
      near at hand, this may have caused the absence of many members; for it is
      a remarkable circumstance, that during the debates on these momentous
      questions there never was a full house. On the third reading, indeed, only
      one hundred and fifty-one members were present&mdash;one hundred and
      twenty-seven out of which number voted for the measure.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of lords the bill was opposed in the same manner, and to a
      similar degree as in the commons. One of the most striking arguments
      against the measure was uttered by the Marquess of Rockingham. After
      reviewing ministerial transactions relative to America, since the repeal
      of the Stamp Act, and denouncing the tea duty as an uncommercial and
      unproductive claim, retained only as a bone of contention, he remarked:&mdash;"If
      officers were men of honour and sensibility, their situation would be
      worse under the protection of such a law than without it, as no acquittal
      could be honourable where the prosecutor had not the usual means of
      securing a fair trial." The bill, however, passed by a large majority&mdash;eight
      peers signing a strong protest against it, in which it was designated as
      "a virtual indemnity for murder."
    </p>
    <p>
      During these debates the Earl of Chatham had been absent from
      indisposition. An opportunity, however, was afforded him of uttering his
      sentiments concerning the measure adopted towards America, on the 27th of
      May, in a discussion on a bill "for the quartering and better regulating
      the troops in the colonies." He had long been complaining of the gout and
      other infirmities; but on this night, which was the third reading of the
      bill, he made a very long speech. He commenced by asserting, that the
      whole history of the Americans, their descent, and the character and
      disposition which they inherited from their English ancestors, all forbade
      the thought that they would ever submit to slavish and tyrannical
      principles; for as was the mother, so were her offspring. He admitted that
      the conduct of the Americans, and especially the Bostonians, was
      unwarrantable; but he denied that the means adopted to bring them back to
      a sense of their duty were either wise or just. Against the blocking up
      the harbour of Boston he inveighed most bitterly, assuming in the face of
      all fact, that it was "some guilty profligates" who had been concerned in
      destroying our goods, and not the main body of the people. He assumed,
      also, what was notoriously untrue, that the colonies had no thought of
      prosecuting the quarrel; asserting, that their gratitude was full to
      overflowing for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and that it was the tea tax
      alone which had goaded them on to insubordination and rebellion.
      Forgetting, moreover, that his own Declaratory Act had inflamed the
      passions of the colonists after the repeal of the Stamp Act, he charged
      ministers with having purposely irritated them into their late outrages.
      Finally, although it is clear that Chatham, as a minister, would never
      have granted the objects which the American leaders required of the
      government, he recommended the substitution of kindness for severity. He
      remarked:&mdash;"Proceed like a kind and affectionate parent towards a
      child whom he tenderly loves; and, instead of these harsh and severe
      proceedings, pass an amnesty on all their youthful errors; clasp them once
      more in your fond and affectionate arms, and I will venture to affirm that
      you will find them children worthy of their sire. But should their
      turbulence exist after your proffered terms of forgiveness, I, my lords,
      will be among the foremost to move for such measures as will effectually
      prevent a relapse, and make them feel what it is to provoke a fond and
      forgiving parent." It is manifest, however, that the children had already
      resolved to run all risks in discarding allegiance to their parent, and
      that they could never be bound to their duty by the law of kindness. So
      the majority of the peers whom Chatham addressed seemed to think, for the
      bill he was opposing passed.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the close of this session a bill was brought into the house of
      lords, "for making more effectual provision for the government of the
      province of Quebec, in North America." The main objects of this bill was
      to ascertain the limits of that province; to form a legislative council
      for all its affairs, except taxation, which council should be appointed
      and be removable by the crown, and in which his majesty's Canadian Roman
      Catholic subjects should have a place; to establish the old French laws,
      to which the Canadians had been accustomed, including trial without jury,
      in all civil cases, and the English laws with trial by jury in all
      criminal cases; and to secure to the Roman Catholics those rights which
      the articles of capitulation had allowed&mdash;that is, the legal
      enjoyments of their lands and of their tithes, in their own community, or
      from all who professed their doctrines. This bill passed through the lords
      without difficulty; but in the commons it met with a storm of opposition.
      On the second reading, which took place on the 20th of May, Mr. Thomas
      Townshend, junior, asked why the affairs of Canada had been so long
      postponed, and why the country, from the time of its conquest, had been
      left a prey to anarchy and confusion? The bill proposed to enlarge the
      boundaries of the province, so as to comprehend the whole country lying
      between New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, to the Ohio and eastern
      bank of the Mississippi; and northward, to the southern boundary of the
      territory granted to the merchant adventurers of England trading to
      Hudson's Bay. Of this Townshend complained, and he said that it was the
      general opinion, that ministers intended to make all this vast tract of
      country an essentially French colony, as the population was almost
      entirely French, and the religion, laws, &amp;c, that of France&mdash;the
      only exception being that they had at their head a subject of Great
      Britain as their governor. This, he opined, would one day cause a
      revolution, and would tend to re-establish the dominion of France in that
      country. As for the legislative council he deemed it as proposed the very
      worst kind of government ministers could have invented. He remarked:&mdash;"If
      it is not the proper time to give to Canada an assembly like those which
      exist in our other American colonies, it is better to let the governor be
      absolute&mdash;better to let him be without a council. He will then be
      responsible. But what have we here? Seventeen or eighteen gentlemen, who
      may be removed or suspended by the governor; so that, if an act of
      oppression should come from the crown, these may be a screen for the
      governor to excuse and justify him." Townshend next condemned the
      countenance given by the bill to the church of Rome, and then put a series
      of stringent questions to the ministers concerning the administration of
      the French laws in Canada. Were they, he asked, to be administered by
      Canadians or French lawyers? and were English gentlemen who had bought
      estates in that country to be subject to them? It would be better, he
      conceived, to show the French Canadians, by degrees, the advantages of
      English law, and to gradually mix it with their own. In reply, Lord North
      excused the delay which had occurred in bringing this measure forward, on
      the ground that he had been seeking the fullest information before he
      legislated. He did not pretend that the bill was perfect, but he
      considered that it was the best that could have been devised, both for
      Great Britain and the colony, under all circumstances. North then
      justified the enlargement of the limits of the colony, and the concessions
      which the bill made to the Roman Catholics. He observed:&mdash;"The
      honourable gentleman dislikes the omitting the assembly; but the assembly
      cannot be granted, seeing that it must be composed of Canadian Roman
      Catholic subjects, for otherwise it would be oppressive. On the other
      hand, as the bulk of the inhabitants are Roman Catholics, to subject them
      to an assembly, composed of a few British Protestant subjects would be a
      great hardship. Being, therefore, under the necessity of not appointing an
      assembly, this is the only legislature you can give the Canadians, and it
      is the one under which they live at present. The governor and council
      really have been the legislature ever since our conquest, only now it is
      put under some regulation." As regarded the question of law, he reminded
      the house, that the most material part, that of the criminal law, was to
      be English, and that if the French civil law should be found incompatible
      with the wishes of the colony, the governor and council would have power
      to alter it. Returning to the question of religion, North remarked, that
      the free exercise of it was confirmed to the Canadians by treaty, and that
      the laws of Great Britain permitted the full and free exercise of any
      religion different from that of the Church of England, in any and all of
      the colonies. It was another question, he added, whether it is convenient
      to continue or abolish the bishop's jurisdiction; though, at the same
      time, he asserted, no bishop could be there under papal authority, as such
      is expressly forbidden in the act of supremacy. North concluded by
      asserting, that there was no intention of substituting French lawyers and
      judges for the English who now administered the laws in that country.
      Townshend rejoined; complaining bitterly of carrying the system of French
      law into those parts of the country where it had not previously existed,
      and where there were some thousands of British subjects. Having, at the
      end of the war, promised the Canadians English law, he conceived that
      injustice would be done them by giving them that of France. Mr. Townshend
      was followed by Mr. Dunning, who called the measure one of the most
      extensive, as well as the most pernicious, ever offered to parliament. He
      particularly inveighed against the concessions made to the Roman
      Catholics, though he admitted that the free exercise of their religion was
      promised to the Canadians by the treaty of peace. This bill, however, he
      contended, gave them more than this: it established the Roman Catholic
      faith, whereas Protestantism was merely tolerated, and its clergy left for
      a maintenance to the discretion of the crown. He observed:&mdash;"Different
      gentlemen may entertain different opinions: my opinion of toleration is,
      that nothing can be more impolitic than to give establishment to that
      religion which is not the religion of our own country. Among the
      circumstances that unite countries, or divide countries, a difference in
      religion has ever been thought to be the principal and leading one. The
      Catholic religion unites France, but divides England. Without going
      further into the subject, it suffices me to say, that the religion of
      England seems to be preferable to the religion of France, if your object
      is to make this an English colony. When one sees that the Roman Catholic
      religion is established by law, and that the same law does not establish
      the Protestant religion, the people are, of course, at liberty to choose
      which they like. Are we, then, to establish the Roman Catholic religion,
      and tolerate the Protestant religion?" Mr. Dunning next insisted, that the
      civil law, as well as the criminal law of England, should be preserved,
      and that the institution of juries, however unpalatable it might prove to
      the Canadians, ought not to be dispensed with. He concluded by showing the
      unfitness of this political state to the habits and character of English
      settlers, and that there was an insurmountable difficulty in reconciling
      the feelings and habits of the small minority with the great French
      majority. The bill was next defended warmly in all its points by
      Attorney-general Thurlow. The definitive treaty of peace, he said, was
      made in favour of property in Canada; in favour of the Catholic religion,
      and in favour of the several religious orders, under which obligations it
      was that the crown of this country was called upon to frame a constitution
      for the colony. As for the importing and enforcing English laws in a
      country already settled, and habitually governed by other laws, he
      considered that it would be an act of the most absurd and cruel tyranny
      ever practised by a conquering nation over a conquered country&mdash;an
      act which would be unprecedented in the world's history. He thought it
      would be equally monstrous to strip the Roman Catholic clergy of their
      rights and dues, and to set up an Anglican establishment where the
      followers of our church were but few in number. To assimilate the
      constitution of the province to that of England he deemed neither
      practicable nor desirable, and asserted, that the constitution now
      proposed was on the side of liberality, and the best that could be given
      under existing circumstances. He concluded thus:&mdash;"If any English
      resort to that country, they do not carry with them the laws that are to
      prevail the moment they get there. It would be just as wise to say, if an
      Englishman goes to Guernsey, the laws of the city of London are carried
      over with him. To take the laws as they stand in Canada has been allowed&mdash;to
      act according to those laws, and to be bound by their coercion, is a
      natural consequence. In this view I think the bill has done nothing
      obnoxious. I have no speculative opinions. I would have consulted the
      French customs to a much greater extent, if it had been for me to have
      framed the law." Colonel Barré, Lord John Cavendish, and Sergeant Glynn
      next warmly opposed the bill, and they were followed by the
      Solicitor-general, Wedderburne, who defended it with greater ability and
      more knowledge of history than had been displayed by any of the preceding
      speakers. Sergeant Glynn had asserted, that in conquering the Irish and
      Welsh our laws had been imposed upon them; but Wedderburne clearly showed
      that this was only effected in the lapse of ages; English laws not being
      introduced into Ireland till the time of James I., and in Wales till the
      time of Henry VIII. He argued, that it was the custom of all conquering
      states to leave the conquered countries in the possession of their own
      laws. He remarked:&mdash;"Not only are there instances of great states not
      considering themselves warranted, by right of conquest, in forcing their
      laws upon the conquered, but even countries that have scarcely any trace
      of public laws and general systems, have had that good policy with regard
      to the countries they have made themselves masters of. The very Mussulman,
      the Ottoman, the Turks&mdash;the worst of all conquerors&mdash;in the
      countries they subdued left the people in possession of their municipal
      laws. This is the case in Wallachia; this is the case in Moldavia; this is
      the case with all the great settlements in which the Turks have pushed
      their arms." Wedderburne next showed the difference existing in the law of
      succession in England and Canada, and argued, that it would be hard upon
      all younger sons in that province to establish the right of primogeniture
      on a sudden. He concluded by representing the people of Canada as having,
      for several years past, been annually calling upon government to let them
      know what really was to be the law of the province. Charles Fox argued,
      that as the bill allowed the clergy of the Church of Rome their dues and
      rights, which dues he understood to mean the receiving of tithes, which
      were a tax upon the Canadians, it was to all intents and purposes a money
      bill. This objection he conceived fatal to the bill, inasmuch as the
      commons never permitted bills of that nature to originate in the lords.
      Dunning now took up the same line of argument, and as Lord North denied
      the conclusion to which these members had suddenly come, the speaker was
      appealed to for his opinion. The speaker replied, that he had seen bills
      that had originated in the lords that, he thought, ought not to have been
      brought into the lower house, but that he never presumed to judge upon
      them himself, and in this in stance it would be very unbecoming in him to
      do so, therefore' he would leave it for the house to determine as was
      thought right. The second reading was carried by a majority of one hundred
      and five, against twenty-nine; and on the 31st of May, when the house went
      into committee on the bill, several amendments were negatived, with
      equally large majorities. On this occasion petitions were presented
      against the measure from Thomas Penn, on behalf of himself and of John
      Penn, Esq., true and absolute proprietors of Pennsylvania, and the
      counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, in Delaware, praying that the
      territory granted by King Charles II. to their father and grandfather
      might not be encroached upon by any extension of the frontiers of Canada.
      Ministers denied that it was ever intended to entrench upon other
      colonies, and the petition was ordered to lie upon the table; leave, also,
      being given to the petitioners to be heard by counsel if they thought
      proper. At the same time a petition was presented from merchants of the
      city of London, trading to the province of Quebec, praying for the
      preservation or establishment of the English civil law, in all matters of
      controversy relative to property and civil rights, with trial by jury,
      &amp;c. This petition was ordered to be referred to the committee on the
      bill, and the petitioners were also ordered to be heard by themselves or
      counsel. Counsel were heard, and witnesses examined, which occupied the
      attention of the house for more than a week; but on the 13th of June the
      bill passed the commons as it originally stood&mdash;a few boundary
      amendments, made in committee, alone excepted. The bill thus passed was
      sent back to the lords for their concurrence in the amendments, on which
      occasion Chatham rose to reprobate the whole spirit of the bill. It
      tended, he said, to establish the worst of despotisms, and denounced it as
      a most cruel, oppressive, and odious measure&mdash;a measure which
      destroyed the very roots of justice and good principle. He called the bill
      "a child of inordinate power," and asked, if any on the bench of bishops
      would hold it out for baptism? He invoked the bishops to resist a law
      which would spread the Roman Catholic tenets over so vast a continent, and
      asserted, that parliament had no more right to alter the oath of supremacy
      than to repeal the great charter, or the bill of rights. The dangerous
      innovations of the bill, he declared, were at utter variance with all the
      safeguards and barriers against the return of popery and of popish
      influence, so wisely provided against by all oaths and offices of trust,
      from the constable up to the members of both houses, and even to the
      sovereign in his coronation oath. Chatham concluded by expressing his
      fears that such a measure might shake the confidence of his majesty's
      Protestant subjects in England and Ireland, and totally alienate the
      hearts of all his American subjects. The bill, however, passed by
      twenty-six to seven, and received the royal assent on the 22nd of June;
      the corporation of London having ineffectually petitioned the king to
      refuse it.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day that his majesty gave his assent to the above-mentioned
      bill, he prorogued parliament. In his speech he expressed his approval of
      that bill, conceiving it likely to produce the best effect in quieting the
      minds, and promoting the happiness of the Canadians. His majesty also
      applauded the temper and firmness, and general concurrence of parliament
      in the measures they had adopted with reference to Massachusets Bay; at
      the same time assuring them that nothing depending on him should be
      wanting to render those measures effectual. At the close of this session,
      Lord North, notwithstanding his many embarrassments, appeared to be more
      firmly seated in office than ever. Even Chatham himself was obliged to
      confess his success, efficiency, and the solidity of his position;
      asserting that no minister in any age ever held a better tenure. It was
      necessary that North should be well supported, for he had difficulties
      before him which would soon have compelled him to resign, and to seek
      solace in the shades of retirement, had not the voice of parliament been
      with him.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS AT BOSTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the deliberations of the British parliament, the Bostonians and
      people of Massachusets Bay had continued their outrages. The assembly and
      populace alike showed their utter aversion to the British government in
      language and actions which could not be misunderstood. The mob destroyed
      every cargo of tea that arrived in the port, and the assembly showed its
      hostility by petitioning for the removal of the chief-justice, Peter
      Oliver, Esq., because he had taken his majesty's grant. The house further
      resolved to impeach the chief-justice in their own name, and in the name
      of all the inhabitants of the province; and when the governor denounced
      their proceedings as unconstitutional, they drew up articles according to
      this resolution, charging him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The
      governor, however, refused to take any step in the matter, and this only
      tended to exasperate them still more. At this moment, indeed, some of the
      leaders, at the head of whom was Mr. Samuel Adams, were publicly
      proclaiming that America must and should become independent of Great
      Britain. Their sentiments were also made known by their unbounded
      admiration of Benjamin Franklin. His name was mentioned everywhere with
      enthusiasm, and before their dissolution the assembly resolved to continue
      him their agent in England, although the governor refused to ratify the
      appointment, or to sanction their act for paying him his salary.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the ministerial arrangements was the substitution of General Gage in
      the room of Hutchinson as governor. General Gage landed on the wharf on
      the 13th of May, with part of his family and suite, and was warmly
      welcomed by the council, magistrates, and others, and afterwards
      entertained at a public dinner. On the other hand, the mob spent their
      impotent rage on Hutchinson by burning him in effigy. The reception which
      Gage met with on landing seemed to augur well for his administration, and
      his prospect seemed the more cheering because he was united to an American
      lady, and from long residence in the colony, had made many friends. But
      there was a strong under-current at work which threatened to sweep away
      all the authority which any governor might possess however popular he
      might be as a man. And this was made more impetuous at this time by the
      intelligence which arrived concerning the Boston Port Bill. This
      intelligence was received a few days before General Gage arrived, and
      although the Bostonians gave him a hearty welcome, they soon displayed
      what feelings they possessed upon the subject. On the very next day after
      they had given him this welcome, a numerous town meeting took the bill
      into consideration, and resolved, "That it is the opinion of this town,
      that, if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
      importation from, and exportation to Great Britain, and every part of the
      West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove the salvation
      of North America and her liberties; and that the impolicy, injustice,
      inhumanity, and cruelty of the act exceed all our powers of expression:
      we, therefore, leave it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God
      and the world." In order to spread disaffection, the act was printed and
      widely circulated throughout the colonies. Nor were the presses of Boston
      alone engaged in this work. Other colonies had thousands of copies struck
      off, and in some the copy of the act was accompanied with comments, and
      with a black border, while the vendors cried it about under the title of
      "A barbarous, cruel, bloody, and inhuman murder." In some places it was
      burned with great solemnity; in others, as at Philadelphia, subscriptions
      were set on foot for the relief of those Bostonians who should be deprived
      of the means of subsistence by the operations of the act; while in
      Virginia the assembly which was then sitting, adopted a proposal that the
      first day of June, on which the Post Bill was to commence, should be a day
      of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore heaven to avert the evils
      of civil war, to inspire the Americans with firmness in support of their
      rights, and to turn the hearts of king and parliament to moderation and
      justice. For this vote, Lord Dunmore, the governor of the province of
      Virginia, dissolved the assembly, and the members then repaired to a
      tavern, where they agreed to articles of association, in which they
      pronounced the Boston Port Bill to be the result of a system having for
      its object the reduction of the inhabitants of British America to slavery.
      At this meeting it was declared that tea ought not to be used by any
      well-wisher to constitutional liberty; and that from the course pursued by
      the East India Company in favour of arbitrary taxation, the people ought
      not to purchase any of their commodities, except saltpetre and spices,
      until their grievances should be redressed. It was also declared that an
      attack on one colony was an attack upon all, and that it should be
      resisted by their united councils. Acting upon this opinion, which was by
      no means logical, they recommended to the committee of correspondence to
      communicate with all the other committees, "on the expediency of
      appointing deputies from the several colonies of British America, to meet
      in general congress, at such place, annually, as should be thought most
      convenient, to deliberate on the measures required by their common
      interests." Finally, this meeting of the dissolved assembly of Virginia,
      agreed that the members who should be elected under the new writs then
      issuing, should meet in convention at Williamsburgh, on the first of
      August, for the purpose of appointing delegates to sit in congress. This
      was a monster stride in the march of revolution, and it was easy to
      foresee its ultimate and awful consequences.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first of June was not only observed as a day of fasting and
      humiliation in Virginia, but also at Philadelphia, Boston, and other
      places. Shops were closed, and the church-bells tolled dolefully; but
      whether prayer was offered in sincerity and truth, and in calm devotion,
      demands a doubt; for when men's passions are inflamed, there can be no
      fitness for acts of piety. In the mean time the assembly of Massachusets
      Bay met at Boston, on the 25th of May, for the last time. On that day,
      General Gage laid before them some common business of the province, and
      then announced the painful necessity he was under of removing them and all
      public offices to Salem, by the first of June, in conformity with the
      recent acts of parliament. He adjourned them to the 7th of June, then to
      meet at Salem, and on that day they re-assembled at the place appointed,
      and named a committee to consider and report the state of the province.
      Some of the committee named were for pursuing mild and conciliatory
      measures, and seeing this, Mr. Samuel Adams conferred with Mr. Warren on
      the necessity of obtaining a better display of spirit. Warren engaged to
      keep the committee in play, while Adams should be secretly engaged in
      winning over members to their party. In a few days Adams succeeded in
      gaining over and concerting measures with more than thirty members, and it
      was then resolved to proceed at once to business. On the 17th of May they
      ordered the doors to be locked, and that no one should be permitted to go
      in or out. They hoped by this plan to keep all friends of government from
      giving any information concerning their councils, and to finish their
      business before the governor could interfere with a prorogation or
      dissolution. One member favourable to government, however, contrived to
      get out, and to give information of what was doing within. The governor
      sent his secretary to dissolve them, but he was refused admittance, and he
      read the proclamation of dissolution upon the stairs leading to the
      chamber in the hearing of several members, who, like himself, could not
      obtain admittance. By this time, however, the committee had done all they
      wanted to do: they had appointed a committee to meet other provincial
      committees on the 1st of September, at Philadelphia; had voted £500 for
      its use; had chosen a treasurer; and having no money in hand, had
      recommended the towns and districts of the province to raise the sum by
      equitable proportions, according to the last provincial tax. This was a
      gross insult to the governor, and the committee exulted in having had the
      opportunity of offering it. Their feelings of triumph, however, do no
      honour to human nature, since that triumph, such as it was, was obtained
      by the paltry artifice of obtaining possession of the house to the
      exclusion of all such members as would have voted against the measure they
      had proposed and carried.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of June, exactly as the clock struck twelve, the custom-house
      of Boston was shut up, and all lawful business ceased in its port. Its
      trade was nominally transferred to Salem; but the spirit of rivalry which
      formerly distinguished American merchants seemed now to be wholly lost in
      sympathy. No one discovered the slightest inclination to profit by the
      distress of the refractory town of Boston. The merchants and freeholders
      of Salem, indeed, presented an address to General Gage, censuring the
      measures that had been adopted, commiserating the people of Boston, and
      declining to derive any advantage offered them by the Boston Port Bill.
      Nature, they said, by the formation of their harbour, forbade their
      becoming rivals with that convenient mart, and were it otherwise they must
      be dead to every idea of justice, and lost to all feelings of humanity, if
      they could indulge one thought of acquiring wealth, and building up their
      fortunes upon the ruin of their suffering neighbours. These certainly were
      sentiments honourable to humanity, but unfortunately they were coupled
      with others of a different character. The petitioners repeated the old
      saying, which was now become notoriously false, that they still ardently
      wished to preserve their connexion with the British empire: and yet the
      people of Salem falsified their assertion on the very next day after it
      was made, by joining a general association, which by this time had been
      got up by many of the committees of correspondence, and which was called
      "a solemn league and covenant," after the famous bond of their Puritan
      forefathers. The nature of this league may be seen from the document which
      all its members signed. It declared that the compact had been entered into
      as the only means of avoiding the horrors of slavery, or the carnage and
      desolation of civil war; that those who subscribed to it covenanted in the
      presence of God to suspend all commercial intercourse with Great Britain
      till the Boston Port Bill should be restored; and that they would have no
      dealings with persons who would not sign it, or should afterwards violate
      it, but would publish their names as enemies to their country, and as men
      excommunicated or cut off from all social intercourse. This league spread
      rapidly through all the states; thousands joined it of their own free
      will, and others were impelled to subscribe to it through fear. In most
      places, indeed, it was conceived more dangerous to oppose the popular
      will, than to risk a war with Great Britain. And it was in vain that the
      governor sought to stem the onward progress of the tide of revolution. He
      issued a proclamation, forbidding such unlawful and traitorous
      combinations, and warned the people against countenancing them; but his
      orders were disregarded, and his very power questioned. In Boston all
      became sullen and threatening, and General Gage at length deemed it
      advisable to take means more efficacious than proclamations in repressing
      tumult. A detachment of artillery, with some regiments of infantry were
      ordered to encamp near Boston, and these were soon reinforced by fresh
      troops from Great Britain and Ireland. But it was soon found that the
      troops could not be depended upon:&mdash;bought by gills of ardent spirits
      and promises of reward, many, and especially the raw recruits, deserted
      their ranks; and General Gage next placed a guard on the Isthmus, called
      Boston-neck, which joins the peninsula whereon the town is built to the
      main land. This movement, like all the other movements made by the
      officers of government, was misrepresented, and hastened on the crisis. A
      cry was raised and a report spread that the governor intended to cut off
      all communications, and compel the town to submit to terms. The exciting
      cry produced the effect that was wished far and near. Even those provinces
      which had hitherto been slow to join the Bostonians in their hostility
      towards government, now earnestly exhorted them to brave their supposed
      doom, as the eye of all America was upon them; and the hands of all the
      Americans ready to be stretched forth for their deliverance.
    </p>
    <p>
      In conformity to the bill for regulating the government of Massachusets
      Bay, General Gage reorganised the Massachusets council. Commissions
      arrived in August for the new council, and thirty-six were appointed, but
      twelve out of that number refused to accept office; and even those who did
      accept office, were soon glad, for the most part, to throw up their
      commissions, from the odium which they had incurred and the threats by
      which they were intimidated. General Gage, however, issued writs for
      convening an assembly in October. But order and law were now out of the
      question in Boston. The juries would not serve under the new judges, and
      the very officers refused, from disaffection or fear, to summon them. The
      colonists had now, in fact, begun to arm, to collect warlike stores, and
      to train the youth to military exercises. Nothing was to be seen or heard
      of except the purchasing of arms and ammunition, the casting of balls, and
      the making of all those preparations which testified immediate and
      determined resistance. Under these circumstances, General Gage fortified
      Boston-neck, and seized and removed to head-quarters all the gunpowder and
      military stores that were deposited at Charlestown, Cambridge, and other
      places within his province. The people now rose in arms, and threatened to
      attack the troops. Several thousands marched from all quarters for this
      purpose, and though they did not come to blows, they threw every possible
      obstruction in the way of those employed in constructing the works on
      Boston-neck, burning the materials by night, sinking the boats laden with
      bricks, and overturning the trucks laden with timber. The governor saw
      clearly that scenes of bloodshed were at hand, and though thus braved, he
      mercifully forbore to commence them.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the mean time the committees of correspondence in order to fan the
      flames of sedition into one universal conflagration, had been spreading
      abroad rumours of massacres, and of attacks on Boston both by land and
      sea. It was in this state of affairs that a meeting of delegates from all
      the neighbouring towns was called, and which was held, in spite of the
      governor's proclamation. This meeting passed resolutions more decidedly
      hostile to the British government than any previously promulgated. They
      called the late acts of parliament gross infractions of civil and
      religious liberty, and wicked attempts to establish despotism, which ought
      to be resisted; they resolved to indemnify all officers who should refuse
      to execute any process issued by the judges appointed by the crown; they
      declared every member of the new council an enemy to his country; they
      condemned the plan of fortifying Boston-neck; they denounced the late act
      establishing the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, as dangerous alike to
      the Protestant religion, and to the rights and liberties of all America;
      they recommended a total suspension of commercial intercourse with Great
      Britain, the encouragement of domestic manufactures, the appointment of a
      provincial congress, and the exercise of the people in arms; they advised
      collectors of taxes to retain the money in their own hands until the civil
      government of the province should be placed on a constitutional basis, or
      a provincial congress should direct its application; and while they
      exhorted the people to abstain from riots, they expressed their
      determination to resist the measures of government to the utmost. Their
      resolutions concluded thus:&mdash;"Should our enemies by any sudden
      manoeuvre, render it necessary for us to ask aid of our brethren in the
      country, some one of the committee of correspondence, or a select man from
      the town where hostilities shall commence or be expected, or from the town
      adjoining, shall despatch couriers with written messages to the select
      men, or committees of correspondence in the vicinity, who shall send
      others to committees more remote, until sufficient assistance be obtained:
      the expense of couriers to be defrayed by the county, until otherwise
      ordered by the provincial assembly." The meeting also drew up a petition
      of remonstrance to the governor, respecting the fortification of
      Boston-neck, in which they plainly stated that although they had no
      inclination to commence hostilities, they were resolved, notwithstanding,
      to resist the late acts of the British parliament at all hazards. Gage
      replied, that it was his duty to preserve the peace, and to erect such
      works as should protect his soldiers from surprise: at the same time he
      assured them that his artillery should not be employed unless hostile
      proceedings on their part rendered it necessary.
    </p>
    <p>
      By this time the people of Virginia had taken one of the front ranks in
      the march of revolution and independence. On the 1st of August, Jefferson
      and other members of the convention met as appointed, to agree as to
      instructions for the delegates to be sent to the approaching congress.
      Jefferson had drawn up a violent paper, but falling sick, it was presented
      by Peyton Randolph. The sum and substance of this paper was, in fact, that
      the Virginians should claim an absolute independence and sovereignty. The
      leap, however, which Jefferson proposed to take was far too long for the
      mass of his fellow-citizens as yet to take; but the document was deemed
      worthy of being printed, and it was published under the title of "A
      summary View of the Rights of British America." The members of this
      convention, however, took a leap which did not fall far short of that
      which Jefferson proposed. The instructions they prepared, at least, made
      it manifest unto all men, that, although they professed loyalty to the
      sovereign, their aim was to undermine his throne; or, in other words, to
      obtain independence. They averred their allegiance to King George,
      declared that they sincerely approved of a constitutional connexion with
      their mother country, and even professed a willingness to submit to
      reasonable regulations and restrictions on their commerce&mdash;but this
      was only a preamble to sentiments teeming with rebellion and hostility to
      the king whom they professed to obey, and the country with which they
      asserted they still wished to be connected. In this section of their
      instructions the Virginians instructed their deputies at congress to
      cooperate cordially with Massachusets Bay and the other colonies; declared
      that the proclamation issued by General Gage was alarming, and illegal,
      and such as would justify resistance and reprisals if attempted to be
      carried into effect; agreed to send speedy and liberal relief to the
      Bostonians, and to abide by such alterations in their present articles as
      congress might recommend and the delegates of Virginia assent to; and
      bound themselves not to export any tobacco after the 10th of August, and
      in lieu of its cultivation to encourage manufactures; to deal with no
      merchants who raised the price of articles during the present crisis, and
      to require the county committees to publish the name of those who would
      not conform to their regulations. The convention finished by choosing the
      delegates who were to represent them in congress.
    </p>
    <p>
      This congress met, as appointed, at Philadelphia, on the 4th of September.
      On their meeting, all the provinces from Massachusets to South Carolina,
      with the single exception of North Carolina, were found to be represented,
      and even delegates from that province arrived on a later day. The
      delegates met on the following day at Carpenters'-hall, chose Payton
      Randolph president, and organised themselves into a deliberate assembly.
      At the commencement, although there were several delegates from some of
      the provinces, it was agreed that each state should have only one distinct
      vote. They then proceeded to business. At first they agreed upon a
      declaration of rights to which they were entitled, they said, by the laws
      of nature, the principles of the British constitution, and their several
      charters. Their next step was to concoct a non-importation,
      non-consumption, and non-exportation association, which was not to be
      infringed by any American citizen. This was followed by a series of solemn
      addresses; one to the king, expressing loyalty and affection; one to the
      people of Great Britain, showing how barbarously and tyrannically they had
      been treated by a corrupt administration, etc.; and one to the French
      people of Quebec, inviting them to make common cause with them, and urging
      them to take up arms against the English, who had only recently conquered
      Canada. Their province was only wanting, they said, to complete the bright
      and strong chain of union! The congress also sent letters to the colonists
      of Georgia, East and West Florida, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland,
      exhorting them to shake off their dependence on their mother country, and
      to join them in their contest. They also sent a remonstrance to General
      Gage, against his military proceedings, which bore, they said, a hostile
      appearance unwarranted by the tyrannical acts of parliament: forgetting
      that it was the conduct of the Bostonians alone which induced him to take
      these steps. Finally, the congress resolved that if any attempts were made
      to seize any American, in order to transport him beyond sea for trial of
      offences committed in America, resistance and reprisals should be made:
      then, having agreed that another general congress should be held on the
      10th of May next, they dissolved themselves; i. e. on the 28th of October.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been seen that General Gage had issued writs calling the assembly
      to meet at Salem on the 5th of October. Before that day arrived, he
      thought it expedient to countermand the writs by proclamation, and to
      discharge such members as were already returned. This proclamation,
      however, was not heeded. Ninety members met on the day appointed, and
      though the governor was not there to open the session, or any one deputed
      by him to administer the oaths, they appointed a committee to consider the
      proclamation, and resolved themselves, with others who might afterwards
      join them, into a provincial congress. Having chosen Mr. John Hancock, the
      owner of the Liberty sloop, and a great merchant in the contraband line,
      to be their president, they adjourned to the town of Concord, about
      twenty-live miles distant from Boston Here their first business was to
      appoint a committee to wait upon Governor Gage with a remonstrance, in
      which they vindicated their meeting by a reference to the distracted state
      of the province, and called upon him, for the honour of the king and the
      public peace, to desist from the construction of fortifications against
      the town of Boston. The governor indignantly replied, "That the lives,
      liberty, and property of none but avowed enemies could be endangered by
      the troops of Great Britain, who had shown no disposition for hostilities,
      though they might be expected to feel resentment at the exertions employed
      to deprive them even of the necessaries of life." He also reminded this
      self-constituted provincial congress that while they affected to complain
      of alterations made in their charter by acts of parliament, their very
      meeting was in direct violation of their own constitution; and, finally,
      he exhorted them to desist from all illegal proceedings. The governor's
      exhortation was, however, unheeded. On receiving his reply, they adjourned
      to Cambridge, where they appointed a committee to draw up a plan for the
      military defence of the province. They likewise settled all matters
      relating to the militia; arranged means for the collection of arms;
      provided for the receipt of taxes; appointed committees for these
      different purposes; named Jedediah Pribble and Artemas Ward, who had seen
      some service in the war with the French and Canadians, to be their
      generals; and even deliberated upon the precise period for opposing or
      attacking the king's troops. Emissaries were also sent by them to Rhode
      Island, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, to request them to prepare their
      respective quotas, so as to make up an army of 20,000 men, and a committee
      was appointed to correspond with the Protestants of Canada, and especially
      those of the Presbyterian persuasion. Finally, they addressed a circular
      letter to all the dissenting ministers in New England, exhorting them to
      assist in averting the slavery with which the country was threatened, and
      appointed a day of public thanksgiving for the happy union which existed
      throughout the colonies. Having done all this, early in December the
      provincial congress of Massachusets prorogued themselves, appointing a new
      meeting in the ensuing month of February.
    </p>
    <p>
      This conduct naturally excited the indignation of the governor, and he
      issued a proclamation forbidding the people to pay any obedience to these
      seditious resolutions. But proclamations now sounded in the ears of the
      people of Massachuset's Bay as idle words, and the resolutions were
      strictly obeyed. The same disregard to the mandates of government was also
      shown in other colonies. The king had issued a proclamation strictly
      prohibiting the exportation of warlike stores to America; and as soon as
      this became known in the colonies, the people of Rhode Island seized upon
      forty pieces of cannon belonging to the crown, which had been mounted on
      batteries for the defence of the harbour, and carried them off, while
      those of New Hampshire surprised a small fort, called "William and Mary,"
      and carried off the ordnance, gunpowder, and other military stores. Mills,
      moreover, were erected for making gunpowder, and manufactories for making
      arms. Every thing, in fact, indicated that a fierce and bitter struggle
      was about to commence between America and the mother country. The train
      was laid, and the application of the match only was wanting to effect a
      fearful conflagration.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1773-1775
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of September, although parliament had more than a year to
      complete its septennial term, it was dissolved by proclamation, and writs
      issued for a new one. This step was taken, it would appear, chiefly that
      the sense of the nation might be known more fully concerning the affairs
      of America. This was found to be decidedly hostile to the late proceedings
      of the Americans. Loyalty, indeed, had increased at home in proportion as
      it had decreased in the colonies. All classes united in the opinion that
      the king, parliament, and country had been grossly insulted by the
      Americans, and that they deserved chastisement. Hence the general
      election, which took place in October, resulted greatly in favour of
      ministers. Some few places, it is true, proposed tests to the candidates,
      including pledges to stop hostilities with America, but the great majority
      were in favour of coercive measures if the Americans did not lay down
      their arms of rebellion. In this election Wilkes and Glynn were elected
      for Middlesex, so that this popular idol once more found a seat in
      parliament. He took his seat more proudly than ever, for he was this year
      also elected lord mayor of London: a high dignity for a man whose chief
      merits were those of agitation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament met on the 29th of November when the king signified his
      pleasure that the commons should elect a speaker to be presented on the
      next day for his approbation. Sir Fletcher Norton was unanimously
      re-elected, and on the following day his majesty opened the session with a
      speech in the usual form. The leading topic in this speech was the
      rebellious spirit displayed in America. His Majesty remarked: "It gives me
      much concern that I am obliged at the opening of this parliament, to
      inform you that a most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience to the
      law still unhappily prevails in the province of Massachusets Bay, and has,
      in divers parts of it, broke forth in fresh violences of a very criminal
      nature. These proceedings have been countenanced and encouraged in others
      of my colonies, and unwarrantable attempts have been made to obstruct the
      commerce of this country by unlawful combinations. I have taken such
      measures and given such orders as I judged most proper and effectual for
      carrying into execution the laws which were passed in the last session of
      the late parliament, for the protection and security of the commerce of my
      subjects, and for the restoring and preserving peace, order, and good
      government in the province of Massachusets Bay; and you may depend upon my
      firm and steadfast resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or
      impair the supreme authority of this legislature over all the dominions of
      my crown: the maintenance of which I consider as essential to the dignity,
      the safety, and the welfare of the British empire; assuring myself that,
      while I act upon these principles, I shall never fail to receive your
      assistance and support." In conclusion, his majesty recommended both
      houses to proceed with temper and unanimity in their resolutions, in order
      that his subjects in every part of his dominions might be taught by their
      example to preserve a due reverence for the laws, and a just sense of the
      blessings of the British constitution.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the debate on the address in the commons, an amendment was proposed on
      the part of the opposition, to the effect that his majesty would be
      pleased to communicate the whole intelligence received from America, and
      to lay all letters, orders, and instructions relating to the late
      transactions before parliament. This was opposed by Lord North, who argued
      that it was not a proper time for entering into a discussion on the
      subject, since matters were in a state of suspense, He said that a
      reconcilliation was highly desirable, but as no terms of concession had
      been made by the Americans, it could not be expected that England would
      offer terms of submission. On the opposition benches the conduct of the
      late parliament in passing the American acts was severely censured, and
      the prime-minister was taunted with the failure of those acts from which
      he had augured such great and beneficial effects. The amendment, however,
      was negatived by a majority of 264 against 73, and the original address
      carried. Opposition shared the same fate in the lords. The Duke of
      Richmond moved an amendment similar to that in the commons, and a hot
      debate took place in consequence, but it was lost by a majority of 63
      against 13. Nine of the minority entered a strong protest against the
      address&mdash;the first ever made upon an address&mdash;which concluded
      with these words: "Whatever may be the mischievous designs or the
      inconsiderate temerity, which leads others to this desperate course, we
      wish to be known as persons who have ever disapproved of measures so
      pernicious in their past effects and their future tendency; and who are
      not in haste, without inquiry or information, to commit ourselves in
      declarations which may precipitate our country into all the calamities of
      a civil war."
    </p>
    <p>
      It might have been expected that ministers, having apparently made up
      their minds to pursue coercive measures, would have prepared to meet the
      alternative of war with an efficient force. Ministers, however, seem to
      have been as impotent in execution as they were magnanimous in resolve.
      Instead of increasing the forces, they left the estimates to be entirely
      formed upon a peace establishment: continuing the army as it was and
      actually reducing the navy by 4000 men; leaving only 16,000 for the
      service of the ensuing year. The country felt a difficulty in reconciling
      this conduct of the ministers with the speech from the throne, and
      vehement debates took place in both houses on the subject. Lord Sandwich,
      however, asserted that our navy establishment, small as it was, would be
      sufficient to reduce the colonies to obedience, as the power, courage, and
      discipline of the Americans were by no means so formidable as had been
      represented, and as was generally supposed. Their very numbers, he said,
      would only add to the facility of their defeat when brought into action.
      Beyond this, the commons did little more before the Christmas recess than
      receive petitions which had been got up by Franklin and his agents in the
      North, and counter petitions which were concocted through the agency of
      Adam Smith, Dr. Roebuck, and others who seem to have been set to work by
      ministers, although they pretended some surprise when they were presented.
      In the house of lords, in the meantime, one important resolution had
      passed on the motion of the Duke of Manchester. This was to admit not only
      the members of the house of commons, but also other strangers, to hear the
      debates of the upper house. This put an end to a bitter contention which
      had existed between the lords and commons for four years.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1775-1776
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Debates on America..... Pacific Measure of Lord North.....
     Burke's Plan of Conciliation..... Close of the Session.....
     Petition of the City of London..... Departure of
     Franklin..... Proceedings of the  Americans..... Expedition
     to seize Stores at Salem..... Affair at Lexington, etc......
     Meeting of the Assemblies and General Congress..... Battle
     of Bunker's Hill..... General Washington..... Expedition
     against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, etc,..... Expedition
     against Canada..... Disposition and Revolt of the
     Virginians..... Conduct of Congress towards New York,
     etc...... Proceedings in England..... Prosecution and Trial
     of Home Tooke, etc...... Meeting-of Parliament..... Changes
     in the  Ministry..... The Militia Bill..... The Navy and
     Land  Estimates..... Petition of Nova Scotia..... Petition
     of Congress..... Motions of the Duke of Grafton..... The
     Land-tax increased..... Burke's  Second Conciliatory
     Motion..... Lord   North's Prohibitory bill.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1775
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the Christmas recess, ministers had received more alarming
      intelligence from America, coming down to the seizure of Fort William and
      Mary by the people of New Hampshire, as previously recorded. When
      parliament again met, therefore, which was on the 20th of January, the
      affairs of America became the prominent subject of discussion. Before that
      day it had been concerted between the Earl of Chatham and his friends that
      he should make one of his grand displays on the subject in the house of
      lords. After the minister had laid some important documents respecting the
      state of the colonies before the house, Chatham accordingly rose. He
      commenced by condemning all that the ministers had done, and by reproving
      them for their tardiness in communicating the American papers. He then
      congratulated their lordships upon the fact that the business was at last
      entered upon, by the noble lords laying these papers before them, and
      expressing a supposition that their contents were well known, he next made
      this motion: "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to
      desire and beseech that, in order to open the way towards a happy
      settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay
      ferments and soften animosities there; and, above all, for preventing, in
      the mean time, any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering
      under the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their
      town; it may graciously please his majesty that immediate orders be
      dispatched to General Gage, for removing his majesty's forces from the
      town of Boston, as soon as the rigour of the season and other
      circumstances indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said
      troops may render the same practicable." In continuation, Chatham
      proceeded to discuss the whole question: a question which, he said,
      demanded instant attention, as an hour lost might produce years of
      calamity. He remarked: "I will not desert for a single moment the conduct
      of this weighty business; unless nailed to my bed by extremity of
      sickness, I will give it my unremitted attention. I will knock at the door
      of this sleeping and confounded ministry, and will rouse them to a sense
      of their impending danger. When I state the importance of the colonies,
      and the magnitude of the danger hanging over this country from the present
      plan of mis-administration practised against them, I desire not to be
      understood to argue for a reciprocity of indulgence between England and
      America. I contend not for indulgence but justice to America; and I shall
      ever contend, that the Americans justly owe obedience to us in a limited
      degree; they owe obedience to our ordinances of trade and navigation. But
      let the line be skilfully drawn between the objects of those ordinances
      and their private internal property; let the sacredness of their property
      remain inviolate; let it be taxed only by their own consent, given in
      their provincial assemblies, else it will cease to be property. As to the
      metaphysical refinements, attempting to show that the Americans are
      equally free from obedience and commercial restraints as from taxation of
      revenue, being unrepresented here, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and
      groundless. Resistance to your acts was necessary as it was just; and your
      vain declaration of the omnipotence of parliament, and your imperious
      doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be found equally impotent
      to convince or enslave your fellow-subjects in America, who feel that
      tyranny, whether ambitioned by an individual part, of the legislature or
      by the bodies who compose it, is equally intolerable to British subjects."
      Chatham next drew a startling yet not unfaithful picture of the army of
      General Gage, which he represented as placed in a dangerous position, as
      being penned up and pining in inglorious inactivity, and as being alike an
      army of impotence and contempt, as well as of irritation and vexation. He
      then proceeded to declare that activity would be even worse than this
      inglorious inactivity, and that the first drop of blood shed in this civil
      and unnatural war would produce an incurable wound. Chatham next, by a
      strange infatuation, extolled the congress of Philadelphia for its
      decency, firmness, and wisdom, and even maintained that it was more wise
      than the assemblies of ancient Greece! He remarked:&mdash;"I must declare
      and avow, that in all my reading&mdash;and it has been my favourite study,
      and I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master-states
      of the world&mdash;for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and
      wisdom of conclusion, under such a complication of difficult
      circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the
      general congress at Philadelphia!" If Chatham did not take this view of
      the proceedings of the congress of Philadelphia out of sheer opposition to
      the existing administration, which it was his pleasure always to gall and
      oppose, then he must have been miserably blinded by the half-speaking
      papers, which no man in his senses could misinterpret, and which that
      congress had issued. Having passed this strange eulogium on that body,
      Chatham next called upon ministers to retract now that they might do it
      with a good grace, and asserted that they had derived their information
      from wrong sources, from selfish merchants, packers, and factors, and such
      servile classes of Americans, whose strength and stamina were not worthy
      to be compared with the cultivators of the land, in whose simplicity of
      life was to be found the simpleness of virtue, and the integrity of
      courage and freedom. He continued: "These true genuine sons of the earth
      are invincible. They surround and hem in the mercantile bodies, and if it
      were proposed to desert the cause of liberty, they would virtuously
      exclaim, 'If trade and slavery are companions, we quit trade; let trade
      and slavery seek other shores; they are not for us!' This resistance to
      your arbitrary taxation might have been foreseen: it was obvious from the
      nature of things and of mankind; but above all, from the Whiggish spirit
      flourishing in that country. The spirit which now resists your taxation in
      America, is the same which formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and
      ship-money in England: the same spirit which called all England on its
      legs, and by the Bill of Rights vindicated the constitution; the same
      principle which established the great fundamental and essential maxim of
      our liberties, that no subject of England shall be taxed but by his own
      consent. This glorious spirit of whiggism animates three millions in
      America, who prefer poverty with liberty, to gilded chains and sordid
      affluence, and who will die in defence of their rights as men&mdash;as
      freemen." Chatham enlarged greatly upon this glorious spirit of Whiggism
      displayed on both sides of the Atlantic, asserting that it would finally
      compel the ministers not only to abandon their present measures and
      principles, however many noses they might count on a division, but to hide
      their heads in shame. He continued: "They cannot my lords, they cannot
      stir a step; they have not a move left; they are check-mated. It is not
      repealing this or that act of parliament&mdash;it is not repealing a piece
      of parchment&mdash;that can restore America to our bosom; you must repeal
      her fears and her resentments, and you may then hope for her love and
      gratitude. But now, insulted by an armed force at Boston, irritated by a
      hostile array before her eyes, her concessions, if they could be forced,
      would be suspicious and insecure; they will be <i>irato animo</i>, not
      sound honourable factions of freemen, but dictates of fear and extortions
      of force. It is, however, more than evident, you cannot force them,
      principled and united as they are, to your unworthy terms of submission.
      It is impossible." Having been pathetic on General Gage in one part of his
      speech, Chatham now was witty upon him, comparing him with the great
      General Condé, who upon being asked why he did not capture his adversary
      Turenne, replied, that he was afraid Turenne would take him. Chatham then
      contended that nothing was left but to withdraw the troops from Boston,
      and to repeal all the acts of parliament. This, he imagined, might satisfy
      the Americans, and have the effect of binding them to an acknowledgment of
      our sovereignty, and our rights to regulate their navigation and commerce.
      Concessions, he said, must be made at some time or other, and they had
      better be made now, when they might do it as became their dignity. He
      concluded his speech thus:&mdash;"Every danger impends to deter you from
      perseverance in the present ruinous measures. Foreign war is hanging over
      your heads by a slight and brittle thread. France and Spain are watching
      your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors. If ministers
      thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the king, I will not say they
      can alienate the affections of his subjects from the crown; but I will
      affirm, that they make the crown not worth his wearing; I will not say the
      king is betrayed, but I will pronounce the kingdom undone." Chatham's
      motion was supported by the Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Rockingham,
      the Earl of Shelburne, and Lord Camden, who were, however, not fully
      agreed as to the propriety of recalling the troops, and who seem to have
      considered that proper concessions had not been made by the people of
      Boston, and that concessions made on the part of the British government on
      previous occasions had been misinterpreted in America, and had told to our
      disadvantage. On the other hand, the motion was opposed by the Earls of
      Suffolk, Rochford, and Gower, Viscounts Weymouth and Townshend, and Lord
      Lyttleton, who defended the recent acts of parliament, vindicated the
      legislative supremacy of parliament, and controverted the eulogy passed on
      the American congress, maintaining rightly that its acts and resolutions
      savoured strongly of a rebellious spirit. In the course of their arguments
      it was said that all conciliating means had proved ineffectual, or had
      only tended to increase the disorders; that if we gave way now from
      notions of present advantages in trade and commerce, such a yielding would
      defeat its own object, as the Navigation Act, and all other acts
      regulating trade, would inevitably fall victims to the interested and
      ambitious views of the colonists. This was a cogent argument, and Chatham
      rose to reply to it. He remarked, "If the noble lord should prove correct
      in suggesting that the views of the Americans are ultimately directed to
      abrogate the Act of Navigation and the other regulating acts, so wisely
      calculated to promote a reciprocity of interests, and to advance the
      grandeur and prosperity of the whole empire, no person present, however
      zealous, would be readier than myself to resist and crush their
      endeavours; but to arrive at any certain knowledge of the real sentiments
      of the Americans, it would first be proper to do them justice&mdash;to
      treat them like subjects before we condemn them as aliens and traitors."
      Chatham then went over some of his previous arguments, especially
      contending that the right of taxing-was not included in legislation, and
      that sovereignty and supremacy did not imply that we could touch the money
      of the Americans, except by measures of trade and commerce. The motion was
      negatived by a majority of 68 against 18.
    </p>
    <p>
      In submitting this motion to the house, the Earl of Chatham said that he
      had prepared a plan for healing all differences between England and
      America! This plan he afterwards submitted to Franklin, with whom he had
      recently much communication, and on Wednesday, the 1st of February, he
      submitted it to the house. He called it "A Provisional Bill for settling
      the Troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme legislative
      Authority and superintending Power of Great Britain over the Colonies." In
      the speech made on this occasion, lie said, he offered this bill as a
      basis of measures for averting the dangers which threatened the British
      empire, and expressed a hope that it would obtain the approbation of both
      sides of the house. In stating the urgent necessity of such a measure, he
      represented England and America as drawn up in martial array, waiting for
      the signal to engage in a contest, in which it was little matter for whom
      victory declared, as the ruin of both parties was certain. He stood forth,
      he said, from a principle of duty and affection, to act as a mediator. In
      doing so, he represented that he would hold the scales of justice
      even-handed. He remarked, "No regard for popularity, no predilection for
      his country, not the high esteem he entertained for America on the one
      hand, nor the unalterable steady regard he entertained for the dignity of
      Great Britain on the other, should at all influence his conduct; for
      though he loved the Americans as men prizing and setting the just value on
      that inestimable blessing, liberty, yet if he could once bring himself to
      believe that they entertained the most distant intentions of throwing off
      the legislative supremacy and great constitutional superintending power
      and control of the British legislature, he should be the very person
      himself who would be the first and most zealous mover for securing and
      enforcing that power by every possible exertion this country was capable
      of making." Chatham concluded by entreating the house to revise and
      correct the bill, and to reduce it to that form which was suited to the
      dignity and importance of the subject; and by declaring that he was
      actuated by no narrow principle or personal consideration, for though his
      bill might be looked upon as one of concession, it was likewise one of
      assertion. The bill which Chatham proposed was briefly to the following
      effect: That the parliament of Great Britain had full power to bind
      America in all matters touching the weal of the whole dominion of the
      crown of Great Britain, and especially in making laws for the regulation
      of navigation and trade throughout the complicated system of British
      commerce, etc.; that it should be declared that no military force could
      ever be lawfully employed to destroy the best rights of the people, while
      at the same time the authority of sending troops to the colonies of the
      British dominions should be maintained, independent of the voice of the
      provincial assemblies in the colonies; that no taxes for his majesty's
      revenue should be levied in America without consent of the provincial
      assemblies; that the congress of Philadelphia should be legalized and
      empowered to meet again on the 9th of May ensuing, for the purpose of
      making due recognition of the supreme legislative authority and
      superintending power over the colonies, and of voting a free grant to the
      crown of a certain perpetual revenue, etc.; that the prayer of the
      petition of congress should then be granted, and that the powers of
      admiralty and vice-admiralty courts in America should be confined to their
      ancient limits, and the trial by jury in civil cases should be restored
      wherever they had been abolished, etc.; that all the recent acts of
      parliament which had been the cause of the agitation in America should be
      forthwith suspended; and that, in order to secure due and impartial
      administration in the colonies, his majesty's judges in the courts of law,
      who were appointed in America by the crown with salaries, should hold
      their offices and salaries in the same manner as his majesty's judges in
      England; <i>quamdiu se benè gesserint</i>. The bill which Chatham
      introduced concluded thus: "And it is here by further declared that the
      colonies in America are justly entitled to the privileges, franchises, and
      immunities granted by their several charters or constitutions; and that
      the said charters or constitutions ought not to be invaded or resumed,
      unless for misuser, or some legal ground of forfeiture. So shall a true
      reconcilement avert impending calamities, and this most solemn national
      accord between Great Britain and her colonies stand an everlasting
      monument clemency and magnanimity in the benignant father of his people;
      of wisdom and moderation in this great nation, famed for humanity as for
      valour; and of fidelity and grateful affection from brave and loyal
      colonies to their parent kingdom, which will ever protect and cherish
      them."
    </p>
    <p>
      There is full evidence that Chatham, in bringing such a bill as this
      before the house&mdash;a bill which was rather theoretical than practical&mdash;did
      not expect that it would be adopted. In a consultation over the bill
      between himself and Franklin, after certain suggestions made by the
      philosopher, none of which were adopted, he said that there was not time
      to make alterations and another fair copy; that neither of them expected
      it would be adopted; and that it might be afterwards amended. On the part
      of Franklin, no desire seems to have existed in his mind for its adoption.
      What he chiefly wanted, was another brilliant speech from the veteran
      statesman, that government might be further embarrassed, and the
      resistance of the colonies further stimulated. This appears to have
      escaped the penetration of Chatham. Sincere himself in the matter, he
      thought Franklin also sincere: otherwise there can be no doubt that he
      would have spurned him from his door. Franklin, in truth, took care to
      throw dust in the eye of Chatham. At a previous interview, he assured him
      that he had never heard any person, drunk or sober, express a wish for the
      disseveration of the two countries, or hint that such a thing would be
      advantageous to America. This he expressly states in a letter to his son,
      so that he stands condemned by his own hand-writing of the most gross
      duplicity for ulterior purposes. It is pitiable to see a mind so highly
      gifted as was that of Franklin stoop so low in a matter of such momentous
      consequences The eyes of all America were turned towards him as their
      champion in England, and had he been so inclined there is little doubt but
      he could have procured great and lasting benefits to his country without
      the shedding one drop of precious blood. But his single aim was the
      dismemberment of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the conclusion of Chatham's speech, the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary of
      state for America, moved that the bill should lie on the table, till the
      papers referred to the house by his majesty should have been taken into
      consideration. On the other hand, the Earl of Sandwich moved that the bill
      should be at once rejected with the contempt it deserved. He could not, he
      said, believe it was the production of a British peer. It appeared to him
      the work of an American, and seeing Franklin leaning on the bar of the
      house, he pointed him out as its author, and as one of the bitterest and
      most mischievous enemies this country had ever known. To make any
      concession at this moment, he said, would be an abandonment of the whole
      cause of government, since the one grand aim of the Americans was absolute
      independence. At this very time, he asserted they were courting the trade
      of other nations, and he stated that he had letters in his pocket to prove
      that ships were being-laden at some European ports with East India produce
      and European commodities for America. Lord Sandwich was supported by Earls
      Gower and Hillsborough, and the Duke of Grafton, the latter of whom
      denounced the way in which the bill had been hurried into the house, as
      irregular and unparliamentary. The bill was supported by the Duke of
      Richmond, the Earl of Shelburne, and Lord Camden, who analysed the laws
      proposed to be repealed with great severity, and pointed out the evils of
      foreign interference, and the danger of famine at home, from the
      discontinuance of supplies from America. Another party in the house,
      consisting of the Duke of Manchester, Earl Temple, and Lord Lyttleton,
      were for taking a more moderate course, that is, not to reject the bill
      thus summarily, on consideration of the exalted character of its proposer.
      An angry debate followed, in the course of which one noble lord mentioned
      with applause the candid proposal of a member of the administration for
      the bill to lie on the table. But this had the contrary effect to that
      which the noble lord intended. Lord Dartmouth instantly rose and said that
      he had altered his opinion, and that he could not accept praise offered to
      him for candour of which he was now ashamed. The Earl of Chatham rose to
      defend both himself and his bill from the numerous attacks which had been
      made in the course of the debate. He commenced by avowing that the bill
      was the offspring of his own creation, though he had sought the advice of
      Franklin. He then attacked his quondam colleague in office, the Duke of
      Grafton, with severity, and inveighed against the whole administration in
      the most bitter terms. He remarked:&mdash;"The noble duke is extremely
      angry with me that I did not previously consult him on the bringing in of
      the present bill. I would ask the noble lord, does he consult me? or do I
      desire to be previously told of any motion he thinks fit to propose to
      this house? His grace seems to be much offended at the manner this bill
      has been hurried. I am certain he could not be serious, if he gave himself
      a minute to consider how the case really stands. Here we are told that
      America is in a state of rebellion, and we are now got to the 1st of
      February, and no one step is taken to crush this rebellion: yet such being
      the case I am charged with hurrying matters; but whether my conduct may be
      more justly charged with hurrying this business into, or his grace with
      hurrying it out of the house, I believe requires no great depth of
      penetration to discover. As to the other general objections, I presume it
      will be recollected that the last day I submitted the proposition about
      withdrawing the troops, I then gave notice that I would present in a few
      days a plan of general reconciliation. Eleven days have since elapsed and
      nothing has been offered by the king's servants. Under such circumstances
      of emergency on one side, when, perhaps, a single day may determine the
      fate of this great empire, and such a shameful negligence, total inaction,
      and want of ability on the other, what was to be done? No other
      alternative, in my opinion, remained, but either to abandon the interests
      of my country, and relinquish my duty, or to propose some plan, when
      ministers by their inaction and silence owned themselves incapable of
      proposing any. But even now let them speak out and tell me that they have
      a plan to lay before us, and I will give them an example of candour they
      are by no means deserving, by instantly withdrawing the present bill. The
      indecent attempt to stifle this measure in embryo may promise consequences
      the very reverse of what I am certain will be the case. The friends of the
      present motion may flatter themselves that the contents of the bill will
      sink into silence and be forgotten; but I believe they will find the
      contrary. This bill, though rejected here, will make its way to the
      public, to the nation, to the remotest wilds of America: it will in such a
      course undergo a deal of cool observation and investigation, and whatever
      its merits or demerits may be, it will rise or fall by them alone; it
      will, I trust, remain a monument of my poor endeavours to serve my
      country, and however faulty or defective, will at least manifest how
      zealous I have been to avert the impending storms which seem ready to
      burst on it, and for ever overwhelm it in ruin. Yet, when I consider the
      whole case as it lies before me, I am not much astonished, I am not much
      surprised, that men who hate liberty should detest those who prize it, or
      that those who want virtue themselves should endeavour to persecute those
      who possess it. Were I disposed to pursue this theme to the extent that
      truth would fully bear me out in, I could demonstrate that the whole of
      your political conduct has been one continued series of weakness,
      temerity, despotism, ignorance, futility, negligence, and the most
      notorious servility, incapacity, and corruption. On reconsideration I must
      allow you one merit, a strict attention to your own interests&mdash;in
      that view you appear sound statesmen and able politicians. You well know
      that if the present measure should prevail, that you must instantly
      relinquish your places. I doubt much whether you will be able to keep them
      on any terms; but sure I am such are your well-known characters and
      abilities, that any plan of reconciliation, however moderate, wise, and
      feasible, must fail in your hands. Such, then, being your precarious
      situation, who could wonder that you should put a negative on any measure
      which must annihilate your power, deprive you of your emoluments, and at
      once reduce you to that state of insignificance for which God and nature
      designed you." Earls Gower and Hillsborough reprobated this severe
      language of Chatham, as calculated to inflame the public mind both here
      and in the colonies, and questioned if the noble lord would not, on some
      future day, if his age permitted, give another of the many proofs of his
      versatility, by acting with the ministers he condemned, and patronising
      the measures he now censured. Upon a division, the bill was rejected by a
      majority of sixty-one against thirty-two. Its rejection proved a fine
      theme out of doors for those adverse to the ministry. A vote of thanks was
      passed by the corporation of the city of London to Chatham, for his humane
      design; and Franklin enlarged upon the folly and madness of the ministers
      in rejecting it, although he had not expressed his approbation of it even
      to Chatham himself. He obtained, however, by its introduction what he most
      wanted&mdash;namely, a subject by means of which he could widen the breach
      between America and the "dear old mother country."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime debates had taken place in the commons upon various
      petitions presented to the house, and especially upon one presented from
      Franklin, Bolland, and Lee, who prayed to be examined at the bar in
      support of the demands made by the general congress at Philadelphia. A
      motion, that this petition should be brought up, was negatived, on the
      ground that it would have the appearance of sanctioning the proceedings of
      the congress.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of February, Lord North, in the commons, in a committee of the
      whole house, moved for an address of thanks to the king for the
      communication of the papers. In introducing this motion Lord North
      intimated that a large military force was to be sent to America, and that
      the foreign commerce of New England and their fishing on the banks of
      Newfoundland were to be effectually stopped, until they should return to
      their duty. Fox moved an amendment, censuring ministers for having rather
      inflamed than healed differences, and praying for their removal. In doing
      so he descanted largely on the injustice of the motion for an address;
      predicting defeat in America and ruin at home. The amendment was negatived
      by a large majority, and, on a second division, the motion for an address
      was carried. It was reported on the 6th of February, when there was
      another warm debate, in which Wilkes, whose conduct on this subject was
      steady and consistent, took part. He remarked:&mdash;"Who can tell
      whether, in consequence of this day's violent and mad address, the
      scabbard may not be thrown away by the Americans, as well as by us; and
      should success attend them, whether, in a few years, they may not
      celebrate the glorious era of the revolution of 1775, as we do that of
      1608? Success crowned the generous efforts of our forefathers for freedom,
      else they had died on the scaffold as traitors and rebels; and the period
      of our history which does us most honour would have been deemed a
      rebellion against lawful authority&mdash;not a resistance sanctioned by
      all the laws of God and man, and the expulsion of a tyrant." There is much
      truth in these observations; but in reply it was observed, that the
      present crisis had been produced as much by a zeal for their cause and a
      seditious spirit at home, as by the restless spirit of the colonists
      themselves; and that, while the proceedings of the Americans evidently
      tended to independence, and a future age might perhaps see them
      successful, it was the duty of all to unite in preventing the evil day
      from arriving at that period, and affixing an indelible stain on that age.
      At the commencement of this debate Lord John Cavendish had moved, that the
      address should be recommitted, but it was in the end negatived by two
      hundred and eighty-eight to one hundred and five.
    </p>
    <p>
      A conference between the two houses on the address was held on the 7th of
      February, after which Lord Dartmouth moved, that the lords should concur
      in it; and on this motion the previous question was demanded. Another warm
      debate ensued. Lord Mansfield first rose, and, in a long and argumentative
      speech, he combated the arguments of those who maintained that the
      Americans were merely contending for exemption from taxation. He next
      minutely analysed the declarations of congress, and the acts of parliament
      of which they complained; in the course of which he insisted, that to
      annul any laws, except the acts of taxation, would be a renunciation of
      sovereignty. As a lawyer, he declared, from the documents before the
      house, that the Americans were already in a state of rebellion; and he
      condemned the taxes imposed in the year 1767, as the origin of the ferment
      in the colonies, and as tending to injure British commerce, inasmuch as
      they had furnished the colonists with a temptation to smuggle. On the
      other hand, Lord Camden, as a lawyer, denied that the Americans were in a
      state of rebellion, and drew sundry nice distinctions between actual
      treason and constructive treason. He also disclaimed all participation in
      the law for taxing America, as he had not been consulted on the subject.
      The Duke of Grafton complained of both these lords, and accused Camden of
      meanness and shuffling, in endeavouring to screen himself by accusing
      others; reminding him, that at the time the act was passed, he was
      lord-chancellor, and had signified the royal approbation of the act in his
      official capacity. Lord Lyttleton seconded the blow given to the
      ex-chancellor by his quondam colleague; but Lord Shelburne acquitted both
      Camden and the Duke of Grafton of approving the cabinet scheme for taxing
      America, and expressed a hope that public retribution would soon fall upon
      the author of the present despotic measures. The Duke of Richmond
      endeavoured to show that Lord Mansfield was its foster-parent; and a scene
      of mutual recrimination took place between them, in which other noble
      lords took an active part. Each one strove to lay the blame upon the
      shoulders of their opponents&mdash;all feeling that a blunder had been
      committed, which was likely to lead to the most disastrous consequences.
      This stormy altercation, however, terminated by the house agreeing to the
      address of the commons by a majority of nearly four to one. The king's
      reply to the address was accompanied by a message to the commons,
      recommending an augmentation to the forces by sea and land; and, in
      consequence of this message, 2000 additional seamen and 4,400 soldiers
      were voted&mdash;an increase altogether inadequate to meet the
      contingency; especially as France was at this moment increasing her
      fleets, and getting many line-of-battle ships ready for sea, which many
      members justly looked upon with suspicion.
    </p>
    <p>
      In pursuance of his plan, on the 10th of February, Lord North moved for
      leave to bring in his bill for cutting off the commerce of New England and
      their profitable fishery&mdash;excepting such persons as should procure
      from their governors certificates of good and loyal conduct, and who
      should subscribe a test, acknowledging the supremacy of the British
      Parliament. This bill was warmly opposed in both houses, on the grounds of
      confounding the innocent with the guilty&mdash;of destroying a trade which
      perhaps could never be recovered&mdash;and of cruelly starving whole
      provinces, and thus irritating the Americans to withhold debts due to the
      British merchants. In support of the bill it was argued, that as the
      Americans had resolved not to trade with England, it was but fair to
      prevent their trading with other countries; that as they had entered into
      associations to ruin British merchants, impoverish British manufacturers,
      and starve our West India islands, it was a justifiable act of retaliation
      to return their mischiefs upon their own heads; and that, if any foreign
      power had only offered a tithe part of the insults and injuries we had
      received from our colonists, the whole nation would have been aroused to
      advocate revenge, and the minister who would not have responded to the
      demand would have been inevitably ruined. The charge of cruelty was
      denied, and the bill asserted to be one of humanity and mercy as well as
      of coercion. The colonists had incurred the penalties of rebellion, and
      had, therefore, rendered themselves liable to military execution; but
      instead of proceeding to such extremities, government only proposed to
      bring them back to a sense of duty, by a restriction on their trade&mdash;that
      is, they were to be kept without food instead of undergoing corporeal
      punishment. It was stated, moreover, that they had too long imposed upon
      us with their threats of depriving us of their trade, hoping thereby to
      bend the legislature to a compliance with all their demands, until they
      had completed their plans for asserting their independence. As for
      American courage and resources, they were considered by the ministers and
      their supporters in both houses to be unequal to the task of contending
      with those of England. It was even wished by Lord Sandwich that the
      Americans could produce four times the number of forces it was stated they
      could bring into the field; he contending, that the greater the numbers
      the easier would be the conquest. He even gravely predicted, that if they
      did not run away, they would starve themselves into compliance with the
      measures of government, Taking these views of the matter, which were
      manifestly erroneous, the bill was sanctioned by large majorities. Another
      bill also passed very soon after it, laying similar restraints on the
      colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South
      Carolina, for the hostilities they had exhibited in their sympathy with
      the people of New England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PACIFIC MEASURE OF LORD NORTH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having adopted such measures as the above, it could hardly be expected
      that Lord North would lower his tone. Yet, to the surprise of all parties,
      and even of many of his own adherents, Lord North, in a committee of the
      whole house, moved the following resolution:&mdash;"That when the
      governor, council, and assembly, or general court of any of his majesty's
      provinces or colonies, shall propose to make provision for contributing
      their proportion to the common defence, such proportion to be raised under
      the authority of the general court, or general assembly of such province
      or colony, and disposable by parliament; and shall engage to make
      provision also for the support of the civil government and administration
      of justice in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal
      shall be approved by his majesty in parliament, and for so long as such
      provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such
      province or colony, to levy any duties, tax, or assessment, or to impose
      any further duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be
      expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce&mdash;the net produce
      of which duties last mentioned shall be carried to the account of such
      province, colony, or plantation exclusively." Lord North endeavoured to
      show that this resolution arose out of the following passage in the
      address:&mdash;"And whenever any of the colonies shall make a proper
      application to us, we shall be ready to afford them every just and
      reasonable indulgence." The terms of the resolution, he said, being such
      as in the hour of victory would be good and just, would afford a test as
      to the pretensions of the Americans. If their ostensible causes of
      opposition were real, he conceived that they must agree with such
      proposals, and that, if they did not agree with them, then it would be
      proved that they had other views and were actuated by other motives than
      those which they professed. He added:&mdash;"To offer terms of peace is
      wise and humane; if the colonists reject them, their blood must be on
      their own heads." Burke, in his Annual Register, says, that the court
      party, who always loved a strong government in whatever hands it might be
      lodged, and accordingly had upon principle ever opposed any relaxation in
      favour of the colonies, heard these proposals with horror, and considered
      themselves abandoned and betrayed. Be that as it may, it is certain that
      opposition to the minister's motion commenced on the treasury benches. The
      party, called "the King's Friends," at the head of whom were Mr. Welbore
      Ellis and Mr. Rigby, contended that Lord North's propositions were in
      direct opposition to every principle and idea of the address; that the
      scheme was at variance with all the preceding acts and declarations of
      parliament, and designed to pay court to the opposition; and that they
      went to acknowledge that there was, in reality, something unjust and
      grievous in the idea of taxing the Americans by parliament. In fact, they
      denounced the whole matter as a shameful prevarication and a mean
      departure from principle, and boldly asserted that they would make no
      concessions to rebels with arms in their hands, or give their consent to
      any measure for a settlement with the Americans, in which an express and
      definitive acknowledgment of the supremacy of the British parliament was
      not a preliminary article. Mr. Ackland went so far, indeed, as to move
      that the chairman should leave the chair, or, in other words, that the
      committee should be dissolved and the house resumed without the
      resolutions being put to the vote. Lord North had never been in such a
      dilemma before, and it seems probable that he would have yielded to the
      storm he had unconsciously raised, had not Sir Gilbert Elliot and Mr.
      Wedderburne rose to his rescue. Sir Gilbert Elliot remarked, that the
      address contained two correspondent lines of conduct&mdash;the one tending
      to repress rebellion, for which measures of restriction had been resorted
      to, the other offering indulgence to those who would return to their duty.
      In the address this was necessarily intimated in general and vague terms;
      but was so far from being contradictory to it, that without it, the plan
      adopted at the beginning of the session would be defective and unjust.
      When Wedderburne rose, he declared that nothing was further from the
      intention of Lord North than a dereliction of the rights of parliament, or
      a yielding to the insolence of the Americans. What he really proposed was,
      to enforce the one and repress the other. For himself, he contended, that
      indulgence should be offered to such of the colonists as would return to
      their duty, but the contumacious should be proceeded against with an
      increased army and navy, with gallant officers, who were going to America
      to enforce the spirited proposition. He added:&mdash;"We have at length
      put the dispute upon its proper footing&mdash;revenue or no revenue." The
      resolution being thus reconciled with the address, and Lord North having
      stated that the measure was designed to separate the grain from the chaff,
      and to disunite the colonies, the "king's friends" were satisfied. This
      healing of the breach on the treasury benches, however, had the effect of
      widening it on the side of the opposition, who had been exulting in the
      strife. Fox rejoiced in the retrograde movement of the minister; but
      doubted the sincerity of the motion made, and predicted, that the
      Americans would reject them with disdain. He was followed by Colonel
      Barré, who indulged in bitter sarcasm upon Lord North's recent
      embarrassment and danger from his friends, and said, that his motion was
      founded upon the pitiful and abominable maxim, <i>divide et impera</i>. It
      was to divide the Americans, and dissolve their generous union in defence
      of their rights and liberties; but, he added, "The Americans are not such
      gudgeons as to be caught with so foolish a bait." Lord North had by this
      time recovered his fortitude and he defended himself with great spirit
      from the attacks which had been made upon him, and justified his motion,
      on the ground that it would have the effect of sifting the reasonable from
      the unreasonable&mdash;of distinguishing those who acted upon principle,
      from those who wished to profit by the general confusion and ruin&mdash;of
      dividing the good from the bad, and of giving aid and support to the
      friends of peace and good government. Burke next attacked the minister. He
      declared, that the measure was mean without being conciliatory, and that
      it was a more oppressive mode of taxation than any that had yet been
      adopted. It was proposed, he said, that the colonies were to be held in
      durance by troops and fleets, until, singly and separately, they should
      offer to contribute to a service they could not know, and in a proportion
      they could not guess, since ministers had not even ventured to hint at the
      extent of their expectations. This conduct he compared to that of
      Nebuchadnezzar, who, when he had forgotten his dream, ordered his wise men
      to relate what he had dreamt, and likewise to give him its interpretation.
      He added, that every benefit, natural and political, must be acquired in
      the order of things and in its proper season, and that revenue from a free
      people must be the consequence, not the condition, of peace. Dunning next
      followed, showering more sarcasms and more odious comparisons on the head
      of Lord North than any of the preceding speakers; but in the end the
      resolution was adopted by a majority of two hundred and seventy-four
      against eighteen.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1775-1776
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BURKE'S PLAN OF CONCILIATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The present occasion was deemed by the opposition a favourable one for
      putting forth a plan of conciliation, the terms of which might, by
      comparison, reflect censure on that of Lord North. This task was committed
      to Burke, and on the 22nd of March he brought forward a plan comprised in
      thirteen resolutions. These resolutions went to repeal many acts of
      parliament, and to reform many regulations, but the foundation on which
      the whole rested, was the mode of raising a revenue from the colonists
      through grants and aids by resolutions in their general assemblies. In the
      opening of an eloquent speech uttered upon this occasion, Burke took a
      comprehensive view of the state of Britain as connected with America, and
      then stated the nature of his proposition. He remarked:&mdash;"The
      proposition is peace. Not peace through the medium of war; not peace to be
      hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negociations; not
      peace to arise out of universal discord, fermented from principle in all
      parts of the empire; not peace to depend on the periodical determination
      of perplexing questions, or the precise marking the shadowy boundaries of
      a complex government. It is simple peace; sought in its natural course and
      in its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace; and
      laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of
      the difference, and by restoring the former unsuspecting confidence of the
      colonies in the mother country, to give permanent satisfaction to your
      people; and, far from a scheme of ruling by discord, to reconcile them to
      each other in the same act, and by the bond of the very same interest,
      which reconciles them to British government." His plan of conciliation, he
      declared, was founded on the sure and solid basis of experience, and he
      asserted that neither the chimeras of imagination, nor abstract ideas of
      right, nor mere general theories of government, ought to receive any
      attention. He then entered into a copious display and elucidation of his
      subject. He dwelt on the spirit of freedom existing in America, asserting
      that their extreme notions of liberty arose from the peculiar religious
      spirit which existed in the colonies, which he termed a refinement on the
      principles of resistance, and which was carried with them on their first
      emigration from England. Law, also, he said, had fostered this high spirit
      of liberty, since the study of it was more universal in America than in
      any other country in the world, and since that study made them acute,
      inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, ready in defence, and full of
      resources. Burke next dwelt on the enlarged population of America, and the
      increased importance of her commerce, both in exports and imports, and
      animated by this view of their great and growing prosperity, he exclaimed
      in a lofty tone of eloquence:&mdash;"While we follow them into the north
      amongst mountains of ice, while we behold them penetrating the deepest
      recesses of Hudson's Bay, while we are looking for them beneath the Arctic
      circle, thay have pervaded the antipodes, and engaged under the frozen
      serpent of the south: nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to
      them, than the accumulated winter of the poles; while some of them strike
      the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others pursue their gigantic toils on
      the shores of the Brazils. There is no climate that is not a witness of
      their labours. When I contemplate these things; when I know they owe
      little or nothing to any care of ours, but that they have arrived at this
      perfection through a wise and salutary neglect; I feel the pride of power
      and the presumption of wisdom die away within me; and I pardon everything
      to their spirit of liberty." The love of freedom, Burke contended, was the
      predominant feature in the cause of the Americans, and he pointed out two
      other causes which tended to increase its growth beyond those
      above-mentioned. One of these causes may seem parodoxical: it was that
      black slavery prevailed in the colonies! The possession of slaves, he
      said, was more than a counterpoise to the prevalence of the established
      church in some of the provinces, and he established his argument thus:&mdash;"I
      can perceive, by their manner, that some gentlemen object to the latitude
      of my description, because in the southern colonies the church of England
      forms a large body, and has a regular establishment. It is certainly true.
      There is, however, a circumstance attending these southern colonies,
      which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difference, and makes the
      spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the
      northward. It is that in Virginia, and the Carolinas they have a vast
      multitude of slaves! Where this is the case, in any part of the world,
      those who are free, are by far the most proud and jealous of their
      freedom. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is a
      common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with
      much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude,
      liberty looks amongst them like something that is more noble and liberal.
      I do not mean to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which
      has at least as much pride as virtue in it; but I cannot alter the nature
      of man. The fact is so; and these people of the southern colonies are
      much, more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn, spirit, attached
      to liberty than those to the northward." Burke's reasoning was unhappily
      sound. All the great nations of antiquity who fought with blood-stained
      swords, and with indomitable ardour for their own liberties, were great
      slave owners; eating the bread which was grown by the sweat of other men's
      brows. This fact, however, redounds to the everlasting shame of the
      Americans, and the black stain on their annals is not yet wiped out: nay,
      it grows blacker and blacker as the period of their history rolls onward.
      Slavery is the plague-spot of that boasted land of liberty! The last cause
      of their thirst for freedom mentioned by Burke, was their distance from
      the seat of government. He remarked:&mdash;"Three thousand miles of ocean
      lie between you and your subjects! This is a powerful principle in the
      natural constitution of things for weakening government, which no
      contrivance can prevent. Seas roll, and months pass, between the order and
      the execution; and the want of a speedy explanation of a single point is
      enough to defeat a whole system. You have, indeed, winged ministers of
      vengeance, who carry your bolts to the remotest verges of the sea. But
      there a power stops, that limits the arrogance of raging passions, and
      says, 'Hitherto shalt thou go, and no further.' Who are you, that should
      fret, and rage, and bite the chains of nature? Nothing worse happens to
      you than to all nations possessing extensive empire; and it happens in all
      the forms into which empire can be thrown. In large bodies the circulation
      of power must be less vigorous at the extremities. Nature has said it. The
      Turk cannot govern Egypt, as he governs Thrace; nor has he the same
      dominion in Crimea and Algiers, which he has at Brusa and Smyrna.
      Despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster. The sultan gets such
      obedience as he can. He governs with a loose reign, that he may govern at
      all; and the whole of the force and vigour of his authority in his centre
      is derived from a prudent relaxation in all his borders. Spain in her
      provinces submits to this immutable condition, the eternal law of
      extensive and detached empire." Still Burke did not conceive the idea of
      proclaiming the independence of America. On the contrary, like Chatham, he
      contended for the general supremacy of parliament, and the rights of the
      crown, expressing at the same time his conviction that we had arrived at
      the decisive moment of preserving or of losing both our trade and empire.
      How to preserve it was the question, and he proposed that it should be
      done by concession and conciliation,&mdash;and not by force. The plan he
      proposed, therefore, to obtain this consummation was, to allow all the
      claims the Americans had set forth in their petitions and declarations,
      and by undoing all that the parliament had done respecting America, since
      the year 1765. His resolutions were briefly these:&mdash;That the colonies
      not being represented in parliament, could in no way be taxed by
      parliament; that the said colonies had been made liable to several
      subsidies, payments, rates and taxes, given and granted by parliament,
      etc.; that from the distance of the colonies, with other circumstances, no
      means had ever been devised for procuring for them a representation in
      parliament; that the colonies had each a general assembly that ought to
      tax and assess them; that these assemblies had often spontaneously granted
      the crown subsidies, etc.; that experience had shown that such grants made
      by the assemblies were more beneficial and conducive to the public
      service, than the mode of giving and granting aids and subsidies in
      parliament to be paid in the colonies: that the act for granting certain
      duties in the colonies, for allowing a drawback upon the exportation from
      this kingdom of coffee and cocoa-nuts of the produce of the said colonies,
      etc. should be repealed; that the bill for altering the course of trials
      in Massachusets Bay should be repealed; that the Boston Port Bill should
      be repealed; that the bill for altering the constitution of Massachusets
      Bay should be repealed; that the act of King Henry VIII., in regard to the
      trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions, should be
      amended; that the new regulations for appointing and paying the judges
      should be altered so as to meet the views of the colonists; and that the
      American courts of admiralty or vice-admiralty should be regulated in
      such, a manner as to make them more commodious to those who sued or were
      sued in them, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges
      presiding in those courts. These propositions were vigorously combated by
      the ministers, and rejected by the house; and five days afterwards a
      scheme closely resembling Lord Chatham's, proposed by Mr. Hartley, shared
      the same fate. Burke appealed to the public by printing his speech, but
      though it was read and admired, it was soon forgotten. On the other hand a
      defence of American taxation, published by his friend Dr. Johnson, in
      which he defended colonial subordination on the principles of the law of
      nations, and maintained that the colonists, by their situation, became
      possessed of such advantages as were more than equivalent to their right
      of voting for representatives in parliament, etc., had a great effect on
      the public mind, which was pre-disposed to admit his arguments. The voice
      of the nation was, in fact, in favour of the measures pursued by Lord
      North and his coadjutors in the ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CLOSE OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the close of the session Lord North moved an additional clause in
      the second restraining bill, to include in it the counties of Newcastle,
      Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, which was carried without a division.
      Burke, as agent for the colony of New York, presented a remonstrance from
      the general assembly of that province, but though Lord North admitted that
      the people of that colony had hitherto been peaceably inclined, he opposed
      the bringing up of the paper, upon the ground that parliament could not
      hear anything which called in question its right to legislate for the
      colonies, and it was refused. In both houses attempts were made to procure
      a repeal of the act for settling the government of Canada, but without
      effect. The remainder of the session was occupied in considering the
      annual motion of Alderman Sawbridge for shortening the duration of
      parliaments; in appointing a committee on the motion of Mr. Gilbert, to
      consider the poor laws; in voting the purchase of Buckingham-house for the
      queen, in lieu of Somerset-house, which was converted into public offices;
      and in settling financial measures. His majesty prorogued parliament on
      the 26th of May, after expressing his satisfaction at the course which had
      been pursued, and auguring the happiest results from the measures which
      had been adopted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF THE CITY OF LONDON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period, the livery of London attempted to turn the royal counsels
      respecting America, by an address containing a remonstrance, in which the
      citizens of London declared their abhorrence of the measures which had
      been pursued for the oppression of their fellow-subjects in the colonies,
      and which they affirmed were carried into execution by the same fatal
      corruption which had enabled his majesty's ministers to wound the peace
      and violate the constitution of this country. The petitioners prayed his
      majesty, therefore, to dismiss his advisers on the instant, as the first
      step towards a redress of grievances which alarmed and afflicted his
      people. This petition was presented by Mr. Wilkes, as lord mayor; a
      circumstance which doubtless embittered his majesty's feelings in reply.
      This reply was explicit and emphatic. His majesty remarked:&mdash;"It is
      with the utmost astonishment that I find any of my subjects capable of
      encouraging the rebellious disposition which unhappily exists in some of
      my colonies in North America. Having entire confidence in my parliament,
      the great council of the nation, I will steadily pursue those measures
      which they have recommended, for the support of the constitutional rights
      of Great Britain, and the protection of the commercial interests of my
      kingdom." Wilkes was prevented from making a reply by a hint from the lord
      in waiting, and the king directed a notice to be issued a few days after,
      that the king would not receive any address from the city except in its
      corporate capacity. This address had, indeed, been got up by a minority of
      the livery: the majority were in favour of the measures adopted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEPARTURE OF FRANKLIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of April, while parliament was deliberating on the course
      to be pursued in the colonies, Dr. Franklin suddenly left England. Before
      he left he put in his protest against the measures adopted by the ministry
      and the British parliament, into the hands of Lord Dartmouth. On the
      evening before his departure, he had, also, a long interview with Burke,
      in which he expressed regret for the calamities which he anticipated as
      the consequence of ministerial resolutions, and again professed his
      attachment to the mother country, under whose rule America had enjoyed so
      many happy days. Yet there can be no question but that Franklin's
      principal motive for leaving England was to widen the breach which existed
      between her and the colonies, and to aid them in the struggle for
      independence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the mean time military preparations had been continued in America.
      Inflamed by publications and harangues on every side, the Americans had
      been active in preparing for the approaching contest. No thought of
      concession or conciliation was entertained: provincial and private
      meetings all breathed the language of defiance to the mother country, and
      threatened resistance to taxation, external or internal, as well as to
      every other act of coercion. A great impetus was given to the popular
      movement by the resolutions of congress. A few assemblies there were,
      indeed, as that of New York, who at first refused to admit these
      resolutions, but they were soon induced to join the confederation. Every
      province prepared its levies and its cannon and its military stores for
      the deadly strife. And at length that strife commenced. While the houses
      of parliament in England were yet echoing with the oratory of its
      empassioned members, the hillsides of America were reverberating with
      peals of musketry. The banner of revolt was first unfolded in the province
      where the spirit of resistance first showed itself&mdash;that of
      Massachusets Bay. The aversion which General Gage had shown to the
      adoption of violent measures and the forbearance of the troops had rather
      tended to increase than to allay hostile feelings in that province, and at
      length the proceedings of the people became so alarming, that the general
      was compelled to adopt measures to put it out of their power to effect
      mischief.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO SEIZE STORES AT SALEM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having received intelligence that a <i>depôt</i> of arms had been
      collected at Salem, on the 26th of February, General Gage ordered a small
      detachment of troops thither for the purpose of securing it. It was on the
      Sabbath when this order was given, and the detachment proceeded by water
      to Marble Head, whence they marched to Salem. Before they could arrive at
      the town, however, the artillery was removed into the country. On
      discovering this, the field-officer in command of the detachment, hoping
      to overtake it, marched on, up the country, till he was stopped by a
      river. There was a drawbridge over this river, but upon his approach it
      was hauled up by a number of people on the opposite bank. The officer
      desired them to let this bridge down, which was refused, and perceiving a
      boat in the river he was about to make use of it for transporting his
      troops across the river. Seeing this, some country people who were nearer
      to it, jumped into the boat, and began to cut holes in her bottom with
      axes. A scuffle ensued between them and some soldiers, which would have
      ended in loss of life, had not a clergyman judiciously interposed to
      prevent such a catastrophe. By his interference the Americans were induced
      to let down the drawbridge, and the officer and his men then passed over.
      The day, however, was now far spent, and the artillery had been carried
      too great a distance for him to overtake it, and the officer deemed it
      expedient to march his men back to Marble Head, whence they re-embarked
      for Boston-neck. They were not molested on their retreat, but the country
      people considered this as a triumph and victory over them, and it
      materially assisted in raising the courage of the colonists.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIR AT LEXINGTON, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The next attempt to seize the military stores of the Americans, was
      attended with more serious consequences. Having heard that a quantity was
      deposited at the town of Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston, in the
      night between the 18th and 19th of April, General Gage detached the
      grenadiers and light infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Major
      Pitcairn, to seize them. The detachment was embarked in boats and conveyed
      up Charles River to Phipp's Farm, where they landed, and proceeded in
      silence and haste towards Concord. But although this was done in the dead
      of the night, the New Englanders were not asleep. The detachment had not
      marched many miles when their ears were saluted with the firing of guns
      and the ringing of bells, the signals for alarm. When they arrived at
      Lexington they perceived the militia drawn up on a green on the high road,
      and Major Pitcairn riding up commanded them as rebels to lay down their
      arms and disperse. The latter part of this order was obeyed, but as the
      Americans were retiring several guns were fired upon the king's troops
      from behind a wall, and from some adjoining houses. One man was wounded,
      and Major Pitcairn's horse was shot in two places. Orders were now given
      to fire, and eight men were killed and many others wounded. By this time
      the grenadiers had joined the light infantry, and both proceeded together
      towards Concord. As they drew near a large body of American militia was
      seen drawn up under arms on a gentle eminence, and the light infantry was
      sent to disperse them. In this they succeeded, and they kept them in check
      until the grenadiers had accomplished the object of their expedition.
      After this they commenced their march back to Boston; but their backs were
      scarcely turned when a loud shout was heard that the "lobsters" were
      afraid of them. The militia had, by this time, been reinforced from the
      country behind, and militia-men, minute-men, and volunteers of every
      description, were pouring in from all quarters, to post themselves behind
      trees and walls, and in houses, near which the troops were to pass.
      Presently the work of slaughter commenced: an incessant though irregular
      fire began in front and on both flanks, and the main body of the militia
      fired upon them from the rear. And what made the attack more discouraging
      was, that the most destructive fire proceeded from men whom they could not
      reach, and whose presence was only known by the smoke and effects of their
      rifles. This continued through all their route back to Lexington, and had
      not General Gage had the forethought of sending a second detachment to
      sustain the first, there can be but little doubt that the whole body would
      have been annihilated. This second detachment met the first at Lexington,
      and Lord Percy, who was at the head of it, having formed his troops into a
      hollow square, enclosed the pursued&mdash;who were driven before the
      Americans like a flock of sheep, and gave them time for rest. When they
      were somewhat refreshed, Lord Percy slowly moved the whole body towards
      Boston. But even now they were not wholly freed from danger. The militia,
      who had been treading on their rear, were no longer seen, but every house,
      every wall, and every tree the troops had to pass, sent forth upon them
      bullets and rifle shots; the Americans taking care not to expose their own
      persons to danger. When they reached Boston they had left behind them
      sixty killed, and forty-nine missing, in addition to which they had one
      hundred and thirty-six wounded. The provincials had about fifty killed,
      and thirty-eight wounded; but their loss was more than compensated by the
      encouragement which this affair tended to give the Americans in general.
      Elated with the result, they termed it "the glorious victory of
      Lexington;" and they talked of nothing less than driving the king's troops
      from Boston, and restoring the liberty and trade of that town. Instead of
      an immediate assault, however, they formed themselves into a blockade.
      Twenty thousand men, under the command of Colonels Ward, Pribble, Heath,
      Prescot, and Thomas, officers who had served in the provincial regiments
      during the last war, put themselves in cantonment, and formed a line
      nearly twenty miles in extent, with their left leaning on the river
      Mystic, and their right on the town of Roxburghe, thus enclosing Boston in
      the centre. Their headquarters were fixed at Cambridge, and they were soon
      joined by a strong detachment of troops from Connecticut, under the
      command of General Putnam, who, as soon as he heard of the battle of
      Lexington, like another Cincinnatus, left his plough in the middle of the
      field, in order to fight the battles of his country. Putnam took up such a
      position with his detachment as to be able to support any part of the line
      that might be attacked; but General Gage remained perfectly inactive,
      neither attacking this line, which he might probably have done with
      effect, as it was without any military consistency, nor erecting any
      outworks to prevent any sudden advance upon Boston-neck.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE ASSEMBLIES AND OF GENERAL CONGRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the Americans were thus in hostile array, the provincial congress of
      Massachusets adjourned from Concord to Water Town, about ten miles from
      Boston. It was resolved by this congress that an army of 30,000 men should
      be raised and established, whereof 13,600 should be of the province of
      Massachusets Bay. It was further resolved that a letter and delegates
      should be sent to the several colonies of Hampshire, Connecticut, and
      Rhode Island, for further assistance and co-operation. Despatches were
      also sent to Franklin, in England, containing an account of the Lexington
      battle, and enclosing an address to the people of Great Britain,
      complaining of the conduct of the troops, professing great loyalty, but
      appealing to Heaven for the justice of their cause, and declaring their
      determination to die rather than sacrifice their liberty. At the same time
      the provincial congress made great exertions to clothe and pay the
      besieging army, voting a large sum in paper currency, for the redemption
      of which the faith of the whole province was pledged. They also formally
      declared that General Gage, by the late transactions, had utterly
      disqualified himself from acting as governor, or in any other capacity,
      and that no obedience was due to him, but that he ought to be considered
      an inveterate enemy. A similar spirit was exhibited in other provinces. At
      New York military associations were formed, and a provincial congress
      called; in Jersey the populace took possession of the treasury; and in
      Philadelphia, the very Quakers renounced their principles of peace, and
      took up arms as volunteers, under the pretence of self-defence. It was in
      this state of affairs that Lord North's conciliatory propositions arrived.
      These were read first in the assembly of Pennsylvania by governor Penn,
      who expressed an anxious wish that all due consideration should be given
      them, and that, if possible, they might become instruments of restoring
      tranquillity to the country. It was determined by the assembly of
      Pennsylvania, however, that the union of the colonies to which they were
      pledged should not be deserted. Similar results followed the reading of
      them in other provincial assemblies, and all concurred in referring them
      to the general congress, which was in itself a rejection, since its
      legality would never be acknowledged by the British parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general congress met on the 10th of May. Its first acts were to frame
      resolutions for organising an army, and the emission of a paper currency,
      guaranteed by the united colonies; to stop all exportation of provisions
      to the British fisheries, and to every colony or island subject to the
      British government; to resolve, that by violation of their charter, the
      people of Massachusets Bay were absolved from allegiance to the crown, and
      might lawfully establish a new government; and to prohibit the
      negociations of bills of exchange or any orders issued by the officers of
      army and navy-agents, or contractors. They also established a general
      post-office under the superintendence of Dr. Franklin, who arrived soon
      after the meeting of congress, and who greatly helped forward the march of
      revolution. The congress, though still delaying their proclamation of
      absolute independence, pursued a course after the arrival of Franklin
      which no longer left their intentions doubtful to any man, by forming the
      plan of a confederation and perpetual union, the chief articles of which
      fully showed that such was their aim. After drawing up this plan the
      congress attended to the army, and they fixed upon Colonel George
      Washington to be their commander-in-chief. A committee was next appointed
      to prepare a declaration of the causes that induced them to take up arms
      against their mother country. After the adoption of this declaration, in
      which it was said "that they had counted the cost of the contest, and
      found nothing so dreadful as slavery," Jefferson was placed on a committee
      with Dr. Franklin and others, to consider and report on Lord North's
      pacificatory resolutions, which was denounced in the same spirit as it had
      been scouted previously by the provincial assemblies. Two days after this,
      and in the month of July, congress prepared a second address to the people
      of Great Britain, in which they vindicated themselves from the charge of
      aiming at independence&mdash;professed their willingness to submit to the
      acts of trade and navigation passed before 1763&mdash;recapitulated their
      reasons for rejecting Lord North's proposals, and intimated the hazard the
      people of England would run of losing their own liberty if America should
      be overcome. Yet though this address breathed defiance to government, on
      the very same day another petition was drawn up to the king, which was
      more moderate than that of the preceding year, and even approached him in
      a supplicating tone. Addresses were also got up to the inhabitants of
      Canada, Jamaica, and Ireland, and finally to the lord mayor and livery of
      the city of London. It is difficult to reconcile the sentiments contained
      in these declarations, petitions, and addresses. While some passages
      breathed the spirit of bold and uncompromising defiance, others expressed
      loyalty of the most ardent nature to his majesty, and unalterable
      attachment to the mother country. The spirit by which congress was
      actuated is, however, clearly defined by their proceedings, and by the
      character of the men who composed it. There was one gentle Dickinson among
      the number, who still hoped for a reconciliation with Great Britain, but
      the majority of its members were akin in spirit to the fiery Jefferson,
      whose turbulency often showed itself during their deliberations. There
      was, however, no room to doubt as to the determination of the Americans to
      assert their independence, for, while this congress was sitting, events
      had occurred which proclaimed that determination to all the world in
      language which could not be misunderstood. Blood had again stained the
      soil of America.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0004" id="linkimage-0004">
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      title="Bunker's Hill" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_079_bunker_hill_th.jpg"
      alt="3-079-bunker-hill.jpg Battle of Bunker's Hill "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the end of May 10,000 fresh troops arrived from Britain, under the
      command of Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton. As the gauntlet had been
      thrown down by America, and war had been resolved upon by the English, it
      might have been expected that active operations would have been commenced
      forthwith. Such was not the case. An English soldier remarked:&mdash;"We
      were kept on the Neck twisting our tails and powdering our heads, while
      the Yankees were gathering in our front and in our flanks like clouds." It
      seems to be generally acknowledged that this inactivity was fatal to the
      cause of the British arms in America, and that if General Gage had
      employed the troops, so soon as he received such valuable reinforcements,
      he might have scattered the militiamen and raw troops which hemmed him in,
      like chaff before the wind. Instead of that, time was given them to
      increase their force,&mdash;to perfect themselves in military evolutions,&mdash;to
      give consistency to their loose lines, and to render the blockade more
      effective. At length, however, this dreamy inactivity was broken. On the
      8th of June, grown bold by impunity, the provincial congress of
      Massachusets Bay resolved that the compact between the crown of Great
      Britain and that colony was dissolved by the violation of their charter;
      and they recommended the people to establish a new and independent
      government. Four days after this General Gage, still hoping to restore
      tranquillity without proceeding to extremities, issued a proclamation,
      offering a full pardon in the king's name to all who would forthwith lay
      down their arms, excepting only Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose
      offences were described as "being too flagitious to admit of any other
      consideration than that of condign punishment." The proclamation declared
      that all those who should not accept the proffered mercy, or who should
      protect, assist, supply, conceal, or correspond with such, were to be
      treated as rebels and traitors. It also imported that as a stop was put to
      the due course of justice, martial law should be established till
      tranquillity was restored. This proclamation was considered by the
      Americans a prelude to hostilities, and preparations were made by them for
      a final contest with their mother country. And strange to relate they were
      still allowed to act on the offensive. On the night of the 16th of June a
      strong detachment of the blockading army passed unchallenged and
      unobserved over Charles-town-neck, and occupied Bunker's Hill, which was
      situate at the entrance of the peninsula on which that town stood, and
      overlooked every part of Boston. In the morning General Gage saw this
      important and formidable height, which he had entertained some thoughts of
      occupying himself, covered with works which seemed to have risen as it
      were by magic, and with troops that were beginning to fire on Boston-neck
      and the shipping. The general now awoke from his slumbers. A battery of
      six guns was opened upon the Americans from Copp's-hill in Boston, and
      about the hour of noon a detachment from the English army was carried
      across Charles River, which is about the breadth of the Thames in London,
      and landed upon the peninsula of Charlestown. This detachment was under
      the command of General Howe and Brigadier Pigott, who had orders, at all
      risks, to drive the provincials from their works, and to occupy the hill.
      The troops marched slowly, formed in two lines, but, on approaching
      Bunker's Hill, Howe perceived that the works were of more importance than
      had been imagined, and that fresh columns of Americans were arriving every
      minute, and he therefore halted, and sent to Gage for a reinforcement. New
      troops were sent, and the whole, amounting to more than two thousand men,
      proceeded to the attack. In doing so Howe seems to have adopted the very
      worst mode which could have ben devised for attacking the provincials.
      Instead of leading the troops in the rear of the intrenchment, where there
      was no cannon to bear upon them, he led them up the hill right in front,
      where the American artillery was placed full in their faces. This was a
      most disastrous step. The troops were formed in two lines, with the light
      infantry on the right wing, led by Howe, and the grenadiers on the left,
      led by Pigott. In their front were a few small field-pieces and howitzers,
      which began to fire at intervals, during which the troops halted. In
      advancing the left wing was fired on from some houses in Charlestown, and
      in the conflict which ensued that town was set on fire and was soon burnt
      to the ground. The whole detachment now moved up the hill, and the
      Americans, secure behind their entrenchments reserved their fire till the
      British troops were almost close to the muzzle of their guns. They then
      opened a terrible discharge of cannon and musketry, and their volleys were
      so rapid and skilfully directed that the British troops recoiled, and many
      fled to the boats which had conveyed them, over the river. At this moment
      General Clinton crossed Charles River with a number of resolute officers,
      and having succeeded in rallying the fugitives he made them re-ascend the
      hill, and join in a general charge made on the Americans, with fixed
      bayonets. This time they succeeded. The provincials were driven from their
      works, and they ran for their lives down the hill in their rear. The
      troops took possession of Bunker's Hill, but it was purchased at a great
      cost: 1050, including eighty-nine commissioned officers, being either
      killed or wounded, while the Americans scarcely suffered a third part of
      that loss.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1775-1776
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL WASHINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      General Washington was great-grandson to John Washington, a gentleman of
      respectable family, who had emigrated from England about the middle of the
      preceding century, and had settled at Potomac, in Westmoreland county, in
      the colony of Virginia. At this place the general was born, and after
      receiving a plain education, he learned something of the business of
      land-surveying, and was in the eighteenth year of his age appointed
      surveyor of the western part of the territory of Virginia, by Lord
      Fairfax, the proprietor of that country. After this, however, he embraced
      the profession of arms, and distinguished himself in the Canadian war, and
      especially on the day of Braddock's defeat, when, at the head of the
      provincial militia, he covered the retreat of the British troops, and
      saved them from destruction. Subsequently, when the French were driven
      from Canada and the war was over, Washington quitted the army, and began
      his political life as a member of the general assembly, to which honour
      his valour had been the chief instrument of raising him. Shortly after his
      retirement he married a young lady, who brought him a large fortune, and
      for sixteen years his attention was principally divided between the
      management of his estates and his duties as a member of the provincial
      legislature. When the quarrel first commenced between America and the
      mother country he took no decided part, and when it became serious, he was
      one of those who still hoped to preserve the ties of allegiance which
      bound the colonies to the parent state unbroken. When the rupture became
      inevitable, however&mdash;when the sword had been drawn and blood had been
      shed, Washington stood forward as the champion of independence. Perhaps he
      was the more induced to take this step from an innate love of rank and
      power. He had joined the first congress at Philadelphia, and his high
      character and the conspicuous part he had borne in the Canadian war,
      caused him then to be appointed on all committees where military knowledge
      was requisite. Doubtless he foresaw that should matters be brought to
      extremities he would be called upon to take a prominent part in the
      strife. And in this view he was not mistaken. As before related, at the
      second general congress, when it was necessary to select a commander, he
      was unanimously chosen by his colleagues to the high office. It is said
      that he accepted the command with great diffidence, and it is certain that
      he did so in the spirit of a true patriot, for he declined all
      compensation beyond his actual expenses.
    </p>
    <p>
      The choice which congress made of a commander was favourable to the cause
      of American independence. At this time Washington was in the prime and
      vigour of life, and his fame and deportment were such that he could
      command reverence even from the most fanatical part of the American
      troops, who were disposed to own no other leader except "the Lord of
      Hosts." His bravery was proverbial, and his after operations sustained his
      fame. It was immediately after the battle of Bunker's Hill that he was
      appointed commander-in-chief, and when he arrived at head-quarters in
      Cambridge, he found the blockading army considerably discouraged by the
      defeat sustained, and otherwise in no very satisfactory condition. Much
      had been done, but still more remained to be done. Complaining of his
      numerous deficiences, he thus wrote to congress:&mdash;"We have no store
      of ammunition, no tools for intrenching, no engineers to direct the
      construction of military works; we have no money, and want clothing: there
      is a total laxity of discipline; and the majority is not to be depended on
      in another action." If the English had, at this time, made a general
      assault, the Americans must inevitably have been driven from all their
      positions, and the war would soon have been over. After the battle of
      Bunker's Hill, however, the same listless inactivity prevailed as before,
      as though the capture of that hill was a full and final triumph. Thus
      favoured, Washington set about remedying his defects in good earnest.
      During the summer and autumn, he was occupied in organising his troops,
      collecting his military stores, and concentrating his forces. Perceiving
      that it would be madness to attempt an assault on the positions of the
      British troops, as some advised, he directed the formation of
      entrenchments and works to defend his own from attack. In order to give
      consistency to his lines he contracted them: the centre, including the
      reserve, and under his own command, being at Cambridge; the right wing,
      commanded by General Ward, resting on Roxburghe; and the left, under
      General Lee, near the Mystic river. The British troops were thus
      completely blockaded by land, and cruisers being fitted out by congress
      for the purpose of intercepting military stores and supplies destined for
      the British forces, considerable distress soon began to prevail among
      them; yet nothing was done to rescue them from their perilous situation.
      During the rest of the year the bands played "God save the King," and the
      Americans, as if in the spirit of mockery, responded to the national
      anthem, by playing "Yankee Doodle." In the midst of this inactivity, on
      the 10th of October, General Gage was recalled, and the command of the
      British troops devolved on General Howe.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1775&mdash;1776.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0005" id="linkimage-0005">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_081_ticonderoga.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Ticonderoga" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_081_ticonderoga_th.jpg"
      alt="3-081-ticonderoga.jpg Ticonderoga "  /><br />
    </div>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITIONS AGAINST TICONDEROGA AND CROWN POINT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this year a party of Connecticut gentlemen, having procured a
      loan of money, concocted a scheme for surprising the important post of
      Ticonderoga, which was situate on a promontory near the junction of lakes
      George and Champlain, and the key of communication between New York and
      Canada. A few men were raised, which chiefly consisted of a hardy race
      called Green Mountain Boys, and Ethan Allen, a Presbyterian volunteer, was
      placed at their head. This force was unexpectedly joined by Colonel
      Arnold, who after the battle of Lexington had received a commission for
      the same purpose from the provincial congress of Massachusets Bay. Arnold
      agreed to act under Allen, and they proceeded together towards
      Ticonderoga. Captain Le Place, who commanded at this fort, was a friend of
      Ethan Allens, and taking advantage of this circumstance, Allen left his
      men in a wood hard by, and went to the captain, and induced him to lend
      twenty of his soldiers for the pretended purpose of assisting him in
      transporting some goods across the lake. Allen having obtained his
      request, next made the soldiers drunk, and then on the approach of night
      he drew his people from the woods, and hastened to the fort. There were
      yet about forty soldiers with the captain, but expecting no mischief there
      was not a single sentry on duty, and the followers of Allen rushed into
      the place undetected, and bade the soldiers lay down their arms. The
      captain asked by what authority they required him to surrender the king's
      fort, to which Ethan Allen replied, like a Puritan of old times, "I demand
      it in the name of the Great Jehovah, and of the congress." There was no
      alternative, and the captain responded to the demand: the place was
      captured with all its store of ammunition and provisions. Ethan Allen next
      turned his attention to the fort of Crown Point, which was reduced without
      any difficulty, as there were neither found guard nor garrison therein.
      Allen also surprised Skenesborough, a place occupied by Major Skene, with
      his son and a few negroes, who were all made prisoners. Intelligence of
      these events soon reached, congress; but though they rejoiced at the
      spirit of enterprise displayed by Allen and his men, they still feared
      that they might be charged with aggression at a time when they were
      expressing a desire of accommodation; and under these circumstances they
      recommended the committees of New York and Albany to remove the stores to
      the south of Lake George, in order that they might be restored when the
      breach was healed between Great Britain and her colonies.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the return of Allen from this enterprise, Colonel Arnold consented to
      remain in garrison. Arnold, however, was not of a temperament to remain
      inactive. Seeing a small sloop of war lying at anchor, at St. John's, at
      the north end of Lake Champlain, and feeling the importance of the
      possession of this vessel, which was the only armed vessel the English
      government then had in that water, he armed a little schooner, put some of
      the guns he had captured upon large flat-bottomed boats, embarked his men,
      and surprised and captured the sloop. Having begun his career with such
      success, Arnold projected more extensive operations. In the month of June
      he urged on congress the advantages of an expedition to Canada, and
      offered with 2000 men to reduce the whole province. His recommendations
      were adopted: 3000 men were sent, under the command of General Schuyler
      and Montgomery, to Crown Point and Lake Champlain.
    </p>
    <p>
      This force embarked in flat-bottomed boats to cross the lake and descend
      the river Sorel, but when they landed they were attacked by a strong body
      of Indians, who obliged them to steer their way back and return to the
      Isle Aux Noix. Here Schuyler fell sick, and the command then devolved on
      Montgomery, a man full of courage and enterprise, and whom the Americans
      compare to Wolfe.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the arrival of this invading force, General Carleton, governor of
      Canada, had only two regiments of about four hundred men each, at his
      disposal. These he ordered to Fort St. John, about twelve miles in advance
      of Montreal, where they were augmented by a few officers sent by General
      Gage. These officers arrived in July, and about the same time Colonel
      Johnstone arrived at the same place with seven hundred Indians of the Five
      Nations, all skilful in the use of the musket as well as the tomahawk.
      These Indians were ancient enemies to the frontier Americans, and they
      proposed an immediate attack on Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Carleton,
      however, thought proper not only to reject their offer, but to refuse
      their services in any shape. This was a sad oversight. Foregoing their
      enmity to the Americans, these seven hundred Indian warriors joined
      Montgomery, and he immediately resolved to lay siege to Fort St. John, the
      only place that covered Montreal. At the same time, Ethan Allen, who had
      now returned to the scene of action, conceived that he could take Montreal
      by a <i>coup de main</i> in an easier direction. He attempted this with a
      hundred and fifty men in the dead of the night, but the adventurous
      Presbyterian was not only defeated, but captured, and put in irons as a
      felon and a traitor. In the mean time Montgomery had detached three
      hundred men with two six-pounders to reduce Fort Chamblée, situate on the
      tributary river Sorel, about five miles above Fort St. John. His principal
      object in advancing against this fort was to obtain sufficient ammunition
      wherewith to reduce that of St. John, and he succeeded to his utmost
      wishes. The fort was reduced, and Montgomery found plenty of ball, powder,
      cartridges, and arms in it, and he then pressed the siege of St. John's
      with great vigour. The garrison offered a brave resistance, but it was all
      in vain: the fort was surrendered, and Montgomery dashed across the river
      and entered Montreal without opposition. As this town carried on an
      extensive trade, the American troops obtained a good supply of proper
      clothing, after which their commander, having secured the goodwill of the
      inhabitants by his liberal treatment of them, resolved to advance upon
      Quebec, the capital of the province. He carried out his resolution,
      although his volunteers, anxious to get back to their fire-sides, quitted
      his ranks by hundreds, and he had to leave a garrison in Montreal, so that
      when he put his men in marching order his force did not exceed four
      hundred men. But Montgomery hoped to meet Arnold under the walls of
      Quebec, and nothing daunted by the desertion of his soldiers, and the
      smallness of his force, he began to descend the St. Lawrence.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Arnold had been entrusted with the execution of a daring
      plan of his own forming. At the head of 1200 men, consisting chiefly of
      New Englanders, he traversed the inhospitable deserts of the northern
      states into Canada; deserts which had never previously been trodden by the
      foot of a white man. Owing to the obstacles he encountered in his dreary
      journey, he did not reach the first Canadian settlements on the river
      Chaudière, which flows into the St. Lawrence, until the 3rd of November.
      On arriving there his troops were famished, having been long subjected to
      hunger, and reduced even to the necessity of eating the leather of their
      shoes. The first step of Arnold was, therefore, to divide them into
      separate companies, each of which ran off as fast as it could to obtain
      food, shelter, and rest in the vicinity of the mouth of the Chaudière.
      Arnold himself rested for two or three days at a small village, in order
      to circulate the manifestoes he had brought with him, and to allow his
      rear and stragglers to arrive. Having rested a few days, on the 9th of
      November Arnold reached Point Levi, on the right bank of the St. Lawrence,
      and immediately opposite to the town of Quebec. It has been conjectured
      that if he could have crossed the river at once, Quebec would have been
      captured. The wind, however, was so strong at the time of his approach,
      that he could not venture, and this gave time to Colonel Maclean and his
      Highlanders, who had been falling back from Fort Chamblée, taken by
      Montgomery, to get into the menaced city. On the 14th, the wind having,
      abated, Arnold crossed the St. Lawrence and landed in safety. On reaching
      Quebec he formed his men on the Heights of Abraham. But they were ill
      provided for maintaining a siege, having no artillery, and therefore
      Arnold proposed nothing more than to cut off supplies from the garrison
      till the arrival of Montgomery. For this purpose he descended from the
      Heights of Abraham and retired to Point Aux Trembles, twenty miles above
      Quebec. At this place he was very near taking General Carleton and his
      staff prisoners, for they had only quitted that place a few hours before
      his arrival. Carleton, however, escaped, and arrived in safety at Quebec,
      where he instantly set about making every preparation for its defence.
      Soon after the two American corps joined, and they marched together to lay
      immediate seige to Quebec. Montgomery had brought a little artillery with
      him, and about the 20th of December they opened a six-gun battery within
      seven hundred yards of the walls. Their artillery, however, was too light
      to effect a breach, and they were all, moreover, soon dismounted by the
      town-guns, fired by some seamen under the direction of Colonel Maclean.
      The American commanders now removed their guns to a safer distance, still
      continuing their ineffectual fire, with the hope of amusing the garrison,
      and concealing their design of making an assault in another direction.
      They now, in fact, were contemplating a desperate enterprise, and one to
      which it was a long time before they could obtain the consent of the
      officers and men. It was not, indeed, till the New Eng-landers were
      promised the privilege of plundering the town, that they would accede to
      the wishes of their commanders. But this golden bait was swallowed, and
      the men promised to do all that was wished. Accordingly, on the last day
      of this year, between four and five o'clock in the morning, and in the
      midst of a violent storm of wind and snow, it was determined to storm the
      place. The force was divided into four small columns for this purpose: two
      of which, under Majors Livingston and Brown, were to make feigned attacks
      upon the upper town, while the other two, led by Montgomery and Arnold,
      were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town, where all
      the wealth of Quebec was deposited. Montgomery had succeeded in passing
      the first barrier, that of the block-house, and had reached the Pot-ash
      battery, which he was on the point of attacking, when he was shot dead,
      with Captain Macpherson, his aide-de-camp, and several other officers,
      with a well-charged gun from that battery. The rest of the column which he
      led instantly fell back, and in the mean time Arnold himself had been
      severely wounded. He was passing through the narrow street of the Faubourg
      St. Roque towards the Saut de Matelot, where there was a strong barrier
      with a battery of two twelve-pounders, one of which on his approach was
      fired, and shattered his leg in so fearful a manner that he was carried
      off the field to the rear in anguish. One Morgan now led the column, and
      he rushed forward and took this battery, and then pushed rapidly to
      another about forty paces distant. But here he was foiled. Guns loaded
      with-grape shot met him and his men in the teeth, while a fire of musketry
      was opened on both their flanks, so that they were compelled to retreat
      into some stone houses in the suburb of St. Roque. The attempt signally
      failed. In the end Morgan and his followers, to the number of 340 men,
      surrendered themselves prisoners of war, and nearly one hundred were
      slain. The rest still continued to blockade the city, encamping in the
      best manner they could behind the Heights of Abraham, and being still
      commanded by Arnold. They maintained their position for four long wintry
      months, and reduced the city to great distress, but they were finally
      compelled to give up the enterprise.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPOSITION AND REVOLT OF THE VIRGINIANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the great southern state of Virginia Lord Dunmore, the governor, made a
      bold stand in support of the authority of the mother country. Knowing that
      it was about to be used against him, he seized all the gunpowder in the
      magazine at Williamsburgh, and put it on board a schooner then lying in
      James's River. This, however, involved him in a quarrel with the
      corporation of that town, who demanded the powder back again. This was
      refused, and Patrick Henry, the orator, encouraged by the news of the
      victory at Lexington, excited some young Virginians to fly to arms, and
      placing himself at the head of them, set out on his march to recover the
      powder by force. He was prevented from making the attempt by some of the
      delegates to the general congress, who advised him to be satisfied with a
      sum of money offered in lieu of it by the king's receiver-general. A few
      days after, however, Lord Dunmore was compelled to deliver up all the arms
      and powder that had been left on shore, and to take refuge with his family
      in the Fowey man-of-war then lying at York. At the same time,
      government-house was fortified and surrounded with artillery. A series of
      irritating messages and letters then passed between his lordship and the
      burgesses; the former declaring that his life was not safe among them, and
      the latter asserting that he had nothing to fear. Lord Dunmore, however,
      felt that he had cause for fear, and he resolved to defy the provincials.
      Having divested himself of all authority, he collected a small naval
      force, and carried on a sort of predatory warfare against the province.
      Previous to his taking refuge in the Fowey man-of-war he had stung the
      Virginians to the quick, by declaring that since they were so eager to
      abolish a fancied slavery, in a dependence on Great Britain, he would one
      day try how they liked an abolition of real slavery, by giving freedom to
      all their negroes and indentured servants, who were little better than
      white slaves. This plan he endeavoured also to put into operation. Having
      established his head-quarters at Norfolk, he proclaimed freedom to all
      slaves who would repair to his standard, and fight for the king. Most of
      the negroes who had the opportunity of escaping from their masters
      repaired to his standard; and if he could have opened a road to the slaves
      in the interior of the province, his measures would doubtless have been
      fatal to the planters. The Virginians, however, were on the alert, and
      they sent a force against him which compelled him to retire on-board again
      for safety. The Virginians then took possession of the town of Norfolk,
      but Lord Dunmore, incensed at their conduct, set fire to the wharfs, and
      the flames spreading, the whole town was soon reduced to ashes, and
      property was consumed to the value of £300,000. This was an unfortunate
      occurrence, for it totally alienated the Virginians from the British
      government. Lord Dunmore lingered in the river, or on the coast, till the
      following summer, when, unable any longer to obtain provisions, he joined
      the English army under Lord Howe. The cause for his lingering thus long in
      the river appears to have been the hope he entertained of being able to
      restore the affairs of government in the province. He had some reasons for
      entertaining such a hope, for there were many Virginians averse to the
      revolution or to its leaders, and who anxiously desired that the cause of
      government might prevail. This was clearly manifested at his departure for
      the main army at Boston-neck, for many prepared to follow him by land,
      convinced that there was no safety for men who entertained notions of
      loyalty. The houses, indeed, of all those who wished to preserve their
      connection with England, on whatever principles their wish might be
      grounded, were burnt to the ground, while their estates were destroyed and
      their lives kept in constant danger.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONDUCT OF CONGRESS TOWARDS NEW YORK, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the province of New York had sent delegates to congress, and had
      been among the very first to attack the British settlements in Canada, yet
      great uneasiness was felt with respect to that colony. It was well known
      that many zealous loyalists lived in the province, and it was also
      defenceless and open to the king's troops by sea. Under these
      circumstances congress appointed a Committee of Safety, consisting of some
      of the most determined of the revolutionists, who were appointed to take
      especial charge of this province. General Wooster was also directed to
      march into New York, with some regiments of Connecticut men, With the
      double object of keeping down the royalists, and preventing, if possible,
      the landing of any British troops. The presence of the Connecticut men,
      who quartered themselves near Haerlem, five miles from New York, did more
      harm, however, to the cause of the revolution than it did good, for it led
      to some severe quarrels between them and the New Yorkers, as well as
      provoked the naval force in the neighbouring waters. Congress, in fact,
      had much difficulty in preserving their cause in New York. On one occasion
      they even issued an order that all such arms as were fit for the use of
      the troops raised in the colony of New York, and which should be found in
      the hands or custody of any person who had not signed the general
      association, should be seized for the use of the said troops. At a later
      period, congress even went a step further than this; for they intimated to
      the members of the revolutionary government, that they were to arrest and
      secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large
      might, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony or the
      liberties of America. Warned in time, Tryon, the governor of New York,
      whom congress before had talked of seizing, retired on board the Halifax
      packet, still communicating, however, with the royalists on shore. In
      other colonies there was still less difficulty in sweeping away the king's
      governors. In North Carolina, Governor Martin, after seeing his
      proclamation burnt by the common hangman, sought shelter on board a
      ship-of-war that was lying off Cape Fear: in South Carolina, Lord William
      Campbell, after vainly seeking to rally the royalists, was obliged to
      follow his example; and though in many of the other colonies the governors
      were not compelled to flee for their lives, yet their authority was
      eventually superseded, and they were compelled to bow to the storm by
      retiring from their seats of government. One common spirit pervaded the
      United Provinces of America, though it was more rampant in some colonies
      than others. The grand focus of rebellion was still at Massachusets Bay,
      where, towards the close of the year, in the course of predatory
      hostility, the town of Falmouth was cannonaded and totally destroyed, in
      revenge for some offence relative to supplies, and on the refusal of its
      inhabitants to deliver up its arms. In return for this injury congress
      passed an act, in November, granting letters of marque and reprisal, and
      establishing courts of admiralty for the trial and condemnation of British
      ships. Congress also determined to meet the force of Britain on her own
      element, and issued orders for building a fleet of thirteen ships. The
      garrison of Boston was supplied with provisions from England, a proportion
      of which was intercepted by the American cruizers and the troops suffered
      greatly, likewise, from the inclemency of the season. The inhabitants,
      also, shared in their calamities, and their sufferings were greatly
      increased by several edicts, issued by General Howe. Such was the state of
      America at the close of this eventful year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While America was in arms, England was in a state of agitation. It has
      been seen that soon after Wilkes had presented the violent address and
      remonstrance of the livery to the king, that his majesty informed him that
      he would receive no more petitions of the lord mayor and aldermen but in
      their corporate capacity. Wilkes converted this into a fresh wrong; and at
      the very next meeting of the common-hall another address, still more
      violent in its tone, was approved. The king resolved that he would not
      receive this petition sitting on the throne, and when this was reported to
      the livery they resolved that it was a direct denial of their rights; that
      the remonstrance should be printed in the newspapers; and that the city
      members should be instructed to move for an impeachment of the evil
      counsellors who had planted Popery in America, and were the advisers of a
      measure so dangerous to both the king and his people, as that of refusing
      to hear petitions. This latter resolution, however, was not founded in
      truth&mdash;the king had simply said that he would not receive it sitting
      on the throne, and the livery had resolved not to present it under any
      other circumstances. After all, the common-council thought proper to agree
      to a more moderate remonstrance, which his majesty received, and to which
      he replied, that, while the constitutional authority of this kingdom was
      openly resisted by a portion of his American subjects, he owed it to the
      rest of his people to continue to enforce those measures by which alone
      their rights and interests could be asserted and maintained. Irritated by
      these and other proceedings, government, on the 23rd of August, issued a
      proclamation for suppressing rebellion, preventing seditious
      correspondence, etc. Wilkes, as lord mayor, received orders to have this
      proclamation read in the usual manner at the Royal Exchange. This order
      was obeyed; but the patriot at the same time contrived to hold it up to
      the public contempt by causing it to be read by one of the city officers,
      attended only by the common-crier, contrary to the common rules of decency
      and to all precedent. Soon after this the petition of congress was laid
      before the king by Richard Penn and Arthur Lee, to whom the task of
      presenting it had been deputed. It was well known to all the world that
      the Americans had lifted up the standard of revolt, and were assembled in
      hostile array against his majesty's forces. This petition, therefore,
      though it contained some loyal expressions, did not express the real sense
      of the body it proceeded from&mdash;the words of their mouths might be
      smoother than butter, but war was manifestly in their hearts. Hence his
      majesty very justly considered the whole thing to be an insulting mockery,
      and as congress likewise had neither been recognised by himself nor his
      parliament, he resolved to give it no answer. But it was the fate of the
      king, at this time, to have all his actions and words misinterpreted.
      Although no man in his senses, whether Whig or Tory, could have been so
      blind as not to see he was perfectly justified in adopting this
      resolution, since his troops in America had been slaughtered both at
      Lexington and Bunker's Hill, yet it was interpreted into harshness and
      obstinacy. A loud outcry was raised against it by a portion of the nation,
      including more especially the Whig portion of the city of London. An
      address, containing 1171 signatures, and purporting to emanate from "the
      gentlemen, merchants, and traders of London," was got up, which reiterated
      the sentiments contained in the city of London petitions, and predicting
      the most lasting and deadly consequences from the quarrel between England
      and America. Three days after this, however, a counter-address was
      presented to his majesty from another section of the merchants and traders
      of London, which was followed by others of a similar class from all parts
      of the United Kingdom. In fact, the great body of the nation was still on
      the side of the king and the government. Intelligence of the determined
      hostility of the colonists had the effect even of converting foes into
      friends. In the course of the autumn, the very liverymen of London, to the
      number of 1029, signed an ultra-loyal address, which contained stronger
      language than the counter petition of the merchants and traders of that
      great city, or of any other address presented on the same side of the
      question. It said:&mdash;"A malignant spirit of resistance to law and
      government has gone forth amongst the Americans, which we firmly believe
      has been excited and encouraged by selfish men, who hope to derive private
      emoluments from public calamities&mdash;from the councils, the
      persuasions, the influence of such men, may God protect your majesty! The
      interest, the honour, the sovereignty of your kingdom of Great Britain,
      are now at stake&mdash;as the guardian of those, we trust you will ever
      assist and preserve them." The petitioners pledged themselves to use all
      their exertions in support of the laws and government, and finally
      implored his majesty's clemency towards all those of the colonists who
      might return to their duty. There can be no doubt that ministers were
      active in procuring such addresses as these; but at the same time it is
      equally certain that the sentiments they contained proceeded from the
      hearts of the people. The outrages committed at Lexington and Bunker's
      Hill had, in truth, exasperated the people at large, and this exasperation
      was increased tenfold when, at a later period, news arrived of the
      invasion of Canada. They saw that it was a rude attempt to pluck a jewel
      from the British crown, and it excited feelings of resentment in their
      breasts deep and lasting. Not a few Englishmen who maintained that the
      Americans were justified in taking up arms to assert their own rights were
      converted by this step adopted by congress. In a word, the cause of the
      mother country was generally considered just, and was, therefore, popular.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROSECUTION AND TRIAL OF HORNE TOOKE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Government was so well supported by public opinion, that wonder is excited
      at the serious notice which it took of some attempts made by a few
      factious demagogues of creating popular commotion, and of raising
      themselves into an unenviable celebrity. Among this class John Horne Tooke
      stood pre-eminently forward. Horne Tooke was first the supporter, and then
      the rival of John Wilkes, but he had now completely succeeded him in the
      favour of a certain dubious class of patriots. This was the natural
      consequence of tilings. John Wilkes having been raised to the dignity of
      lord mayor, and having regained his seat in parliament, although he was
      still in some degree a thorn in the sides of ministers, had become more
      circumspect than heretofore. He no longer harangued at the public meetings
      of the populace, and was hence looked upon as a renegade, and Horne Tooke
      stepped into his place. The supplanter proved as bold as the man he had
      supplanted&mdash;stern "patriot" as Wilkes had been. This was seen in the
      midst of the agitation into which England was thrown by the events which
      had happened in America. At a meeting of the "Society for Constitutional
      Information," which had been formed in the metropolis from the wreck of
      the "Bill of Rights Club," Tooke moved, "that a subscription be raised for
      the relief of the widows, orphans, and aged parents of their American
      fellow-subjects, who, preferring death to slavery, were, for this reason
      only, murdered by the king's troops at Lexington and Concord, on the 19th
      of April, 1775." No mention was made of the widows and orphans of the
      British troops, which had been mown down by the rifles of the Americans
      from their hiding-places. That was altogether another question: they might
      or might not be supported by government, since it was clearly evident,
      from Horne Tooke's motion, that they had no business to obey the orders of
      their superiors. Horne Tooke's humane motion as it stood, therefore, was
      adopted&mdash;a vote of £100 was carried, and ordered to be transmitted to
      Dr. Franklin. The members, however, generally comprehended the peril of
      the case, and hesitated to sign the order. But Horne Tooke was as bold as
      he was humane, and he took all the responsibility on his own shoulders by
      affixing his name to it. The whole affair was clearly too ridiculous for
      the notice of government; but he was nevertheless prosecuted, sentenced to
      pay £200, to be imprisoned one year, and to find securities for good
      behaviour during three more. This was just the thing the patriot wanted.
      He had an opportunity of making a sarcastic speech, and his hopes were
      elated by the prospect of enjoying a still larger share of the popular
      favour. Probably he felt certain that he should one day carry the city
      mace, like his ancient friend John Wilkes. The best way to crush a
      demagogue is to let him pass unnoticed. Notwithstanding, the offence of
      Tooke was a direct challenge to government, and if it had refused to
      notice such an insult, its authority might have been despised by the
      section he headed, and therefore greatly diminished. Government, however,
      laid itself open to animadversion, by committing Mr. Sayre, an American
      merchant, to the Tower, on a charge of high-treason. It was declared on
      oath, by Mr. Richardson, an adjutant in the Guards, that Mr. Sayre had
      told him he intended to seize the king at noon-day, in his way to the
      house when it again met, to carry him out of the kingdom, occupy the
      Tower, and overturn the government. This would have been clearly the
      labour of "another Hercules," and the information should have been treated
      with a sneer of contempt; but Lord Rochford seems to have considered that
      the enterprise of this most magnanimous American was not impracticable,
      and he therefore committed him to the Tower. But whether Mr. Sayer proved
      the adjutant's statement to be false, or whether the king conceived that
      he was in no danger, does not appear, but certain it is that the American
      was set at liberty, after five days' incarceration, and Lord Rochford had
      to pay him £1000 damages, on a suit for illegal imprisonment.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met this year on the 26th of October. The speech from the
      throne, on this occasion, was unusually long and energetic, and, as might
      be expected, its chief topic was the revolt of the colonies. His majesty
      remarked:&mdash;"Those who have too long successfully laboured to inflame
      my people in America by gross misrepresentation, and to infuse into their
      minds a system of opinions repugnant to the true constitution of the
      colonies, and to their subordinate relation to Great Britain, now openly
      avow their revolt, hostility, and rebellion. They have raised troops, and
      are collecting a naval force; they have seized the public revenue, and
      assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which
      they already exercise in a most arbitrary manner, over the persons and
      properties of their fellow-subjects; and although many of these unhappy
      people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the
      fatal consequences of this usurpation, and may wish to resist it; yet the
      torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence,
      till a sufficient force shall appear to support them. The authors and
      promoters of this desperate conspiracy have, in the conduct of it, derived
      great advantage from the difference of our intention and theirs. They only
      meant to amuse, by vague expressions of attachment to the parent state,
      and the strongest protestations of loyalty to me, whilst they were
      preparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it was declared in
      your last session that a rebellion existed within the province of
      Massachusets Bay, yet even that province we wished to reclaim, rather than
      subdue. The resolutions of parliament breathed a spirit of moderation and
      forbearance; conciliatory propositions accompanied the measures to enforce
      authority; and the coercive acts were adapted to cases of criminal
      combination among subjects not then in arms. I have acted with the same
      temper&mdash;anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of
      the blood of my subjects, and the calamities which are inseparable from a
      state of war; still hoping that my people in America would have discerned
      the traitorous views of their leaders, and have been convinced, that to be
      a subject of Great Britain, with all its consequences, is to be the freest
      member of any civil society in the known world. The rebellious war now
      levied is become more general, and is manifestly carried on for the
      purpose of establishing an independent empire. I need not dwell upon the
      fatal effects of the success of such a plan. The object is too important&mdash;the
      spirit of the British nation too high&mdash;the resources with which God
      hath blessed her too numerous&mdash;to give up so many colonies, which she
      has planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged
      with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at such
      expense of blood and treasure." His majesty continued, that it was now
      necessary to put a stop to these disorders, and that, for this purpose, he
      had greatly increased his naval establishment, and augmented his
      land-forces. He had sent, he said, Hanoverian troops to Gibraltar and Port
      Mahon, to replace such British regiments as should be drawn from those
      garrisons for service in America; and he had received friendly offers of
      foreign assistance. His majesty also professed his readiness to forgive
      the colonists when they became sensible of their error; for which purpose,
      to prevent inconvenience, he would give, he said, a discretionary power to
      commissioners to grant general pardons, who might, he thought, be likewise
      entrusted with authority to restore the free exercise of its trade and
      commerce to any colony on making its submission. He concluded by informing
      both houses, that he saw no probability of any impediment to his measures
      from the hostility of foreign powers, since they had expressed their
      friendly assurances.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address proposed by ministers was, as usual, a mere echo of the
      speech, and an amendment was proposed in the commons, by Lord John
      Cavendish, recommending that the whole should be expunged except the <i>pro
      forma</i> introductory paragraph, and that the following should be
      substituted,&mdash;"That they beheld with the utmost concern the disorders
      and discontents in the colonies rather increased than diminished by the
      means that had been used to suppress and allay them; a circumstance alone
      sufficient to give them just reason to fear that those means were not
      originally well considered, or properly adapted to their ends. That they
      were satisfied by experience that the misfortune had, in a great measure,
      arisen from the want of full and perfect information of the true state and
      condition of the colonies being laid before parliament; by reason of
      which, measures injurious and inefficacious had been carried into
      execution, from whence no salutary end could have been reasonably
      expected; tending to tarnish the lustre of the British arms, to bring
      discredit on the wisdom of his majesty's councils, and to nourish, without
      hope of end, a most unhappy civil war. That, deeply impressed with the
      melancholy state of public concerns, they would, in the fullest
      information they could obtain, and with the most mature deliberation they
      could employ, review the whole of the late proceedings, that they might be
      enabled to discover, as they would be most willing to apply, the most
      effectual means of restoring order to the distracted affairs of the
      British empire, confidence to his majesty's government, obedience, by a
      prudent and temperate use of its powers, to the authority of parliament,
      and satisfaction and happiness to all his people. That by these means they
      trusted to avoid any occasion of having recourse to the alarming and
      dangerous expedient of calling in foreign forces to the support of his
      majesty's authority within his own dominions, and the still more dreadful
      calamity of shedding British blood by British arms." An acrimonious debate
      followed this proposal, in which the opposition vehemently arraigned the
      principle and conduct of the contest; assumed the facts contained in the
      speech to be untrue; condemned the confiding such important fortresses as
      Port Mahon and Gibraltar to foreigners; and exposed the idea of conquest
      to ridicule. In reply, Lord North urged the necessity of regaining the
      colonies, and exposed the extravagant pretensions of the colonial
      assemblies, as well as of the general congress, and the encroachments on
      all the rights of the parent state. He also defended the conduct of
      ministers, maintaining that they had tried conciliation, but that the
      attempt had signally failed: lenity on the part of government and
      parliament being construed by the Americans into weakness and fear.
      Parliament had, he said, during the last session obviated the objections
      made to the right of taxing their colonies by permitting the Americans to
      tax themselves in their own assemblies; and yet not one assembly would
      offer a single shilling towards the common exigencies of the state. He
      observed, that to repeal every act passed relating to the colonies, since
      the year 1703, would indeed terminate the dispute, as from that moment
      America would be raised to independence: at the same time he vindicated
      those acts from the charge of being either ungenerous or unjust. The
      amendment was rejected by a majority of two hundred and seventy-eight
      against one hundred and eight, and the original question was then carried
      without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar amendment was moved in the house of lords by the Marquess of
      Rockingham, and a debate equally warm ensued. Lord Gower frankly avowed
      that he with his brethren in office had been misled in their conduct with
      respect to American affairs. New York, he observed, had been forced into
      hostile measures by the insurgents of Connecticut, and he predicted that
      if the friends of government were well supported by a force from England,
      the colonies would be brought to a sense of their duty without the
      shedding of more blood. The Earl of Shelburne termed this prediction rash,
      and advanced it as an incontrovertible fact, "that the commerce of America
      was the vital stream of this empire." At the same time, while he
      considered that the independence of the colonies would be the result of
      the contest, he confessed that this result would be the ruin of Great
      Britain. The house was next startled with the declarations made by the
      Duke of Grafton, now lord privy seal. His grace boldly condemned all the
      proceedings with regard to America during the last twelve months,
      asserting that he had been deceived and misled upon the whole subject, and
      that ministers had induced him to lend his countenance to those measures,
      by withholding information and misrepresenting facts. Grafton also
      declared that nothing less than a total repeal of all the American acts
      which had passed since the year 1763, could now restore peace and
      happiness, or prevent the most fatal consequences to this country:
      consequences, he said, which he could not think of without the utmost
      degree of grief and horror. He concluded by declaring that in his present
      ill state of health, nothing could have induced him to have left his
      house, but a conviction of his being right,&mdash;a knowledge of the
      dangerous state of the country, and a sense of what he owed to it, as well
      as to his conscience. The Bishop of Peterborough, who had spoken and voted
      for coercive measures in previous sessions, acknowledged a similar change
      in his sentiments to those of the Duke of Grafton, and imputed his
      previous views to misinformation, and deception on the part of the
      ministers. This defection, however, did not produce much effect in the
      house. Ministers descanted powerfully on the great question at issue,&mdash;using
      similar arguments to those which had been employed in the commons, and in
      the end the Marquess of Rockingham's amendment was rejected by a majority
      of sixty-nine to twenty-nine, while the original address was carried by
      seventy-six to thirty-three, including proxies. A protest was signed by
      nineteen peers.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the report of the address in the commons, the opposition took occasion
      to go over nearly the whole of the ground again. The main stand which they
      took, however, in this debate, was the measure of entrusting Gibraltar and
      Minorca, the keys of the Mediterranean, to Hanoverian troops. This they
      maintained was repugnant to the Bill of Rights, and an alarming precedent
      of foreigners introduced, and armies raised by a British monarch without
      the consent of parliament. It was, in fact, loudly denounced as illegal,
      and in the highest degree unconstitutional. In answering this objection,
      Lord Thurlow reminded the house that the clause in the Bill of Rights
      embraced no part of the king's dominions beyond the limits of Great
      Britain; that it did not extend to the colonies; and that not a man had
      been brought, or was to be brought into the kingdom without the consent of
      parliament. Wedderburne urged similar arguments, and he, with others,
      represented the urgent necessity of the case, and the danger of delay. A
      precedent was also quoted for bringing troops into England at a critical
      period, inasmuch as Dutch troops had been brought over from Holland by
      George II. in 1745, during the rebellion in Scotland. In the midst of the
      storm by which he was assailed, Lord North acknowledged himself the
      adviser of this measure, and treated the opposition with much levity,&mdash;but
      he was obliged to yield to the representations of some of his friends, and
      to state in conclusion, that though he still considered he was right, yet
      as other gentlemen, for whom he had ever had the greatest deference,
      seemed to be of another opinion, he had no objection, notwithstanding any
      votes now given, that the question should be brought again, in a regular
      and parliamentary manner, before the house, when he would abide by their
      determination; and if the measure was found unconstitutional, he would
      rest a defence on the ground of necessity alone, and receive, as was usual
      in such cases, the protection of an act of indemnity. This was good
      parliamentary generalship. Many who would have voted against him, now
      veered round to his side, and upon a division, the address was passed as
      reported by a majority of one hundred and seventy-six against seventy-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of November a similar conflict occurred in the house of lords.
      The Duke of Manchester moved in that house, "That bringing into any part
      of the dominion of Great Britain the electoral troops of his majesty, or
      any other foreign troops, without the previous consent of parliament is
      dangerous and unconstitutional." This motion was supported by arguments
      that the clause in the Bill of Rights ought to extend to the colonies;
      that the Hanoverian troops would not be under the control of our military
      law, etc.; that it was not by any means advisable to put them in
      possession of Gibraltar and Minorca; and that the king had no right to
      maintain even in a colony, or conquest, or in any part of the British
      dominions, any other troops than were consented to by parliament. To these
      arguments it was replied, that the clause in the Bill of Rights specified
      "within the kingdom," and also "in time of peace;" that the foreign troops
      were not "within the kingdom," and that it was a time of war, and not of
      peace: that the expression, "within the kingdom," did not include our
      colonies; and that should that latitude be given the expression, the
      rebellious state of America would justify the employment of British troops
      even upon the principles of the Bill of Rights. It was also argued that
      the king had at all times during actual war or rebellion, been competent
      to raise and keep up an army; that in such a case the Bill of Rights had
      made no distinction between an army of natives and an army of foreigners;
      that foreigners, since the revolution of 1688, had not only been hired,
      but even brought into the kingdom; and that there was an existing and
      paramount necessity at this time for the employment of such troops.
      Ministers prevailed: the previous question was moved and carried by a
      majority of 75 against 32. Two days after, a similar resolution was made
      in the commons by Sir James Lowther, and was there disposed of in a
      similar manner. About the same time the Bill of Indemnity passed the lower
      house, but in the upper house it was rejected, on the grounds that it was
      alike unnecessary and dishonourable to the administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the debate which followed the motion of the Duke of Manchester in
      the house of lords, the Duke of Grafton had denounced the introduction of
      foreign troops into Gibraltar and Minorca, as inconsistent with the tenor
      of Magna Charta. This, coupled with his former declarations as to the
      conduct and the measures of his colleagues, had the effect of obtaining
      his dismissal from office. The privy seal, which his grace had held, was
      given to the Earl of Dartmouth, and, to the surprise of all men, Lord
      George Sackville, who had been subjected by the sentence of a
      court-martial to much obloquy, and had recently taken a decided part in
      all the coercive measures, was made secretary for the American department.
      At the same time the Earl of Rochford retired, and was succeeded as
      secretary for the southern department by Lord Weymouth. But what created
      most astonishment was, that the young and profligate Lord Lyttleton, who
      had distinguished himself by the severity of his attacks upon the
      administration at the opening of this session, and who had been connected
      with Chatham and Temple, was called to the privy-council, and appointed to
      the sinecure office of chief-justice in eyre beyond Trent. Thus "bought,"
      he agreed to defend the very measures he had so energetically attacked.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MILITIA BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In conformity with a passage in the speech from the throne, Lord North, on
      the 30th of October, brought in a bill for enabling the king to assemble
      the militia in cases of actual rebellion. On the second reading, this bill
      was warmly opposed, on the supposition that it gave the monarch such
      prodigious additional power, as to render him totally independent of the
      people. It was said to be, in fact, "empowering the crown to draw the
      militia out whenever it thought fit, as a pretence could never be wanted
      for the purpose, while there was a black Caribb remaining in St.
      Vincent's, a runaway negro in the mountains of Jamaica, or a Hindoo rajah
      left on the coast of Coromandel." In the end, however, the second reading
      of the Militia Bill was carried by the large majority of two hundred and
      fifty-nine against fifty. On the third reading several amendments were
      moved, but were all rejected, and it was finally carried with a rider,
      proposed by Sir George Saville, limiting the duration of the bill to seven
      years. In the month of December a bill was brought into the house of
      commons by Lord Mountstuart for establishing a militia in Scotland; but
      the house was so thin at the time, that it was scarcely discussed. The
      bill was reproduced in the course of the session, and was eagerly
      patronized by the Scotch members; but it met with a strong opposition from
      the English country gentlemen, and was finally rejected by a majority of
      one hundred and twelve against ninety-five. By its opposers the bill was
      considered both as unnecessary, and as a dangerous innovation; but the
      opposition, it would appear, chiefly arose from national prejudices:
      Scotsmen might, it was said, as they were subservient to ministers, if
      they obtained a militia, employ it against the liberties and constitution
      of England. Lord North supported the bill; but he found himself in the
      unusual predicament of voting in the minority.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1775-1776
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE NAVY AND LAND ESTIMATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The number of forces to be employed by sea and land in the ensuing year
      indicated great designs: 28,000 seamen, and 50,000 men for the
      land-service being voted. Yet great as this force was, it was not
      considered sufficient for the emergency even by the opposition, who said
      that the establishment was far too great for peace, and far too small for
      such a war as ministers were embarking in. This, indeed, was the opinion
      of Lord Barrington, secretary at war, who used his utmost endeavours, both
      with the ministers and the king, to obtain a force commensurate with the
      undertaking. He in particular urged the necessity of reducing America by
      means of a powerful fleet, stating it as his opinion that its reduction
      could never be accomplished by the army, which was the staff on which
      ministers rested. But it was in vain that Lord Barrington warned and
      advised his colleagues in office, and counselled the king. It was held,
      that at present the naval force must be accompanied with an army, and the
      estimates of ministers were made and carried accordingly. The sentiments
      of Lord Barrington on this subject are fully shown in a letter which he
      wrote at an earlier date to the Earl of Dartmouth, then secretary for
      America. In this letter he remarked:&mdash;"First, I doubt whether all the
      troops in North America, though probably sufficient for a pitched battle
      with the strength of the province, are enow to subdue it, being of great
      extent and full of men accustomed to firearms. If the Massachusets&mdash;with
      whom the inhabitants of Connecticut and Rhode Island are said to have made
      common cause&mdash;were conquered they must be kept under by large armies
      and fortresses, the expense of which would be ruinous and endless. Second,
      because the most successful conquest that can be imagined must produce the
      horrors and bloodshed of civil war. Third, because a conquest by land is
      unnecessary, when the country can be reduced, first, by distress, and then
      to obedience, by our marines totally interrupting all commerce and
      fishery, and even seizing all the ships in the ports, with very little
      expense and bloodshed. To this might be added the punishment of the
      factious chiefs by impeachment or bill, if their persons can be secured;
      but till then any judicial proceedings would provoke, not hurt, and confer
      the palm of martyrdom without the pain of it, which is the perfection of
      fanatical beatitude. In respect to the other colonies south of New
      England, a strict execution of the Act of Navigation, and other
      restrictive laws, would probably be sufficient at present; and a small
      addition of frigates and sloops would so execute those laws as to prevent
      all commerce with foreign states. Those colonies should also be left to
      deal with the Indians, the mother country withdrawing the establishments
      made since the beginning of the late war for the management of the Indian
      affairs, and kept up till this day at a great expense. Though we must
      depend on our smaller ships for the active part of this plan, I think a
      squadron of ships of the line should be stationed in North America, both
      to prevent the intervention of foreign powers, and any attempt of the
      colonies to attack our smaller vessels by sea." Lord Barrington next
      advised the removal of the troops from Boston to Canada, Nova Scotia, and
      East Florida, till they could be successfully employed, and then
      continued: "If these ideas are well-founded, the colonies will in a few
      months feel their distress; their spirits, not animated by any little
      successes on their part, or violence of persecution on ours, will sink;
      they will be consequently inclined to treat, probably to submit to a
      certain degree; and in my humble opinion, the whole is then over, for
      then, with dignity, we may make them concessions." Had this system of
      blockade been adopted, there can be little doubt but America would have
      been preserved to England, for the Americans had then no fleet or any
      formidable fortifications on their coast. The advice, however, was
      rejected, and Lord Barrington was only prevented resigning office by the
      express desire of the king. But though Lord Barrington not only did not
      concur in the plans pursued by ministers, but sought to set them aside,
      yet as secretary of war, he obtained the chief odium of their failure. The
      principal blame, however, seems to be attached to the king: the plans were
      in reality his own, and he imposed them upon Lord North and the
      administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF NOVA SCOTIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the opening of this session, a petition was presented to both houses
      from Nova Scotia, which proposed to grant to his majesty in perpetuity a
      duty of poundage, <i>ad valorem</i>, on all commodities imported into the
      colony, not being the produce of the British dominions in Europe or
      America, bay-salt only excepted, by which means the amount of the revenue
      would keep pace with the wealth of the province. Ministers conceived that
      this loyal petition would serve as an example to the other colonies, and
      therefore gave it their support. They suggested a duty of eight per cent.;
      but objections were drawn from the unproductiveness compared with the old
      duties, and the small chance of other colonies following the example of a
      district which had always occasioned an expense to government, and
      ministers themselves finally abandoned it: nothing was heard of the
      petition after it went into committee.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF CONGRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 7th of November, a copy of the petition of congress alluded to in
      the king's speech was laid before the lords. On its presentation, the Duke
      of Richmond seeing Mr. Penn below the bar, moved for his being examined
      before they entered upon the discussion of the petition. This was rejected
      by a majority of fifty-six against twenty-two, and the noble mover then
      made another motion, that Mr. Penn should be examined on the next day,
      which, after a long debate was conceded. The examination was conducted by
      the Duke himself, and the opinions elicited from it were, that the members
      of congress were men of character and intelligence; that the people
      considered themselves able to resist the arms of Great Britain employed to
      enforce the obnoxious acts; that the war was begun in defence of their
      liberties, and not with any desire of obtaining independence; that unless
      conciliatory measures were immediately pursued, it was probable connexions
      with foreign powers would be formed, which they would not be easily
      induced to renounce; and that they were dissatisfied with the reception of
      their petitions, though inclined to acknowledge the authority of Great
      Britain in all matters, except taxation. Penn was an honest man, and
      doubtless sincere in his sentiments, but he had certainly been deceived,
      like many others, and even some members of the congress itself. On this
      evidence, however, the Duke of Richmond moved that this petition, hollow
      as it must have appeared to men of deep reflection, was sufficient ground
      for a conciliation of the differences existing between America and the
      mother country. He was supported by Lords Shelburne and Sandwich, but the
      refusal to answer the petition was defended by Lords Dartmouth and
      Lyttleton, and the motion was negatived by a majority of eighty-six
      against thirty-three. On the side of government the Americans were
      denounced by Lord Lyttleton as audacious rebels; their sentiments as
      insiduous and traitorous; and their expressions of loyalty, false and
      hollow. On the other hand, opposition justified their conduct, and patted
      them on the back by assurances, that their native courage and the nature
      of their country rendered them an invincible people. Indeed, it cannot be
      doubted, that the views taken by the opposition in the British parliament,
      and the sentiments which they uttered on every favourable occasion, had
      the effect of confirming the colonists in their opposition to government,
      and stimulating them to increased exertions in order to gain a free, full,
      and final triumph.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS OF THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of November the Duke of Grafton moved the following
      resolutions: "That ministers should lay before the house an account of the
      number of forces serving in America, with their several stations, etc.,
      previous to the commencement of hostilities; that they should lay before
      the house the exact state of the army now in America; that they should
      produce all the plans that had been adopted for providing winter-quarters
      for those troops; that they should also produce an estimate of the forces
      now in Great Britain and Ireland; and that they should, finally, lay
      before the house an estimate of the military force necessary to be sent
      against America, with a precise account of the number of artillery, etc."
      In opposing these motions, ministers argued that nothing would better
      please the Americans than a full disclosure of our measures and resources,
      and that such a disclosure would be contrary to every rule of office, as
      well as to every maxim of war and common sense. The debate wandered to the
      original causes of the dispute, and the real object and intention of
      congress; and after these grounds were again gone over&mdash;the
      opposition warmly contending that the Americans were not aiming at
      independence, and ministers as warmly contending, and indeed fully
      demonstrating that they were&mdash;the Duke of Grafton's resolutions were
      negatived without a division. The chief speakers on the side of ministers
      were the new convert, Lord Lyttleton, who contended that everything proved
      the assertion; and Lord Mansfield, whose speech carried conviction to many
      minds which had before been perplexed with doubt upon the subject.
      Mansfield adduced historical facts to prove that the people of New England
      had been aiming at independence, almost from her earliest infancy; and he
      maintained that Great Britain could not concede any one claim which was
      demanded without relinquishing all, and admitting disseveration and
      independence. He concluded by warning the house that measures of
      conciliation would only furnish grounds for new claims, or produce terms
      of pretended obedience and submission.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE LAND TAX INCREASED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 13th of November Lord North moved in the commons that the land-tax
      should be raised to four shillings in the pound. An amendment was moved by
      the opposition that it should be three shillings instead of four; but this
      was negatived by a large majority, and the original motion was carried.
      War with America had been warmly advocated by the country gentlemen, and
      some of the opposition sarcastically congratulated them upon this enviable
      first-fruits of their coercive measures; while others attempted to gall
      them by declaring that it would prove a perpetual mortgage on their
      estates. To say the least of it, it was an ungracious return made by Lord
      North for their support, and it seems to have had the effect of
      considerably cooling their fiery ardour for war.
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    <h2>
      BURKE'S SECOND CONCILIATORY MOTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 16th of November, Burke again proposed measures of conciliation.
      After presenting a petition against the prosecution of the war, he moved
      "for leave to bring in a bill for composing the present; troubles, and
      quieting the minds of his majesty's subjects in America." This bill was
      formed on the model of the statute of Edward I., <i>de tallagio non
      concedendo</i>. He proposed in it the total renunciation of taxation; the
      repeal of all obnoxious laws and acts of parliament passed since the year
      1706; a full amnesty for all offences; and a recognition of congress, in
      order to a final adjustment of the existing quarrel. In his speech, which
      occupied more than three hours, Burke did not conceal that his motion
      would involve a dissolution of the cabinet, and he justified this on the
      ground that ministers had brought the country to the very verge of ruin.
      He urged that delay was dangerous; that if the quarrel was continued the
      Bourbons would take it up; that this country was incapable of coping with
      America if thus seconded; and that America could be retained by her good
      inclinations alone. He observed, also, that three plans seemed to be
      afloat with regard, to America: the first, simple war with a view to
      complete conquest; the second, that of ministers, force mixed with
      negociations; and the third, peace grounded on concession. It was in the
      spirit of the last, he said, with which he made his motion. Burke's
      principal opponent was Governor Pownall, who exposed many fallacies in his
      reasoning. Pownall denied that any renunciation, repeal, or amnesty would
      have any other effect than that of increasing the pride and resistance of
      the Americans. He also maintained that if repeal had any effect at all it
      must be extended as far back as to 1672, and asserted that the Americans
      themselves demanded a repeal up to 1763, of which Burke's bill fell three
      years short. He remarked:&mdash;"They complain of the admiralty
      jurisdiction: now that is as old as the act of navigation. To my argument
      it is nothing how far this is right or wrong, grievous or otherwise; but
      the Americans complain of it; and, if the bill which is to afford redress
      and concede to their complaints must be effectual in order to gain their
      confidence, this bill does not go far enough." The house, however, was of
      opinion that it went too far, for after all the best orators of opposition
      had contended for its principles, with vehement eloquence, it was rejected
      by a majority of two hundred and ten, against one hundred and five. But
      this was a nearer division than had taken place for a long time on these
      questions, and which was doubtless the effect of the recent increase of
      the land tax: there is much sympathy between men's pockets and their
      opinions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD NORTH'S PROHIBITORY BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of November, Lord North proposed a measure for the prohibition
      of all commercial intercourse with America. This bill authorized the
      commanders of his majesty's navy to make prize of all American ships and
      goods, whether on the high-seas or in harbour; and a clause was inserted,
      which rendered every American taken in them liable to serve as a common
      sailor in our ships of war, and to be considered as a volunteer. As this
      prohibitory bill comprehended every species of commerce along the coast of
      the con-federated states, all former acts, including the Boston Port Bill,
      were to be considered as repealed by it. A clause, however, provided for
      pardon to all revolters on their return to obedience, and commissioners
      were to be appointed to give effect to its terms, as well as to inquire
      into any real grievances of which the colonists might have to complain.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord North, in introducing this measure vindicated his own ministerial
      conduct. The dispute about taxation, he said, was not commenced by him,
      but by his predecessors in office; and, he asserted, that as he found the
      country and parliament determined not to surrender the right, he had
      embraced their cause. He added, that if the colonies, by appealing to
      arms, chose to make war the medium, he must pursue that medium, although
      he would constantly keep peace in view as the true point to be obtained.
      The minds of the opposition were inflamed by the bill and these
      declarations of the warlike minister. Fox especially declaimed against the
      bill, asserting that it tended to destroy all trade with America, and that
      it would cut off all hopes of future accommodation. In the course of his
      speech he accused the ministers of wishing to ruin our manufacturers in
      order that they might enlist in the army; and he concluded by moving as an
      amendment, that the whole body and title of the bill should be omitted,
      excepting only the portion which repealed the Boston Port Bill, and the
      restraining acts. The debate now grew hotter than before. It was argued
      that such a proposition would be a formal abdication of our government of
      the colonies, and might, with such omissions, be termed a bill for
      effectually carrying into execution the decrees of congress, by completing
      the union of Americans between themselves, and exciting them to make
      foreign alliances. The question being put, therefore, the amendment was
      rejected by one hundred and ninety-two to sixty-four. In the course of
      this debate, Lord Howe, who was soon to sail with the fleet for America,
      remarked feelingly that no struggle was so painful as that between his
      duty as an officer and as a man: if left to his own choice, he said, he
      would decline serving, but if commanded, he would perform his duty. To
      this General Conway replied, that a war with our fellow-subjects in
      America differed widely from, a war with a foreign nation; and that before
      an officer drew his sword against his fellow-subjects, he should first be
      convinced that the cause was just. Thurlow combated this notion with
      indignation, asserting that if such a doctrine was established, it must
      tend to a dissolution of government. In the course of the progress of this
      bill petitions from the West India merchants were presented, and council
      heard against it. It was also opposed in all its stages, and several
      amendments were moved in committee, but it finally passed as it was
      originally framed, by a majority of one hundred and twelve against sixteen
      only.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debate on this bill in the house of lords was equally warm as that in
      the commons. In the face of all matter of fact, the opposition contended
      that the Americans were not in a state of rebellion: they had, it was
      conceded, taken up arms, but they were driven to it by violence,
      injustice, and oppression. Lord Lyttleton and Denbigh denounced these
      sentiments as an immoderate licence of language, and the latter peer
      asserted broadly, that those who defended rebellion were little better
      than rebels themselves, there being no wide difference between traitors
      and those who openly or covertly aided them! During the progress of the
      bill several amendments were proposed, but always ineffectually; and a
      petition was presented by the merchants of Bristol, praying that its
      operation might be suspended: the bill, however, was read a third time on
      the 21st of December, and was passed without a division. On the third
      reading it was defended, together with the whole conduct of government
      towards the Americans, by Lord Mansfield. Previous to this, intelligence
      had been received of the march of the two American armies to our Canadian
      frontiers, so that his lordship could now make a bolder stand against the
      arguments of the opposition. He remarked:&mdash;"We are now in such a
      situation, that we must either fight or be pursued;" and he illustrated
      his position by an anecdote related of a Swedish general, under Gustavus
      Adolphus, who, pointing to an advancing enemy, observed to his troops:&mdash;"My
      lads, you see those men; if you don't kill them they will kill you." His
      lordship then continued:&mdash;"If we do not get the better of America,
      America will get the better of us. They have begun to raise a navy; trade,
      if left free to them, will beget opulence, and enable them to hire ships
      from foreign powers. It is said, the present war is only defensive on the
      part of America. Is the attack on Canada a defensive war? Is their
      prohibiting all trade and commerce with every part of the British
      dominions, and starving our sugar-islands, acting on the defensive? No;
      though these people never offended us, we will distress them, say they,
      because that will be distressing Great Britain. Are we, in the midst of
      all outrages of hostility, of seizing our ships, entering our provinces at
      the head of numerous armies, and seizing our forts, to stand idle, because
      we are told this is an unjust war, and wait till the Americans have
      brought their arms to our very doors? The justice of the cause must give
      way to our present situation; and the consequences which must ensue,
      should we now recede, would, nay must, be infinitely worse than any we
      have to dread, by pursuing the present plan, or agreeing at once to a
      final separation." This speech of Lord Mansfield obtained a ready response
      in the house by the almost universal approval of the peers assembled.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1776-1777
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Affairs of Ireland..... Debates on America, &amp;c......
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Sentiments of Foreign Powers,
     &amp;c...... Evacuation of Boston by the British..... Mission of
     Indian Chiefs..... Affairs of Canada..... Unsuccessful
     Attack on Sullivan's Island..... Affairs in Virginia.....
     Declaration of Independence by Congress..... Expedition
     against New York..... Defeat of the Americans on Long
     Island..... Conference on Staten Island..... Capture of New
     York..... Capture of Fort Washington..... Capture of Fort
     Lee, and Retreat of Washington..... Expedition against Rhode
     Island..... Successes of General Carleton..... Measures of
     Congress..... Defection of the Colonists, &amp;c...... Meeting
     of Parliament..... Debates on America..... Attempt to fire
     His Majesty's Dock-yard at Portsmouth.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the Christinas recess, the first important measure of parliament
      related to Ireland. Addresses from America had been sent to the people of
      that country, and they soon produced their intended effects among them;
      especially among the people of Dublin, and the Protestant dissenters. This
      was first seen in the acts of the sheriffs and common-council of that
      city. After voting thanks to Lord Howard, on his resignation, and to those
      peers who had supported the constitution, and, in opposition to a weak and
      wicked administration, protested against the American restraining acts in
      imitation of the city of London, they sent over a strong petition and
      remonstrance to the king. This was opposed by the lord mayor and aldermen,
      and the common-council then resolved that whoever refused to consent to a
      dutiful petition, tending to undeceive the king, and by which the effusion
      of one drop of blood of the subjects of Great Britain might be prevented,
      was an enemy to the constitution. The Irish parliament was not behindhand
      with the common-council in exhibiting sympathy for the cause of the
      Americans. Soon after it assembled, which was on the 10th of October, the
      members rejected a money-bill transmitted from England, upon the plea that
      it had been altered in council. On the 23rd of November, still more
      unequivocal symptoms of a refractory spirit appeared in the Irish
      parliament. Lord Harcourt, the lord-lieutenant, having proposed to the
      commons to send out of the kingdom 4000 men, for the American service, and
      accept in their stead an equal number of foreign Protestant troops, to be
      maintained at the expense of the British crown, they reluctantly conceded
      to the first proposition, and absolutely refused to admit the foreign
      substitutes.
    </p>
    <p>
      These embarrassing matters were brought before the English parliament. On
      the 15th of February, Mr Thomas Townshend moved for a committee of
      inquiry, on the allegation that the lord-lieutenant had made an offer of
      the public money without consulting the British house of commons, and had
      thereby been guilty of a breach of privilege. Ministers were in a dilemma.
      Taken by surprise no two of them agreed in their modes of defence, or took
      the same ground in warding off the attack. Thus while one asserted that
      the Irish speaker had misunderstood the viceroy's message, which only
      meant that his majesty would pay the 4000 foreigners, another contended
      that when the Irish establishment was increased, the king had engaged to
      pay 12,000 troops in that country, except in case of invasion or rebellion
      in England, and that the present demand not being within these exceptions,
      his majesty should, therefore, be absolved from his promise. But whatever
      ground ministers took it was clear that they or the viceroy of Ireland had
      been at fault, and had not Lord Harcourt been popular both with "the
      king's friends" and the opposition, it is probable that he would have been
      censured by the house. The motion was, however, quashed by a large
      majority, and another motion on the same subject was equally unavailing.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of February, Mr. Fox made a motion for a committee to inquire
      into the causes of the ill-success of our arms in North America, and the
      defection of the Canadians. In a speech of considerable power, Fox
      maintained that the ultimate design of government was to overthrow the
      constitution. He chiefly confined himself to an inquiry whether the
      proceedings of ministers had produced the desired effects. To this end he
      pursued a detail of ministerial operations beginning with the Boston Port
      Bill, in the course of which he endeavoured to show that folly existed in
      the cabinet, and that their plans were conceived in ignorance and executed
      in imbecility. At the same time he inveighed against the disgraceful
      servility of parliament, and concluded by remarking that none would object
      to inquiry but those who were culpable themselves. Unable to resist his
      reasoning, ministers attempted to elude it, but their arguments rather
      weakened than strengthened their cause. Lord North, indeed, candidly
      admitted that some of his plans had miscarried; arguing, in extenuation of
      their failure, that it was impossible to foresee every event. He concluded
      by saying that he was ready to resign, whenever the house should withdraw
      its confidence. There was no danger, however, of this extremity; for,
      though excited by the speech of the mover, several friends of government
      joined in calling for an inquiry, the motion was negatived by a majority
      of two hundred and forty against one hundred and four.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 29th of February, copies of treaties lately-entered into with the
      Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Hereditary
      Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, for the hire of troops, to the amount of about
      17,000 men, for the American service, were laid before the house of
      commons. Lord North moved to refer these compacts to a committee; on doing
      which he dilated on the fairness of the terms, and dwelt on the advantages
      of employing foreign troops. By the opposition, however, Great Britain was
      represented as disgraced in the sight of all Europe, by applying to the
      petty states of Germany for succours against her own subjects. They
      complained also, that the troops had been obtained at an immoderately high
      price; £7 10s. levy-money being paid for every man. The princes, likewise,
      it was said, who let them out like slaves, or beasts of draught, were to
      be subsidised besides; the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who furnished 13,000
      men, being guaranteed £10,281 per annum, and the Hereditary Prince of
      Hesse, who furnished 688 men, £6000 annually. Moreover, it was objected
      that the King of England had ensured the dominions of these princes
      against foreign attacks, while their troops were employed in America.
      Finally, the opposition argued that it was injudicious and dangerous to
      hire men who had nothing to do with the quarrel in question. Lord Irnham,
      in opposing ministers, made a good use of the weapons of ridicule. He
      remarked:&mdash;"I shall say little as to the feelings of those princes
      who can sell their subjects for such purposes. We have read of the
      humourist Sancho's wish,&mdash;'that, if he were a prince, all his
      subjects should be blackamoors, as he could, by the sale of them, easily
      turn them into ready money;' but that wish, however it may appear
      ridiculous and unbecoming a sovereign, is much more innocent than a
      prince's availing himself of his vassals for the purpose of sacrificing
      them in such destructive war, where he has the additional crime of making
      them destroy much better and nobler beings than themselves." Other members
      maintained that these German soldiers, on arriving in America, would be
      induced to accept lands from the colonists, join the banner of
      independence, and fight against the monarch who purchased their services.
      But argument was of no avail: the question for referring the treaties to a
      committee was carried by two hundred and forty-two to eighty-eight, and
      subsequently for agreeing to the report by one hundred and twenty to
      forty-eight. One amendment was carried on the motion of Colonel Barrè,
      namely, for an address to his majesty to equip the German troops with
      British manufactures.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of lords the whole strength of the opposition was arrayed
      against the treaties. The Duke of Richmond moved an address not only to
      countermand all foreign troops, but to forego hostilities. His grace
      observed, in his speech, that ever since the year 1702, the German princes
      had been rising in their demands; that the present bargain was harder than
      any former one; and that the cost of the mercenaries engaged would not be
      less than one million and a half annually. He then animadverted on the
      large proportion of officers employed, and pointed out the danger of
      keeping so many foreigners under their own generals. He took occasion,
      also, to speak again of the unseen, overruling influence which had for so
      many years pervaded all our councils, though it was manifest to all that
      this influence proceeded from the king himself. After a long and animated
      speech, the Duke of Richmond was followed by other noble lords who
      enforced his sentiments. It was stated that neither Marlborough's campaign
      of 1704, which saved the German empire, nor the campaign by which the Earl
      of Chatham had obtained Canada, had cost so much money as that of Boston
      during the last year. It was also urged that the nation was incapable of
      bearing new taxes or of supporting the war in America; and that, if to the
      American war were added a rupture with France and Spain, and the whole
      house of Bourbon, the ruin of England was inevitable. The population of
      America was likewise pompously displayed, and the termination of all
      connexion between England and her colonies predicted. On their part
      ministers supported their measures by tracing the history of the colonies,
      and exhibiting their uniform disposition to factious resistance. Lord
      Temple, who had again differed with his brother-in-law the Earl of
      Chatham, strongly reprobated the intemperance of the opposition. He
      remarked:&mdash;"The next easterly wind will convey to America every
      expression used in this debate; and I would not that the nakedness and
      weakness of my country should stand confirmed by the sanction and
      authority of such testimony. It is time to act, and not to talk; for the
      die is cast, the sword is drawn, and the scabbard thrown away. Past
      experience certainly will not justify confidence in ministers; but I would
      not, by declaring our utter inability to reduce the colonists, furnish a
      golden bridge for an ignominious, ruinous, and disgraceful peace. I have
      heard the war called unjust: but who in this house have a right to call it
      so? Not those who voted for the Declaratory Act: those only who denied our
      right of taxation; and how very few were they! I cannot approve of
      recalling troops, and publishing the terms to which you will yield, until
      there is reasonable assurance of their not being rejected. When the happy
      moment for conciliation shall arrive, I hope ministers will seize it: I
      wish them success: at least at such a crisis I will not hang on the wheels
      of government, rendering that which already is but too difficult more
      impracticable." Upon a division, the Duke of Richmond's motion was
      negatived by one hundred to thirty-two; but the proposed address was
      entered on the journals, with the names of ten peers protesting against
      its rejection.
    </p>
    <p>
      Despite this "vast and invincible majority," as it was called by Burke, on
      the 14th of March the Duke of Grafton moved for an address beseeching his
      majesty that a proclamation might be issued, declaring that if the
      revolted colonies, within a reasonable time, before or after the arrival
      of the troops in America, should present a petition to the
      commander-in-chief, or to the commissioners appointed under the late act,
      setting forth what they considered to be their just rights and real
      grievances, hostilities should be suspended, and the said petition be
      referred to parliament for consideration. In making this motion, the Duke
      of Grafton asserted that both France and Spain were arming, and that two
      French gentlemen had already been to America, and had had conferences with
      Washington and with congress. These assertions, however, were treated by
      ministers as chimerical, and Lord Weymouth, secretary for foreign affairs,
      assured the house that there never was a time when Great Britain had less
      to fear from foreign powers, and that every courier brought assurances of
      the pacific intentions and friendly feelings from all the courts of
      Europe. After a long debate, in which old arguments were reiterated on
      both sides of the house, the duke's motion was negatived, by a majority of
      ninety-one against thirty-one. About a fortnight after this Mr. Hartley
      presented the form of another address in the commons, which was conceived
      in a better spirit, but it shared the same fate as that of the Duke of
      Grafton. On the 10th of May Mr. Sawbridge, who had succeeded Wilkes as
      lord mayor, made a similar motion, for placing the Americans in the same
      situation as the Irish.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the debates on this motion, Mr. Temple Luttrel, a younger brother
      of the colonel, uttered very violent language; declaring that the king's
      speech was a sanguinary parole, and the ministry an infernal
      administration: quoting the well-known observation of the philosopher
      Thaïes; "that of all wild beasts, the worst was a tyrant, and of all tame
      ones, a flatterer." The motion was negatived, as was also a motion
      subsequently made by General Conway, for inspecting the powers vested in
      his majesty's commissioners proceeding to America.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of May, at the moment when his majesty was expected in the
      house of lords to prorogue parliament, Mr. Hartley moved in the commons,
      an address, praying that parliament might not be prorogued, but continue
      sitting by adjournments during the summer, in order that they might be
      ready to receive information concerning the proceedings in America, and to
      provide for contingencies. This motion was, however, negatived without a
      division, and soon after the commons were summoned to the upper house for
      the purpose of prorogation. In his speech the king said that no alteration
      had taken place, or was likely to take place, in his relations with
      foreign courts. He represented the country as engaged in a great national
      cause, attended with great difficulty and with much expense. As, however,
      the essential rights and interests of the empire were deeply concerned in
      the issue of it, and could have no safety or security but in that
      constitutional subordination for which they were contending, he felt
      convinced, he said, that no price would be considered too high in order to
      obtain the wished-for objects. He still hoped his rebellious subjects
      might be awakened to a sense of their errors, and make a voluntary
      submission; but if not, he trusted to effect this object by a full
      exertion of the forces with which he had been entrusted by parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the declarations of the secretary of state for foreign
      affairs, and likewise of his majesty, that there was nothing to fear from
      foreign powers, it is evident that at this very period there was much to
      fear from those quarters. France and Spain both smarted under the disgrace
      of the late wars, and burned for revenge, whence there was every reason to
      apprehend that the armaments they were preparing, under various pretences,
      would ultimately be employed against England. Then again, Frederic of
      Prussia entertained strong feelings of resentment against us, for the
      manner in which he had been treated during the late war, and the Czarina
      of Russia had absolutely refused her promised aid. Moreover the naval
      superiority of Great Britain had excited the envy of almost every other
      state; and they longed to see it diminished. It does not appear, indeed,
      that any foreign potentate looked with an approving or an unjaundiced eye
      upon the part taken by Britain, except the Emperor of Austria, and as this
      part was in strict accordance with the monarchical principles of the
      Austrian court, his aid might fairly be expected. These well-known
      sentiments of foreign powers had doubtless the effect of stimulating the
      Americans in their factious opposition to their mother country, and
      England ought to have been warned by them. But England itself was like a
      divided house upon this subject. The Americans in fact were more
      encouraged by the people of England in their rebellion than by the hostile
      sentiments of foreign powers. Recent pages fully prove that they had their
      advocates in parliament,&mdash;men who not only justified their
      proceedings, but likewise exhibited to them in their speeches "the
      nakedness of the land," in strange, unjustifiable, and hyperbolical
      language. Like the false spies among the Hebrews, they spread an evil
      report of their country's resources, and hence held it forth to the
      contempt of the colonists. In this they were also aided by the political
      writers of the day. The press teemed with publications in favour of the
      colonists, and every breeze wafted them across the mighty waters to add
      fuel to the flames. One of the most conspicuous of these writers was Dr.
      Price, whose work entitled, "Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty,
      &amp;c.;" sought to depreciate the British government, and extolled the
      spirit which gave rise to the American revolution. Powerful pens, as that
      of Dr. Johnson, were, it is true, employed on the other side of the
      question,&mdash;but sentiments in accordance with the feelings of an
      individual or a whole people will ever maintain a preponderating
      influence. Moreover, it must be confessed that those writers who took the
      part of government often wrote in an illiberal and unenlightened spirit,
      so that their emanations had an equally powerful effect in confirming the
      Americans in their views and designs, as those which proceeded from the
      pens of their advocates. From every party, in truth, and on every hand,
      the colonists received encouragement in their hostility to the British
      crown.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EVACUATION OF BOSTON BY THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the British parliament was indulging in oratorical debate, and
      political writers were dipping their pens in gall, the Americans had been
      actively engaged with the sword. During the winter, both the British army
      in Boston, and the blockading army of the Americans, by which that town
      was surrounded, had undergone many miseries. Washington, however, was
      active in keeping up the flagging spirits of his troops, and they were
      further revived by the constant arrival of provision-waggons, ammunition,
      artillery, and reinforcements. At length Washington was induced to
      commence offensive operations. Ploughed Hill, Cobble Hill, and Lechemeres
      Point were successively occupied during the month of December, and the
      approaches of the American troops were carried within half-a-mile of the
      British works on Bunker's Hill. Congress recommended an immediate assault
      upon Boston; but Washington asked for more time, to complete his
      approaches and make his preparations. This was allowed him, and in the
      month of January a council of war was held in the camp&mdash;some of the
      members of congress being present&mdash;when it was resolved, that the
      British troops should be attacked before any reinforcements should arrive.
      At the same time it was resolved that thirteen regiments of militia should
      be required from Massachusets and the neighbouring colonies, that the
      attempt might be made with good prospect of success. These regiments were
      supplied early in February, but Washington was compelled to forego an
      immediate attack from the state of the weather. It was then exceedingly
      mild, and he wanted ice to enable him to pass the river. But this was not
      long wanting. About the middle of February the cold became intense, and
      the ice was sufficiently strong to bear the troops. Still the attack was
      delayed. Another council of war was held, and it was unanimously'
      resolved, that the attempt was too hazardous. Soon after, however,
      Washington received intelligence that a part of the British troops in the
      town was expected at New York, and from various appearances among them he
      conceived that there was an intention of evacuating Boston. He now
      resolved to commence the attack. On the 2nd of March he began a heavy
      bombardment and cannonade on the town and on the British lines, which was
      continued for two days. On the night of the 4th of March Washington took a
      more decisive step. The heights of Dorchester commanded the shipping in
      the harbour and nearly the whole town, and yet Lord Howe had taken no more
      care to occupy this hill than General Gage had taken to occupy Bunker's
      Hill. In the midst of the roar of artillery, therefore, Washington
      dispatched General Thomas, with 2000 troops and 300 labourers, to take
      possession of the heights of Dorchester; and at the break of day the
      British beheld the hill occupied and strongly fortified. They had scarcely
      recovered from their surprise when Thomas began to cannonade the town and
      the ships of war, his labourers still working with ardour, in order to
      render his position still more formidable. General Howe saw that he must
      either dislodge Thomas, or evacuate Boston, and he sent Lord Percy with
      3000 men to effect his dislodgement. Percy embarked in transports, and
      fell down to the castle in order to proceed up the river to a low strip of
      land at the foot of Dorchester Hill; but a storm arose, and he was
      compelled to return to the harbour. It was providential for the British
      troops that this storm arose; for the heights of Dorchester are almost
      perpendicular, and the force was hence insufficient to accomplish the
      enterprise. And the task was soon rendered more difficult. While
      Washington still kept up a terrible fire, more men were sent to the
      heights; and Thomas, on the advice of Colonel Mifflin, chained together a
      number of hogsheads filled with sand and stones, which were to be rolled
      down the hill, should General Howe renew the attempt, upon his advancing
      columns. The British commander, however, became sensible of the madness of
      such an attempt, and resolved to evacuate the town. An intimation was sent
      to Washington that Boston would be spared from the flames if the troops
      were suffered to embark without molestation. This notice determined
      Washington to refrain from hostilities, and in ten days, on the 17th of
      March, the British troops quitted the cradle of the revolution, and set
      sail for Halifax, in Nova Scotia. Before they departed the British troops
      destroyed Castle William, but they left their barracks uninjured, with a
      large quantity of cannon and ammunition, of which Washington was in want.
      This was a great blunder; for if they could not have been carried away
      they should have been destroyed. And this was not the only blunder
      committed. In sailing away, Howe left no cruizer in Boston Bay to warn the
      ships expected from England that the place was not in our possession; and
      a few days after, when Washington had taken up his quarters in the town,
      several of our store-ships sailed into the harbour, and fell into the
      hands of the Americans, before they discovered that Boston was lost to
      King George. Howe's negligence was even still more disastrous in its
      consequences than this; for Lieutenant-colonel Archibald Campbell sailed
      into the harbour with seven hundred fresh troops from England, and he was
      taken, and became the subject for severe and brutal retaliation. The
      loyalists who remained in Boston became also the objects of vengeance;
      they were tried as the betrayers of their country, and their effects were
      confiscated, while the very estates of the emigrants were seized, and
      passed into the hands of the victors. It was a proud triumph for the
      Americans. Congress, elated by it, passed a vote of thanks to Washington
      and his army for their acquisition of Boston, and directed a gold medal to
      be struck in commemoration of the event.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1776-1777
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MISSION OF INDIAN CHIEFS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Untutored as the savage is, many a lesson may be gathered from his lips
      and his conduct. Before Boston was evacuated by the British troops, the
      Oneidas and some other Indian tribes had sent to the provincial assembly a
      deputation of their chiefs, on a mission which displayed much practical
      humanity and good feeling. The purport of this mission is disclosed in the
      address of these chiefs to the assembly. It reads thus:&mdash;"Brothers,
      we have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention between you
      and Old England. We wonder greatly and are troubled in our minds.
      Brothers, possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians. We cannot
      intermeddle in this dispute between brethren: the quarrel seems to us so
      unnatural; and we bear an equal affection to both. Should the great king
      apply to us for aid we shall deny him: if the colonies apply we shall
      refuse. We Indians cannot find or recollect, in the traditions of our
      ancestors, a case similar to this. Brothers, if it were an alien that had
      struck you we should look into the matter. We hope, through the wise
      government and good pleasure of the Great Spirit, your distresses may be
      soon removed, and the dark clouds dispersed. Brothers, as we have declared
      for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren for
      assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and you white people settle
      the disputes between yourselves." But notwithstanding this wise policy of
      these Indian chiefs, many of the savage tribes bordering on the great
      lakes and rivers were induced by British agents to wield the tomahawk in
      behalf of "the great king," and committed ravages which brought a stain
      upon the fair fame of Great Britain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the close of the session of the British parliament good news had
      arrived from Canada. Congress had voted nine regiments for service in that
      colony, and General Schuyler was ordered to prepare a number of batteaux
      to transport these troops down the lakes and the Sorel to the scene of
      action. At this juncture news arrived of the death of Montgomery, and the
      critical situation of Arnold. This news urged congress to renewed
      exertions. They did all they could to hasten their reinforcements, and
      called upon the provincial conventions to collect all the money they could
      for the use of the army in Canada. Men and specie were, however, not
      easily procured; and, moreover, had the troops been ready on the instant,
      they could not have marched during the winter, as the ground was covered
      with snow, and the lakes all frozen over. On the opening of spring,
      however, by the 1st of April, the force in Canada was raised to 1,800 men.
      But coined money was not forthcoming for their use, and Arnold issued a
      proclamation, making the paper-money of congress current, under promise of
      redeeming it with specie in four months, and threatening all who refused
      this paper in exchange for their commodities or labour with destruction.
      The French Canadians had no faith in the paper-money, or in the promises
      of Arnold, and the troops, therefore, were under the necessity of helping
      themselves to what they wanted. This was fatal to the American cause in
      Canada. The Canadians were told that the troops were come to liberate them
      from tyranny and oppression, but they concluded that they had only come to
      plunder them. Added to this, the New Englanders laughed at the Catholic
      church ceremonies, and insulted some of the priests, whence they insured
      universal hatred and vengeance. The situation of Arnold was a critical
      one, and it was rendered more so by the appearance of the small-pox among
      his troops, which greatly thinned his ranks. Still Arnold resolved to
      persevere. He again set up his battery before the walls of Quebec, hoping
      to take it before it should be relieved by reinforcements from England.
      Before, however, he could make any impression, General Wooster arrived as
      his superior in command; and, taking offence, he retired to Montreal,
      there to assume a separate command. Many of the Americans also left the
      army and returned home, under the pretence that the period of their
      engagement was expired. General Thomas arrived on the 1st of May, and the
      force then amounted to 2000 men. Had these troops been effective, and had
      the magazines been well stored, Thomas might have had some chance of
      success, but such was not the case; and to complete his dilemma, the river
      St. Lawrence began to open below, and intelligence arrived that English
      ships of war were daily expected. Thomas therefore resolved to make a
      precipitate retreat, and he began to remove the sick to the Three Rivers,
      and to embark his artillery and stores in boats and canoes. Before these
      operations were completed, however, three English ships which had forced
      their way through the ice arrived before Quebec, and these vessels
      instantly threw on shore two companies of the 29th regiment, with some
      marines and sailors. Struck with consternation, the Americans began to fly
      in all directions, and General Carleton then sallied out in pursuit of
      them. Notwithstanding, the enemy retreated so precipitately that Carleton
      could do nothing more than capture their artillery and stores, about a
      hundred fugitives, and nearly all their sick, who had been left behind.
      Many, however, were afterwards found concealed and starving in the woods;
      and Carleton, as humane as he was brave, treated the whole of the
      prisoners with great humanity. The rest of the troops crossed the St.
      Lawrence, and formed at the forts of Chamblée and St. John, on the Sorel,
      where General Thomas died of the small-pox.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus successful, General Carleton dispatched Captain Forster to a strong
      fort, called the Cedars, situate thirty miles west of Montreal, and which
      was garrisoned by four hundred Americans. This fort surrendered, on
      condition that the garrison should be preserved from the ferocity of the
      Indians. In the attack on this fort one Indian, on the side of the
      English, was slain, and this excited the passions of the red men to
      revenge. On the day after the surrender of the Cedars Forster heard that a
      party of the enemy were marching from another point to secure the fort,
      and he ordered one hundred Indians to place themselves in ambush on both
      sides of the road in a wood through which the enemy must pass. This
      stratagem was completely successful. All the Americans were captured, and
      when the Indians had brought them to the front of the fort they prepared
      to put them to death, in atonement for the blood of their tribe which had
      been shed. This was an ancient custom, and it was with difficulty that
      Captain Forster induced them to dispense with it: it was only effected by
      conciliating them with presents. From the Cedars, Forster proceeded to
      Vaudreuil, about six miles northward. Arnold made an attempt to dislodge
      him, but was obliged to retreat, and return to St. Anne's, on the island
      of Montreal. Being encumbered with prisoners, Forster judged it expedient
      to release them; Arnold promising to return an equal number of royal
      troops within two months. This compact, however, was shamefully violated
      by congress, under pretence that Forster had treated the prisoners taken
      at the Cedars in a barbarous manner&mdash;a pretence which was utterly
      unfounded. In the meantime General Carleton being reinforced by more
      troops from England, repaired to Three Rivers, about midway between Quebec
      and Montreal. Imagining that Carleton had only sent a detachment, General
      Sullivan, who had succeeded to the command of the troops on the death of
      Thomas, ordered General Thomson and Colonel St. Clair to cross the St.
      Lawrence, and to make a night attack on the forces of the English. These
      two officers did not arrive at Three Rivers till the day dawned, and as
      soon as they were seen the alarm was given all along the bank, and a fire
      was opened upon them from some ships. They landed from their boats, and in
      their confusion ran into a broad morass, where they were attacked in front
      by General Fraser, and in their rear by General Nesbit; while Major Grant
      took possession of a bridge, which rendered their escape over the river
      Des Loups impracticable. Many were killed and wounded, and General
      Thompson, with Colonel Irvine, and about two hundred men, were taken
      prisoners. The rest fell back in disorder across a bog into a wood on
      their left, and on the next day crossed the bridge which Major Grant had
      occupied, and which was by some mistake now left unguarded, whence they
      reached their boats, and escaped to their main body at Sorel. General
      Carleton embarked the mass of his forces and pursued them by water; but
      when he arrived at Sorel he found that place evacuated, and the batteries
      dismantled. General Burgoyne, who had arrived with the last reinforcements
      from England, was charged with the pursuit of Sullivan, while Carleton
      himself recrossed the St. Lawrence to look after Arnold. That officer,
      however, glad to make his escape from Canada, embarked his men, crossed
      over the river at Long Isle, and joined Sullivan at Fort St. John, on the
      Sorel. The two American generals did not deem themselves safe at this
      fort, and they therefore set fire to it, as well as that of Chamblée, and
      continued their retreat up the river. They were followed by Burgoyne; but
      when that general reached the head of the Sorel, and saw the lake beyond
      it well supplied with armed vessels, he desisted from the pursuit, and
      rejoined General Carleton. By these events, Canada was entirely freed from
      the American arms; and General Carleton commenced preparations for the
      recovery of Ticonderoga, and the dominion of the lakes Champlain and St.
      George, now held by the enemy. The American generals, Sullivan and Arnold,
      threw themselves upon the isle Aux Noix, where they were secure from the
      enemy, but where many of their men perished of fever.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON SULLIVAN'S ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While success attended the British arms in Canada, an expedition sent
      against the southern states totally failed. Governor Martin had been
      strenuously exerting himself to recover his lost province of North
      Carolina, by means of a body of Highlanders, who had recently emigrated to
      America, and another body of resolute men, called "Regulators," who lived
      principally by the chase. These two bodies were commanded by Colonels Mac
      Donald and Mac Leod. They were embodied at Cross Creek, but having
      attempted to open their way to Wilmington, where they expected some
      regular troops were to be landed, they were circumvented by a superior
      insurgent force, and beaten. Mac Leod, with most of his Highland
      followers, were slain, and Mac Donald, with some of the "Regulators," were
      taken prisoners; while the rest fled, and returned to their old hunter
      life in the back country. The attempt which was made by Governor Martin,
      indeed, seems altogether to have been premature; but he appears to have
      been induced to make it from the delay of the arrival of General Clinton
      and his troops, who were destined for this service. No second attempt
      could be made to erect the royal standard in the Caro-linas, till Clinton
      arrived from England, and then it was found to be too late. He reached
      Cape Fear in the month of May, and immediately took the command of some
      troops which had previously been conveyed to those coasts by Sir Robert
      Parker. The general's instructions were to endeavour, by proclamations and
      other means, to induce the Carolinas to return to their allegiance; to
      gain information as to the temper and disposition of those provinces; and
      if he found the royalists sufficiently numerous to take up arms, to leave
      a part of his forces with them, and then to repair to New York to meet the
      commander-in-chief, General Howe. Clinton found no encouragement, and met
      with no signs of co-operation; and he, together with Parker, tired of
      doing nothing, resolved to go beyond their commission, by capturing or
      destroying Charleston, the capital of South Carolina, the trade of which
      town supplied the two colonies with the nerve of war. To this end they
      sailed from Cape Fear on the 4th of June, and arriving off Charleston they
      took possession of Long Island, where there were many royalists, but who
      had previously been disarmed. Near Charleston, however, and covering-its
      harbour, was another island, called Sullivan's Island, in which there were
      armed insurgents and formidable batteries. There was a projecting point of
      land, also, called Hadrell's Point, which almost touched this island, and
      on which General Lee, an Englishman, and rival of Washington, in the
      American service, was posted with a large force of regular troops and
      militiamen, and some artillery. Notwithstanding these formidable
      appearances, however, Clinton persevered in his design of taking this
      island. He constructed two batteries on Long Island, answering to those of
      the enemy, and to co-operate with the floating-batteries destined to cover
      the landing of the troops. The event was most disastrous. On the 28th of
      June the fleet, under Parker, anchored in front of the American fort, and
      opened a tremendous fire upon it; while Clinton seconded the efforts of
      the admiral by firing from the batteries on Long Island. In the midst of
      the roar of cannon the troops embarked in the rear of some floating
      batteries in boats and some small craft; but they had scarcely left the
      beach when they were ordered to return to their encampment on Long Island.
      Meanwhile the ships continued their firing upon the fort, which was
      responded to with equal vigour by the Americans. The roar of cannon ceased
      not till long after night-fall, and then the British fleet exhibited a sad
      and desolating spectacle; for while the fire of the ships made but
      comparatively little impression upon the fort, the fire from the fort did
      fearful execution upon the fleet. The following description of this day of
      carnage is from the pen of Burke. He says:&mdash;"Whilst the continued
      thunder from the ships seemed sufficient to shake the firmness of the
      bravest enemy, and daunt the courage of the most veteran soldier, the
      return made by the fort could not fail of calling for the respect as well
      as of highly incommoding the British seamen. In the midst of that dreadful
      roar of artillery, they stuck with the greatest constancy and firmness to
      their guns; fired deliberately and slowly, and took a cool and effective
      aim. The ships suffered accordingly: they were torn to pieces, and the
      slaughter was dreadful. Never did British valour shine more conspicuous,
      nor never did our marine, in an engagement of the same nature with any
      foreign enemy, experience as rude an encounter. The springs of the
      Bristol's cable being cut by the shot, she lay for some time exposed in
      such a manner as to be most dreadfully raked. The brave Captain Morris,
      after receiving a number of wounds, which would have sufficiently
      justified a gallant man in retiring from his station, still, with a noble
      obstinacy, disdained to quit his duty, until his arm, being at length shot
      off, he was carried away in a condition which did not afford a possibility
      of recovery. It is said, that the quarter-deck of the Bristol was at one
      time cleared of every person but the commodore, who stood alone, a
      spectacle of intrepidity and firmness, which has seldom been equalled,
      never exceeded." When the firing ceased the Bristol and Experiment, ships
      of fifty guns each, were left almost wrecks upon the water, but the
      frigates had not suffered so severely. It was expected by the Americans
      that most of them would be unable to pass the bar; but, with the exception
      of the Actæon frigate, which got aground at the commencement of the
      action, all dropped down with the tide beyond the reach of the guns in the
      fort. It is clear that Admiral Parker did all that could have been done to
      effect his object, but skill and valour were of no avail. The fortress was
      built of palmetto-wood, and therefore it was little damaged; the shot
      which struck it being buried in its soft materials. Then again, the bombs
      that were thrown into the fort were instantly swallowed up in a morass
      that was constructed in the middle, and therefore failed in their design.
      While the English ships, indeed, were swept of their men, the loss of the
      garrison did not exceed ten men killed and about twenty wounded. The
      Americans themselves accounted for their victory by the strength of the
      fort; the care they had taken to secure its approaches; the courage and
      skill displayed by Colonel Moultrie, who commanded in the fort; and the
      presence of Lee on the projecting point opposite the island. On the other
      hand, the English attributed their defeat to the non-co-operation of the
      army, which appears to have been declined by Parker, he having full
      confidence in the powers of the fleet. But whatever may have been the
      cause of the result, it is certain that by the repluse of this armament
      the southern states obtained a long respite from the horrors of war, and
      that it had the effect of raising the depressed spirits of the colonists:
      by it the spell which had long attached itself to the British navy was
      broken. After the disaster General Clinton set sail in the Solby frigate
      with his troops to join General Howe, but the rest of the ships remained
      at Long Island to refit.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS IN VIRGINIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During these events Lord Dunmore had been making a last effort to retrieve
      the king's affairs in Virginia. With the consent of General Howe he sent
      Mr. Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, to induce the people in the back
      and inland parts of the colony, together with several of the Indian
      tribes, to take up arms for government. Connelly had already reached the
      back-settlements, but soon after his arrival he was recognized by a
      tradesman to whom he was known, who denounced him to one of the nearest
      revolutionary committees. Connelly was seized with all his papers, and
      sent to Philadelphia, where he was put in irons and treated with the
      utmost severity. The scheme of Lord Dunmore was developed by his papers,
      and the whole was in consequence frustrated.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY CONGRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It required no prophetic eye to foresee that at no very distant period,
      notwithstanding the sentiments of loyalty expressed in their papers by
      congress, they would, nevertheless, take one vast stride in the march of
      revolution and proclaim their independence. As early as the 15th of May
      the congress, in their sitting at Philadelphia, resolved:&mdash;"That it
      should be recommended to all the various assemblies and conventions in the
      United States of America, where no form of government adequate to the
      exigencies of affairs had yet been adopted, to establish such a
      constitution as should be most conducive to the public welfare and
      security." This resolution was published in the newspapers, with a
      preamble, stating that as the king and parliament of Great Britain had
      excluded the inhabitants of the colonies from the protection of their
      mother country, it behoved them to abolish the power and constitution
      which had been derived from thence. By this measure of congress the mask
      was at length thrown off, and many Americans now stepped forward to claim
      the honour of having been the originator of the grand idea. The glory is,
      however, generally attributed by Americans to Benjamin Franklin;&mdash;the
      man who, while in England, strove with all his might, and in the depth of
      guile, to make the Earl of Chatham, and all the great orators of
      opposition, believe that the wish was furthest from his thought;&mdash;that
      he earnestly desired to preserve the connexion of the colonies with his
      "dear old mother country." While at the same time, however, that American
      writers attribute the origin of the grand idea to Benjamin Franklin, they
      admit that it was the pen of an English writer that rendered the most
      effective service in this particular&mdash;a pen that was wielded by the
      infidel, Thomas Paine! Originally a Quaker and stay-maker in Norfolk,
      Paine first made himself known as a political writer by the publication of
      a pamphlet. This pamphlet recommended him to the notice of Franklin, who
      advised the poor author to try his fortune in America, now affording a
      wide field for the talents of adventurers. Paine accordingly settled at
      Philadelphia in 1774, where he became first a contributor to newspapers
      and periodicals, and then editor of the "Philadelphia Magazine." By this
      time the public mind had been prepared by various productions issued from
      the press, to entertain thoughts of independence. Paine turned his wit to
      this subject, and in 1776 he brought out his famous pamphlet, called
      "Common Sense," which contained bolder sentiments than any written by all
      the other various pamphleteers. His production met with unparalleled
      success. Copies were distributed throughout the colonies, and "Common
      Sense" became literally the study of the whole American world. It was even
      read, admired, and eulogised in England by men of sense and talent: Burke
      calls it "that celebrated pamphlet which prepared the minds of the people
      for independence." Its chief merit, however, seems to have consisted in
      rough, sarcastic wit, which was well calculated to flatter the prejudices
      as well as to inflame the resentment of the American people. The effects
      it produced were wonderful. Multitudes were brought over by it to the
      cause of independence, who but a few months before would have regarded the
      proposition with abhorrence. As for the writer he at once gained by it the
      topmost pinnacle of the temple of popularity. The legislature of
      Pennsylvania voted him £500; the university of the same province conferred
      on him the degree of Master of Arts; he was elected member of the American
      Philosophical Society, founded by Franklin; and he was subsequently made
      clerk to the committee of foreign affairs, while he was consulted by all
      members of government and congress as an oracle.
    </p>
    <p>
      The recommendation of congress to the various assemblies and conventions
      in the United States of America met with all due attention, and many
      prepared for the organization of a new government. Thus the convention of
      New York appointed a committee to take the resolution into consideration,
      and on the 27th of May this committee presented a report, replete with
      democratic principle, and going the whole length which the recommendation
      involved. The men of the hot south, however, the Virginians, went to work
      in a less round-about manner than those of the other states. The
      convention of that colony, which met at Williamsburg on the 6th of May,
      instructed their delegates at congress to propose to that body an
      immediate declaration of independence. Accordingly, on the 7th of June,
      Richard Henry Lee, one of their delegates, moved that the congress should
      forthwith declare:&mdash;"That these united colonies are, and of right
      ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all
      allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between
      them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved;
      and that measures should immediately be taken for procuring the assistance
      of foreign powers, and a confederation be formed for binding the colonies
      more closely together." Vehement debates followed this proposition, its
      principal supporter being John Adams, and its chief opposer John
      Dickenson. On the question being put, six delegates voted in the
      affirmative, and an equal number in the negative; the delegates from
      Pennsylvania being equally divided. The debate, therefore, was resumed on
      the following day, when Dickenson relinquished his opposition, and by his
      vote decided the contest. Congress now assumed the title of
      "Representatives of the United States of America," and on the 4th of July
      they published a definite declaration, or act of independence. This
      declaration was drawn up by Jefferson, and slightly altered first by
      Franklin and Adams, and afterwards by the whole committee to whom it was
      submitted. As passed by congress it commenced with asserting that all men
      were originally equal, and that all people have an unalienable right to
      choose their own government. It then set forth that the history of the
      present King of Great Britain had been a history of injuries and
      usurpations, having for their direct object the establishment of an
      absolute tyranny over America. The sins of the monarch&mdash;for it was
      against the king himself that congress chiefly aimed their blows&mdash;were
      set forth in eighteen separate clauses, and it must be confessed that if
      the monarch was so great a sinner as he was represented to be in these
      clauses, then the summing up of the act of independence was justifiable.
      This summing up declared,&mdash;"That a prince marked by every act which
      may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people:
      consequently, congress, in the name and by the authority of the good
      people of America, had solemnly published and declared that the colonies
      were free and independent states, absolved from allegiance to the British
      crown; that all political connexion between them and Great Britain was
      broken; and they, as free and independent states, had full power to levy
      war, conclude peace, contract alliances, and establish commerce." But
      though the people of England were not calumniated by congress in such bold
      and unwarrantable language as their monarch, they nevertheless were
      condemned by the act of independence. A clause in it with reference to the
      British people, reads thus:&mdash;"Nor have we been wanting in attentions
      to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts
      made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
      We have reminded them of the circumstances of an emigration and settlement
      here; we have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity; and we
      have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow those
      usurpations which interrupted our connexion and correspondence. But they
      have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must,
      therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which pronounces our separation, and
      hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace,
      friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of
      America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of
      the world for the rectitude of our intentional do, in the name and by the
      authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and
      declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
      and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
      British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state
      of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free
      and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace,
      contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and
      things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of
      this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
      Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and
      our sacred honour."
    </p>
    <p>
      This declaration went forth to the world as the unanimous act of congress
      and of the whole American people. Nevertheless, several delegates, among
      whom was Mr. Dickenson, refused to sign the paper, and it is well known
      that there were many among the American people, and men of great influence
      and talent, who dissented from the act. Washington himself conceived that
      congress was going too far, although he still continued at the head of
      their army to fight their battles. But there was now no alternative but to
      fight or be considered a renegade. The great body of the nation was in
      favour of the measure of congress, and were prepared to stand by its
      consequences. And in this they were encouraged by the inherent power which
      they possessed; by the physical advantages which their country presented;
      and by the difficulties which Great Britain, split into factions, and with
      a divided parliament, must encounter in carrying on a war in such a far
      distant country. The Americans also appear to have been encouraged, even
      at this early stage of their rebellion, by foreign powers. It is an
      indisputable fact, indeed, that their sole reliance was not upon "native
      swords and native ranks." Secret agents had been sent to America from
      powers clandestinely inimical to the British nation; and American agents
      had been sent secretly to the courts of Paris, Madrid, Naples, the Hague,
      and St. Petersburgh. The Americans, moreover, drew encouragement from the
      hope that there might be a rebellion in Ireland, if not in England itself.
      To ensure such a consummation in Ireland, they even sent addresses to the
      Irish people which were well calculated to lead to it. How artfully these
      addresses were worded may be seen from the following extract of one, in
      which the Americans expressed their regret that they had been compelled to
      include Ireland with Great Britain in their non-importation agreements. It
      states:&mdash;"Your parliament had done us no wrong. You had ever been
      friendly to the rights of mankind, and we acknowledge with pleasure and
      gratitude that your nation has produced patriots who have nobly
      distinguished themselves in the cause of humanity and America. On the
      other hand we were not ignorant that the labour and manufactures of
      Ireland, like those of the silkworm, were of little moment to herself, but
      served only to give luxury to those who neither toil nor spin. We
      perceived that if we continued our commerce with you, our agreement not to
      import from Britain must be fruitless. Compelled to behold thousands of
      our countrymen imprisoned; and men, women, and children in promiscuous and
      unmerited misery&mdash;when we found all faith at an end, and sacred
      treaties turned into tricks of state&mdash;when we perceived our friends
      and kinsmen massacred, our habitations plundered, our houses in flames,
      and their once happy inhabitants fed only by the hand of charity&mdash;who
      can blame us for endeavouring to restrain the progress of the desolation?
      Who can censure us for repelling the barbarous band? Who in such
      circumstances would not obey the great, the universal, the divine law of
      self-preservation? Though vilified as wanting spirit, we are determined to
      behave like men; though insulted and abused, we wish for reconciliation;
      though defamed as seditious, we are ready to obey the laws: and though
      charged with rebellion, we will cheerfully bleed in defence of our
      sovereign in a righteous cause. What more can we say? What more can we
      offer? We know that you are not without your grievances. We sympathize
      with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of
      subjugating us has persuaded the administration to dispense to Ireland
      some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine. Even the tender mercies of
      government have long been cruel towards you. In the fat pastures of
      Ireland many hungry parricides have fed and grown strong to labour in her
      destruction. We hope the patient abiding of the meek may not always be
      forgotten." The Americans could scarcely have spoken plainer than this,
      and the Irish people could not fail rightly to interpret their language as
      an incitement to join in that sin which the sacred penman has likened to
      the sin of witchcraft&mdash;rebellion.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1776-1777
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW YORK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that when General Howe evacuated Boston he set sail for
      Halifax. He remained at Halifax till the 11th of June, when he sailed for
      New York, and arrived near the end of the month offf Sandy Hook. He
      expected to meet his brother, Lord Howe, with the main body of the fleet
      and the new army, together with Sir Peter Parker with his squadron, and
      General Clinton with his troops. These parties, however, were still far
      away, and he therefore landed at Staten Island, where he was joined by Mr.
      Tryon, the expelled governor of New York, and a body of loyalists who had
      taken refuge with him in an armed vessel. Shortly after he was joined by
      his brother, Admiral Lord Howe, and subsequently by Sir Peter Parker and
      his squadron, when their united forces amounted to nearly 30,000 men,
      British and foreign.
    </p>
    <p>
      Anterior to this, and as early as the month of April, General Washington
      had left Boston for New York, and at this moment his army were throwing up
      strong entrenchments at that city and on Long Island, to close the river
      Hudson against the English fleet. The main body of his forces were with
      Washington at New York; General Sullivan, with a strong force, was at the
      western extremity of Long Island, just opposite the city; while the rest
      of the forces mainly occupied different posts on York Island. The total
      number of Washington's army appears to have exceeded 30,000; but sickness
      prevailed in his camp to such an extent that at one time nearly a fourth
      part of his forces were unfit for action. Added to this embarrassment,
      many of the inhabitants were disaffected to the American cause, and even a
      part of his own guards entered into a conspiracy to seize his person, and
      deliver him to the enemy. This conspiracy, however, was discovered, and
      several engaged in it were executed, and Washington, thus relieved from
      danger, earnestly pressed forward the defences of the city. He had with
      him a large train of artillery and an abundant supply of military stores.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before proceeding to extremities, Lord Howe sent ashore by a flag,
      circular letters, acquainting the Americans with his powers, both civil
      and military, and enclosing a declaration granting pardons to all such as
      were willing to return to their duty; promising that any colony, town,
      post, or place that submitted instantly should be exempted from the
      provisions of the acts of parliament prohibiting their trade, etc.; and
      giving assurances that the meritorious services of all persons who should
      aid and assist in restoring tranquillity would be duly rewarded.
      Washington forwarded these papers to congress, by whom they were published
      in the newspapers, with a comment calculated to destroy their effects. At
      the same time Lord Howe opened a direct communication with Washington; but
      that general taking offence at the letter being simply directed to "George
      Washington, Esq.," raised a cavil on that ground, to prevent a conference
      which would have been embarrassing to him at so critical a period. It was
      in vain that Adjutant-general Paterson, the bearer of the letter,
      protested that no disrespect was intended, and that Lord Howe and his
      brother, the general, could not depart from the rules laid down for them:
      Washington rejected the letter, and refused to let it lie on his table,
      which refusal was highly approved of by congress. As a last resource, the
      British admiral entered into a correspondence on the subject with Dr.
      Franklin, with whom he had been on intimate terms in England; but the
      first letter which his lordship received from that philosopher convinced
      him of the inutility of any further efforts at negociation, and he
      prepared for the decision of the sword.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1776-1777
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    <h2>
      DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS ON LONG ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having at length been joined by Clinton and by nearly all the forces he
      expected, General Howe, on the morning of the 22nd of August, commenced
      operations. He first threw forward a division of 4000 men under Clinton,
      who landed in Gravesend Bay, Long Island, without opposition; their
      disembarkation being covered by three frigates and two bombs. This
      division was soon followed by the rest of the British army and the
      artillery; and upon their landing, Sullivan's advanced guard set fire to
      all the houses and granaries and fled to the woody heights, through which
      the English must pass. Washington had previously reinforced the army of
      Sullivan, and calculating that Long Island must be held, he threw over
      more reinforcements from New York, until the mass of his army was
      concentrated on that spot. By his direction, the Americans to the number
      of 15,000 were posted on a peninsula towards that end of the island which
      faces the city of New York, and is not more than a mile from it. They were
      commanded by Generals Sullivan, Putnam, and Lord Stirling, and their
      object was to occupy these heights, and to defend the defiles which led
      through the hills against the English. A severe contest ensued; but the
      British right, under Sir Henry Clinton, having outflanked the left of the
      enemy, while the Hessians, under General De Heister, vigorously attacked
      the centre, the Americans were routed. Lord Stirling, who commanded the
      right wing, finding that the English had penetrated to the rear, gave
      orders for a retreat, and to secure it, boldly attacked the division under
      Lord Cornwallis; but being assailed in his course by General Grant, he was
      repulsed and taken prisoner. The dispersed troops fled to the fortified
      lines and camp at Brooklyn; but they left 2000 slain on the field, or
      drowned in a morass into which they were driven at Gowan's Cove; and about
      half that number, with Generals Sullivan and Udell, with ten other
      field-officers were taken prisoners. The loss of the British was
      comparatively trifling: seventy were slain and about 200 wounded. The
      ardour of the British troops was such that they followed the fugitives
      almost to the foot of their works, and they were with difficulty prevented
      from making an assault on their lines. Had they been permitted it seems
      clear that they might have easily carried them; but General Howe,
      conceiving that the lines must become his by regular approaches without
      much sacrifice of life, he ordered them back to a hollow out of the reach
      of the fire of the enemy. By this order the troops which had fled were
      saved. Washington, who had passed over from New York during the battle, in
      the midst of his extreme anguish at the fate of so many of his troops and
      the critical situation of the remainder, suddenly saw a gleam of hope
      bursting through the surrounding gloom. On that night the British army
      encamped in front of the American lines, and on the following morning the
      British general commenced his regular approaches; breaking ground about
      six hundred yards from one of the redoubts. But while the troops were
      digging their trenches on one side, Washington was smuggling his forces
      out on the other, and ferrying them over East River to the city of New
      York. His masterly retreat was effected by night in such order, secrecy,
      and silence that the English were not aware of it till the rising sun
      showed them that the enemy was out of the reach of danger: But for this
      the half of Washington's army which he had exposed on Long Island would
      have been lost, and the war might have been virtually ended. But even
      after his escape Washington found himself in no very enviable position. A
      superior and victorious force was in front of him, while all around him
      the country was hostile to his cause. The success of the British arms
      indeed, caused the anti-revolutionists to lift up their heads on every
      hand, and in great numbers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONFERENCE ON STATEN ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Almost immediately after the victory on Long Island, Lord Howe made
      another attempt to open a negociation. General Sullivan was despatched by
      him on parole with a verbal message to congress, importing that though he
      could not at present treat with them as an authorized body, he was
      desirous of conferring with them as private gentlemen at any place they
      would appoint. He had, he said, in conjunction with General Howe, full
      powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America on
      terms mutually honourable and advantageous&mdash;that he wished a compact
      to be made when as yet no decisive blow was struck and neither party could
      allege being compelled to enter into an agreement&mdash;that in case
      congress were disposed to treat, many things yet unasked might be granted
      them&mdash;and that, if upon the conference there should arise good ground
      for an accommodation, this might lead to an acknowledgment of its
      authority, as otherwise the compact could not be settled. Congress was
      embarrassed by this message. They felt that the admiral could have no
      offers to make which they could accept; and yet if they declined the
      conference the people might entertain a different opinion, and they might
      incur their vengeance if they refused to hear the message. Under these
      circumstances, while in their reply to Lord Howe they remarked that they
      could not, as the representatives of the free and independent States of
      America, send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their
      private characters, they would nevertheless send a committee of their body
      to know whether he had any authority to treat with persons authorised by
      congress, and to hear such propositions as he might have to make. The
      members appointed for this conference were Franklin, Adams, and Routledge;
      three of the bitterest enemies of Great Britain. This trio waited upon his
      lordship in Staten Island, on the 11th of September, and they were
      received with true English politeness and urbanity. His lordship commenced
      the conference by stating that though he could not treat with them as a
      committee of congress, yet as his powers enabled him to confer and consult
      with any private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, he would be glad,
      if they thought proper, to confer with them in such a character. As their
      business was only to hear what his lordship had to say, the trio replied,
      that he might consider them in what character he pleased, while they would
      only consider themselves in the character given them by congress. The
      admiral then said that he and his brother, as commissioners, had delegated
      power to grant pardons for the past, and that every favour might be
      expected from the British crown if the colonists would return to their
      allegiance. He also remarked that the king, ministry, and parliament were
      disposed to make government easy to them, and that the obnoxious acts
      would be revised in order to put an end to their grievances. These offers
      and assurances, however, were despised. The committee replied that if he
      had nothing else to propose he had come too late: the petitions of
      congress had been despised, independence was now proclaimed, and the new
      government formed. Lord Howe then simply expressed his regret at the evils
      which must be let loose upon the land, and the trio returned to
      Philadelphia.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF NEW YORK, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the victory on Long Island, and while the conference was going
      forward on Staten Island, General Howe was engaged in slowly enclosing
      Washington on all sides. Apprehensive of the consequences, therefore, the
      American general resolved to evacuate the city of New York, and retire on
      Kingsbridge, where some strong works had been erected. The British army
      had already effected a landing on New York Island without any loss or
      difficulty, and Washington retired so precipitately that he had not
      sufficient time to carry off all his artillery and stores. By his retreat
      General Howe not only took possession of New York, but also the best part
      of the island. He had scarcely, however, taken possession of New York when
      a dreadful fire broke out in several quarters of the town. Washington had
      previously proposed to congress that the city should be burned, rather
      than left in the hands of the English, which proposal had been negatived,
      but notwithstanding incendiaries were employed to execute the design. On
      the night of the 20th, therefore, when most of the citizens and troops
      were buried in sleep, these desperadoes began their work, and, despite the
      exertions of the soldiers and the citizens, nearly a third part of the
      city was consumed to ashes. A few incendiaries fell a sacrifice to the
      rage of the soldiers, and many individuals were arrested on suspicion, but
      no clue was found to unravel the mystery, though no doubt can exist that
      the fearful deed was committed by order of the American general. The act
      has been applauded as one emanating from stern patriotism and
      self-devotion, but it appears rather to have proceeded from sheer
      recklessness and bitter hatred to the English. The New Englanders were not
      destroying their own houses and property, but the houses and property of
      another people, and a rival colony, regardless of all the fearful
      consequences resulting from the act.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the retirement of Washington to Kingsbridge, the British troops were
      put on board the vessels again, with a view of landing at West Chester,
      gaining the rear of the enemy's encampment, and enclosing him on all sides
      within his fortresses. Washington perceived the necessity of counteracting
      this project, and, immediately decamping with his whole force, he took up
      a strong position, and occupied lines and works which ran right across
      York Island; the strongest being at Kingsbridge and Fort Washington.
      General Howe, with the main body of his army, marched up York Island, and
      encamped in face of Washington's lines, his lines also extending quite
      across the island, and being covered on either flank by the British ships.
      While thus situate, on the 16th of September, there was some skirmishing
      in the plain that lay between the two camps, in which the Americans lost
      Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, two of their best officers. The
      ill-success of the American general, by this time, seems to have had a
      great effect upon the disposition of his troops. Desertions were frequent,
      and as the time was approaching when the period of service for which most
      of the Americans had engaged would expire, Washington conceived that he
      should soon be left without an army. He saw plainly that the boasts of the
      sons of liberty, about flying to arms and fighting for their country
      without pay or reward, were not to be depended upon; and he wrote to
      congress, urging them to offer the troops good pay, in order that they
      might be induced to remain in the camp to fight their battles. Congress
      voted, in accordance with his recommendation, a bounty of twenty dollars
      per man, and small portions of land to every officer and soldier who
      should serve during the whole war. This, however, was not deemed
      sufficient, and Washington again wrote to congress, asserting, not only
      that if the offer were not raised, both officers and soldiers would leave
      the service, but that they would universally, as many were already doing,
      join the royal army. Congress again acceded to his wishes: they voted an
      increase of pay and bounty-money, and offered other advantages, immediate
      or prospective, which made it more profitable for them to remain in the
      American service, than to join Lord Howe. By this means Washington's
      troops were kept together, and General Howe was therefore, compelled to
      exert himself for victory. Having thrown up intrenchments to defend his
      own lines, and the approaches to New York, on the 12th of October he
      embarked a considerable part of the royal army, and landed them at
      Frog's-neck, about nine miles in the rear of Washington's positions. Some
      of the ships of war went still higher up the North River, so as to cut off
      any retreat to the Jerseys. The only road open to escape, indeed, was one
      leading to the New England provinces, and this, it is thought, might have
      been secured. Washington now contemplated deciding the fate of America by
      a pitched battle, and had it not been for the remonstrances of General
      Lee, the deserter, who had come up from Sullivan Island and the Carolinas,
      he would thus have acted. A council of war was called, and it was decided
      that they must decamp immediately, and get towards the open country,
      called the White Plains. In their retreat there was some skirmishing, in
      which the British troops were victorious; but on the 22nd of October,
      Washington succeeded in gaining the edge of the White Plains, where he put
      the main body of his army in a long line of entrenched camps, extending
      from twelve to thirteen miles on different heights, and having the deep
      river Brunx in his front. In this position he was attacked by the royal
      army on the 28th of October: the troops being divided into two columns;
      the left, led by Howe, and the right by Clinton. As they advanced towards
      the White Plains Clinton's column fell in with several bodies of the
      enemy, and drove them back in great confusion to their lines. It was
      observed, as the troops approached the American lines, that they were
      strongest on the flanks, and weakest in the centre. Had an assault been
      made on the centre, the absolute destruction of the American army would
      have been inevitable; but General Howe, neglecting that point, ordered a
      strong detachment of the left wing, under General Mac Dougal, to attack an
      eminence on which 4000 men were advantageously posted, probably for the
      purpose of covering a retreat, if necessary. This detachment succeeded in
      their enterprise; but it then became necessary to preserve the hill which
      the troops had gallantly taken possession of, and, in so doing, the left
      and right wing of our army were, in a great measure, severed from one
      another, so that they could not attack the main position of the Americans.
      That night the British troops slept on their arms, and the next day they
      encamped, with the left wing on one side of the Brunx, and the right on
      the other. On the 30th, having received some reinforcements, Howe made a
      disposition to attack the enemy's lines on the following morning; but
      during the night it rained in torrents, and the faces of the hills became,
      in consequence, so slippery, that the attack was postponed till the
      morrow. In the meantime, however, his intention was betrayed by a
      deserter, and before the break of day Washington evacuated the lines, set
      fire, in his retreat, to all the houses on White Plains, crossed the
      Croton River to North Castle, and took up a strong position, with the
      Croton stretching along his front, and having his rear well defended by
      woods and heights.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF FORT WASHINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Perceiving from the nature of the country that he could not force the
      American commander to join battle, General Howe now made a retrograde
      movement. Washington had left considerable forces at Fort Washington and
      King's Bridge, in the hope that those positions might be secured, even
      though he retreated or were beaten. The force in Fort Washington, and in
      the extensive entrenchments round it, consisted of 3000 men, under the
      command of the gallant Colonel Macgaw. This post was important to the
      royal army, as it secured an intercourse with the Jersey shore, and as in
      the hands of the enemy it seriously obstructed the navigation of the North
      River. General Howe, therefore, resolved to take it, and on the 15th of
      November, the garrison was summoned to surrender, on pain of being put to
      death by the sword. This summons was unheeded, and on the following
      morning it was carried by a furious assault; and all the garrison who were
      not slain, were taken prisoners. On the side of the British, also, there
      was a great loss; eight hundred being either killed or wounded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF FORT LEE, AND RETREAT OF WASHINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Immediately after this success, Lord Cornwallis crossed the North River,
      and drove the Americans from Fort Lee, which was nearly opposite Fort
      Washington, and took all their artillery, provision, and stores. This
      advance induced the American general to quit his post on the Croton, and
      fall back upon the river Delaware. Cornwallis penetrated to the remotest
      parts of East and West Jersey, and on the 24th of November, having
      received some reinforcements, he marched for Brunswick. He was now within
      two or three marches of the Americans, who fled before him in dismay; but
      when he arrived at Brunswick he was ordered to halt. He did not receive
      orders to advance till the 16th of December, and then it was too late for
      him to overtake the enemy. When he arrived at Princetown in the afternoon
      of that day, the last of the Americans had cleared out, and on pursuing
      them the next morning he reached Trenton only in time to see Washington's
      last boats crossing the river. At that time the forces of the American
      general scarcely amounted to 3000 men, for numbers of them had deserted,
      and those that remained were chiefly unsteady militia. Beyond the
      Delaware, indeed, Washington's force lost all appearance of an army; and
      the men still continued to desert, though often brought back forcibly to
      the camp. Lord Cornwallis now desisted from the pursuit, and put his
      division into winter-quarters, between the Delaware and the Hakensack.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION AGAINST RHODE ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While Cornwallis had been advancing through the Jerseys, General Clinton
      had been sent, together with the squadron of Sir Peter Parker, to Rhode
      Island, where an American squadron had been collected under Commodore
      Hopkins. This island was taken without any difficulty, and Hopkins retired
      up Providence River, where he remained inactive and useless. The people of
      Rhode Island, however, were enthusiastic revolutionists, and it required a
      considerable force to keep them in awe; whence, during three years, a
      great body of men were left in perfect idleness.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUCCESSES OF GENERAL CARLETON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the American army which had been driven from Canada,
      took refuge on the Isle Aux Noix, and that General Carleton was preparing
      to follow up his successes. It required vessels to cope with the American
      flotilla, and to command the lakes St. George and Champlain, near which
      the Isle Aux Noix was situate, and of these the general was in want. The
      frame-work of vessels was, indeed, sent for from England, but it required
      time before they could arrive, and still further time to put them
      together. Still Carle-ton did not remain idle. In the emergency he sent
      detachments from the king's ships stationed at Quebec, with volunteers
      from the transports, and a corps of artillery, to fell timber, and to
      occupy a favourable post on the Lake Champlain. The keel and
      floor-timbers, also, of the "Inflexible," a ship of three hundred tons,
      which had been laid down at Quebec, were taken to pieces, carried over to
      St. John's, and laid down again at a corner of the lake, where a little
      dock-yard was improvised. Moreover, thirty long-boats, many large
      batteaux, and a gondola of thirty tons were carried up to the spot, partly
      by land, and partly by being dragged up the shoals and rapids of the river
      Sorel. In a few weeks, indeed, General Carleton had a naval force&mdash;such
      as it was&mdash;to sweep the Lakes Champlain and St. George from end to
      end. But before these preparations were completed, the Americans had
      quitted the Isle Aux Noix, and had traversed the lake for Crown Point.
      Congress had voted that General Gates should take the command of these
      troops, and that Arnold, the hero of the Canada expedition, should command
      the squadron of fifteen vessels which were on the lake. When his
      preparations were completed, Carleton lost no time in seeking this
      squadron, and on the 11th of October he discovered it in a strong line
      across the passage between Isle Vallicour and the western shore of the
      lake. A warm but indecisive action ensued, which lasted till night-fall;
      but Arnold in the course of the night, though well watched, escaped from
      the passage, and attempted to make Fort Ticonderago. On the following
      morning his squadron was out of sight, but before noon the British
      flotilla got up with it again, and brought it to action a few leagues
      below Crown-Point. After a running fight of two hours, Arnold's headmost
      vessels succeeded in reaching Crown-Point, and the narrow part of the lake
      beyond that fort; but the "Washington" and "Jersey" were taken, and all
      the rest were run on shore, and there burnt by their crews. Crown-Point
      was immediately abandoned by the provincials, who ran for their lives to
      Ticonderoga. This fort was deemed too strong to be successfully attacked,
      at so advanced a season of the year, and Carleton, having strengthened the
      British fleet so as to ensure the command of Lake Champlain, evacuated
      Crown-Point of which he had taken possession, and returned to Quebec,
      where he exerted himself during the winter in making preparation for the
      next campaign. At the same time General Burgoyne returned to England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES OF CONGRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the confidence of many members of congress, that the contest
      would soon be over, was shaken, yet as a body they remained firm and
      hopeful. At the same time, on the advance of Lord Cornwallis through the
      Jerseys, they fled for safety from Philadelphia to Baltimore, in Maryland.
      On reassembling here, however, they betrayed no despondency or any lack of
      spirit. The hope of obtaining their grand object,&mdash;independence and
      separation from Great Britain,&mdash;seemed to sustain them in the midst
      of all their reverses. They now materially enlarged the powers of
      Washington. They authorised him to raise sixteen additional regiments;
      furnished him with all the money they could, and promised him a great deal
      more; and finally conferred upon him, for six months, a sort of
      dictatorship. They further voted a loan of 8,000,000 of dollars; they made
      more paper-money; they threatened all who would not receive it in payment
      for goods or labour; and they adopted all possible means, by force,
      intimidation, and enticement, to get money into the treasury, and to
      inspire courage into the hearts of the people. As for their committee of
      correspondence, they laboured ardently to induce France and Spain openly
      to espouse their quarrel, and to threaten England with an invasion, while
      the flower of its troops were engaged in America. It was proposed in
      congress that their commissioners at Versailles should be authorised to
      transfer to France the same monopoly of their trade which had been
      possessed by Great Britain. This, however, was relinquished as a measure
      which would strike a mortal blow at some of their leading arguments in
      favour of independence. It was next proposed that France should be offered
      a limited monopoly, and, this failing, it was suggested that France might
      be gained over by the offer of an alliance offensive and defensive. The
      more prudent among them represented that if France would venture into the
      war at all, it would not be by any treaty, or compact, or promises of
      congress, but out of her old rivalry and hatred of England. All the
      assurances she would want, they said, was an expression of their
      determination never again to submit to the mother country, but to persist
      in their present course, though all the world should be merely lookers-on.
      Resolutions were printed to this effect, and sent all over the union, and
      then to the principal courts of Europe, with agents appointed to impress
      upon those courts the sincerity of this declaration, and to solicit their
      friendship for the United States. The agents chosen for this mission were
      Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Mr. Arthur Lee, and what success attended
      their negotiations will soon be seen. Though appealing to the worst
      passions, and the most selfish feelings of foreign courts and cabinets,
      they were, nevertheless, not only listened to with complacency, but
      obtained present aid covertly, and had hopes held out to them of aid
      openly hereafter.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEFECTION OF THE COLONISTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the close of this year, clear proofs were given that the Americans
      were not wholly unanimous in the cause of independence. The inhabitants of
      the city and island of New York, and of Long Island, and various other
      places, presented petitions to Lord Howe, declaring that they acknowledged
      the supremacy of Great Britain, and praying to be received into the king's
      peace and protection. On the removal of congress from Philadelphia to
      Baltimore, the majority of the Philadelphians also began openly to declare
      for the royal cause. Washington detached troops to that city to quell the
      anti-revolutionary spirit, but this did not prevent many of its leading
      men from going over to, and corresponding with the commissioners.
      Moreover, most of the towns of the Jerseys sent deputations to the king's
      commissioners, and expressed their anxiety for a renewed allegiance to the
      British Crown. Possibly this may in part be attributed to the success of
      the royal arms, but it is evident that the feelings generally arose from
      genuine patriotism. Self-preservation may, also, in part, have dictated
      this line of policy, for in one particular the advice of Lord Barrington
      had been followed with respect to the Indians, and it had produced its
      natural consequences. Our establishments for the management of affairs
      with these tribes were withdrawn, and then the red men were left to act as
      they pleased; and they had a long account to settle with the Americans.
      From the earliest period of their emigration the colonists had laid it
      down as a principle that the red men were to be treated like beasts of
      prey, and they still hunted them down on every opportune occasion. Hence,
      as the Indians were accurate accountants in matters of blood, and held it
      as a sacred part of their religion, that they were bound to avenge the
      death of their kindred; no sooner were our agents withdrawn, than the
      Creek and Cherokee Indians resolved to ravage the back territories of
      Virginia and the Carolinas, and to carry, if possible, both fire and the
      spear into the heart of these colonies. They were repulsed by the militia
      of the colonies, but not before they had taken a terrible revenge for
      long-endured wrongs; and the day might not be far distant when they would
      return with other tribes to extend their devastations throughout America.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament assembled on the 31st of October. In his opening
      speech the king declared that nothing would have given him so much
      pleasure as to be able to state that the troubles in America were
      terminated, and that the colonists had returned to their duty. He
      continued:&mdash;"But so daring and desperate is the spirit of their
      leaders, whose object has always been dominion and power, that they have
      now openly renounced allegiance to the crown, and all political connexion
      with this country; they have rejected, with circumstances of indignity and
      insult, the means of conciliation held out under the authority of our
      commission; and have presumed to set up their rebellious confederacies for
      independent states. If their treason be suffered to take root much
      mischief must grow from it to the safety of my loyal colonies, to the
      commerce of my kingdom, and, indeed, to the present system of all Europe.
      One great advantage, however, will be derived from the object of the
      rebels being openly avowed and clearly understood;&mdash;we shall have
      unanimity at home, founded in the general conviction of the justice and
      necessity of our measures." His majesty said that he was happy to inform
      them that Canada was recovered, and that the success in the province of
      New York had been such as to give the strongest hopes of the most decisive
      consequences. He then recapitulated, as usual, the pacific assurances of
      European powers, although he must himself have had some doubts at this
      time of the sincerity of their professions. It is manifest, indeed, that
      signs of a rupture had become evident to the British cabinet, for his
      majesty added to this part of his speech,&mdash;"That he indulged the hope
      that all misunderstanding might be removed, and Europe continue to enjoy
      the inestimable blessing of peace." He also recommended that England
      should be put in a respectable state of defence, and urged upon his
      "faithful commons," the necessity of granting ample supplies for the
      maintenance of the honour of his crown, and the vindication of the just
      rights of parliament. He concluded thus:&mdash;"In this arduous contest I
      can have no other object but to promote the true interests of all my
      subjects. No people ever enjoyed more happiness, or lived under a milder
      government than those now revolted in the provinces: the improvements in
      every art of which they boast declare it: their numbers, their wealth,
      their strength by sea and land, which they think sufficient to enable them
      to make head against the whole power of the mother country, are
      irrefragable proofs of it. My desire is to restore them to the blessings
      of law and liberty, equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they
      have fatally and desperately exchanged for all the calamities of war, and
      the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs."
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1776-1777
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Addresses which were, as usual, echoes of the speech, were brought forward
      in both houses, and they elicited violent debates. In the commons Lord
      John Cavendish moved an amendment of greater length than even the proposed
      address. This amendment was seconded by the Marquess of Granby, and in it,
      and the debates that ensued, it was affirmed that the disaffection and
      revolt of the colonists could not have taken place, if there had not been
      great faults committed against them. The faults pointed out were, chiefly,
      the rejection of petitions and complaints; the improper instructions given
      to commissioners for the purpose of reconciliation; the endeavours made to
      break down the spirit and independence of the colonists, by the many acts
      of parliament passed during the recent sessions; and the project of
      extirpating the Americans by the sword. All these errors were imputed by
      the opposition to the want of information, and the too great confidence in
      ministers, who though in duty bound to ascertain the temper and
      disposition of the Americans, had totally failed for want of that
      knowledge. An appeal to the sword was denounced as a most dangerous
      precedent, and by a strange perversity of mind the leaders of the American
      revolution were described and especially by Wilkes, as men averse to a
      change of government, and as being only driven to extremities by an
      accumulation of neglect, insult and injury, and by two years of a savage,
      piratical, and unjust war, carried on against them by the English people.
      Wilkes also, with others on the same side, took umbrage at the word
      "treason," as applicable to the Americans, asserting that what ministers
      called "treason," the Americans denominated "a just resistance and
      glorious revolution." As for the pacific declarations of foreign powers,
      and especially the Bourbons, all reliance on them was exposed with sarcasm
      and ridicule. Colonel Barré, indeed, declared that a war of the most
      serious nature with France and Spain was impending over the country. The
      whole of his majesty's speech was, in truth, denounced as false,
      insidious, hypocritical, and deceptive;&mdash;as holding out law and
      liberty, indeed, but holding it out at the point of the sword.
    </p>
    <p>
      The speech and address were defended by Lord North and Lord George
      Germaine. Lord North denied the charge which had been alleged against him
      of withholding information; declared that he had always communicated to
      the house as much as he could divulge with safety; and indignantly
      repelled the charge of hypocrisy advanced against that part of the king's
      speech which stated his desire to restore law and liberty to the
      colonists. In his own peculiar quiet way, Lord North hinted to the
      opposition, that if they were members of the new American legislature,
      they could not have ventured to make so free with the president and
      majority of congress, as they were now doing with their sovereign, his
      ministers, and the majority of the English parliament. In the defence,
      Lord George Germaine remarked that we had been anxious for reconciliation
      upon mild and fair terms, and that these terms had been rejected with
      scorn by the American leaders. According to their own statements, he said,
      of the propositions made by Lord Howe, and the conference that had taken
      place on Staten Island, his lordship was as eager for the restoration of
      peace, as Franklin, Washington, and the other leaders were for the
      continuance of hostilities. He then turned to the statements made by
      foreign powers, concerning their friendship for England. These statements
      of the princes of the House of Bourbon must be taken as proofs of their
      pacific intentions, but if they proved false, and should incur the folly
      and the guilt of assisting a rebellion, Great Britain was prepared to meet
      them in the field. He pertinently asked:&mdash;"Will the Bourbons, blind
      to their own interests, wish the spirit of independence to cross the
      Atlantic? Can they be exempt from fear, lest their own colonists should
      catch fire at the doctrine of the unlimited rights of mankind, and prefer
      them to slavery and digging of gold? And will not great danger arise from
      the vicinity of powerful states freed from European control?" Finally, it
      was urged in defence of the speech and address, that the only question
      which called for debate, was simple in its nature it was, only, whether we
      chose to resign all the benefits we derived from our colonies, and which
      had been purchased by our best blood and treasures, and by truckling to
      the defiance and insult hurled at us by the Americans, cut off those
      sources of power and opulence, and submit to a degradation from the rank
      we held in the political system of Europe; or, whether we should, by the
      full exertion of our power, preserve those advantages, assert our ancient
      supremacy, restore the authority of the British Parliament, and bring back
      our ungrateful subjects to a sense of their duty. A division on the
      amendment answered these questions; it was negatived by a majority of two
      hundred and forty-two against eighty-seven, and the original address was
      therefore carried.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the upper house, an amendment was moved by the Marquess of Rockingham,
      similar to that of Lord John Cavendish, and was followed by debates of
      equal violence. By the Earl of Shelburne the speech was denounced as a
      tissue of sophisms, and as a composition of unqualified absurdity,
      treachery, cruelty, hypocrisy, and deceit. He attempted to show, indeed,
      that all its paragraphs were false, differing only in this&mdash;that some
      of the falsehoods were fallacious, some specious, and some notorious. The
      Duke of Richmond maintained that America was lost for ever, and he thought
      that we had better sit down quiet and contented at the loss, consoling
      ourselves with the reflection that it had been no fault of our own, but,
      solely that of an unjust and imbecile administration. But even Lord
      Shelburne did not concur in this opinion: he never meant, he said, this
      country to give up its right of commercial control over America, which was
      the essential bond of connexion between the two countries; and he declared
      that as the national debt was truly and equitably the debt of every
      individual in the empire, whether at home, or in Asia, or America, the
      Americans ought in some way, to contribute to its discharge. Lord
      Sandwich, the first lord of the Admiralty, more warmly opposed the
      doctrine of quiescence propounded by the Duke of Richmond. It was, he
      said, derogatory to the honour and destructive to the interests of
      England; and he declared that he would hazard every drop of blood, and his
      last shilling, rather than see his country set at defiance, bullied, and
      dictated to, by her undutiful and ungrateful children; her disobedient and
      rebellious subjects. The amendment was negatived by a majority of
      ninety-one against twenty-six. Fourteen peers had it entered on the
      journals, at full length, as a protest signed by themselves.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 16th of November, Lord John Cavendish produced a copy of the
      proclamation issued by Lord Howe and his brother, as commissioners, and
      proposed that, in conformity to its tenor, the house should resolve itself
      into a committee for revising the acts by which the colonists felt
      themselves aggrieved. This proposition was seconded by Burke, and many of
      the opposition harangued in its favour. Ministers, however, opposed such a
      step, on the ground that this inquiry into grievances had been proffered
      only to those who should return to their duty, and hence a disavowal of
      independence, and an acknowledgment of British supremacy were requisite,
      before any measures of reconciliation could be adopted by Great Britain.
      On a division the motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and nine
      against forty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the rejection of the proposition of Lord John Cavendish, many
      members of opposition, especially those of the Rockingham party, seceded
      from the business of parliament, alleging that it was useless to discuss
      or oppose ministerial measures. This conduct, however, was blamed by the
      majority of the opposition, who contended that no member of parliament
      could, consistently with his duty, desert the interests of his country,
      merely because he felt that his party would be outvoted. It was agreed
      that no one could infer from thence that his attendance would be useless,
      and that a respectable minority, though not able to carry measures of its
      own, might, nevertheless, modify injurious laws and counsels, by exposing
      their pernicious tendency. Some who held these opinions made efforts to
      bring the great orator, Chatham, to the charge again; but his gout
      prevented him from coming to the house, and little could be elicited from
      him beyond a declaration that his sentiments with regard to America were
      the same which he had always professed, and which stood fully explained in
      his Provisional Act. At the same time he expressed his fears that, in a
      few years, France would set her foot on English ground. Thus, cleared of
      its members, the house of commons voted the army and navy estimates
      without any display of violent opposition. The number of seamen voted was
      45,000, and £3,205,505 were voted for the expenses of the navy; exclusive
      of £4000 for the support of Greenwich Hospital, and £500,000 to go towards
      the discharge of the debts of the navy. The army estimates voted, were
      about £3,000,000 exclusive of extras, and some new contracts with German
      princes, for more German troops to serve in America. These supplies being
      granted, on the 13th of December, both houses adjourned for the Christmas
      recess.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTEMPT TO FIRE HIS MAJESTY'S DOCKYARD AT PORTSMOUTH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess of parliament, the public mind was agitated by acts of
      incendiarism, which seemed at one time to denote that a conspiracy had
      been entered into for the destruction of both our shipping and our
      arsenals. In 1764, Choiseul, the French minister, had concocted a plan for
      such a fearful catastrophe, but having divulged it to Grimaldi, then prime
      minister of Spain, through him it was discovered to Lord Rochford, our
      ambassador at Madrid, and the scheme therefore failed. Ministers might
      have taken warning from this circumstance, and have had the dock-yards and
      arsenals watched with sufficient vigilance, as to prevent so disastrous an
      event from ever taking place. By this time, however, they had returned to
      their old confidence, and on the 7th of December, a fire broke out in the
      dock-yard at Portsmouth, which threatened its total destruction. It was
      got under by great exertions, and it passed at first for an accident, but
      on the 15th of January, one of the under-clerks of the dock-yard having
      occasion to move some hemp in the hemp-room, discovered a machine and
      combustible materials, which had evidently been placed there by the hands
      of an incendiary. Some weeks before, a sullen, silent man, a painter by
      trade, and who was known by the name of John the Painter, had been seen
      loitering about the yard, and he was now suspected to be the delinquent.
      Suspicion fastened still stronger upon him because he was known to have
      recently come from America, and a cry of alarm instantly spread through
      the country that American incendiaries had arrived in England, and would
      spread fire and destruction on every hand. It was necessary that John the
      Painter should be taken, and soon after he was identified at Odiam in
      Hampshire, where he had been apprehended for a burglary. John was brought
      up to London for examination, but he was so taciturn, and so wise in
      keeping his own counsels, that neither the privy-council, nor the lords of
      the admiralty, nor other officers who interrogated him, could elicit
      anything from him that would tend to his crimination. What authority,
      however, failed to perform, that craft brought about. On the suggestion of
      Earl Temple, another painter, who had been also in America, was put into
      the same ward with John, in order to circumvent and entrap him.
      Fellow-feeling caused the taciturn prisoner to open his mouth. His brother
      painter pretended to sympathise in his misfortunes, descanted largely on
      his travels in America, and professed principles similar to his own. The
      travelled painter did all this with such address, that he finally gathered
      from John that his real name was Aitken; that he had entered into many
      regiments from which he had deserted so soon as he had received the
      bounty-money; that he had traversed England through nearly all its parts,
      sometimes robbing on the highway, and sometimes filching and stealing in
      towns while he worked at his trade: that he went to America, where he
      commenced politician and reformer of abuses, and where he conceived the
      notion of serving the cause of liberty by burning our shipping and our
      principal trading cities and towns; that he then left America for France,
      where he had several interviews with Silas Deane, the agent of congress;
      that Silas Deane encouraged his project, by giving him money and promising
      him rewards commensurate with the service he should render the American
      cause; that he then procured a French passport and came over to
      Canterbury; and that on leaving Canterbury he proceeded to Portsmouth,
      where he began to compound and prepare his combustibles, after which he
      went into the dock-yard and made the attempt of which he was suspected.
      The manner in which this evidence was derived was certainly contrary to
      the spirit of the English law, and repugnant to the feeling and practice
      of the present day, but on this evidence vouched by the travelled painter,
      John the Painter was condemned and executed. There was no doubt left on
      any mind either as to the culprit's guilt, or to his connexion with Silas
      Deane; but before his death he is said to have confessed to some naval
      officers, that most of what his accuser had testified against him, was
      true&mdash;that he had, indeed, applied to Deane, who had promised him a
      reward of great price when his work should be done. Nothing transpired
      which would inculpate Choiseul the French minister, but as he was still in
      office, and as his animus was well-known, he was thought to have been
      concerned in this plot likewise. But it failed; and the circumstance had
      the effect of still further exciting the enmity of the English people
      towards the Americans.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1777-1778
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Letters of Marque granted..... Bill for Detaining Persons in
     Prison charged with High-treason..... Miscellaneous
     Debates..... Spirited Address of the Speaker to the
     King..... Lord Chatham's   Motion  for   Concessions  to
     America..... Parliament Prorogued..... Successes of
     Washington..... British Expedition up the Hudson River.....
     American Expedition to Long Island..... Capture of General
     Prescot, &amp;c...... Battle of the Brandywine, &amp;c..... Capture
     of Philadelphia..... Opening of the Delaware..... Close of
     Howe's Campaign..... Expedition and Capture of Burgoyne.....
     Clinton's Expedition   up   the Hudson..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Debates on America..... Duke of Richmond's
     Motion for Inquiring into the State of the Nation..... Fox's
     Motion for Inquiring into the State of the Nation..... Army
     and Navy Estimates..... Intelligence of Burgoyne's
     Defeat..... Royal Assent to Several Bills..... Parliament
     Adjourned.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1777
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LETTERS OF MARQUE GRANTED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the meeting of parliament, after the recess, a bill was brought into
      the commons for enabling the admiralty to grant letters of marque and
      reprisal to privateers against vessels belonging to the revolted colonies,
      which were now doing much mischief, not only among our West India Islands,
      but also in the narrow seas of Europe. This bill passed the commons
      without a debate, and it went through the lords without any amendment,
      except that the words "letters of permission" were substituted for
      "letters of marque."
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR DETAINING PERSONS IN PRISON CHARGED WITH HIGH-TREASON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of February Lord North introduced a bill "For enabling His
      Majesty to detain and secure Persons charged with, or suspected of, the
      Crime of High-treason, committed in North America or on the High-seas, or
      the Crime of Piracy." The bill provided, that all persons charged with or
      suspected of treason, committed in any of the colonies, or on the
      high-seas, or of piracy, should be liable to be committed to any place of
      confinement named by the king, under his sign-manual, within any part of
      his dominions, without bail or mainprize, and there detained, without
      trial, during the continuance of the act, unless his majesty's
      privy-council granted an order for admitting any such prisoners to bail or
      to trial. This bill encountered a strong opposition. On the second reading
      Mr. Dunning declared that it struck directly at that great pillar of
      British liberty, the Habeas Corpus Act, and that it was disgraceful that
      it should be brought in without notice, and when the house was so thinly
      attended. He moved, that the bill should be printed, which was granted,
      and the second reading was therefore postponed. The alarm it excited
      brought back several of the seceders, and the debate became more animated.
      It was urged by the opposition that the bill would tend to create spies,
      informers, and false accusers; that it would furnish means of
      gratification, emolument, and safety to the most profligate of mankind;
      and that it would enable any revengeful minister or mercenary villain to
      satiate his revenge or replenish his purse at the expense of the virtuous.
      Charles Fox used some cogent arguments against the measure. He remarked:&mdash;"Who
      knows but ministers, in the fulness of their malice, may take into their
      heads that I have served on Long Island under General Washington? What
      would it avail me, in such an event, to plead an <i>alibi</i>&mdash;to
      assure my old friends that I was, during the whole of the campaign, in
      England&mdash;that I was never in America, or any other sea but between
      Dover and Calais, and that all my acts of piracy were committed on the
      mute creation? All this may be true, says a minister or a minister's
      understrapper, but you are for the present suspected, and that is
      sufficient. I know that you are fond of Scotland:&mdash;this is not the
      time for proofs; you may be, and very probably are innocent, but this bill
      cares not whether you are guilty or innocent: I will send you, under the
      sign-manual, to study the Erse language in the isle of Bute; and as soon
      as the operation of the bill is over, you will be at liberty to return, or
      go whither you please. You may then call upon your accusers, to prove
      their charges of treason in America, or of piracy on the high-seas; but
      they will laugh in your face, and tell you they never charged, they only
      suspected; and the act of parliament will serve as a complete plea in bar.
      It will answer a double end&mdash;it will be at once your redress and our
      justification." In reply, Lord Thurlow ridiculed the idea that the bill
      was framed to reach disaffected persons within this realm; though, he
      added sarcastically, for his own part, if it did operate in this
      direction, he should scarcely consider it a fault. The commitment of the
      bill was carried by a majority of one hundred and ninety-five against
      forty-three; but as it was discovered that some of the clauses were opened
      to serious objections, several amendments were made in committee, one of
      which, moved by Sir Grey Cooper, secretary to the treasury, defined the
      places and the extent of the offence, subjecting persons to the operation
      of the act. This, however, by no means satisfied either the opposition or
      the country at large. A petition was presented from the city of London,
      praying that the bill might not pass, or if it did, that it might not
      extend to persons resident in Great Britain. A clause to this effect was
      adopted, principally by the efforts of Mr. Dunning, and another was also
      carried, which exempted certain minor acts of piracy from the operation of
      the bill. Thus amended, the bill passed both houses; and the opposition
      felicitated themselves, that, notwithstanding their numerical weakness,
      they had compelled ministers to accept their corrections of so
      reprehensible and dangerous a measure.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MISCELLANEOUS DEBATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A series of debates arose on abuses in the commissariat, in the chartering
      of transports, and in the contracts for supplying the troops in America
      with provisions, rum, &amp;c. These abuses existed to an enormous extent,
      and they were laid at the doors of many members of the house of commons,
      who invariably voted with the treasury-bench. These members had been
      allowed to get profitable contracts, and they contrived to render them
      still more profitable, by supplying unwholesome provisions to the troops,
      and which was, therefore, deservedly condemned. Another violent debate
      took place on account of a new demand made by the Landgrave of Hesse for
      more money; and Lord North's situation was rendered still more
      embarrassing by the necessity he was under of asking the faithful commons
      for an increase to the civil list, amounting to upwards of £600,000, in
      order to discharge a second debt incurred by his majesty. Violent debates
      followed these demands, but both the Landgrave of Hesse and his majesty
      were gratified eventually with having their desires granted. The sum of
      £618,340 was granted, to enable his majesty to pay his debts, and the
      further sum of £100,000 was voted in addition to the sum already fixed of
      £800,000 per annum, for the better support of his majesty's household. The
      latter grant was warmly opposed in the house of lords by the Marquess of
      Rockingham and the Duke of Grafton, who endeavoured to enforce the
      necessity of economy, and to show that the sum which his majesty already
      received was sufficiently ample to sustain his dignity. They also argued,
      that this increase would furnish him with the means of obtaining corrupt
      influence, and an unbounded power and control over parliament. The
      opposition, however, were defeated by the usual large majority, and the
      amendment which the Marquess of Rockingham moved was entered as a protest
      on the journals, which was signed by fourteen peers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SPIRITED ADDRESS OF THE SPEAKER TO THE KING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In presenting this extraordinary grant to his majesty for the royal
      assent, Sir Fletcher Norton remarked:&mdash;"In a time of public distress,
      full of difficulty and danger, their constituents labouring under
      difficulties almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful commons,
      postponing all other business, have not only granted to your majesty a
      large present supply, but also a very great additional revenue&mdash;great
      beyond example&mdash;great beyond your majesty's highest expense; but all
      this, sire, they have done in a well-grounded confidence that you apply
      wisely what they have granted liberally; and feeling that, under the
      direction of your majesty's wisdom, the affluence and grandeur of the
      sovereign will reflect dignity and honour on his people." It is said by
      some that this freedom of speech was unwelcome to the royal ears, and it
      is certain that his courtiers were highly indignant; and yet Lord North
      allowed the usual vote to pass, returning the thanks of the house to the
      speaker, and requesting him to allow his speech to be printed.
      Notwithstanding, his spirited conduct did not pass by unnoticed. In the
      course of a debate on an address to his majesty moved by Sir James
      Lowther, praying for an increase of income to the king's two brothers,
      which was negatived, the recent conduct of the speaker was violently
      arraigned by Mr. Rigby, In reply, Sir Fletcher Norton appealed to the vote
      of thanks which he had received, as a proof that the sentiments he had
      expressed were the sentiments of the house. The court party, however,
      retorted, and Lord North, uneasy at the altercation, wished that the
      subject might be dropped. But the opposition now stepped in to keep up the
      ball. Charles Fox declared, that a serious and direct charge having been
      made, the question was now at issue&mdash;either the speaker had
      misrepresented the house, or he had not, and the question must be decided
      by the house. Fox accordingly moved:&mdash;"That the speaker of this
      house, in his speech to his majesty at the bar of the house of peers, on
      Wednesday last, and which was desired by this house, <i>nem. con.</i>, to
      be printed, <i>did</i> express, with just and proper energy, the zeal of
      this house for the support of the honour and dignity of the crown, in
      circumstances of great public charge." The speaker now declared, "that he
      would sit no longer in that chair than while he was supported in the free
      exercise of his duty: he had discharged what he conceived that duty
      required of him, intending only to express the sense of the house; and
      from the vote of approbation with which he had been honoured, he had
      reason to believe that he was not chargeable with any misrepresentation."
      Lord North, perplexed at the dilemma to which the heat of the courtiers
      had brought him, besought the speaker to rest quiet, and the mover and
      supporters of the question to let it drop; asserting, that no censure had
      been intended, and that though the speaker might have made some mistake,
      it could only be attributed to the hurry of an extempore address, and not
      to his judgment. The withdrawal of the motion was refused, and then, still
      hoping to evade a division, ministers moved an adjournment.
    </p>
    <p>
      Opposition, however, maintained, that if the motion were not carried, the
      speaker could not safely remain in the chair for another moment; that he
      would, on all future occasions, be liable to disgrace whenever he
      fulfilled his duty; that the dignity of the house would be at an end if
      the chair should be degraded; and that the step which the court-faction
      had taken was an attempt to render the representatives of the people
      despicable in the eyes of their constituents. Ministers and the court
      faction were compelled to bow before the storm. The motion for an
      adjournment was withdrawn. Mr. Rigby made some concession, by declaring
      that he meant no reflection on the character of the speaker, and that he
      merely meant to express his own private opinion, according to the
      privilege possessed by every member; and then Fox's motion was put and
      carried unanimously.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD CHATHAM'S MOTION FOR CONCESSIONS TO AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the close of the session there was a grand debate in the house of
      lords on the affairs of America. After a long absence, the Earl of Chatham
      moved for an address, advising his majesty to take speedy measures for
      terminating the war with America, by the removal of their grievances. The
      lords were summoned for the purpose of deliberating on this motion, and it
      was introduced on the 30th of May. Chatham commenced his speech by
      declaring the mother country unequal to the contest. He remarked:&mdash;"My
      lords, this is a flying moment; perhaps but six weeks are left to arrest
      the dangers that surround us. The gathering storm may break; it has
      already opened, and in part burst. It is difficult, after all that has
      passed, to shake hands with the defiers of the king&mdash;defiers of the
      parliament&mdash;defiers of the people. I am a defier of nobody; but if an
      end is not put to this war, there is an end to this country! I do not
      trust my judgment in my present state of health; this is the judgment of
      my better days&mdash;the result of forty years' attention to America. The
      Americans are rebels; but for what? Surely not for defending their
      unquestionable rights. But their excesses have been great! I do not mean
      to pronounce their panegyric, but must observe, in extenuation, the
      erroneous and infatuated counsels which have prevailed here. The door to
      mercy and justice has been shut against them; but they may still be taken
      up upon the grounds of their former submissions and petitions. I state to
      you the importance of America: it is a double market&mdash;a market of
      consumption, and a market of supply. This double market for millions, with
      all its naval stores, you are giving to your hereditary rival. America has
      carried you through four wars; and will now carry you to your death, if
      you do not take things in time. In the sportsman's phrase, when you have
      found yourselves at fault, you must try back. You have ransacked every
      corner of Lower Saxony; but 40,000 German boors never can conquer ten
      times the number of British freemen. You may ravage&mdash;you cannot
      conquer; it is impossible: you cannot conquer the Americans. You talk of
      your numerous friends to annihilate the congress, and of your powerful
      forces to disperse their army: I might as well talk of driving them before
      me with my crutch! But what would you conquer&mdash;the map of America? I
      am ready to meet any general officer on the subject, What will you do out
      of the protection of your fleet? In the winter, if together, they are
      starved&mdash;if dispersed, they are taken off in detail. I am experienced
      in spring hopes and vernal promises: I know what ministers throw out; but
      at last will come your equinoctial disappointment. You have got nothing in
      America but stations. You have been three years teaching them the art of
      war&mdash;they are apt scholars; and I will venture to tell your lordships
      that the American gentry will make officers enough fit to command the
      troops of all the European powers.
    </p>
    <p>
      "What you have sent there are too many to make peace&mdash;too few to make
      war. If you conquer them, what then? You cannot make them respect you; you
      cannot make them wear your cloth; you will plant an invincible hatred in
      their breasts against you. Coming from the stock they do, they can never
      respect you. If ministers are founded in saying there is no sort of treaty
      with France, there is still a moment left; the point of honour is still
      safe. France must be as self-destroying as England to make a treaty, while
      you are giving her America at the expense of twelve millions a year: the
      intercourse has produced everything to France; and England, Old England,
      must pay for all. I have, at different times, made different propositions,
      adapted to the circumstances in which they were offered. The plan
      contained in the former bill is now impracticable: the present will tell
      you where you are, and what you have now to depend upon. It may produce a
      respectable division in America, and unanimity at home: it will give
      America an option; she has yet had no option. You have said, 'Lay down
      your arms,' and she has given you the Spartan answer, 'Come, take.'" Lord
      Chatham here read his motion, which he afterwards said, if earned, would
      prove the herald of peace, and would open the way for treaty. In
      conclusion, he again urged the necessity of making peace with America
      before France should espouse the quarrel on behalf of the Americans. He
      observed, that the French court was too wise to lose the opportunity of
      separating America from Great Britain; that whenever that court, with that
      of Spain likewise, should enter into a treaty with America, we must
      declare war against them; and that he should be among the first to advise
      such a declaration, even though we had only five ships of the line in our
      ports. The Earl of Chatham was answered by Lords Gower, Mansfield,
      Lyttleton, and Weymouth, and by the Archbishop of York, who all maintained
      that the original aim of America was independence, and that concessions on
      our part now would be useless, ridiculous, degrading, and an
      acknowledgment of weakness, that would draw down upon England the contempt
      of her friends and the attacks of her foes. The motion was supported by
      the Dukes of Grafton and Manchester, Lords Camden and Shelburne, and the
      Bishop of Peterborough, who reiterated the arguments of the noble mover in
      its favour. In the course of the debates Lord Weymouth had expressed some
      doubt as to Chatham's real meaning, and later in the evening he thus
      explained it:&mdash;"I will tell your lordships very fairly what I wish
      for: I wish for a repeal of every oppressive act which your lordships have
      passed since 1673. I would put our American brethren on the same footing
      they stood at that period; and I should expect that, being left at liberty
      to tax themselves, they would in return contribute to our common burdens,
      according to their means and abilities. I will move your lordships for a
      bill of repeal, as the only means left to arrest that approaching
      destruction which threatens to overwhelm us. I shall no doubt hear it
      objected, Why should we submit or concede? Has America done anything on
      her part to induce us to agree to so large a ground of concession? But I
      will tell you, my lords, why I think you should concede&mdash;you have
      been the aggressors from the beginning; you have burned their towns,
      plundered their country, confiscated their property, and imprisoned their
      persons!" A murmur was heard through the house, that the Earl of Chatham
      was doing his best to encourage the Americans, and to discourage the
      people of England; and it must be confessed that the whole tenor of his
      speech was likely to produce such an untoward effect. Moreover, the
      sentiments which his speech contained were otherwise not founded in
      wisdom. Thus the belief which he expressed, that the Americans would, if
      left to tax themselves in their assemblies, contribute to our common
      burdens, according to their means and abilities was a fallacy which had
      been disproved by matters of fact; for, when in a previous year, and in
      the course of the quarrel, this had been proposed to them, not one
      assembly would contribute a single shilling. All advances toward
      concession, indeed, were met by a louder appeal to arms; and there was at
      this time no alteration in their sentiments which could justify a hope
      that, even if a repeal of all the taxes were guaranteed to them, they
      would now lay down their arms, or cease the long and loud cry for
      independence. It was certainly now too late to offer any concession, and
      so the majority of the peers seems to have considered; for, on a division,
      the bill was lost by a majority of ninety-nine against twenty-eight.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1777-1778
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the other debates which took place related almost
      exclusively to East Indian affairs. These will be noticed hereafter in a
      continuous narrative. At the close of the session, the speaker, in
      presenting the bills relating to the supplies, again stated to his majesty
      the hope of the house that speedy means would be discovered to terminate
      the war, which otherwise might be attended with ruinous consequences to
      the prosperity, and perhaps dangerous to the safety, of the country. His
      majesty himself seems to have entertained a hope that the war would soon
      be ended; for on the 6th of June, when he prorogued parliament, after
      thanking the commons for the zeal and public spirit they had displayed in
      granting large and extraordinary supplies,&mdash;the whole amounted to
      £12,895,543,&mdash;he said, that he trusted Divine Providence would so
      bless the efforts of his forces that the war might be ended in the present
      campaign; that the constitutional obedience to the laws, which is due from
      all the subjects of a free state, would be speedily re-established.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUCCESSES OF WASHINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Long before parliament was prorogued events had transpired which, if
      known, would have almost precluded the hope that the war in America would
      soon be successfully terminated. Notwithstanding his reverses, encouraged
      by congress, Washington exerted himself to raise a standing army. He met
      with great difficulties; and as the militia could not be stimulated to
      exertion, he had reason to fear that in a short time he should be left
      without any forces. In this emergency, Washington decided that something
      must be done to raise the drooping spirits of his followers. Circumstances
      favoured his decision. After the detachment which Lord Cornwallis had led
      through the Jerseys was put into winter-quarters, many of the officers had
      obtained leave of absence, and had repaired to New York, to enjoy
      themselves at head-quarters. The men who were left behind, also seem to
      have indulged themselves in Christmas festivities; being the more induced
      to lead a jovial life from their recent victories, and from the
      supposition that Washington's army was completely disorganized. In all
      their cantonments, which were straggling and far apart, a careless
      confidence prevailed, and it happened unfortunately, likewise, that one of
      the most critical points was entrusted to a body of Hessians, and
      unprovided with any defence. But while they were slumbering in fancied
      security, Washington was marking them for his prey. He had spies
      everywhere, and having ascertained the situation of our forces, he
      resolved to try the effect of a sudden attack, which might induce his
      enemy to fall back from the Delaware. Accordingly, on the 24th of
      December, he collected his forces on the opposite banks of the river, and
      on the next day he made his preparations for crossing it at nightfall.
      Difficulties which he had to surmount prevented him from gaining the left
      bank before three o'clock in the morning; but by that time his troops were
      collected a little above Trenton, where the Hessians were posted under the
      command of Colonel Rhalle. At the same time Generals Irving and
      Cadwallader were ordered to cross the river lower down, in order to cut
      off the retreat of the Hessians. These generals, however, could not get
      their artillery across the river, and they returned, leaving Washington
      with his division, which consisted of 2,500 of his best men, to perform
      his enterprise alone. It was four o'clock before he could get his troops
      into motion, and then he had to march eight or nine miles before he could
      reach Trenton, where the Hessians lay. But these mercenaries were buried
      in sleep and Christmas drink; and though it was daylight before the
      Americans arrived, they permitted themselves to be almost surrounded
      before they prepared for resistance. The event was disastrous. Colonel
      Rhalle assembled all that he could of his three regiments, and bravely
      charged Washington's main body; but at the very commencement of the attack
      he was mortally wounded by an American rifle, and the Hessians being
      encompassed on all sides with muskets and artillery, to the number of
      nearly a thousand, laid down their arms and surrendered. A troop of
      British light-horse, and about five hundred infantry, who were stationed
      at the lower end of Trenton, towards the bridge, escaped to Borden town;
      but Washington recrossed the Delaware in triumph, with his prisoners, six
      field-pieces, and a quantity of military stores.
    </p>
    <p>
      This expedition had a surprising effect on the Americans. Hitherto the
      Hessians had been looked upon as invincible; but to show that this was a
      mere fiction Washington dispatched the prisoners to Philadelphia, and
      caused them to be paraded through the town. His troops were now soon
      augmented, and those whose time was expired agreed to remain a little
      longer, upon receiving a bounty of ten dollars per man. This success of
      Washington, however, made him rash. In a few days, the Delaware being
      frozen over, and the ice strong enough to bear his army and the artillery,
      he resolved to recover the Jerseys. On the last day of the year, 1776
      therefore, he again crossed the Delaware, and took post at Trenton, where
      he had captured the Hessians. His reappearance alarmed the British
      general, and Lord Cornwallis, who had reached New York on his road to
      England, was ordered back to take the command in the Jerseys. Having
      effected a junction with Generals Grant and Leslie, at Prince-town, on the
      2nd of January, Lord Cornwallis descended from thence, drove the enemy's
      posts before him, and by four o'clock in the afternoon reached Trenton. A
      severe cannonade commenced, and Washington retired across the Assumpinck,
      a creek which runs through the town. He was followed by Cornwallis; but
      the British, finding the fords of the creek guarded by artillery, desisted
      from the attempt to pass over the fords, and night coming on, both armies
      kindled their fires, and spread their blankets whereon to rest. Cornwallis
      hoped to bring on a general engagement in the morning: but Washington,
      aware of this, and being prevented from recrossing the Delaware by a rapid
      and temporary thaw, he resolved to strike across the country, and get into
      the rear of Prince-town, where no considerable British force had been
      left, At two o'clock in the morning the Americans stole silently away;
      having first renewed their bivouac-fires, and left their advanced pickets
      and several small parties to guard for a time the fords of Assumpinck
      Creek. On his march, about sun-rise, Washington fell in with two British
      regiments under Colonel Maw-hood, in full march from Princetown, to join
      the forces at Trenton. At first, the morning being foggy, Maw-hood mistook
      the Americans for Hessians; but soon discovering his error, he opened a
      heavy charge of artillery upon them, which threw their van into disorder.
      One of the regiments now rushed forward with fixed bayonets, and drove the
      Americans back to a ravine, which separated them from the rear; and in
      this attack General Mercer who was attempting to rally the rabble rout,
      was mortally wounded. Washington came up with the rear, and succeeded in
      getting his main body into order and passing the ravine, but in so doing
      he lost five more of his best officers, and was himself beset with danger.
      After several efforts, he succeeded in severing the two regiments under
      Mawhood, which success opened his way to Prince-town. At the same time,
      part of the British force which he had encountered marched forward for
      Trenton, and part retreated towards New Brunswick. Washington entered
      Princetown, but as Lord Corn-wallis had discovered his retreat, and was
      now in his rear, he left that town, and reached and crossed Millstone
      River; breaking down the bridge to prevent his being pursued. Cornwallis
      marched to New Brunswick, where he lay for many days, during which time
      Washington overran the greater part of East and West Jersey; made himself
      master of the coast opposite to Staten Island, by occupying Newark,
      Elizabeth Town, and Woodbridge; and fixed his headquarters at Morris Town,
      a place situated among hills and difficult of access, with a fine country
      in its rear, abounding in supplies. By these events the whole of the
      Jerseys were for a time lost to England: and it was not only the success
      of Washington's arms which led to this consummation. The inhabitants of
      the Jerseys had been harassed and plundered by the British, and more
      especially by the Hessian troops, whence, no sooner had Washington, who
      restrained the troops under him from committing acts of violence, issued a
      proclamation, absolving all those who had taken the oath of allegiance
      tendered by the king's commissioners, and promising them friendship and
      protection on condition of taking another oath prescribed by congress,
      than the majority of them declared in his favour; and while not a few
      joined his army, others rendered him service by pretending still to be
      royalists, and acting as his spies in the English cantonments, and even in
      New York itself. Yet all the while Washington was thus acting&mdash;while
      he was issuing proclamations, recruiting his forces, strengthening his
      positions, erecting forts, mills, and magazines, reconciling the people of
      the country to the dominion of congress, and even cutting off the supplies
      of the British advanced posts at Brunswick and Amboy, the British
      commander was only a few miles distant, with a far superior force, and
      with a good fleet at command. True, it was winter; but it must be
      recollected that all the successes which had attended the arms of
      Washington were the results of a winter campaign. Still something was done
      by General Howe during this season of repose. Several thousand provincial
      troops, native Americans, and ardent royalists were enrolled and trained,
      and placed under the command of Governor Tryon, who was honoured with the
      rank of major-general of the provincials. And the good faith of these
      troops might be calculated upon, for the greater part had been losers by
      the revolution, not only of property, but of the consideration which they
      had held in the colonies; and they hoped, therefore, to regain all that
      they had lost. Moreover, during the winter, an intercourse was kept up
      with the royalists in other parts of the continent; and both Washington
      and congress were frequently alarmed by rumours of movements and
      insurrections in various colonies. Congress, however, by means of the
      committees of safety, did what they could to remove all persons of
      influence and "desperate character" into some remote place, where they
      could effect no harm to the republican cause.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH EXPEDITION UP THE HUDSON RIVER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of the spring General Howe was assured that Washington's
      main position, now among the Jersey hills, and called the Manor of
      Courland, was converted into a kind of citadel, and that the port to which
      his supplies were chiefly carried was Peekshill, about fifty mites up the
      Hudson River. Acting upon this information he sent a detachment of five
      hundred men, under the command of Colonel Bird, in a couple of transports,
      to drive the Americans away from Peekshill, and to capture their stores.
      As Bird approached the Americans fled from their position, but before they
      retreated they set fire to their store-houses, so that no booty was
      obtained. Shortly after this exploit Howe sent 2000 men, under the command
      of Governor Tryon, General Agnew, and Sir William Erskine, to seize a
      large quantity of stores which had been collected for Washington's army at
      Danbury, on the borders of Connecticut. This detachment sailed up the east
      river in transports, and having landed at Camp's Point, the troops marched
      to Danbury. On their approach, the Americans fled precipitately, and they
      entered the town, where they found a large quantity of stores; but having
      no carriages to carry them away, they were burned, together with the town
      of Danbury. Having completed their work of destruction, the detachment
      began to inarch back to their shipping; but while they had been thus
      employed the Connecticut men had been running in from all quarters, and
      had collected under the American generals, Wooster, Silliman, and Arnold.
      The latter general was posted at the little town of Bridgefield, and as
      there was no road but through the town, it was necessary to force his
      entrenchments. This was effected after a short but terrible conflict; and
      as it was now near night, and the British troops were fatigued, they
      formed themselves into an oblong square, and lay upon their arms till
      morning. In the morning, when they recommenced their march, they
      encountered fresh dangers. General Wooster had brought some
      field-artillery, and had placed it at the end of a bridge, over which he
      thought the British must of necessity pass; and when they arrived at the
      bridge they found him with his artillery and two strong columns drawn up
      on the bank of the river. Their guide, however, led them to a ford, three
      miles above the bridge, and there they crossed without opposition. But
      from this ford, nearly all the way to Camp's Point, they were harassed in
      flank and rear by the American troops, who seemed resolved to cut them
      off. They paid dearly for their temerity. Just before the royal troops
      reached Camp's Point Sir William Erskine, placing himself at the head of
      four hundred men, charged the two American columns, broke them, drove them
      back across the country, and General Wooster, with several field officers
      and a great many men, were left dead upon the field. The loss of the
      British, also, in killed and wounded, amounted to about two hundred&mdash;the
      rest re-embarked and returned to New York.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO LONG ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On both sides the contest at this time assumed the features of a predatory
      warfare. Having learned that the British had collected a large quantity of
      stores on Long Island, at a place called Sagg's Harbour, the Americans
      resolved to destroy them by a night attack. This expedition was undertaken
      by Colonel Meigs, a Connecticut man, and he crossed the sound in
      whale-boats, reached the harbour before break of day, and though he met
      with some resistance, he succeeded in setting fire to the store-houses and
      to some of the shipping, and also in taking about ninety prisoners, with
      whom he returned triumphant to Connecticut.
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF GENERAL PRESCOT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the winter of the preceding year, while Washington was retreating
      before Lord Cornwallis Colonel Harcourt, who commanded our light-horse,
      took prisoner Charles Lee, who had deserted from the British service, in
      which he held the rank of colonel, and had gone over to the Americans, who
      conferred on him the rank of major-general. Lee was attempting to join
      Washington's force with 3000 men, when he was captured, and his loss seems
      to have been considered a severe blow to the cause of the Americans.
      Washington, indeed, proposed giving six Hessian field-officers in exchange
      for him; which was refused, on the ground that Lee was a deserter from the
      king's service, and therefore could not be considered as a prisoner of
      war, or be exchanged by cartel. Congress then took up the business, and
      directed that Washington should inform General Howe that five Hessian
      field-officers and Lieutenant-colonel Archibald Campbell, who had been
      captured at Boston after Howe had evacuated that city, should be thrown
      into confinement, and subjected to the same treatment which Lee should
      receive. This would have been no great hardship; for Lee was merely
      confined to a commodious house, and had every accommodation; but shutting
      their eyes to this well-known fact, congress threw Campbell into the
      common gaol of Concord, and decorated his loathsome dungeon with the
      ornaments of the gallows or gibbet. Washington himself represented the
      iniquity of such a proceeding, but to no purpose: the chagrin felt at the
      capture and retention of Lee forbade the exercise of a manly and liberal
      feeling. Congress had soon an opportunity of exhibiting their chagrin in a
      still stronger light. General Prescot, commanding-officer on Rhode Island,
      had imprudently fixed his headquarters near the western shore, at a
      considerable distance from his troops. This was known to Colonel Barton,
      an American officer, and he, with several other militia officers and
      volunteers, chiefly Rhode Islanders, crossed over by night from
      Warwick-neck to Rhode Island, and took General Prescot in his bed, hurried
      him to their boats, and sailed away to the main land. It was announced
      that Prescot should be hanged if Lee were shot; and they treated him in
      the interval with great severity, in order to make General Howe consent to
      an exchange, to which he finally agreed.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1777-1778
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BATTLE OF THE BRANDYWINE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At length, in the month of June, General Howe took the field. At this time
      Washington, who had been greatly reinforced, had taken up a strong
      position at Middle Brook, having entrenchments and formidable batteries in
      his front. It was the object of Howe to tempt the American general to quit
      this position; and having failed in various expedients, on the 19th of
      June he ordered his main body to retire to Amboy. This succeeded.
      Washington abandoned what had cost him so much trouble to create, and
      advanced to Quibble Town. The mass of the British troops now moved back by
      different routes, in order to get on the American general's flank and
      rear, and by intervening between him and the hills, to force him to a
      conflict on open ground. Lord Cornwallis led the van, and he had not
      marched far before he fell in with Washington's advanced body, who were
      advantageously posted, and well provided with artillery. The British
      troops, however, attacked them with such impetuosity that the Americans
      fled, and were pursued as far as Westfield, leaving behind them some of
      their cannon, and two hundred men in killed and wounded. But by this time
      Washington had seen his error, and he quickly remedied it by regaining his
      station on the hills, and securing those passes which were the main object
      of Cornwallis's expedition. General Howe now altered his whole plan of
      operation. He called in all his detachments, concentrated his army at
      Amboy, and then passed over to Staten Island, leaving Washington in
      possession of the Jerseys. His men wondered what he meant to do; but they
      soon learned that his object was to take Philadelphia. To this end he set
      sail with his army on the 23rd of July, and on the 30th he rounded the
      coast to the capes of Delaware. His intention was to have sailed up the
      Delaware to Philadelphia; but discovering that the Americans had raised
      prodigious impediments on that river, he sailed to Chesapeake Bay, where
      he landed about the middle of August. By this time his men had become worn
      out by the long confinement on ship-board, and the horses had become
      almost useless; so that it was necessary for them to have rest before they
      proceeded on their enterprise. The van was put in motion on the 2nd of
      September, and on the day following, his advanced body fell in with some
      detachments of the enemy, scattered them, and took up their position,
      which was on Iron Hill, and which commanded a view of the Delaware river.
      It was now discovered that Washington had left the Jerseys and was in the
      field to oppose the advance of the British troops. He had taken possession
      of some heights on the eastern side of the river Brandywine, which falls
      into the Delaware below Philadelphia, with an intention of disputing the
      passage. Howe must necessarily cross this river in order to obtain the
      great object of the campaign, and he resolved to force his way over. The
      position of the enemy was formidable; but, notwithstanding, on the 11th of
      September, the attempt was made, and that successfully. General Knyphausen
      advanced with the second division of the army to Chad's Ford, as a feint;
      and while the Americans were defending that point, Lord Cornwallis had
      marched a few miles round, crossed the forks of the Brandywine, and came
      upon Washington's flank. On discovering this the Americans fell into great
      confusion, and Knyphausen then rushed with his division across Chad's
      Ford, and drove them from their batteries and entrenchments at the point
      of the bayonet. Later in the day the British forces attacked the
      Americans, under General Sullivan, who were strongly posted on the heights
      above Birmingham church, and drove them from thence in great confusion. In
      the whole they lost three hundred killed, about six hundred wounded, and
      four hundred who were taken prisoners, besides several pieces of
      artillery; but Washington kept his corps together, and retired with his
      cannon and baggage to Chester, where he passed the night without
      molestation. On the following morning he marched by Derby to Philadelphia,
      where he collected his scattered troops, in order to defend the city.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF PHILADELPHIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      General Howe advanced towards, Philadelphia with caution. This was
      necessary, for the enemy hovered about him and threatened an attack.
      Washington, indeed, had not yet relinquished all hope of impeding the
      enemy's progress, and he made an attempt to repeat the stratagem which had
      been so successfully executed by Lord Cornwallis. When Howe put his army
      in motion he marched towards Chester, and took possession of Wilmington,
      where he lodged his sick and wounded. He was now about a day's march from
      Philadelphia; but there was the river Schuylkill intervening between him
      and that city, and on the bank of that river General Armstrong was posted
      to dispute the passage. At the same time Washington had struck away to the
      left of the British, by the Lancaster road, in the hope of getting on
      Howe's flank. Both Philadelphia and the inhabitants around, however, were
      friendly to the cause of Howe; and having gained timely information from
      some country-people, he extended his line, and presented such a front on
      the Lancaster-road that Washington was defeated in his design. A heavy
      fall of rain, also, had the effect of keeping the combatants asunder, for
      the ammunition on both sides was thereby rendered useless. Washington fell
      back to Warwick Furnace, on the south branch of the French Creek; and from
      thence he detached General Wayne, with 1,500 men, to cross a rough country
      and get, if possible, into the rear of the enemy. But here again he was
      foiled. Wayne's movement was discovered, and Major-general Gray, who was
      sent against him, attacked him suddenly by night in his bivouac, slew
      three hundred men, took one hundred prisoners, and captured all the
      baggage of those who fled. Washington now gave up his intention of
      defending the line of the Schuylkill and covering Philadelphia, and he
      retreated so as to leave the road open. Three days after, the British army
      passed that river, and took possession of German Town. By this time
      congress had fled from Philadelphia; and on the 26th of October, Lord
      Cornwallis, at the head of a strong detachment, took undisputed possession
      of the city. Congress had threatened to set fire to the place rather than
      let it fall into the hands of the British: but they abandoned this design,
      and no incendiaries were left, as at New York. Some loyal Quakers, and
      other royalists, had been put under arrest on Howe's approach, and about
      twenty of them had been sent close prisoners to Staunton, in Virginia; but
      the majority of the people remained at Philadelphia, and were well
      affected to the cause of the mother country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF THE DELAWARE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By the capture of Philadelphia a communication was facilitated between the
      northern and south provinces, and nothing was required for an active
      co-operation between the army and the navy, but the opening of the
      Delaware. There was a great difficulty, however, in effecting this object.
      Franklin was now gone to Paris in his diplomatic capacity, but before he
      went he had caused some tremendous works to be erected on that river.
      Three rows of <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>, composed of immense beams of
      timber, were sunk across its bed, a little below the confluence of the
      Schuylkill, and the lower line of the <i>chevaux-de-frise</i> was
      protected by some works erected on the Jersey shore, at Billing's Port,
      while the upper line was defended by a battery, mounting heavy cannon, and
      situated on a flat, marshy land, near the Pennsylvanian bank of the liver.
      On the opposite bank, also, there was a formidable redoubt and
      intrenchments, with floating batteries, armed galleys under cover, rafts,
      with guns upon them, and a great many fire-ships. Moreover, higher up the
      river, the Americans had two frigates, and several gondolas or gun-boats;
      while, lower down, there were various works to obstruct the navigation. At
      this time Lord Howe arrived with his fleet, and soon after commenced
      operations. Three batteries were erected on the Philadelphia side of the
      river, and Colonel Stirling was thrown across the river to the Jersey
      shore to sweep the works at Billing's Port, which commanded the first line
      of <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>. The Americans fled at his approach, and
      Captain Hammond then sailed up the Delaware, broke the <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>,
      and made a gap wide enough to admit the largest of our ships of war. Two
      other rows of <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>, however, remained, with the forts
      on the bank of the river and the marshy island. Against these the British
      now directed their operations; but while they were making preparations,
      Washington, who had withdrawn to Skippack Creek, about sixteen miles from
      Philadelphia, and who had been reinforced by 2,500 men, resolved to
      attempt a surprise. Favoured by a thick fog, on the 3rd of October, he
      quitted his encampment, and by dawn of day arrived at German Town, where a
      body of the British troops were posted. Taken by surprise, these troops
      retreated; but Colonel Musgrave, by whom they were commanded, threw
      himself into a large stone house with five companies, and kept up such an
      incessant fire upon the assailants that their progress was impeded, till
      the troops rallied and got under arms and into line. Musgrave was summoned
      to surrender, but he defied the enemy; and General Grey with Brigadier
      Agnew coming up to his relief, the Americans were beaten out of the
      village, and Washington was compelled to retreat to Skippack Creek,
      leaving behind him eight hundred killed and wounded, and about four
      hundred prisoners. The opening of the navigation of the Delaware was now
      eagerly pursued. An attempt was made by the Hessians to storm the American
      redoubt and intrenchment at Red Bank, on the opposite side of the river;
      but after carrying the outer-works they were repulsed, and their
      commander, Count Dunnop, with four hundred of his men, were slain. At the
      same time two sloops-of-war, the Augusta and Merlin, which were sent to
      aid in the assault, ran aground while they endeavoured to avoid the <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>
      and were burnt. Preparations, however, being made for attacking the fort
      on the marshy island, which was the chief defense of the river, an attack
      was made, and a breach was soon effected in the works, which ensured its
      capture. Two days after this Lord Cornwallis proceeded against the redoubt
      on Red Bank, and this was also captured. Franklin's ingenious mechanism
      was then destroyed, and a full and free communication was established
      along the whole course of the Delaware.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CLOSE OF HOWE'S CAMPAIGN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was towards the end of November that the river Delaware was opened. By
      this time General Howe seems to have considered that his work was done for
      the year. His supineness, and the slow movements of his army, seem at all
      times to have been favourable to the cause of the enemy; for though he was
      generally partially successful when he did act, yet he always gave
      Washington sufficient time to rectify his many blunders and to repair his
      losses. But though Howe thought of repose, Washington had no intention of
      letting him enjoy himself. Having received a reinforcement of 4000 men
      from the army of the North&mdash;which, as will be seen, had rendered
      important service to the American cause&mdash;he quitted Skippack Creek,
      and took post at White Marsh, only fourteen miles from Philadelphia. Howe
      felt called upon to make fresh exertions, for the proximity of the
      American forces shut him out from a fertile source of supplies.
      Accordingly he quitted Philadelphia, and took post on Chesnut Hill, in
      front of Washington's right wing. Here he remained for two days, with his
      troops drawn out in line of battle, hoping to tempt Washington to come to
      a general engagement. Nothing occurred, however, but a slight skirmish, in
      which the American militia ran like a rabble before some light-infantry;
      and Howe then removed to Edge Hill, about a mile from Washington's left
      wing. Here a decided advantage was gained by Lord Cornwallis, who drove a
      strong body of the American troops from the crest of that hill, and a
      favourable opportunity was afforded, from the dismay which their retreat
      occasioned, for attacking the main body with success. But Howe was still
      cautious, and seeing that Washington was not disposed to quit his camp, he
      returned to Philadelphia, there to spend the winter. But Washington was
      determined to keep the field, despite the winter's cold, which had now set
      in, and he selected a strong piece of ground, thickly covered with wood,
      at Valley Forge, on the west side of the Schuykill, and about twenty-five
      miles from Philadelphia. This position was chosen in order to keep Howe in
      check, and Philadelphia in great discomfort, and he was allowed to take
      possession of it without any molestation. The way in which Washington
      executed his plan does honour to his perseverance. He had but few tents,
      and, even if there had been an abundance, mere canvass would not have
      protected his men from the rigour of an American winter. Under these
      circumstances he imitated the backwoodsman's practice of hutting. Trees
      were felled, and log-huts wore erected, the interstices of which were
      filled up with earth, moss, and a rude kind of mortar, in order to render
      them warm and comfortable. Around them, for defence, two redoubts were
      erected and an intrenchment, drawn with a ditch six feet wide and three or
      four feet deep. His left was covered by the Schuylkill, and his rear, for
      the most part, by an abrupt precipice; but his right was somewhat
      accessible, and the centre of his front was weak, notwithstanding his
      intrenchments. There was, however, no cause for fear: Howe was in snug
      winter-quarters, and had no disposition to move till the flowers of the
      earth reappeared, and his men might be animated by the cheerfulness of the
      spring. He seemed to forget that there was such a place as Valley Forge,
      and such a resolute commander on that spot. For resolute indeed must have
      been the man who could thus defy the winter's cold, and resolute also must
      have been his troops to submit to the hardships which they had to
      encounter on Valley Forge. Hundreds of them, it is said, had not a blanket
      to cover them in the night season, while the winds blew, and the storm
      beat, and the snows drifted over and around their huts. There they lay,
      naked and shivering on the bare ground, none murmuring at their lot. Those
      that lived endured their miseries patiently; those that died expired with
      silent resignation. And hunger was added to their lingering tortures; for
      congress failed to procure them needful supplies. Of this Washington
      bitterly complained; but as the evil could not be obviated without
      creating distress in other quarters, no effectual assistance could be
      rendered. The chief thing which congress did to afford the troops relief
      was to authorise Washington to seize all provisions which he could within
      seventy miles of Valley Forge; and such was his extremity, that he was
      compelled, at least on one occasion, to avail himself of this authority,
      though repugnant to his feelings. But this only afforded a temporary
      relief, and the army was, towards the close of the winter, on the very
      verge of total starvation. Washington stated to congress at this period,
      that there was not a single head of cattle in the camp; that he had only
      twenty-five barrels of flour; and that there were 3000 men unfit for duty,
      being bare-footed and naked, besides numbers who were confined by sickness
      in the hospitals and farmhouses. But even then congress was slow in
      affording relief, and enabling the army to make preparations for the
      ensuing campaign. Yet, sustained by hope, Washington and his army
      preserved their fortitude, and resolved to try once more their fortune on
      the field of battle.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0006" id="linkimage-0006">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_109_burgoyne.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION AND CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Perhaps one cause which sustained the spirits of Washington and his troops
      in Valley Forge may be found in the success which had attended the
      American arms in the North. A plan had been formed by the British
      government to send an army by the Canadian Lakes to Hudson's River, for
      the purpose of cutting off all communication between the northern and the
      southern colonies. For parliamentary reasons ministers thought proper to
      take the command from General Carleton, who had re-established our
      supremacy on these lakes, and to confer it on General Burgoyne. The plans
      which Burgoyne had to follow in his expedition were minutely and
      absolutely laid down by the ministry, they having concocted them from
      inaccurate maps and uncertain and contradictory reports. Nothing, however,
      was wanting to promote the success of the undertaking. Burgoyne's force
      amounted to 7,200 men, rank and file, exclusive of the corps of artillery,
      and vast quantities of warlike stores were furnished for the use of those
      Canadians who might enter the British service. French Canadians, to the
      number of two or three thousand, joined Burgoyne; and as that general had
      been authorised to accept the services of the fierce Indians, several of
      those tribes willingly took up the hatchet against the Americans. The
      first thing Burgoyne was to do, was to take Ticonderago; and his
      preparations being made, he set out from Fort St, John, on the Sorel, on
      the 16th of June, for that purpose. Having detached Colonel St. Leger,
      with about eight hundred men, to make a diversion on the side of the
      Mohawk River. Burgoyne, preceded by the shipping, began his course, having
      columns of Indians on his right and left flank. At Crown Point there were
      a considerable number of Americans, but they retired at the approach of
      the flotilla, and the troops were safely landed. Here Burgoyne treated the
      Indians with a war-feast, in order to whet their appetites for slaughter;
      though, at the same time, he exhorted them to relinquish their old habits,
      and to fight like civilized men. But he might as well have attempted to
      change their natural colour by washing them with soap and water; and,
      moreover, the effects of his precepts must have been set aside by the
      tenor of a proclamation, which he issued immediately after, and which
      threatened such of the insurgents as should continue in their obstinacy
      with destruction. This proclamation was unheeded, and in a few days, after
      erecting some magazines and slight defences at Crown Point, Burgoyne
      proceeded to Ticonderago. The Americans had greatly strengthened their
      works at this fort; but as they had not troops sufficient to man them,
      General St. Clair, who held the command there, evacuated it, and putting
      their baggage and provisions on board of batteaux, the Americans fled to
      Skenesborough. The batteaux sailed along the South River, and being
      pursued by a brigade of gun-boats, it was overtaken and captured, or
      destroyed near the falls of Skenesborough. General Burgoyne followed with
      one part of his army, in other gun-boats and two small frigates, while
      Generals Frazer and Reidesel marched after St. Clair by land.
      Skenesborough was captured with as much ease as Ticonderago; the Americans
      who had occupied the place retiring hastily to Fort Anne, and St. Clair
      marching with headlong haste to Castletown. The rear of the retreating
      army was overtaken by General Frazer, and Colonel Francis, with many
      officers, and two hundred men were slain, while a similar number were
      taken prisoners, and about five hundred wounded crawled away to perish in
      the woods, vainly hoping to escape to the inhabited country. St. Clair
      continued his route from Castletown, and after a fatiguing march arrived
      at Fort Edward, on the Hudson, where General Schuyler, the American
      commander-in-chief, was stationed with about 4,400 men under his command.
      And here the reverses of the British arms commenced. Being joined by St.
      Clair, and by Colonel Long, who was compelled to evacuate Fort Anne,
      General Schuyler commenced a series of active operations to baffle the
      advancing enemy. He broke up the roads and the bridges; blocked up creeks
      and rivers; swept the country bare of live-stock and all kinds of
      provisions; called up the militia and backwoodsmen of New England and New
      York; and having succeeded in collecting a numerous though motley force,
      he issued a proclamation in the name of the congress of the United States,
      threatening death and destruction to all who should send any deputation or
      afford any aid to the enemy. It would have been prudent in Burgoyne had he
      taken a different course to that which was laid down in his instructions,
      but he resolved to persevere in that course. Having sent General Philips
      with a strong detachment to proceed by Lake George with the artillery,
      provisions, and baggage, he struck across the country, with the mass of
      his force, towards Fort Edward. His progress was but slow, for his troops
      had to remove the impediments which Schuyler had caused to be thrown in
      his way; and, added to this, their inarch was rendered fatiguing by the
      sultry heat of the weather. Nevertheless, by the 30th of July, they
      reached the river Hudson, near Fort Edward, and Schuyler retired across
      the river at their approach. Burgoyne waited in the neighbourhood of Fort
      Edward for the arrival of General Philips with the artillery, provisions,
      and stores, and for the junction of Colonel St. Léger, who had from the
      first proceeded on a different line of march, and who was now descending
      from Oswego, the Onedia Lake, and Wood Creek, by the Mohawk River, which
      falls into the Hudson. St. Leger stopped at the upper end of Mohawk to lay
      siege to Stanwix Fort, and upon receiving this information General
      Burgoyne thought it his duty to support him. As a preparatory measure he
      detached Colonel Baum to surprise Bennington, a place between the forks of
      the Ilosick River, about twenty-four miles eastward of the Hudson, and
      where the American stores were deposited. The troops employed by Burgoyne
      for this enterprise were Germans, always slow in their motions, and before
      they reached Bennington their design had become known, and the Americans
      were ready to receive them. Baum had only six hundred men with him, and he
      applied to Burgoyne for reinforcements; and another detachment of German
      soldiers, consisting of five hundred men, under Lieutenant-colonel
      Breyman, were sent to his assistance. Breyman, however, was as slow in his
      movements as Baum had been, and, before he could arrive, the first
      detachment of Germans were completely surrounded by a body of more than
      1,500 Americans. Colonel Baum sustained the attack with great bravery; but
      he was at length slain by a rifle-shot, and then the Germans retreated
      into some woods in the direction of Fort Edward. It was at this critical
      moment that Breyman came up, and having succeeded in putting the fugitives
      of Baum's detachment into some order, he fought his way back to Burgoyne's
      encampment. Instead of taking Bennington and the military stores, Burgoyne
      lost five hundred men in killed and wounded in this expedition. in the
      meantime St. Leger was prosecuting the siege of Stanwix Fort. As he lay
      before this fort, he discovered that General Harkimer was advancing to its
      relief with 1000 men under his command. He had with him several tribes of
      savages, and St. Leger detached these, with a party of regulars under Sir
      John Johnson, into the woods to lie in ambush. Harkimer fell into the
      snare, and nearly four hundred of his men were either killed or wounded,
      while the rest fled back to the Hudson. Still Fort Stanwix held out, and
      the savages, growing weary of the siege, and being falsely informed by
      some Americans that Burgoyne's army had been cut to pieces, insisted upon
      retiring. Many deserted, and St. Leger, hearing that Arnold was
      approaching with 2000 men, and ten pieces of artillery, he was compelled
      to raise the siege and to retreat. These defeats, and the failure of St.
      Leger, contributed greatly to the ruin of Burgoyne's expedition. It has
      been seen, that on the arrival of that general near Fort Edward, the
      Americans under Schuyler had retreated across the Hudson. They had taken
      up their position at Saratoga, lower down the river, and soon after,
      General Gates, an Englishman by birth and education, took the chief
      command, and he was subsequently joined by General Arnold. On his arrival,
      Gates removed the troops to an island near the confluence of the Mohawk
      with the Hudson, about eight miles below Albany, and called "Still Water."
      Here he had a strong star-redoubt and other defences; and against him, as
      he lay in this position, Burgoyne having passed the Hudson by a bridge of
      boats, led his forces. About the middle of September Burgoyne encamped on
      the heights of Saratoga, in the face of the enemy. The mass of the British
      army formed, on the 19th, close in front of the American left; the right
      wing being commanded by Burgoyne, the left by Generals Philip and
      Reidesel, and the front and flanks being covered by Indians and Canadians.
      Without waiting to be attacked, General Gates threw out 5000 men to
      attempt turning the right of the British forces, and to attack General
      Burgoyne in his rear. In making this attempt, however, he lost between
      five hundred and six hundred men in killed and wounded, besides several
      officers; and at night he deemed it prudent to collect all his forces into
      and round the star-redoubt. The attack on the British right had been made
      by General Arnold, and Burgoyne's loss was scarcely inferior to that of
      his enemy. That night the British army lay on their arms in the field of
      battle; but as the day dawned, they began to erect works within
      cannon-shot of the enemy, with strong redoubts on their right. The two
      armies lay in sight of each other, from the 20th of September till the 7th
      of October, during which time Burgoyne's troops had nearly consumed all
      their provisions. Burgoyne's situation was a critical one, and no time was
      lost in giving General Howe information of it, in the hope that he would
      either co-operate or cause a diversion to be made in his favour. Howe had
      just taken Philadelphia, and being wholly occupied with Washington, and in
      destroying the forts and strong works on the Delaware, could not spare a
      thought on the matter. Sir Henry Clinton, however, who had the command of
      the troops left at New York, informed Burgoyne that he would, on his own
      responsibility, attempt a diversion, by attacking Forts Montgomery and
      Clinton, on the lower part of the Hudson. Burgoyne agreed to remain in his
      position, therefore, till the 12th of October: but his Indian followers,
      in the meantime, disappointed in their hopes of plunder, annoyed at his
      endeavours to check their ferocity, and wishing to return, as their
      hunting-season had commenced, began to desert from him in great numbers.
      Still Burgoyne, hoping that Clinton's diversion would effect his
      deliverance from clanger, would not think of retreating. On the other
      hand, the Americans were greatly favoured by this delay. Every day
      reinforcements arrived from the southern and northern provinces, while
      stores and provisions poured into their camp in great abundance. General
      Gates, indeed, having been joined by General Lincoln with 2000 men, at the
      suggestion of Arnold, now adopted a scheme likely to reduce Burgoyne to
      the stern necessity of an unconditional surrender. A considerable body of
      New England militia, who had assembled in the rear of Burgoyne's forces,
      were sent to surprise Ticonderago, Mount Independence, and Fort George,
      and to cut Burgoyne off from all supplies, and even from a retreat to
      Canada. Colonel Brown, to whom this enterprise was entrusted, failed in
      his main designs; but he destroyed some vessels which were bringing
      provisions to Burgoyne, and then returned to his former station in the
      rear of the enemy. Other American forces also collected between the
      British army and the Lakes. Burgoyne's difficulties increased daily. The
      red-men, who had hitherto remained with him, now deserted, while the
      Canadians and loyal Americans in his army lost all courage. But what was
      worse than all, his provisions began to fail, while his horses were
      perishing for want of forage. No tidings were yet heard of Clinton's
      diversion; and rendered desperate by his situation, Burgoyne resolved to
      attempt dislodging Gates from his position. Accordingly, he advanced
      forward with 1,500 men and a considerable body of artillery; but this
      detachment had scarcely formed within half a mile of the American
      intrenchments when they were attacked by a superior force, under Arnold,
      and driven back to their camp, with the loss of six pieces of cannon. From
      being assailed, the Americans now became the assailants. A furious assault
      was made on the British lines; and though it was repulsed on the English
      side of the camp, and Arnold was wounded, yet the intrenchments on the
      German side of the camp were carried, and two hundred prisoners, with a
      large supply of ammunition, were captured. Night closed on the scene of
      carnage, and Lieutenant-colonel Brooks, who had defeated the Germans, kept
      the ground he had won within the line of the British intrenchments. In the
      engagement, General Frazer and Colonel Breyman were mortally wounded; and
      on the following morning Burgoyne, disheartened by this loss, removed his
      whole army, with their artillery and baggage, to some heights above the
      bank of the Hudson, extending his right up that river. In doing so, he
      left his wounded to the humanity of General Gates and his army&mdash;a
      confidence which was not misplaced.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his new position Burgoyne repeatedly offered battle to the enemy, but
      without effect. The design of Gates was to obtain an easier victory by
      turning the right of the British army and enclosing them on all sides; and
      seeing this, Burgoyne quitted his position and fell back to Saratoga,
      where he found the passes towards the Canadian frontiers all pre-occupied
      by the Americans, while the further banks of the river were lined with
      troops, which, together with numerous batteaux, commanded the navigation.
      No means of escape seemed left but by a rapid night-march to Fort Edward;
      but before preparations were made for this it was discovered that the
      fords at that place were occupied, and that the high grounds between that
      fort and Fort George were everywhere secured. Bur-goyne's situation was
      now desperate. The 13th of October had arrived, and no tidings were heard
      of Clinton's diversion. Thus unsupported, deserted by his Indian allies,
      worn down by a series of incessant exertions, greatly reduced through
      repeated battles, and invested by an army three times their number, and
      which was hourly increasing, the British officers at length thought of
      capitulation. There was no alternative, for their provisions were nearly
      spent; and though the enemy declined battle, yet rifle and grape-shot were
      continually pouring into the British camp. All hope of relief or of
      extrication from danger fled; and a council-of-war being called, which
      comprehended field-officers and captains, it was unanimously resolved to
      capitulate, if it could be done on honourable terms. This was a bitter
      step to take, but no other could be taken, and this message was therefore
      sent by Major Kingston to General Gates:&mdash;"After having fought you
      twice, Lieutenant-general Burgoyne has waited some days in his present
      position, determined to try a third conflict against any force you could
      bring against him. He is apprised of the superiority of your numbers, and
      the disposition of your troops to impede his supplies, and render his
      retreat a scene of carnage on both sides. In this situation, he is
      impelled by humanity, and thinks himself justified, by established
      principles and precedents of state and war, to spare the lives of brave
      men upon honourable terms. Should Major-general Gates be inclined to treat
      upon that idea, General Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms during
      the time necessary to communicate the preliminary terms, by which, in any
      extremity, he and his army mean to abide." In reply, Gates demanded that
      the British troops should ground their arms, and surrender themselves
      prisoners-of-war. To this Burgoyne answered:&mdash;"This article is
      inadmissible in every extremity: sooner than the army will consent to
      ground their aims in their encampment, they will rush on the enemy, with a
      determination to take no quarter." In the end, after much negotiation, a
      convention was settled, which imported, that Burgoyne's troops were to
      march out of the camp, with all the honours of war, to the verge of the
      Hudson River, where their arms and artillery were to be left; that a free
      passage should be granted the troops to Great Britain, on condition of
      their not serving again in America; that if any cartel should take place
      by which Burgoyne's army, or any part of it, should be exchanged, the
      foregoing article should be void, so far as that exchange extended; that
      care should be taken for the subsistence of the British troops till they
      should be embarked; that all officers should deliver up their carriages,
      bat-horses, &amp;c, but that their baggage should be free from
      molestation; that the officers should not be separated from the men, and
      should be quartered according to their rank; that all the troops, of
      whatever country they might be, should be included in the above articles;
      that all Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian establishment,
      should be permitted to return to Canada, should be conducted to the first
      British post on Lake George, should be treated in all respects like the
      rest of the army, and should be bound by the same condition of not serving
      during the present contest; that passports should be granted for three
      officers to carry despatches to Sir Guy Carleton, in Canada, and to the
      government of Great Britain by way of New York; that all officers, during
      their stay at Boston, should be admitted to parole, and to wear their
      side-arms; that the army might send to Canada for their clothing and other
      baggage; and that these articles should be signed and exchanged on the
      following morning, and the troops should march out of their intrenchments
      in the afternoon. These were more favourable terms than Burgoyne and his
      troops had a right to expect; and they appear to have been granted for a
      twofold reason&mdash;first, because Gates was fearful of provoking the
      despair of well-disciplined troops; and secondly, because he almost heard
      the roar of Clinton's artillery lower down the Hudson. The convention was
      signed at the appointed time, and on the afternoon of the 17th of October
      the troops marched out of their encampment down to the edge of the river,
      where they deposited their arms. The delicacy with which this business was
      conducted reflected great credit on Gates. It is said, that he not only
      kept away from the spot himself, but that he would not suffer his own
      people to be present, that they might not exhibit the feelings of
      exultation over a fallen enemy. Nor did his urbanity end here. Burgoyne
      was received by him with great kindness, and every circumstance which
      could appear like a triumph in the lines of the Americans was withheld. As
      for the half-famished British troops, they now partook liberally of the
      plenty that reigned within the American camp, while the principal officers
      were often entertained at General Gates's own quarters, Among the fruits
      of his victory were about forty pieces of artillery, 4,600 muskets, and a
      quantity of powder and ball. After the convention was signed, General
      Gates moved forward to stop the devastations committed by the British on
      the North River, but they had already retreated. About the same time,
      also, the troops which had been left at Ticonderago destroyed their
      cannon, and retreated to Canada. After being several months agitated by
      the tumults of war, the whole country was restored to complete
      tranquillity. The British army, shorn of their honours, went to Boston,
      while several thousands of the victorious Americans, as before recorded,
      joined the ranks of Washington.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CLINTON'S EXPEDITION UP THE HUDSON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      General Clinton was prevented from making his promised diversion in favour
      of Burgoyne by the non-arrival of some troops which he expected from
      Europe, and by the vicinity of General Putnam, who hovered in the
      neighbourhood of New York, until the 6th of October, ten days before the
      capitulation was signed. At that time, having received the expected
      reinforcements, he began a series of attacks, which, if they had been made
      only a few days earlier, would have rescued Burgoyne's army from its
      perilous situation. He embarked about 3000 men on board of craft of all
      kinds, convoyed by Commander Hotham, and proceeded up the Hudson to
      Verplank's Point, about forty miles above New York. Clinton effected a
      landing without opposition, and General Putnam, conceiving that it was his
      intention to push through the islands on that side of the river, in order
      to join Burgoyne, collected about 2000 men, and hastened with them towards
      Verplank's Point to obstruct his march. Leaving a third portion of his
      troops, however, on that spot, Clinton passed over with the rest to Stony
      Point, on the western shore, where, in two simultaneous attacks, he
      carried Forts Montgomery and Clinton. This success obliged the Americans
      to burn their navy, consisting of five ships, which were lying in that
      part of the river, and which were defended by a <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>,
      and by an immense boom, stretching from Fort Montgomery, to an opposite
      point, called St. Anthony's Nose. A few miles higher up the river was
      another strong place, called Fort Constitution, and this was destroyed by
      the garrison, who fled as soon as they learned the fate of Forts
      Montgomery and Clinton. About the same time, a detachment of American
      loyalists, under Governor Tryon, destroyed a new settlement, called
      Continental Village, and in which were barracks and military stores.
      Having removed the boom, Sir James Wallace also, with a squadron of small
      frigates, ascended up the river, and burned many American vessels. Clinton
      was everywhere victorious; and on the 13th of October, the very day on
      which Burgoyne made his first overture for capitulation, General Vaughan
      landed a detachment at Esopus Creek, which was not more than thirty miles
      from Burgoyne's encampment at Saratoga. Vaughan carried fire and
      destruction before him: he reduced two batteries, and a row-galley,
      stationed at the mouth of Esopus Creek; and then ascending the creek about
      five miles, he destroyed the town of Esopus, together with a vast quantity
      of stores and provisions, collected for the use of General Gates's forces.
      Clinton, however, was still upwards of one hundred miles from Esopus
      Creek, and he was beset by General Putnam's forces, which had increased
      from 2000 to 6000 men. He was in this situation when Burgoyne capitulated,
      and then Gates was enabled to detach more troops to the aid of Putnam. The
      English general therefore recalled Vaughan; destroyed all the forts he had
      taken; re-embarked his men, and returned to New York. The main design of
      his diversion had failed, and it chiefly served to prove, that had Howe
      co-operated with Burgoyne, and have sailed up the Hudson during the summer
      months, the campaign in this quarter, instead of being disastrous, would
      have enhanced the glory of the British arms.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament assembled on the 18th of November. The
      all-engrossing topic of the king's speech was the war with America. In it
      he declared the necessity of continuing the war; and hinted, that there
      was a probability that the land-forces must not only be kept up to their
      full establishment, but even augmented by new contracts. Of the
      disposition of foreign powers, his majesty now spoke in a doubtful manner.
      They had given friendly assurances, he said, but as the armaments of
      France and Spain continued, he thought it necessary that his own naval
      force should be augmented. He had neither lost any of his firmness, nor
      abated any of his hope, as to the issue of this contest. He would always
      guard, he said, the honour of the British crown faithfully; and he hoped
      that the Americans would yet return to their allegiance; that the
      remembrance of their former happiness, and the sense of their present
      misery, under the tyranny of their leaders, would rekindle their loyalty
      and attachment to their mother country; and that they would enable him,
      with the concurrence of parliament, to accomplish peace, order, and
      confidence in the colonies.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1777-1778
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The usual addresses were moved on the king's speech&mdash;addresses which
      were replete with panegyric on its wisdom, and likewise the wisdom of
      ministers. They were doomed, however, to meet with stern opposition. In
      the lower house, the Marquess of Granby, after lamenting the disastrous
      effects of the war, and expressing a desire of having the happiness to lay
      the ground-work of a reconciliation, moved an amendment, to the effect,
      that his majesty should be requested to adopt some measures for
      accommodating all differences with America; that he should be recommended
      to cease hostilities, as a preparatory step to that end; and that he
      should be assured that the commons were determined to co-operate with him
      in every measure tending to the re-establishment of peace. This motion was
      seconded by Lord John Cavendish, and it was supported by the opposition
      generally, on the grounds, that after three years' war, with a heavy
      expenditure and a great loss of men, there was no prospect of success;
      that, notwithstanding the hopes held out in the king's speeches, our
      progress exhibited a series of disappointments and losses; that trade was
      greatly affected by the contest; and that while the defenceless state of
      our coasts and commercial fleets demonstrated we were unable at this stage
      of the war to protect our national trade, we should be still less able
      when, involved in a war, as it was evident we should be, with the
      Bourbons. The opposition now attended the house in full force, but the
      amendment was nevertheless negatived by two hundred and forty-three to
      eighty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the lords the debate on the address was still more animated than in the
      commons. It was opposed by the Earl of Coventry, who, in the outset,
      gravely recommended that our armies and fleets should be recalled, and
      that the independence of America should be forthwith acknowledged. His
      lordship took extreme views of our position; even predicting, that should
      his advice be adopted, it, nevertheless, would not prevent the downfall of
      England; that it was a matter of certainty, as fixed and as immutable as
      any law of nature, that sooner or later the seat of empire would be
      removed beyond the Atlantic. One grand argument used by his lordship to
      establish his views, was the insignificant figure which Britain made in
      the map of the world compared with the more imposing figure of the
      American continent. The people, also, he argued, were more frugal,
      industrious, and wise on the other side of the Atlantic than they were in
      England; and that, while population increased and would increase in
      America, it would inevitably decline in the mother country! But such
      crotchets as these were only calculated to confirm ministers and the
      country at large in their determination of pursuing the contest. Lord
      Chatham, who next rose, still supported by his crutch, to move an
      amendment, spoke more wisely; though he also predicted ruin to England if
      the contest was not given up; or, in other words, if peace between the two
      countries was not concluded. The noble lord commenced his speech by
      joining in the congratulation of the address on the birth of another
      princess, and the happy recovery of her majesty. Here, however, he said,
      his courtly complaisance must end; for he could not join in congratulation
      on misfortune and disgrace. He could not concur in a blind and servile
      address, which approved, and endeavoured to sanctify, the monstrous
      measures that had heaped disgrace upon us, and had brought ruin to our
      very doors. The present moment, he said, was a perilous and tremendous
      period, and therefore not a time for adulation. His lordship then pointed
      out the degrading situation to which this country was reduced, in being
      obliged to acknowledge as enemies those whom we had denominated rebels;
      and in seeing them encouraged and assisted by France, while ministers
      dared not interpose. He remarked:&mdash;"It is a shameful truth, that not
      only the power and strength of this country are wasting away and expiring,
      but her well-earned glories, her true honour and substantial dignity, are
      sacrificed. France, my lords, has insulted you; she has encouraged and
      sustained America; and whether America be wrong or right, the dignity of
      this country ought to spurn at the officious insult of French
      interference. The ministers and ambassadors of those who are called rebels
      and enemies are in Paris&mdash;in Paris they transact the reciprocal
      interests of America and France. Can there be a more mortifying insult?
      Can even our ministers sustain a more humiliating disgrace? Do they dare
      to resent it? Do they presume even to hint a vindication of their honour,
      and the dignity of the state, by requiring the dismissal of the
      plenipotentiaries of America? Such is the degradation to which they have
      reduced the glories of England! The people, whom they affect to call
      contemptible rebels, but whose growing power has at least obtained the
      name of enemies&mdash;the people with whom they have engaged this country
      in war, and against whom they now command our implicit support in every
      measure of desperate hostility&mdash;this people, despised as rebels or
      acknowledged as enemies, are abetted against you, supplied with military
      stores, their interests consulted, and their ambassadors entertained, by
      your inveterate enemy!&mdash;and our ministers dare not interpose with
      dignity or effect. Is this the honour of a great kingdom? Is this the
      indignant spirit of England, who, but yesterday gave law to the House of
      Bourbon?" Chatham next dwelt on the position of our armies in America,
      supposing that Burgoyne's&mdash;for it was not yet known&mdash;was totally
      lost; and asserting that General Howe had been compelled to retire from
      the American lines. Judging, from the past, he then predicted a final and
      total failure, notwithstanding the exertions made to sustain the contest
      and gain the victory might prove gigantic. In this part of his speech he
      denounced the employment of German troops, and the tribes of wild Indians,
      in strong and unmeasured language; although, nineteen years before, he had
      himself employed Indians in the same manner against the French and
      Canadians. Chatham next touched on the great question of disseverance and
      independence. But this, unlike the Earl of Coventry who had preceded him,
      he utterly repudiated; avowing, as he had ever done, that our supremacy
      must be maintained, in order to avert our ruin. But this part of Chatham's
      speech was replete with inconsistencies. While he maintained that our
      supremacy must be maintained at all hazards, he applauded both the spirit
      and intention of the Americans; and while he acknowledged that they had
      arms in their hands, he boldly asserted that they were still full of
      affection for their mother country&mdash;that they only declared
      independence in moments of anguish and despair; and that they were still
      in heart inclined to return to their old political constitution. Again,
      while Chatham attributed every blame to the British government, he
      nevertheless would not admit that our power of regulating their trade
      ought either to be abolished or abridged; which were the very sentiments
      of the government on whom he cast odium. Chatham, also, denounced the war
      as unjust in its principle; and yet it had for its indisputable object,
      from beginning to end, that very independence and separate sovereignty
      which he had sworn he would never recognise. The great orator then
      attacked the ministers more personally than before, and recommended them
      to make haste and quit office, lest the punishment due to their crimes
      should speedily overtake them! He concluded thus:&mdash;"Since they have
      neither sagacity to foresee, nor justice and humanity to shun, these
      calamities&mdash;since not even severe experience can make them feel, nor
      the imminent ruin of their country awaken them from their stupefaction&mdash;the
      guardian care of parliament must interpose. I shall, therefore, propose an
      amendment to the address, to recommend an immediate cessation of
      hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty to restore peace and liberty
      to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent
      prosperity to both countries." He added, that "this was still in our
      power;" but few or none who heard him believed that peace could be
      obtained but by a recognition of that independence which Chatham had so
      warmly denounced. The amendment which he proposed, however, was ably
      supported by the other peers in opposition. Lord Camden declared, that if
      the war were prosecuted to the issue of the alternative, whether America
      was subdued or rendered independent, he would still wish for independence;
      because the subjugation of that country by force of arms, would lead to
      the enslavement of England! Some of the opposition members,
      notwithstanding, were not for an instant cessation of arms, though they
      wished for a reconciliation. Thus Earl Temple said, that the war ought not
      to be abandoned until we had obtained decisive victories in America. The
      opposition, also, differed as to the propriety of offering terms of
      concession; and they were not all agreed as to what these terms should be.
      But on the odiousness of employing the wild Indians against a Christian
      people, the views of the whole of the opposition orators coincided. The
      Duke of Richmond said, that our employment of them would call down the
      vengeance of Heaven; and he argued, that our soldiers, acting with them,
      would become as ferocious as the Indians, and ready to commit any
      atrocity, or to make any attack on the liberties of the country that
      ministers might command! The unpleasant task of defending the employment
      of wild Indians fell upon Lord Suffolk, one of the secretaries of state,
      and he contended that the measure was allowable on principle; inasmuch as
      it was justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had put into
      our hands. This was an unfortunate argument; and the Earl of Chatham did
      not fail to take advantage of it. Forgetting that he had once employed the
      Indian tomahawk, he rose, and exclaimed, with an indignant burst of
      eloquence:&mdash;"I am astonished&mdash;shocked to hear such principles
      confessed&mdash;to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country&mdash;principles
      equally unconstitutional, inhuman, and unchristian. My lords, I did not
      intend to have trespassed again on your attention, but I cannot repress my
      indignation. I feel myself impelled by every duty. My lords, we are called
      upon, as members of this house, as men, as Christian men, to protest
      against such notions, standing near the throne, polluting the ear of
      majesty! 'That God and nature put into our hands!' I know not what idea
      that lord may entertain of God and nature; but I know that such abominable
      principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! attribute
      the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian
      scalping-knife&mdash;to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering,
      roasting, and eating&mdash;literally, my lords, <i>eating</i>&mdash;the
      mangled victims of his barbarous battles&mdash;To send forth the merciless
      cannibal, thirsting for blood! Against whom?&mdash;Against your Protestant
      brethren; to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and
      extirpate their race and name with these horrible hell-hounds of savage
      war&mdash;hell-hounds, I say, of savage war! Spain armed herself with
      blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of America, and we improve
      on the inhuman example of even Spanish cruelty&mdash;we turn loose these
      savage hell-hounds against our brethren and countrymen in America&mdash;of
      the same language, laws, liberties, and religion..... endeared to us by
      every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, this awful subject, so
      important to our honour, our constitution, and our religion, demands the
      most solemn and effectual inquiry; and I again call upon your lordships,
      and the united powers of the state, to examine it thoroughly and
      decisively, and to stamp upon it an indelible stigma of the public
      abhorrence. More particularly I implore those holy prelates of religion to
      do away these iniquities from among us:&mdash;let them perform a
      lustration; let them purify this house and this country from this sin!"
      These were noble sentiments, but the effect of them was in a great measure
      lost by the remembrance that Chatham had done the very same thing in the
      war with Canada; and that under his own immediate superintendence. But
      even if there had not been this drawback upon this fervent burst of
      indignation, uttered by the great orator, it was not in the power of
      eloquence to alter the determination of ministers. <i>They</i> daily
      expected to hear of victories which would stop the mouths of their
      antagonists, and therefore resolved to brave the loud storms of
      opposition. Public sentiment was also still on their side; for Chatham's
      amendment was rejected by a majority of eighty-four to twenty-eight, and
      only two peers signed a protest. Thus, in both houses, the original
      address was carried by an overwhelming majority.
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    <h2>
      DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION FOR INQUIRING INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 28th of November the Duke of Richmond moved for a committee of the
      house to inquire into the state of the nation. The debate on this question
      was postponed till the 2nd of December, and the Earl of Chatham was there
      to support it. In his speech, the Duke of Richmond once more asserted,
      that the nation was in a rapid process of decay, and that it could not
      support the burden of war. The inquiry, he said, should be as extensive as
      possible, and he proposed the 2nd of February for the discussion; and
      expressed a hope that all papers called for might be laid before
      parliament. Ministers assented to the committee; and the Duke of Richmond
      then moved for returns of the army and navy, both in America and Ireland.
      Chatham now made another speech, in which he expressed great alarm as to
      the actual state of those two important fortresses, Gibraltar and Minorca;
      contending that they were not secure from the grasp of France and Spain.
      He also took occasion again to extol the Americans, and to plead their
      cause, still justifying their opposition to the mother country. The motion
      was granted without opposition.
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    <h2>
      FOX'S MOTION FOR INQUIRING INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day Mr. Fox made a motion, similar to that of the Duke of
      Richmond, in the house of commons. The committee was at once agreed to by
      ministers; but when Fox made a call for papers, Lord North opposed it, as
      liable to make discoveries prejudicial to the interests of the country.
      This drew down upon him a series of odious comparisons. Burke compared him
      to the "pigmy physician," who watched over the health of Sancho Panza, in
      the government of Barataria, and who snatched away every dish from his
      patient's well-supplied table, on various pretences, before he could get
      one mouthful. The house was convulsed with laughter, but Lord North
      remained immoveable; nor could the intelligence that the lords had granted
      the papers, alter his determination to oppose their production. Fox again
      spoke when he discovered that the premier was resolute; and this time he
      fell upon the chief manager of American affairs,&mdash;Lord George
      Germaine. He remarked:&mdash;"For two years that a noble lord has presided
      over American affairs, the most violent, scalping, tomahawk measures have
      been pursued: bleeding has been his only prescription. If a people,
      deprived of their ancient rights, are grown tumultuous, bleed them!&mdash;if
      they are attacked with a spirit of insurrection, bleed them!&mdash;if
      their fever should rise into rebellion, bleed them!&mdash;cries this
      state-physician. More blood! more blood! still more blood! When Dr.
      Sangrado had persevered in a similar practice of bleeding his patients,
      killing by the very means he used for a cure, his man took the liberty to
      remonstrate on the necessity of relaxing in a practice to which thousands
      of their patients had fallen sacrifices, and which was beginning to bring
      their names into disrepute. The doctor answered, I believe, indeed, that
      we have carried the matter a little too far; but you must know I have
      written a book on the efficacy of this practice: therefore, though every
      patient should die by it, we must continue bleeding, for the credit of my
      book." The debate assumed a new feature from a speech made by Governor
      Pownall, who argued, that the production of the papers called for could
      answer no end. Pownall declared that he was as uninfluenced by party
      spirit as he had been nine years ago, when he predicted the precise
      progress of American resistance. He added:&mdash;"I now tell the house and
      government, that the Americans will never return to their subjection.
      Sovereignty is abolished, and gone for ever: the Navigation Act is
      annihilated. Of what use, then, are these papers?&mdash;of what import our
      debates? Disputation and abuse may afford amusement; but neither America
      nor England can be benefited by such discussions in the present crisis.
      Until the house shall be disposed to treat with the United States as an
      independent, sovereign people, schemes or plans of conciliation, whoever
      may suggest them, will be found unimportant." This was speaking like a man
      of business, and the arguments adduced were unanswerable. The papers were
      refused, by a majority of one hundred and seventy-eight to eighty-nine.
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    <h2>
      ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 26th of November the army and navy estimates were considered. The
      number of seamen was fixed at 60,000, and the troops to be employed in
      America at 55,000. But these votes were not passed without severe
      strictures on the manner in which every branch of the service was
      conducted.
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    <h2>
      INTELLIGENCE OF BURGOYNES DEFEAT
    </h2>
    <p>
      The hope that ministers had entertained of soon hearing of some glorious
      victory in America, whereby the mouth of opposition might be stopped, was
      at length swept away. On the 3rd of December Colonel Barre rose in the
      house of commons, with a grave countenance, and asked Lord George Germaine
      what had become of Burgoyne's army? and whether he had not received
      intelligence from Quebec of their having surrendered to the enemy? Lord
      George, in reply, confessed that he had received the unhappy intelligence,
      by express, from Quebec; but as it was unauthenticated, he could not
      declare it officially. He expressed a hope, therefore, that the house
      would suspend their judgment; at the same time declaring, that if he had
      committed a fault in drawing out the plan of the expedition, he was ready
      to answer for it. He made this declaration in such a cold, self-satisfied
      tone, that it drew down upon his head the most bitter inventive from
      members of the opposition. Barre, Luttrell, Burke, Townshend, and Fox,
      all, in their turns, assailed the haughty secretary, and revelled in
      descriptions of the loss and disgrace which we had sustained&mdash;necessarily,
      from chagrin, heightening the effect of the picture by exaggeration. The
      solicitor-general, Wedderburne, endeavoured to reconcile the house to this
      loss, by appealing to British magnanimity under distress, which, he
      conceived, was the harbinger of victory. During the war of the succession,
      he said, General Stanhope was compelled to surrender himself, and his
      whole army, prisoners of war in Spain; but the disgrace only served to
      call forth an ardour which soon effaced the stigma, and achieved glorious
      successes. Lord North, having declared that he had from the beginning been
      desirous of peace; that if the surrender of his place and honours could
      obtain it he would resign them; and that while he remained in office he
      would support it to the best of his power, the conversation dropped.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of lords, however, the subject was taken up more seriously.
      On the 5th of December, having previously arranged matters with the
      opposition peers, the Earl of Chatham moved, "that an address be presented
      to his majesty for copies of all orders and instructions issued to General
      Burgoyne, relative to the late expedition from Canada." Chatham commenced
      an able, though rambling speech, which he delivered on this occasion, by
      criticising the king's speech at the opening of the session; representing
      it as containing an unfaithful and delusive picture of the state of public
      affairs. He then lamented Burgoyne's fate, in pathetic terms. His
      character, he said, with the glory of the British arms, and the dearest
      interests of the country, had all been sacrificed to the ignorance,
      temerity, and impotence of ministers. Yet almost in the same breath,
      Chatham said that he would not condemn ministers without evidence!
      Burgoyne, he remarked, might or might not be an able officer; he might
      have received orders it was not in his power to execute; and those
      instructions might have been wisely given, and faithfully and judiciously
      executed, although the general had miscarried. Many events, he said,
      happened which no human foresight could prevent; but, as it was evident, a
      fault had been committed either by Burgoyne or the ministers, he was
      desirous of having the papers laid before the house, in order to ascertain
      to whom the blame was in reality attached. At the same time, he asserted
      that he already knew sufficient to justify him in affirming that the
      measures for that campaign were founded in weakness, barbarity, and
      inhumanity. Here again he launched forth in bitter invective against the
      practice of employing the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the Indians in
      the war. Then, turning from the field of battle, he attacked the court. He
      remarked:&mdash;"Within the last fifteen years the system has been
      introduced at St. James's of breaking all connexion,&mdash;of
      extinguishing all principle. A few men have got an ascendency, where no
      man should have a personal ascendency; by the executive powers of state
      being at their command, they have been furnished with the means of
      creating divisions. This has brought pliable men, not capable men, into
      the highest situations; and to such men is the government of this
      once-glorious empire now entrusted. The spirit of delusion has gone forth;
      the ministers have imposed on the people; parliament has been induced to
      sanctify the imposition; false lights have been held out to the country
      gentlemen, and they have been seduced into the support of a most
      destructive war, under the impression that the land-tax would be
      diminished by means of an American revenue. The visionary phantom, thus
      conjured up for the basest of purposes&mdash;that of deception&mdash;is
      now about to vanish." Chatham had said that Burgoyne might or might not be
      an able officer; but he now eulogised his zeal, his bravery, and his
      abilities, and then, in defiance of his assertion that he would not
      condemn ministers without evidence, he laid the whole blame upon them, and
      said that they ought to submit to all the obloquy till the general had an
      opportunity of justifying himself. Chatham now again denounced the
      practice of employing the Indians; coupling the German bayonet with the
      scalping-knife and tomahawk. The only thing which could be done, he said,
      to preserve America in our dependence was to disband the Indians, recall
      the Germans, and withdraw our troops <i>in toto</i>. As for American
      independence, he could not endure the thought of such a consummation.
      While he abhorred the system of government attempted to be established in
      America, he as earnestly and zealously contended for a Whig government and
      a Whig connexion between the two countries, founded on a constitutional
      dependence and subordination of America upon England. Against Tory
      principles he entertained the most bitter hatred; and in the course of his
      speech he exhibited that feeling, by animadverting, in severe terms, on
      the high Tory doctrines maintained by Dr. Markham, Archbishop of York. The
      pernicious doctrines advanced by that prelate, he said, were the doctrines
      of Atterbury and Sacheverel; and as a Whig, he abjured and detested them,
      and hoped to see the day, not only when they should be deemed libels, but
      when the authors of such doctrines should be liable to punishment. Chatham
      concluded, by moving for the papers relative to the instructions given to
      Burgoyne, which was lost by a majority of forty to nineteen. But though
      the motion was negatived, the noble lord returned to the charge, by moving
      for copies of all instructions relative to the employment of Indians in
      conjunction with the British troops. In this, however, he made a whip for
      his own back. In opposing the motion, Lord Gower asserted, that the noble
      lord had himself employed, and acknowledged that he had employed, savages
      in the operation of the last war. This charge Chatham denied. Indians, he
      said, had crept into the service during that war; but he challenged
      ministers to produce any document of his sanctioning their employment. He
      appealed to Lord Amherst, who had commanded the troops in Canada, for a
      declaration of the truth, and that noble lord had the honesty to declare
      the truth. The Indians, he said, had been employed on both sides: the
      French engaged their services first, and we had followed their example:
      but most certainly he should not have ventured to have done so if he had
      not received orders to that effect. Lord Shelburne suggested, that the
      orders might have proceeded from the Board of Trade: but Lord Denbigh, who
      called Chatham "the great oracle with a short memory," said, that this was
      impossible, as Chatham, when in office under George II., had monopolised
      functions which did not belong to him, and had guided and directed
      everything relative to the war. In reply, Chatham said, that he was sure
      the order had not passed through his office, and that the humanity of his
      late majesty would not have permitted him to sanction so satanic a
      measure. But Chatham was now floundering in the mire, and the more he
      endeavoured to extricate himself, the deeper he got into it. The fallacy
      of this pretence was exposed by Lord Suffolk, who said, that all
      instructions to governors and commanders-in-chief necessarily passed
      through the office of the secretary-of-state, which office Chatham then
      held, and were countersigned by the king. Finding that Chatham's veracity
      could not be established, the lords, in opposition, now turned the
      subject, and endeavoured to justify his employment of the Indians. There
      was a difference, they maintained, between the two wars&mdash;the one
      having been against our old enemies, the French, the other being against
      our fellow-subjects. They also argued, that the French having set the
      example, we were justified in following it. But this argument applied
      equally to the present war. Arnold took with him into Canada the very
      savages whose services we had refused; and one of the first cares of
      congress was to secure the alliance of the Six Nations. It was, moreover,
      understood by all, that the treaty was not to stop at neutrality, but to
      engage those Indians as auxiliaries in the war. Want of means, coupled
      with the animosities which existed between the Indian tribes and their
      American neighbours of the back settlements, and with a species of
      reverence which the red men entertained for the name of King George, had
      prevented the success of congress; but the Americans had, to all intents
      and purposes, set the deplorable example of using the tomahawk against
      their Protestant brethren of England. The Earl of Dun-more, indeed,
      declared that he had himself, while governor of Virginia, been attacked by
      a party of Indians who had been instigated by the Virginians. Evil
      examples should not be followed; but the present ministry had, at least,
      the same plea to offer for employing the Indians as Chatham and the
      opposition lords had for employing them in the war in Canada. The man who
      endeavours to blacken the characters of others should himself possess an
      untarnished reputation. Chatham's motion was lost by a majority of forty
      to eighteen.
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    <h2>
      ROYAL ASSENT TO SEVERAL BILLS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of December the royal assent was given to a bill for
      continuing the suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Acts in certain
      cases of piracy, and also to the Land and Malt-tax Bills&mdash;those
      standing resources of government revenue. About the same time, likewise,
      the royal assent was given to a duty laid on goods sold by auction, as
      well as on inhabited houses.
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT ADJOURNED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same clay, after the discussion of some unimportant motions, made
      with a design of embarrassing ministers, Lord Beauchamp proposed an
      adjournment to the 20th of January. Burke proposed an adjournment for one
      week only; but ministers represented that they had already transacted all
      business of importance, and that nothing was likely to occur during the
      recess which would demand instant attention, and their motion was carried
      by one hundred and fifty-five to sixty-eight. The next day a similar
      motion was made in the house of lords, on which occasion the Earl of
      Chatham, in opposing it, again endeavoured to fix blame and censure on
      ministers for their conduct relative to the American war. But the motion
      was carried by forty-seven to seventeen.
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1778-1779
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Demonstration of Public Spirit in England..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Committee for taking the State of the Nation
     into Consideration..... Burke's Motion relative to the
     Employment of Indians..... Committee of Evidence in the
     House of Lords..... Lord North's Conciliatory Bills.....
     Intimation of the French Treaty with America.....
     Investigation of the State of the Navy..... Motion for
     excluding Contractors from Parliament..... Revision of the
     Trade of Ireland..... Bill for the Relief of the Roman
     Catholics..... Lord Chatham's last Appearance in the House
     of Lords..... Death of Lord Chatham,  and posthumous
     Honours   to his Memory..... The Duke of Richmond's Motion
     resumed..... The Session closed..... Proceedings in
     France..... Naval Operations in the British Channel.....
     Disgraceful Infraction of the Convention of Saratoga.....
     Lafayette's Expedition to Canada..... Unfortunate Action
     under Lafayette..... Sir Henry Clinton takes the Command of
     the British Troops..... Arrival of the Commissioners in
     America with the Conciliatory Bills..... Evacuation of
     Philadelphia by the British, &amp;c...... Disgrace of General
     Lee..... Unsuccessful Attack, by the Americans and French,
     on Rhode Island..... Operations of the British Army.....
     Attack of the Savages on the Settlement of Wyoming, &amp;c......
     Arrival of the French Envoy   at  Philadelphia.....
     Movements of the British and French  Fleets..... Capture of
     Dominica by the French..... Capture of St. Lucie by the
     British..... Re-capture of the  Islands of  St.  Pierre and
     Miquelon..... French Plans regarding Canada counteracted by
     Washington..... Capture of Savannah  by  the British.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Affair respecting Admiral Keppel
     and Sir Hugh Falliser.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      DEMONSTRATION OF PUBLIC SPIRIT IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess, the government party and the opposition were equally
      zealous in securing the public opinion, and, consequently, the success of
      its future schemes. The intelligence of Burgoyne's defeat seems to have
      had a momentary effect on the minds of the people, which favoured the
      views of opposition, but while a few politicians declaimed on the
      necessity of ending a ruinous war by recognising the independence of the
      United States, and others advised a cessation of arms and conciliation,
      the vast majority of the nation soon burned with ardour to blot out the
      recollection of Burgoyne's disgrace, by deeds of arms, and by reducing the
      colonies to their original subjection to the mother country. Not only did
      public meetings of corporate bodies, towns, and counties, display their
      attachment to the cause of the crown by addresses, but some cities and
      towns as Liverpool, Manchester, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, raised each a
      regiment of 1000 men at their own expense. Private subscriptions were
      opened, large sums were given, and 15,000 soldiers were raised in England,
      Scotland, and Wales, without any cost or charge to government. Many of the
      maritime towns, also, armed ships to cruise in the Channel, where American
      privateers and Frenchmen with American colours were now becoming numerous.
      On the other hand, the opposition party represented that the American
      prisoners of war were treated with great cruelty in British prisons, and
      subscriptions were set on foot for their relief. Complaints had been made
      in the house of lords concerning the sufferings of the American prisoners,
      and the subject was investigated; but though it was found that their
      allowance in some instances had been slender, and that in others their
      keepers had treated them with severity, it could not be shown that this
      arose from any want of care on the part of government. Everything,
      however, was tried which could be tried by the opposition, in order to fix
      an indelible stigma of infamy on the members of Lord North's
      administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The animus of opposition was exhibited in an unequivocal manner on the
      reassembling of parliament. On the 22nd of January, Sir Phillip Jennings
      Clarke moved for an account of the number of troops raised by private
      subscription, with the names of the commanding-officers. In the debate
      which followed this motion, ministers were accused of having incorporated
      15,000 troops without consent of parliament, and represented their conduct
      in accepting their aid as most unconstitutional and inimical to the
      liberties of the country. Lord North, who agreed to the motion, in reply,
      argued that these spontaneous exertions proved that the people felt the
      insults and injuries offered to their king and country; and, also, that
      the country was not in that impoverished state which a jealous and
      impatient faction had asserted it was. Still the opposition hoped to
      obtain a vote of censure. In the house of lords the Earl of Abingdon moved
      that the twelve judges should be consulted as to the legality of raising
      troops without the authority of parliament. This motion was not pressed to
      a division; but, on the 4th of February, the same noble lord made another
      motion more specific, in order to cast blame upon government. He moved for
      a resolution that the grant of money in private aids or benevolences,
      without the sanction of parliament, for the purpose of raising armies, was
      against the spirit of the constitution and the letter of the law; and
      that, to obtain money by subscription was not only unconstitutional and
      illegal, but a direct infringement of the rights, and a breach of the
      privileges of parliament. This motion, after a warm debate, was negatived
      by ninety to thirty. On the same day in the commons, some money being
      demanded for the uniforms of these new troops, a still warmer discussion
      arose upon the subject. The new levies were treated with much discourtesy
      by the opposition; the two Scotch regiments, especially, being designated
      vile mercenaries, and willing tools of despotism. The opposition also
      maintained that such a practice of raising troops was contrary to the oath
      of coronation, and that all who subscribed were abettors of perjury. Lord
      North justified himself by precedents: he showed that independent
      regiments had been raised in 1745, and again in 1759, when Chatham was
      minister. On the latter occasion, he said, that Chatham had publicly and
      solemnly thanked those who raised such troops for the honour and service
      of their country. Yet, "that great oracle with a short memory," on the
      very night on which Lord North reminded the lower house of this notable
      fact, declaimed in the upper house in support of the Earl of Abingdon's
      motion against the practice Later in the session Wilkes renewed this
      subject, but the motion which he made relative to it was negatived by
      seventy-two against forty.
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE FOR TAKING THE STATE OF THE NATION INTO CONSIDERATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of February, on the order of the day being read, for the house
      to resolve itself into a committee to take the state of the nation into
      consideration, Fox moved that no more troops should be sent out of the
      kingdom. On the same day, the Duke of Richmond, also, made a similar
      motion in the house of lords. In both houses the opposition represented
      that war with France and Spain was inevitable; and that our means of
      defence were not sufficient in the whole to meet the contingency; and,
      therefore, it was not prudent to protract an impracticable contest. No
      answer was made in the commons, but in the lords the motion and the
      arguments adduced in support of it were denounced as amounting to a public
      acknowledgment of our inability to prosecute war; as inviting the house of
      Bourbon to attempt an invasion; and as attacking the prerogative of the
      crown to raise, direct, and employ the military force of the kingdom. The
      motions were rejected in the lords by ninety-one against thirty-four; and
      in the commons by two hundred and ninety-five against one hundred and
      sixty-five.
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    <h2>
      BURKE'S MOTION RELATIVE TO THE EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of February, Burke introdued a motion for papers relative to
      the employment of Indians in America, from 1774 to 1778. On this occasion
      he made a speech three hours in length, during the whole of which time the
      attention of the house was fixed on the orator. This speech, however,
      which is represented as being one of the most splendid efforts of his
      oratory, is very inadequately reported. From it, notwithstanding, it may
      be gathered that he drew a striking and ghastly picture of Indian warfare,
      and of the horrors committed by these savage auxiliaries. It had a greater
      effect upon the house than Chatham's denunciations of the practice of
      employing the Indian tribes in our army, arising from the fact that the
      orator handled the subject with clean hands. Colonel Barré, excited by it,
      declared that if it were printed and published he would nail it on every
      church-door by the side of the king's proclamation for a general fast; and
      Governor Johnson said it was fortunate for Lord North and Germaine that
      the galleries had been cleared before the speech was uttered, as the
      indignation and enthusiasm of strangers might have excited the people to
      lay violent hands upon them on their return home. The secret of the
      excitement occasioned by the speech seems chiefly to have consisted in the
      fact that it abounded in touching stories and pathetic episodes. Burke
      especially elaborated the affecting fate of Miss Mac Crea, who was
      strongly attached to the royal cause, and who, being on her way to marry
      an officer in Burgoyne's army, was barbarously murdered by two Indian
      chiefs sent for her protection. The two chiefs having disputed which of
      them should be her principal guard and obtain a larger reward, he, from
      whose hands she was snatched, raised his tomahawk, and in a fit of rage
      cleft her head asunder. Such stories as these, founded in fact, were well
      calculated to produce excitement, especially as the murderer was left
      unscathed. Burke argued that these savage allies were too powerful, or
      their services too highly valued to run the risk of offending them; but it
      would rather appear that pardon was extended to the offender through an
      agreement with his tribe and the British general to abstain in future from
      indulging in such wanton cruelties, which Burgoyne considered of more
      importance than to take revenge on a wretch who scarcely knew that what he
      did was a sin either in the sight of God or man. Such stories as these,
      however, told upon the feelings of the house, and insured Burke
      strong-support. Governor Pownall, in taking the same side of the question,
      declared that there was not so unfair, so hellish an engine of war as
      savages mingled with civilized troops; and he recommended that terms
      should be proposed to congress whereby the two countries should mutually
      agree to break off all alliance with the Indians, and treat them as
      enemies whenever they should commit any act of hostility against a white
      person, American or European. He would answer for it, he said, that
      congress would embrace and execute such terms with good faith; and he
      suggested that the overture might occasion the happiest effects in
      producing mutual kind offices, and leading ultimately to a perfect
      reconciliation. He finally offered to go in person, without any pay or
      reward, and make the proposal to congress; asserting that he would answer
      with his life for the success of the negociation. But this noble proposal
      of Governor Pownall and Mr. Burke's motion were alike rejected by a
      ministerial majority.
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE OF EVIDENCE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day that Burke made this motion in the commons, the lords in
      committee on the state of the nation were employed in examining witnesses
      to prove the ruinous consequences of the maritime war. Merchants were
      called as witnesses by the opposition peers, who proved that they had
      sustained heavy losses from the war; while, on the other hand, government
      were provided with other merchants, who showed that new sources of
      commerce had been opened since the commencement of hostilities; and, that
      considerable captures had been made. The Duke of Richmond opposed the
      arguments derived from the testimony of government witnesses. The prizes
      taken and distributed to British seamen, he said, so far from being a
      balance in our favour, added to our loss; for if we had not been at war
      with America, the value of all these cargoes in the circuitous course of
      trade, must have centred in Great Britain. The propositions were disposed
      of by the previous question, and other motions made by the Duke of
      Richmond for ascertaining the number of troops sent to America, as well as
      the expenses incurred by the war, though they occasioned long and warm
      debates, were equally unsuccessful. A similar motion was made in the
      commons by Fox, on the 11th of February, but it was evaded by a motion for
      leave to report progress. It was, perhaps, judicious in ministers to
      resist the production of papers called for by the opposition, for in
      almost every instance it would have let the enemy into dangerous secrets:
      secrets which they would have turned to their own advantage.
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    <h2>
      LORD NORTHS CONCILIATORY BILLS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It is a singular fact that while Lord North sternly advocated war, he was
      at this time so adverse to a continuation of the contest that he had
      expressed a wish to the king to resign office. This appears from a letter
      addressed to him by his majesty on the 31st of January, in which, after
      appealing to Lord North's personal affection for him, he writes: &mdash;"You
      must remember that before the recess I strongly advised you not to bind
      yourself to bring forward any plan for restoring tranquillity to America;
      not from any absurd ideas of unconditional submission, which my mind never
      harboured; but from foreseeing that whatever can be proposed will be
      liable, not to bring America back to her attachment, but to dissatisfy
      this country, which so cheerfully and handsomely carries on the contest,
      and has a right to have the struggle continued, till convinced that it is
      vain. Perhaps this is the minute when you ought to be least in a hurry to
      produce a plan, from the probability of a declaration of war from France."
      It is evident from this letter that Lord North had proposed some plan of
      conciliation which did not meet with the monarch's views; and it seems
      clear, also, that his lordship, in expressing a wish to retire, had urged
      the impossibility of obtaining unconditional submission, which he
      erroneously thought was the only ground on which his majesty would listen
      to terms of peace. But though it was the king's opinion on the last day of
      January that no conciliatory measures should be adopted or proposed out of
      deference to the views of the people, yet his opinion soon changed. On the
      9th of February, when a war with France had become inevitable, he wrote to
      his minister again, urging him not to "delay to bring in his proposition,"
      before "the veil was drawn off by the court of France." Lord North lost no
      time in complying with this his majesty's command. On the 17th of
      February, he brought in two bills tending to reconciliation with the
      colonists: one was expressly designed to remove all apprehension from
      their minds concerning taxation by the British parliament, whilst it
      repealed the act imposing a duty on tea; and the other enabled his majesty
      to appoint commissioners to consult and agree on means of quieting the
      disorders subsisting in certain colonies, plantations, and provinces of
      North America. In introducing these bills, Lord North asserted that he had
      been uniformly disposed to pacific arrangements; that he had tried
      conciliatory measures before the sword was unsheathed, and would gladly
      try them again; that he had conceived his former propositions were
      equitable, and still thought so, though they had been misrepresented both
      at home and in America; that he never expected to derive any considerable
      revenue from the colonies; that he had originated none of the American
      taxes; that he found such as existed when, unfortunately for his own peace
      of mind, he came into office; and that, as for the act enabling the East
      India Company to send out teas with the drawback of the entire duty, which
      led to the Boston riots, it was a relief rather than oppression, since it
      actually gave the colonists their teas at a cheaper rate than before. Lord
      North then explained the principles of his two bills. The first, he said,
      was intended to quiet the minds of the Americans on the subject of
      taxation&mdash;to dispel all fears that parliament would ever tax them
      again, by a distinct renunciation of the right itself. The second bill, he
      remarked, would give the royal commissioners far more ample powers than
      those formerly entrusted to Lord Howe and his brother. They would be
      authorized to treat with congress as if it were a legal body, and
      competent by its acts and negociations to bind all the colonies; they
      would be empowered to treat with the conventions or provincial assemblies,
      or colonial congresses, and with individuals in their actual civil
      capacities or military commands, without any cavil as to allowing them and
      addressing them by the rank they held under congress: and they would have
      the power of suspending hostilities, intermitting the operation of laws,
      granting pardons, rewards, and immunities, restoring charters and
      constitutions, and nominating governors, judges, magistrates, &amp;c, till
      the king's pleasure should be known. The stumbling-block of independence
      was removed very skilfully by Lord North. This act declared that should
      the Americans make this claim at the outset of the treaty, they would not
      be required to renounce it until it was ratified by the British
      legislature. The commissioners were to be instructed to negociate for a
      reasonable and moderate contribution toward the common defence of the
      empire when reunited, but they were not to insist even on this slight
      contribution as indispensable. In conclusion, Lord North contended that
      these concessions ought not to be deemed the results of defeat or
      weakness, since they were substantially the same as he should offer in the
      hour of victory. The events of the war, he frankly acknowledged, had not
      corresponded to his expectation, but he denied that there was any truth in
      the representations of a factious opposition. But for faction, England was
      as fertile in resources as ever: she was in circumstances to prosecute
      war, raise new armies, and to increase her navy, so as to be enabled to
      meet her accumulated foes.
    </p>
    <p>
      Burke says that on hearing these proposals the whole house was overclouded
      with astonishment, dejection, and fear. This may be exaggeration, but it
      is certain that the ample concessions proposed by the minister&mdash;concessions
      far outstripping those which had been brought forward by Mr. Burke and
      Lord Chatham, and which were opposed by government&mdash;were highly
      distasteful to the country gentlemen, and to the whole Tory party.
      Expressions of loud disapprobation were heard on their side of the house,
      and some bitterly complained that deception had been practised against
      them relative to American taxation. On the other hand, while the
      opposition contended that the season was gone by when such a plan would
      have succeeded, it was generally approved by them. They yet hoped, they
      said, that there might be a chance of conciliation, and therefore they
      would give the minister their support. At the same time, Lord North was
      severely reprehended by some of the opposition members. Fox said his
      arguments "might be collected into one point, and his excuses comprised in
      one apology, or rather in one word, <i>ignorance</i>; a palpable and total
      ignorance of America: he had expected much, and had been disappointed in
      every thing; necessity alone had compelled him now to speak out." In the
      course of his speech, Fox informed the house that there was a report
      abroad that within the last ten days France had signed a treaty with
      America, acknowledging their independence, and entering into a close
      alliance with the colonists. He called on Lord North to afford the house
      satisfaction on so important a point, and that minister reluctantly
      acknowledged that such a treaty was in agitation, though as it was not
      authenticated by our ambassador he could not say that it was concluded.
      The motion for bringing in the bill was carried by a majority of about two
      to one, and on the first reading some of the Tory members expressed their
      disapprobation of our wholly renouncing the right of taxing the colonists.
      In reply, Lord North declared that the not exacting the renunciation of
      independence by the Americans did not imply that we intended to yield that
      point; that the commissioners would not be empowered to concede thus much;
      and that the Americans would be expected to treat as subjects, and not as
      a sovereign state. The bills were passed, and when brought up to the
      lords, the opposition was renewed. The Duke of Richmond read the American
      declaration of independence, and asked ministers whether they meant to
      subscribe to assertions such as these:&mdash;"That the king is a
      tyrant,"..... "that his majesty has lost the affection of his American
      subjects by the insolent, daring, perfidious and unconstitutional language
      of ministers, etc." His grace said these bills, instead of regaining the
      affections of the Americans, would sound the trumpet of war to all
      nations; that they were at once ignominious and ineffectual; that they
      meant nothing or worse than nothing; that they were better calculated to
      divide than conciliate; and that they empowered commissioners to treat
      with America, and then called them back again to consult parliament. His
      grace also stated as a notorious fact that ministers had sent persons over
      to Paris to tamper with Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, and that these
      American agents had rejected their offers, together with the terms of the
      new bills, in scorn. Lord Temple opposed the bills on different grounds.
      He denounced them as mean and truckling, and as tending to prostrate the
      king, the parliament, and the people of Great Britain at the feet of
      Franklin and Silas Deane, to whom ministers had paid homage in sackcloth
      and ashes. The people, he said, had recovered from the shock occasioned by
      Burgoyne's reverses, and ministers were now going to depress their
      newly-awakened animation by succumbing to an arrogant enemy. Lord
      Shelborne also opposed the bills as tending to separate the two countries.
      He never would consent, he said, that America should be independent of
      England, and he represented that his idea of the connexion between the two
      countries was, that they should have one friend, one enemy, one purse, and
      one sword; that Britain, as the great controlling power, should
      superintend the whole; and that both the countries should have but one
      will, though the means of expressing it might be different. This, he said,
      might have been obtained long ago without bloodshed or animosity. The
      bills passed without a division: a protest was entered against them, but
      it was only signed by one solitary peer, Lord Abingdon.
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    <h2>
      INTIMATION OF THE FRENCH TREATY WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The conciliatory bills were scarcely passed when Lord North delivered a
      message from the throne to the commons, stating the receipt of information
      from the French king, that he had concluded a treaty of amity and commerce
      with his majesty's revolted subjects in America, and that in consequence
      of this offensive communication, the British ambassador at Paris had been
      ordered home. His majesty, the minister said, fully relied on the zeal and
      affection of his people to repel the insult and maintain the honour of the
      country. The note of the French ambassador was laid before parliament, and
      it was to this effect:&mdash;"The United States of North America, who are
      in full possession of independence, as pronounced by them on the 4th of
      July, 1766, having proposed to the King of France to consolidate, by a
      formal convention, the connexion begun to be established between the two
      nations, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed a treaty of
      friendship and commerce, designed to serve as a foundation for their
      mutual good correspondence. His majesty, the French king, being resolved
      to cultivate the present good understanding subsisting between France and
      Great Britain by every means compatible with his dignity and the good of
      his subjects, thinks it necessary to make his proceeding known to the
      court of London, and to declare at the same time that the contracting
      parties have paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive
      advantages in favour of the French nation, and that the United States have
      reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatever upon the same
      footing of equality and reciprocity. In making this communication to the
      court of London, the king is firmly persuaded it will find new proofs of
      his majesty's constant and sincere disposition for peace; and that his
      Britannic majesty, animated by the same friendly sentiments, will equally
      avoid every thing that may alter their good harmony, and that he will
      particularly take effectual pleasures to prevent his French majesty's
      subjects and the United States from being interrupted, and to cause all
      the usages received between commercial nations to be, in this respect,
      observed, and all those rules which can be said to subsist between the two
      courts of France and Great Britain. In this just confidence, the
      undersigned ambassador thinks it superfluous to acquaint the British
      minister that the king, his master, being determined to protect
      effectually the lawful commerce of his subjects, and to maintain the
      dignity of his flag, has, in consequence, taken effectual measures in
      concert with the Thirteen United and Independent States of America." In
      making this communication to the house, Lord North moved an appropriate
      address to the king, which again called forth the spirit of opposition. In
      discussing the motion, an amendment was proposed requesting his majesty to
      dismiss the ministers. Lord North was reproached with having suffered
      himself to be surprised by the notification of a treaty which appeared to
      have been two years under discussion, and with leaving the country on the
      eve of war destitute of adequate means for its internal security. Without
      designing to vindicate ministers, Governor Pownall detailed the
      circumstances and progress of the treaty. The account, however, which he
      gave was widely different from matter of fact. He said that the idea had
      not existed six months, and had not been in actual negociation more than
      half that time. But it is well known that the idea had been uppermost in
      the minds of the American leaders for full two years, and that Silas Deane
      had been attempting to negociate for nearly that period, and Benjamin
      Franklin had been at Paris with the same object in view for near twelve
      months. It appears indeed that the only reason the treaty was not signed
      long before, was that the French at first attempted to drive a hard
      bargain, conceiving that the Americans were in such a weak condition that
      they would agree to any terms rather than not obtain the cooperation of
      France. The news of ther surender of Burgoyne's army, as Governor Pownall
      observed, lowered the demands of the French, and this it was that made
      them hurry on such a treaty as congress desired. But even. now Pownall
      remarked, peace was yet practicable, if Great Britain would pursue the
      proper course. He said:&mdash;"The Americans are and must be independent.
      We acknowledge it in our acts, and have already, though we may try to
      cover our shame with words, resigned all dominion over them. They will
      never rescind their declaration; but if parliament will extend the powers
      of the commissioners so far as to acknowledge their independence, on
      conditions, they will, in return, form with us a federal treaty,
      offensive, defensive, and commercial. The compact, signed at Paris, is not
      yet ratified by congress: by a speedy and candid exertion this country may
      still be enabled to take advantage of the natural predilection of the
      Americans for the parent state. If a federal treaty Were not adopted, and
      the Americans should ever be induced to treat on other terms, one of their
      first demands must be a reimbursement of expenses, and an indemnification
      for losses. A pecuniary remuneration was out of the question; but in lieu
      of it government must sacrifice Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Newfoundland
      fishery. This would be insisted on; but if independence were conceded
      America could only treat with England on the same ground as any other
      independent nation." General Conway and Mr. Dun das argued that it would
      be better policy to form a federal union with America, than to let her
      fall into the hands of France; but the vast majority of the house seemed
      to think that the entrance of France into the quarrel rendered all present
      thought of negociation an absurdity and a meanness; and that no future
      friendship could be hoped from a people who, though descended from us and
      bound to us by the strong ties of community of descent, language, and
      religion, had united themselves with the most ancient, inveterate, and
      most powerful of all our enemies. At the same time war was advocated, it
      was suggested that Chatham, the scourge of the house of Bourbon, was the
      proper man to occupy the post held by Lord North at such a crisis. But
      Lord North did not coincide in this opinion. He expressed a total
      disregard to office, but contended that the interest of the empire, as
      well as his own reputation, demanded that he should still sit at the helm
      of the state. The original address was carried by a large majority, and in
      the house of lords an amendment to the address was negatived by a majority
      of sixty-eight against twenty-five. Addresses were also returned from both
      houses to a royal message intimating his majesty's intention of calling
      out the militia.
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    <h2>
      INVESTIGATION OF THE STATE OF THE NAVY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Previous pages show that there had already been debates on the state of
      the navy. Now that a war with France was inevitable the subject was
      brought prominently forward; especially in the house of lords. On the 13th
      of March, Lord Howard of Effingham moved a series of resolutions
      explaining the condition of the navy during the last eight years; the
      number of ships broken up, built, or repaired; and the precise condition
      and expense of the ordnance. In moving these resolutions, Lord Howard
      spoke of the necessity of economy, and accused the first lord of the
      admiralty with gross mismanagement. Lord Sandwich, who had been assailed
      on previous occasions when the same subject was introduced, now made a
      long and able defence. The British naval force, he said, at that moment
      consisted of three hundred and seventy-three ships of all rates, which was
      a force double to that which England had in her possession half a century
      before. In drawing the comparison or the present state of the navy with
      its condition in 1727, he adduced arguments highly favourable to his own
      administration; but notwithstanding this, the opposition were very violent
      in their language towards him. He was even threatened with the vengeance
      of the people, who, it was said, would rise and tear him to pieces, as the
      Dutch had treated De Witt. The debate was tumultous, but the motions were
      all negatived.
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS FROM PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After various debates on the iniquities practised by contractors, and the
      badness of the provisions which they supplied, Sir Philip Jennings Clarke
      introduced a bill for excluding contractors from parliament, unless their
      contracts were publicly obtained by competition. In this debate ministers
      were coupled with the offenders, and Lord George Gordon, who afterwards
      rendered himself so notorious, declared that Lord North was the worst of
      all contractors&mdash;he was, he said, a contractor for men, a contractor
      for parliament, and a contractor for the representatives of the people!
      Lord George advised the minister to save his country and rescue his own
      life from popular vengeance by calling away his butchers from America, by
      retiring with all the rest of his majesty's evil advisers, and by turning
      away from his own wickedness. The first and second reading of the bill was
      carried, but the motion for committing the bill was negatived on the 5th
      of May, by a majority of two, and it was consequently lost.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REVISION OF THE TRADE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of April a committee of the house of commons was formed
      for the revision of the trade laws which affected Ireland. In consequence
      of the American war, a stop had been put to exportations of manufactures,
      and a large body of the people deprived of employment. Lord Nugent
      therefore proposed that Ireland should be permitted to export all articles
      of Irish manufacture&mdash;woollen cloths and wool excepted&mdash;on board
      British vessels to the coast of Africa and other foreign settlements, and
      to import from the same all goods, except indigo and tobacco. He also
      proposed that they should be allowed to export Irish sailcloth,
      cotton-yarn, and cordage to England, free of duty. Two bills founded upon
      these propositions were introduced, and both sides of the house admitting
      the justice of the measures seemed to agree in the propriety of adopting
      them. The great commercial body of England, however, took the alarm, and
      during the Easter recess, a formidable opposition was entered into by the
      merchants in all quarters. Petitions flowed into parliament from every
      part of the country, and the different members of parliament were
      instructed by their constituents to oppose the measures. Many who had
      previously been disposed to give them their support, in compliance with
      these instructions now opposed them; but Mr. Burke, who was member for the
      great trading city of Bristol, manfully refused, and continued to
      co-operate with Lord Nugent in his task. In presenting a petition from
      Bristol against the measures, he ably advocated them, and declared that if
      from his conduct he should forfeit the suffrages of his constituents at
      the next election, it should stand on record, as an example to future
      representatives of the commons of England, that one man at least had dared
      to resist the desires of his constituents when his judgment assured him
      that they were wrong. Notwithstanding the petitions and the altered
      opinion of many members, the second reading of the two bills was carried
      by a large majority. The petitioners, however, were resolute in their
      opposition to the measures. They prayed to be heard by counsel, and this
      being granted, such was the weight of the pleadings of the close-trade
      interest, that the supporters of the bills were compelled to effect a sort
      of compromise by which the amount of the benefit conferred on Ireland was
      greatly diminished.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the measures for benefiting the trade of Ireland were under
      discussion, Sir George Saville brought in a bill for the relief of the
      Roman Catholics, by repealing certain penalties and disabilities created
      by the 10th and 11th of William III., entitled an Act for preventing the
      Growth of Popery. The Roman Catholics had recently presented a very
      flattering address to his majesty, and the occurrences in America and the
      attempts made by the Americans to excite insurrection seem to have
      suggested to the minds of ministers the expediency of tranquillizing and
      securing the affections of the Irish people. This bill, therefore, was
      supported by ministers, and it was carried through the commons
      unanimously. The Bishop of Peterborough warmly opposed it in the house of
      lords, but the majority of the peers gave it their support, and the bill
      passed into a law. By it the subjects of Great Britain professing the
      Romish creed were permitted to perform their religious rites, and were
      rendered capable of inheriting or purchasing real estates, on subscribing
      an oath of allegiance to the king, and disclaiming the pope's authority
      over this realm, or his power of absolving its people from their
      obligations to the government as by law established. This dawn of
      religious freedom has been extolled as one of the greatest glories of the
      reign of George III.; but it must be recollected that this measure was one
      of expediency, which detracts materially from its glory.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1778-1779
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION OF CENSURE ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 19th of March, during the sitting of the committee of the whole
      house on the state of the nation, Mr. Fox moved a resolution of censure on
      Lord George Germaine, as the chief author of Burgoyne's disaster. This
      motion was rejected, and the solicitor-general then proposed that the
      house should exonerate the noble secretary from all blame. A vote to the
      effect that the failure of the expedition from Canada was not caused by
      any neglect of the secretary of state was carried, but the resolution was
      not reported. By this time Burgoyne, who was a member of parliament, and
      who had been permitted to return home upon parole, was in his place to
      speak for himself. He had an opportunity of explaining the whole matter on
      the 26th of May, when a motion was made for a select committee to consider
      the transactions of the northern army, the convention of Saratoga, and the
      means by which the general of that army had obtained his release. In
      supporting the motion, Burgoyne vindicated his conduct at great length,
      and complained bitterly of fabrications which injured his own honour and
      the honour of the army, as well as of his treatment in parliament during
      his absence, and his treatment generally since his return to England. He
      solicited a full inquiry, asserting that he put his fortune, his honour,
      and his head on the issue. The reply of Lord George Germaine was brief,
      and he concluded by saying that the house was not the proper tribunal to
      decide upon the campaign, and therefore he could not see the propriety of
      parliamentary interference. The motion was rejected.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of the debate, Mr. Temple Luttrell adduced the story of the
      court-martial which had sat upon Lord George Germaine himself, after the
      battle of Minden, and made an insulting comparison between his conduct in
      that battle, and the conduct of the brave and enterprising Burgoyne. In a
      paroxysm of rage, Lord George asserted that he did not merit such an
      attack; that he would for once descend to a level with the wretched
      character and malice of his assailant; and that, old as he was, he would
      meet the fighting gentleman and be revenged. The house called to order,
      and the speaker reprimanded both members, and insisted that the affair
      should proceed no further. Lord George immediately apologized for his
      warmth, but Luttrel escaped out of the house, and would neither apologize
      nor give the required assurances till the sergeant-at-arms was called in.
      He then said that he meant his reflections as public matter, and that they
      were not to be referred to private abuse or enmity, and there the matter
      ended.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0007" id="linkimage-0007">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_121_chatham.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Death of Chatham" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_121_chatham_th.jpg"
      alt="121.jpg Death of Chatham "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      LORD CHATHAM'S LAST APPEARANCE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About this time, some of the leaders of the opposition became convinced
      that the only possibility of detaching America from France and avoiding
      both wars was by acknowledging the independence of the American colonies.
      These sentiments were communicated to Chatham, and he was solicited by
      those who entertained them to honour a motion about to be made by the Duke
      of Richmond on this subject with his support. In reply, Chatham confessed
      his concern that he was under so wide a difference with his noble friends
      respecting the sovereignty and allegiance of America; but notwithstanding
      his increased infirmities, he expressed his determination to be in the
      house on the 7th of April, which was the day mentioned as that on which
      the subject was to be brought forward. On that day Chatham appeared in the
      house for the last time. He came wrapped up in flannel, supported by two
      friends, and looking like a dying man; and as he entered, the peers rose
      up and continued standing while he passed to his seat. The Duke of
      Richmond made his motion, which was for an address to the king, beseeching
      him to acknowledge the independence of America, by withdrawing all his
      forces from that country; and to dismiss his ministers. Lord Weymouth, one
      of the secretaries of state, opposed the motion, and Chatham followed on
      the same side against his own party. He was supported by his crutches and
      his two friends, and when he had gained his feet, he took one of his
      crutches from under his arm, and raising it cast his eyes toward heaven,
      and said:&mdash;"I thank God that I have been enabled to come here this
      day, to perform my duty and to speak on a subject which has so deeply
      impressed my mind. I am old and infirm; I have one foot&mdash;more than
      one foot in the grave; I am risen from my bed to stand up in the cause of
      my country, perhaps never again to speak in this house." This was
      delivered in a feeble tone, but as he grew warm, his voice rose and became
      as harmonious as ever. In the course of his speech, he entered into a full
      detail of the American war, dilating on all the measures which he had
      opposed, and evils which he had predicted; adding, at the close of each
      review, "and so it proved." Chatham then spoke more particularly on the
      subject of the motion. He remarked: "My lords, I rejoice that the grave
      has not closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against
      the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy! Pressed down as
      I am by the hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in
      this most perilous conjuncture; but, my lords, while I have sense and
      memory I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the House of
      Brunswick, the heirs of the Princess Sophia, of their fairest inheritance.
      Where is the man that will dare to advise such a measure? My lords, his
      majesty succeeded to an empire as great in extent as its reputation was
      unsullied. Shall we tarnish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious
      surrender of its rights and fairest possessions? Shall this great kingdom,
      that has survived whole and entire the Danish depredations, the Scottish
      inroads, and the Norman conquest&mdash;that has stood the threatened
      invasion of the Spanish armada,&mdash;now fall prostrate before the house
      of Bourbon? Surely, my lords, this nation is no longer what it was! Shall
      a people, that fifteen years ago were the terror of the world, now stoop
      so low as to tell their ancient, inveterate enemy, 'Take all we have, only
      give us peace?' It is impossible! I wage war with no man, or set of men. I
      wish for none of their employments; nor would I co-operate with men who
      still persist in unretracted error; who, instead of acting on a firm,
      decisive line of conduct, halt between two opinions where there is no
      middle path. In God's name, if it is absolutely necessary to declare
      either for peace or war; and the former cannot be preserved with honour,
      why is not the latter commenced without hesitation? I am not, I confess,
      well informed of the resources of this kingdom, but I trust it has still
      sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them not. But, my
      lords, any state is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort;
      and if we must fall, let us fall like men!" When Chatham sat down, the
      Duke of Richmond rose again, and after replying to the arguments of Lord
      Weymouth, he attempted to answer the great orator. Although evidently
      disconcerted and irritated at the course he had taken, the Duke professed
      the greatest veneration for Chatham's name and person, and the greatest
      gratitude for the services he had rendered the country. The name of
      Chatham, however, he said, could not perform impossibilities, or restore
      the country to the state it was in when directed by his counsels. Our
      finances were then, through the abilities of that able financier, Mr.
      Pelham, in a flourishing condition; our fleet was then in an admirable
      condition, under the direction and care of that able naval officer, Lord
      Anson; and the influence of the crown then had not reached its present and
      alarming height. During the greater part of the war, he continued, we had
      only France to contend with, and when Spain commenced hostilities, France
      was reduced to the lowest ebb, having already lost her navy and the best
      of her colonies. Then also America fought for us, but now she would be
      allied with France and Spain against us. He added, "If the noble earl had
      pointed out the means of supporting this unequal contest, I should readily
      acquiesce in his sentiments; but since he has not only omitted to point
      out the means, but acknowledged that he knows them not, he will excuse me
      if I adhere to my former opinion. No person is more anxious for the
      dependence of America; but being convinced of its total impracticability,
      I would retain the colonists as allies, and thus prevent them from
      throwing themselves into the arms of France. The noble earl, as a reason
      for war, has mentioned the inherent rights of the heir apparent. To
      recover these possessions by force is now impossible; but I will readily
      join in calling to a severe account those who have caused the loss of his
      inheritance." During this harangue, the Earl of Chatham had frequently
      denoted by the motion of his hand that he had remarked and would reply to
      some observations which he deemed offensive, and when the Duke of Richmond
      sat down, he attempted to rise for that purpose. But his work was done:
      his strength failed him, and he would have fallen to the floor but for the
      prompt assistance of some noble peers. He was carried into an adjoining
      chamber, and the whole house, agitated by the event, adjourned in silence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF LORD CHATHAM, AND POSTHUMOUS HONOURS TO HIS MEMORY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord Chatham so far recovered as to be able to be carried down to his
      favourite villa of Hayes, in Kent. These appearances of recovery, however,
      were soon found to be delusive. He expired on the 11th of May, in the
      seventieth year of his age. His death was announced in the house of
      commons late in the evening of that day by his friend Colonel Barré, who
      moved for an address to the king that his remains should be interred at
      the public expense in Westminster Abbey. The motion was seconded by Mr. T.
      Townshend, and seemed to meet with general approbation; but Mr. Rigby, who
      apprehended that a public funeral would not be agreeable to his majesty,
      as Chatham had not recently been looked upon with much favour at court,
      suggested that a public monument to his memory would be a better testimony
      of the public admiration and gratitude. The result of this suggestion,
      however, was very different from that which Townshend intended. Mr.
      Dunning said it would be better to have both the public funeral and the
      monument, and he combined both in a resolution, which was carried without
      one dissentient voice; Lord North giving it his warmest support. A funeral
      and a monument were therefore secured to the great orator, and as,
      notwithstanding his places, pensions, and legacies left him, Chatham had
      died in debt, on the recommendation of Lord John Cavendish, £20,000 was
      voted for the payment of his debts, and £4000 a-year was settled upon-his
      heirs. No opposition was made to these grants in the commons; but a motion
      made by the Earl of Shelburne in the lords, that the peers should attend
      his funeral was lost by a majority of one vote. The annuity bill was also
      opposed in the lords; but it was carried by a majority of forty-two to
      eleven. In all these votes his majesty concurred, although during the
      noble earl's life he had opposed an application made to him to settle the
      pension he enjoyed in reversion to his second son, William Pitt, until, at
      least, decrepitude or death had put an end to him "as a trumpet of
      sedition." His majesty, however, could not carry his resentment beyond the
      grave, and perhaps pleased with the last noble sounds of his trumpet, he
      gave his warm assent to the honours and rewards which parliament had voted
      to the great orator and his heirs. And the posthumous honours paid to
      Chatham were not confined to the king and the parliament. The
      Common-council petitioned to have his remains interred in the noblest
      edifice of Great Britain, St. Paul's Cathedral, and when this was refused,
      they erected a monument in Guildhall to his memory. He was one of the
      greatest orators England ever produced; greater even than the garbled and
      defective reports of his speeches would denote him to have been. In his
      private life his character was both exemplary and amiable&mdash;his public
      character is defined in the preceding pages.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION RESUMED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Duke of Richmond's motion was resumed on the day after it had been
      interrupted by Chatham's illness. The resumed debate, however, only served
      to place the difference of opinion which existed between the Rockingham
      and Chatham parties respecting America in a clearer light. The former
      contended for the independence of that country, without reserve or delay;
      while the latter as warmly contended that such a measure would prove one
      of the greatest political evils that could befall the nation. The Earl of
      Shelburne also maintained that the resources of Great Britain, if properly
      managed, were sufficient to cope with our triple foes&mdash;America,
      France, and Spain&mdash;and that our navy would not fail of supporting the
      glory they had gained in so many conflicts. The motion was negatived by a
      majority of fifty-five against thirty-three.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SESSION CLOSED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the season was now far advanced, motions were made in both houses
      to put off the prorogation. These motions were, however lost, and on the
      3rd of June, the king terminated the session. In his speech, his majesty
      thanked his faithful commons for their zeal and attention to the interests
      of their country, and the honourable support they had made for the royal
      family; several annuities having been granted to his numerous family.
      Alluding to the one great question, he said, that his desire was to
      preserve the tranquillity of Europe; that the faith of treaties and the
      law of nations had been respected by him, and that he had anxiously
      avoided giving offence to any foreign power. He added:&mdash;"Let that
      power by whom this tranquillity shall be broken, answer to their subjects
      and to the world for all the fatal consequences of war!"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS IN FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having entered into a treaty with America, in which treaty it was
      stipulated that the Americans should never return to their allegiance to
      the British crown, and having thereby hurled a bold defiance to the power
      of England, the French made preparations for war. At this time France was
      by no means in a flourishing condition, but by oppressing the
      poverty-stricken people with imposts, duties, and <i>corvées</i>, and by
      taking the bread from half-famished mouths, means were found to raise
      armies and equip fleets. The coasts of Normandy and Britainy swarmed with
      soldiers, who threatened to invade England; arms, money, and men were sent
      to America; and the navy of France set out to contend with the navy of
      Great Britain, for the mastery of the seas between the two countries. On
      the 18th of March, the French king issued an edict to seize all British
      ships in the ports of France, and shortly after our government laid an
      embargo on all French ships in British ports. This, with the mutual
      withdrawal of ambassadors, and the interruption of all diplomatic
      intercourse, left the two countries in a state of open hostility, although
      no heralds or manifestoes were employed on either side to make a formal
      declaration of war. On their part, the French had in reality no materials
      for manifestoes, whence their silence; while on our part, ministers were
      too much employed to think of such a ridiculous solemnity. It was,
      moreover, too well understood on both sides that the only arguments likely
      to avail must proceed from the mouth of the cannon.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE BRITISH CHANNEL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The maritime defence of England was entrusted to Admiral Keppel, and he
      put to sea with twenty sail ot the line for that purpose. On the 17th of
      June, Keppel discovered two French frigates, the "La Licorne" and "La
      Belle Poule," reconnoitring his fleet. The con duct of France seemed to
      call for and to justify extreme measures, and Keppel's instructions being
      ample, he resolved to effect the capture of these two frigates.
      Accordingly they were chased, and the first, fired both with cannon and
      musketry, struck her colours and was captured; but the other having
      fiercely encountered and dismasted a pursuing vessel, escaped among the
      rocks on the French shore. Shortly after a French schooner and another
      frigate were captured, and from papers found in these several vessels
      Keppel discovered that the enemy had thirty-two sail of the line and
      twelve frigates ready for sea in Brest harbour. This determined him to
      return to Portsmouth for reinforcements. These reinforcements, however,
      were either not ready or were not there, and while he was waiting for them
      the Brest fleet had put out to sea under the command of the Count
      d'Orvilliers, and had captured a frigate which Keppel had left to watch
      the movements of the enemy. This was on the 9th of July, and on the very
      same day, Keppel, whose fleet had been augmented to thirty sail of the
      line, departed in quest of d'Orvilliers. He fell in with the French
      admiral on the 23rd, but as the French, who had the advantage of the wind,
      showed no inclination for battle, the English continued chasing and
      manoeuvring to windward for four days. On the 27th, however, a dark squall
      brought the two fleets close together off Ushant. The signal was instantly
      made to engage. The fleets were then sailing in different directions, and
      on contrary tacks, and a furious cannonade was maintained for nearly three
      hours, at the end of which time they had passed each other, and the firing
      ceased. The loss in killed and wounded was greatest on the side of the
      French, but some of the British ships under Sir Hugh Palliser were so
      crippled that when Keppel wore round to renew the engagement they could
      not obey the signal, and he formed his line of battle a-head. On their
      part the French formed their line to leeward of their antagonists, and
      Keppel expected that they would try their force "handsomely with him in
      the morning;" but in the course of the night d'Orvilliers edged away for
      Brest, and claimed the victory, because he had not been thoroughly beaten.
      Keppel returned to England to get new masts and rigging, and on the 18th
      of August, d'Orvilliers again set sail to cruise off Cape Finisterre. A
      few days after, Keppel also again put to sea, but he stretched further to
      the westward, to protect the merchant-ships returning from the two Indies,
      and to prevent any portion of the French fleet from reaching America.
      Every ship sailing from the Indies arrived safely in England, and our
      privateers and cruisers captured many French trading-vessels; but the two
      fleets did not again come into collision, and popular indignation, excited
      by disappointment, attributed the blame to Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser,
      who served under him. The journals of the day teemed with invectives
      against them for not pursuing the French admiral after the battle off'
      Ushant; and the opinion was very general that they had not acted with the
      required decision when the fleet of the enemy was in their power. By the
      court and the admiralty, however, their conduct was viewed with
      approbation; and Keppel, at least, would not deign to answer his anonymous
      accusers. Sir Hugh Palliser replied to an attack made upon him in a
      morning paper, and because Keppel refused to authenticate his answer or to
      contradict statements made by an anonymous accuser, Palliser published his
      own case, in which he charged his superior officer with inconsistency, for
      having approved his conduct in a public despatch, and now refusing to
      vindicate his character. Keppel, however, acted the more nobly: anonymous
      accusations are beneath the notice of a high-minded and honourable man,
      and he who replies to such, dignifies a character which is little superior
      to a midnight assassin, and should be treated with mortifying contempt.
      That accuser who will not face the accused, places himself out of the pale
      of the laws and usages of society.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISGRACEFUL INFRACTION OF THE CONVENTION OF SARATOGA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the Americans had given Burgoyne leave to return home upon
      parole, yet, in bold defiance of the convention signed by Gates, they
      still kept his troops as prisoners of war. As there was a difficulty in
      reaching the port of Boston early in the winter, Burgoyne had applied to
      Washington to change the place of embarkation, and to substitute for it
      some place on the Sound. Washington referred the matter to congress, and
      he was directed to inform Burgoyne, that no proposition for indulgence or
      for altering the terms of the convention would be listened to, unless
      directed to their own body. The truth is, congress had scarcely ceased
      rejoicings for the success of Gates, when they determined to break the
      compact. Measuring the faith and honour of the English officers by their
      own, they pretended a concern that the army which had surrendered, instead
      of sailing for England, would join the forces of General Howe; or, that if
      they did not do this, and if they sailed for England, their arrival there
      would enable the government to send out an equal number of troops employed
      in the home service to take their places in America. Hence, they set their
      wits to work in order to delay the return of the troops to England. The
      first thing they did was to pass a resolution directing General Heath to
      transmit to the board of war, a descriptive list of every person
      comprehended in the convention. Burgoyne and his officers bitterly
      resented the insinuations of congress, and raised objections to such a
      humiliating measure; but his army was, nevertheless, described man by man,
      with all the minuteness of a French commissary of police. After this was
      done, a number of British transports came round to take Burgoyne and his
      troops on board, but congress now attempted to find several flaws in the
      clauses of the convention of Saratoga. They pretended that the ships were
      not sufficient, or sufficiently furnished with provisions for a voyage to
      Europe, and that, therefore, General Howe contemplated the shorter voyage
      to Sandy Hook or Delaware; and they further pretended that some of the
      British soldiers had secreted their cartouch-boxes, which were, they said,
      comprehended in the technical term "arms," and upon such futile and
      unfounded pretensions they gravely concluded that the convention was
      broken. The British officers denied these allegations, and the whole
      subject was referred to a committee of congress, who, in their report,
      substantiated them by fallacy, and thereupon it was resolved that "the
      embarkation of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne and the troops under his
      command, should be suspended until a distinct and explicit ratification of
      the convention of Saratoga should be properly notified by the court of
      Great Britain to congress." The men were then thrown into prison, and the
      British transports were ordered to quit the neighbourhood of Boston
      without delay. Burgoyne addressed a letter of remonstrance to congress,
      and insisted on the embarkation of his army as stipulated in the
      convention; but a committee to whom this letter was referred, reported
      that it contained no arguments sufficient to induce congress to alter
      their resolutions, and the men were still kept in prison. Burgoyne then
      demanded that he, at least, should be permitted to return to England upon
      his parole, which request was readily granted, and it was in this manner
      that he had been allowed to come home, leaving his army behind him. The
      whole affair reflects the greatest disgrace upon the members of congress,
      and Washington and Gates share in that disgrace; the former for having
      joined hand-in-hand with congress in the affair, and the latter for not
      preventing the act of perfidy, or throwing up his commission if he had not
      sufficient influence to prevent it. All the American leaders, however,
      seem to have parted company with faith and honour, and they rejoiced in
      the prospect of keeping Burgoyne's troops prisoners of war till the war
      should be ended, being well convinced that the court of Great Britain
      would not make the required notification.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LAFAYETTE'S EXPEDITION TO CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the preceding year, while the treaty between France and America was
      pending, the Marquess de Lafayette, a warm-hearted and warm-headed young
      Frenchman, who had imbibed the political notions of the new school of
      philosophy, which had for some time been sowing the seeds of revolution in
      France, resolved to embark in the cause of America. Accordingly he set
      sail for that country, accompanied by Baron Kalb, and a few other
      adventurers, and when he arrived he was received with open arms by
      Washington and by congress. On the 31st of July, indeed, the members of
      congress expressed their sense of his accession to their cause in warm
      terms, and conferred on him the rank and commission of major-general. He
      fought in the battle of the Brandywine, where he was shot in the leg, and
      where he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner. Nothing more is heard of
      him till the depth of the winter, when Washington still lay hutted in
      Valley Forge, contending against the horrors of sickness and famine, as
      previously narrated. At this time congress, who were sitting in York Town,
      at the instigation of a board of war, composed of Gates, Starke, and
      others, all personal enemies of Washington, resolved to make another
      irruption into Canada, and that the command should be given to Lafayette.
      It was supposed that the young French nobleman would have great influence
      with the French descendants in Canada, which was the chief reason of his
      being raised to the command. The plan was completed without a word of
      intimation to Washington; and when it was fully resolved upon he received
      a letter from Gates, now his rival, enclosing another for the young
      marquess, requiring his immediate attendance on congress to receive his
      instructions. At the same time, Washington was directed to send one of his
      best regiments to join the Canadian expedition. Lafayette repaired to
      congress, and Washington put the required regiment in motion for Albany,
      on the Hudson, where the invading force was to be assembled. According to
      his own account, Lafayette made large demands on congress in order to
      ensure the success of his expedition, which demands were all complied
      with. He soon, however, found that the word of congress could not be
      depended upon. He was told that 2500 men would be assembled at Albany;
      that he would be joined by a great body of militia further up the Hudson;
      that he should have a certain sum of money in specie, and 2,000,000
      dollars in paper-money; and that he must proceed from the head of the
      Hudson to Lake Cham-plain, cross that water on the ice, burn the English
      fleet at the Isle Aux Noix, and then, descending the Sorel and crossing
      the St. Lawrence, repair to Montreal, to act as circumstances should
      permit him. Lafayette set out full of ardour and hope, but he had scarcely
      left congress when it crossed their minds that the young Frenchman might,
      instead of inducing the Canadians to join the thirteen United States,
      induce them to renew their connexion with their mother country&mdash;France.
      These misgivings were natural, and the result was that congress resolved
      to neglect this long-cherished scheme of conquest. Accordingly, when
      Lafayette arrived at Albany, he did not find half of the promised regular
      troops, and as for the militia, it had either not received or attended to
      the summons. Even the troops he found there wanted clothing and
      provisions, and while he had little or no specie, the paper-dollars proved
      scarcely worth the carriage. Moreover, he had no sledges to carry his
      troops across the ice, and when the month of March arrived, the lakes
      began to thaw, and he received intelligence that the English were well
      prepared to receive him. Lafayette now gave up the enterprise, and after
      having made an attempt to engage some Mohawk Indians in the service of
      congress, in which he met with but little success, and having administered
      a new form of oath, devised by congress, to the population of Albany, he
      was permitted to return to the camp of Washington.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNFORTUNATE ACTION UNDER LAFAYETTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the winter and the commencement of the spring, while the great body
      of the British troops were quartered in Philadelphia, several excursions
      were made by detachments in different directions, chiefly for the purpose
      of obtaining provisions and clothing. These excursions were generally
      attended with success, and many American prisoners were brought into
      Philadelphia. Washington, however, was still permitted to rest securely in
      Valley Forge, where he omitted no opportunity of bettering the condition
      of his forces. His exertions were great, and he was now ably seconded by
      Baron Steuben, a Prussian officer, who had served for many years on the
      staff of Frederick the Great, and who, like Lafayette, had become an
      adventurer on this theatre of war. Steuben taught the raw troops of the
      republic the system of field-exercise which his Prussian majesty had
      introduced or improved; and when they next took the field, therefore, they
      presented a far more soldier-like appearance than they had presented in
      the previous campaigns. It was in the month of May that they again took
      the field. In that month the British had made an expedition by sea and
      land to destroy all the American shipping in the upper part of the
      Delaware between Philadelphia and Trenton. This may be considered the
      opening of the campaign, and the expedition was in a great measure
      successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      More than forty American vessels were burnt; a considerable quantity of
      stores and provisions were destroyed; and some Americans were slain and
      wounded in the vain endeavour to defend them. Washington now began to act.
      On the 19th of May he detached Lafayette with nearly 3000 men to take post
      at Barren Hill, about seven miles in advance of Valley Forge, but on the
      opposite side of the Schuylkill. The object of this movement appears to
      have been the restraining of the British excursions, but the position was
      ill-chosen, as the communication between it and Valley Forge was
      difficult, and easy to be interrupted by an active enemy. Probably
      Washington calculated that General Howe would still continue his
      inactivity, and especially as it was now known that the British
      contemplated the abandonment of Philadelphia. But in this he was mistaken.
      On the night of the 20th, General Grant was detached with 5000 men to
      surprise Lafayette in this position, and he reached a point between his
      rear and Valley Forge without discovery. At the same time another
      detachment, under General Grey, marched along the western bank of the
      Schuylkill, and posted themselves at a ford about three miles in front of
      Lafayette's right flank, while the rest of the British army advanced to
      Chesnut-hill. His retreat was utterly cut off, except by the way of
      Matson's-ford. As soon as Lafayette became aware of his danger he saw
      this, and he instantly fled, pell-mell, with his detachment to this ford,
      leaving on his way six field-pieces. There was a race between him and Grey
      which should get first to Matson's Ford, but fear quickened his steps and
      those of his followers, and Grey's men being fatigued with their long
      night-march, the Frenchmen won the race, and the ford was passed before
      Grey could reach it. General Grant also was slow in his pursuit from
      behind, and Lafayette was even allowed time to send back some of his men
      across the water to recover the artillery he had abandoned. He escaped
      with the loss of about fifty men killed and wounded, and a few more taken
      prisoners; but had this expedition, which had been well conceived, been
      executed with greater rapidity, the career of Lafayette would have
      terminated, and his followers must either have been captured or slain.
      Washington himself seems to have considered that his case was hopeless. By
      means of glasses he had discovered Lafayette's peril, | and he caused his
      bridge across the Schuylkill to be broken down, lest the British, after
      annihilating this detachment, should fall upon himself at Valley Forge.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1778-1779
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SIR HENRY CLINTON TAKES THE COMMAND OF THE BRITISH TROOPS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The above wore the last military operations in America over which Sir
      William Howe presided. He had been for some time soliciting his recall,
      through feelings of resentment for want of confidence reposed in him, and
      inattention to his recommendations; and on the 24th of May, Sir Henry
      Clinton arrived at Philadelphia to supersede him in the command. How
      General Howe could imagine that any recommendations which he could make
      would be attended to, is matter of surprise, when his inglorious campaigns
      are considered. He had done nothing of consequence during the long time he
      had been in America, and at the very time he was superseded in the
      command, he was conscious that the army must soon evacuate Philadelphia.
      For the last seven months he had, indeed, been living a life of pleasure,
      which wholly unfitted both him and his army for active service. Hence, it
      is no wonder that before his departure both officers and men, expressed
      their warmest affection for him. On the 18th of May a grand fête was given
      to him as a proper leave-taking, which was celebrated in such bad taste
      that it reflected disgrace on those who got it up, and those who consented
      to be honoured by it. Even if the Howes had been uniformly victorious and
      had finished the war by brilliant exploits, the pageantry was of such a
      nature as would have been better fitted for some inglorious Eastern
      despot; how much more then was it misplaced when all the work they had
      been commissioned to execute was left undone. The enemy had still the
      sword in their hands, and were daily increasing in courage, in skill, in
      strength, and in numbers. Such was the state of America when Sir William
      Howe returned to England. His brother, Admiral Lord Howe, who was a man of
      ability, still retained the command of the fleet, although he also wished
      to return home, and to take no further part in the contest. The rumours of
      the French war first, and then the arrival of the French fleet on the
      coast of America, alone induced him to retain his command.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS IN AMERICA WITH THE CONCILIATORY BILLS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Commissioners appointed under Lord North's conciliatory bills, arrived in
      the Delaware on the 6th of June. These commissioners were Lord Carlisle,
      Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, who lost no time in making known their
      commission. They applied to Washington for a passport for their secretary,
      Dr. Adam Ferguson, to enable him to lay some overtures of the commission
      before congress. Washington, however, refused to grant this passport, and
      he forwarded the letter of the commissioners to congress by the common
      military post. After deliberating on the communications for some days,
      congress replied to the king's commissioners through their president, that
      the act of parliament, the commission, and the commissioners' letter all
      supposed the people of the American states to be still subjects of the
      King of Great Britain, and were all founded upon an idea of dependence.
      This was represented as a mistake. The Americans, they said, were a free
      people, and congress were ready to enter upon the consideration of a
      treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties they had
      previously contracted, whenever the King of Great Britain should show a
      sincere disposition for that purpose; the only proof of which would be an
      explicit acknowledgment of their independence, and the withdrawal of all
      the troops and the fleets from the United States. The truth is, the
      commissioners arrived too late to effect any conciliation. Silas Deane had
      previously arrived from Paris with the French treaties ratified, and with
      abundant assurances of assistance and co-operation, and the Americans were
      thereby confirmed in their resolution to obtain their absolute
      independence. In addition to his public exertions as a commissioner,
      Governor Johnstone endeavoured to gain over some of the members of
      congress and other persons of influence, by opening a private
      correspondence with them. But this was discovered, and the result was,
      that his letters were laid before congress, and a resolution was passed to
      the effect that it was incompatible with the honour of congress to hold
      any further communication with that commissioner. The commissioners next
      attempted to separate the people from their leaders by a manifesto
      declaring pardons to all who should within forty days withdraw from the
      service of congress, and proffering peace with peculiar privileges to the
      colonies collectively or separately, which should return to their
      allegiance to the British monarch. But this was answered by counter
      manifestoes from congress, and the efforts of the commissioners were
      rendered signally abortive; and they were compelled to return home as they
      went. The whole body of colonists were resolute in their desire and
      purpose of obtaining their independence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA BY THE BRITISH, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time it was known that Count d'Estaing was at sea with a
      considerable land force on board, to aid the Americans. This had doubtless
      the effect of making congress and the colonists more determined in their
      opposition to the British government. On the other hand, it had the effect
      of rendering the British general more cautious. As soon as the prospect of
      a French war opened on the British cabinet, as a more central situation
      was desirable for the army, the evacuation of Philadelphia was
      contemplated, and as the French troops might arrive soon to the aid of
      Washington, Sir Henry Clinton, contrary to the wishes of the British
      officers, who burned with impatience to be led on to the Valley Forge,
      resolved to withdraw his troops from the capital of Pennsylvania. This was
      executed about the middle of June, and they were transported across the
      Delaware without molestation. The march, however, of the troops was
      encumbered by a long train of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, all
      royalists, who feared the vengeance cf congress, and their progress was
      consequently slow. Moreover, the country abounded with rough roads and
      difficult passes, while the British troops had to mend the bridges in
      their route which Washington had caused to be broken down. The passes were
      all occupied by the militia, but these were everywhere driven from their
      posts without difficulty. These measures were preliminary to a step which
      Washington contemplated, of crossing the Delaware and falling upon the
      rear of the retreating enemy. He crossed that river with this intent; but
      though he hung upon Clinton's flank and rear, he did not venture to attack
      him, and carefully selected for himself such ground and such a line of
      march as prevented his being attacked by the British. Several days passed
      in this manner, councils of war being in the meantime held to deliberate
      upon the expediency of bringing on a general engagement. Washington
      himself was anxious to hazard an action, but of seventeen generals only
      two besides himself were in favour of hazarding either a general or
      partial engagement. In a council held on the 24th of June, however, a
      proposal was carried to strengthen the detachment which had got on the
      left flank of the British, and 1500 picked men were thrown in the
      direction specified. At the same time, Washington secretly determined to
      bring on a more general engagement, in spite of the majority of the
      council-of-war, if possible. He did this to his own cost on the 28th of
      June. On that day the British having arrived at a place called Freehold
      Court-house, near Monmouth, a vigorous attack was made on their baggage by
      a detachment under General Lee, the deserter, who had been previously
      exchanged, and was again actively employed in the American service. This
      attack, however, was expected, and the detachment was bravely repulsed.
      The British light troops impetuously pursued the fugitives, until they
      were met and rallied by Washington himself. The pursuers were now in
      danger, and to prevent their being cut off, Sir Henry Clinton was
      compelled to maintain his position under a severe cross-fire, after which
      he withdrew to his former position. His loss in killed and wounded was
      about three hundred and sixty men, many of whom had expired through
      excessive heat and fatigue without receiving a wound. The enemy's loss was
      still greater, and as little more than half of Clinton's army was with
      him, it seems to have convinced Washington that it would be folly to
      attack the British forces in a general engagement. It is said, indeed,
      that he lay that night in the midst of his soldiers, ready to renew the
      contest next morning, had not his opponents thought proper to retire. But
      it is evident that Washington was aware of the continued retreat of the
      British, and yet he did not venture to follow a step further. He had
      expected a triumph and had met with a check, and though he boasted to
      congress that he would have followed if Clinton had not moved off in
      silence and secresy, and before he had any idea of his departure, yet he
      had already determined to hasten to the Hudson by another route, in order
      to join an army collected by General Gates, and to give up the pursuit!
      Congress also acted as inconsistently as Washington. They celebrated the
      affair of Freehold Court-house as a great and glorious victory, although
      it must have appeared clear to them that Washington had been checked, if
      not actually defeated. Clinton reached New York in safety on the 5th of
      July, where he found Lord Howe with his fleet. Washington took up his
      position on the borders of the Hudson, where he remained till late in the
      autumn.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISGRACE OF GENERAL LEE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When Washington met General Lee in full retreat, he assailed him with some
      bitter and reproachful words for his conduct. Suspicions were afterwards
      thrown out that Lee intended to cause the defeat of the army, for the
      purpose of disgracing the commander-in-chief. The whole conduct of Lee
      proves that these suspicions were groundless, and he wrote several letters
      to Washington in vindication of his character. These letters, however,
      contained language which placed him at the mercy of Washington, and being
      found guilty by a court-martial, he was sentenced to suspension from his
      rank for one year. Although a man of great abilities, and although he had
      rendered the American cause good service, both in the councils-of-war and
      in the field, he never, indeed, after this disgrace, attracted honourable
      notice. Yet he appears rather to have fallen from the effects of envy than
      from his misconduct, for it is a well-established fact, that Washington
      himself looked upon his abilities with a jealous eye. It was, in truth,
      the conduct of Washington towards him in the late affair which had
      betrayed him into the error which laid him beneath his rival's feet.
      Gratitude should have taught Washington to have behaved more generously,
      for more than once Lee had corrected his rashness, and saved him from
      ruin. Yet before his failure in his attack on the British troops,
      Washington had attempted to place the raw and inexperienced Lafayette over
      his head, and he might have been warned by this, that no opportunity would
      be lost in securing his downfall.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK BY THE AMERICANS AND FRENCH ON RHODE ISLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Six days after General Clinton arrived at New York, the French fleet,
      under Count d'Estaign, who had lost many days by putting into the
      Delaware, appeared before that city. His force consisted of twelve sail of
      the line, and three or four heavy frigates. He had, indeed, collectively,
      eight hundred and fifty-four guns to oppose to Howe's 614, and the weight
      of his metal and the size of his ships were still greater in proportion
      even than the number of his guns. It was expected that the count would
      immediately attack Lord Howe's squadron, but he lay inactive outside the
      Hook for eleven days. All this time, the British admiral was preparing for
      a contest, and the sailors universally burned with impatience to engage
      the enemy. As a defeat would have been fatal to the troops on shore, Howe
      wisely forbore to respond to their wishes of attacking the enemy, and at
      length, on the 22nd of July d'Estaign weighed anchor, and instead of
      entering Sandy Hook, stood out to sea, and then shaped his course
      northward to attempt the reduction of Rhode Island. In his passage to
      America, the French admiral had been pursued by Vice-Admiral Byron whose
      fleet unfortunately had been dispersed and shattered by storms. The wreck
      of two or three of these ships joined Lord Howe a few days after d'Estaing
      had left his anchorage, and when these had been put in sailing and
      fighting trim, Lord Howe sailed in quest of the French admiral. General
      Sullivan had been ordered to pass over from the continent with 10,000 men
      to attack the British lines at Newport, in which 6000 troops were
      intrenched, while d'Estaing with the French fleet assailed them on the
      other side. When near the coast, also, the French admiral was joined by
      Lafayette with 2000 American troops, and he entered the Sound and prepared
      to land near Newport. Four English frigates were lying at anchor there,
      and as the defence of these frigates was impracticable, the crews set fire
      to them and joined the troops on the island. The French admiral was on the
      point of landing when Howe hove in sight, he having been hitherto deterged
      from so doing by a quarrel with General Sullivan as to which of them
      should hold the supreme command. The appearance of Howe altered the
      operations of d'Estaing. Being superior in force he resolved to sail out
      of the harbour and meet the English. Both commanders prepared for battle;
      but while they were each exerting all their skill to gain the advantages
      of a position a furious storm arose, which dispersed the hostile fleets
      over the face of the ocean. Both fleets were greatly damaged, but Howe's
      fleet suffered least. Subsequently one of his ships fell in with the
      Languedoc, d'Estaign's flag-ship, and another with the Tonnant, both of
      superior size, and would have captured them had they not been rescued by
      other portions of the scattered fleet, Another isolated battle afterwards
      occurred between two ships, in which the French lost seventy killed and
      wounded, while the English lost only one man killed and had fifteen
      wounded. No captures, however, were made on either side, and while Howe
      returned to New York for the purpose of refitting his ships, d'Estaing
      came to anchor near Rhode Island. By this time, Sullivan, contrary to the
      wishes of Lafayette, had landed on the island with his 10,000 men, and had
      commenced the siege of Newport. He also had suffered by the storm, for it
      had blown down all his tents, damaged his ammunition, and caused the death
      of several of his soldiers. When it abated, Sullivan renewed the siege;
      but though the garrison of Newport amounted only to about 1200 men, he
      only ventured to proceed by regular approaches. Sullivan was not much
      encouraged by the re-appearance of the French Admiral, and when d'Estaing
      announced his intention of retiring to Boston to refit, the besiegers lost
      all hope, and numbers of them deserted and crossed over to Connecticut. It
      was in vain that Sullivan remonstrated with the French admiral: he had
      received orders from his government to be very careful of his fleet, and
      having reasons to believe that Howe had received reinforcements, he
      adhered to his resolution of getting to a place of safety. Sullivan then
      implored him to leave the French forces he had on board, and the bearer of
      his letter was also charged with a protest, written in angry terms, and
      complaining of the desertion of the French. This protest was signed by all
      the general officers in Rhode Island, except Lafayette; but the French
      admiral considered it as insulting, and sailed away for Boston in an angry
      mood. Sullivan then abandoned the siege of Newport, and retired to the
      north of the island. He was pursued by Sir Robert Pigott, commander of the
      garrison of Newport, who brought him to battle on the 29th of August. The
      loss was about equal, but Sullivan found himself compelled to evacuate the
      island in haste. He retired just in time, for on the following day a
      reinforcement, commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, arrived at Rhode Island.
      The attempt on the island, therefore, signally failed, and Sullivan laid
      the blame of the failure on the French admiral. He even published some
      letters reflecting very severely on the conduct of d'Estaing, and asserted
      that the Americans had been basely abandoned by their new allies. The
      public feeling was so strong against him, that when he arrived at Boston
      he met with a rude reception. The French were everywhere hooted by the
      Bostonians, and in a scuffle between them a French officer was killed. The
      French were also denounced by some of the hottest members in congress, and
      even the alliance with the French court was reprobated and reviled in
      bitter terms. About the same time, also, riots happened at Charlestown, in
      South Carolina, between American and French seamen, in which several lives
      were lost on both sides. But, at the same time that the Americans
      exhibited this feeling toward the French, they could not deny that the
      French alliance was still useful to them; and hence they had no thought of
      coming to an open rupture with their government.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After relieving Rhode Island, General Clinton returned to New York. On his
      voyage thither he detached Major-General Grey to Buzzard Bay, in
      Massachusets, a famous rendezvous of American privateers; and that officer
      destroyed seventy sail of ships there, with many storehouses and wharfs,
      and a fort mounting eleven pieces of heavy cannon. Grey then proceeded to
      an island called Martha's Vineyard, where he took or destroyed several
      more vessels, destroyed a salt-work, and obliged the inhabitants to
      deliver up their arms, and furnish him with 10,000 sheep and 3000 oxen.
      With these supplies he returned to New York, and shortly after he made an
      incursion into New Jersey, where he surrounded an American detachment in
      the dead of the night, killed most of them, and took the rest, with
      Colonel Bajdor, their commander, prisoners. About the same time a small
      squadron, under the direction, of Captain Collins, with some troops, under
      the command of Captain Ferguson, destroyed a nest of privateers at Egg
      Harbour, and cut to pieces a part of the legion of the Polish Count
      Pulawski. On the return of this squadron to New York, the British army was
      placed in winter-quarters, and Washington moved his troops to Middlebrook,
      in New Jersey, where they hutted, as in Valley Forge.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTACK OF THE SAVAGES ON THE SETTLEMENT OF WYOMING, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The beautiful district of Wyoming was at this time dotted with eight new
      townships, each containing a territory of about five miles on both sides
      of the river Susquehanna. Poets and travellers have fondly fancied that it
      was inhabited by a peaceful population, in unison with the lovely scenery
      of the district. Such conceptions, however, are the very reverse of the
      fact. Greece was as the garden of Eden, and yet fierce warriors inhabited
      its soil. And so it was with Wyoming. By its geographical position the
      district seemed properly to belong to Pennsylvania, but the colony of
      Connecticut claimed it in virtue of an old grant; and it was first settled
      by the population of that colony. The Pennsylvanians, however, set up a
      counter claim, and, after many long and angry debates the two colonies
      went to war about the disputed district. These hostilities lasted till
      after the breaking out of the war with England; but a near approach of
      danger caused the belligerents to forego their quarrel. Several
      Pennsylvanian families by this time had obtained a settlement in Wyoming,
      and these were all royalists. So also were some of the Connecticut
      settlers, but there, as elsewhere, the revolutionary party gained the
      ascendency. They used their power tyrannically, and faction and feuds
      raged through all the townships. "Fair Wyoming," by the bad passions of
      its inhabitants, was converted into a very hell. In every house there was
      division of sentiment, and the sources of domestic happiness were all
      poisoned by the bitter waters of strife. At length the revolutionary party
      completely got the upper hand. Oppressed and persecuted indeed, the
      royalists for the most part left their homes and became fugitives in the
      back-settlements. After this the revolutionists sent a large reinforcement
      to serve in the army of congress. By so doing, however, they laid
      themselves open to attack from the savages and their fugitive brethren.
      Warnings of their danger were repeatedly given them; but although they
      built some little forts in order to protect the district, they had but
      indifferent garrisons to put into them, and it was easy to foresee that
      sooner or later they would reap the fruit of their conduct towards their
      brethren. They appear to have conceived that they were in no danger, and
      especially as some Indian tribes had promised them protection; but their
      dream of security was suddenly disturbed by the appearance of eight
      hundred men on the bank of the Susquehanna. These were in part savages and
      in part Anglo-Americans, disguised as Indian warriors. Some of them were
      in fact the outcasts of Wyoming, who burned to revenge their wrongs. They
      were led by Colonel Butler, the same who had offered General Carleton the
      service of the Indians in Canada four years before, On the appearance of
      this force there were only sixty American regulars in the district, and
      these were commanded by Colonel Zebulon Butler, said to be of the same
      family as the officer that was leading on the savages and exiles. There
      were, however, about three hundred militiamen under Colonel Dennison, and
      these with the regulars prepared to oppose the invaders. The Indians and
      their allies entered the valley near its northern boundary; and they
      quickly took one of the forts called Wintermoots, which they burned. The
      militiamen and regulars assembled at Forty-fort, a stronger place on the
      west side of the Susquehanna, and four miles below the camp of the
      invaders. Had Colonel Zebulon Butler remained in this fort he might have
      stemmed the onward progress of the invaders till assistance could have
      been obtained from Washington. Zebulon Butler, however, resolved to leave
      the fort and encounter the enemy. He found them posted in a plain,
      partially covered with pine trees, dwarf oaks, and underwood. He moved
      towards them in single column, but as he was passing along he was saluted
      by the fire of Indians, who lay concealed behind bushes and trees.
      Notwithstanding, Zebulon Butler formed into line and prepared for battle.
      His left flank, which was composed of militiamen, was quickly turned by a
      body of Indians, who poured a destructive fire on his rear, and he was
      compelled to command a retreat. All fled precipitately, but the enemy was
      in their front, while on one side was a marsh and a mountain, and the
      other a deep river. A dreadful scene ensued. Throwing away their rifles
      and muskets, the Indians and their enraged allies fell upon the fugitives
      with their tomahawks, and heeded not the loud cry which was raised for
      quarter and mercy. About sixty men, with Colonels Zebulon Butler and
      Dennison, escaped by swimming across the river, hiding in the marsh, or
      climbing the mountain; but the rest, amounting to nearly four hundred men,
      were butchered on the spot. Zebulon Butler fled from Wyoming with his few
      surviving men, and Dennison proposed terms of capitulation, which the
      enemy granted to the inhabitants. These unfortunate people, however,
      dreading the vengeance of their white brethren, generally, abandoned their
      homes, and in their turn became outcasts and wanderers. The invaders then
      collected all the property of the district worth carriage; burned all the
      houses and levelled the forts; and then returned to the wilderness from
      whence they came. The troops of congress shortly after made some
      retaliation. Washington was at the very time of the invasion sending some
      troops to the defence of Wyoming, and these being reinforced by a great
      many riflemen of Morgan's corps, they rushed upon the Indian settlements,
      burned their villages, exterminated all they could discover, and compelled
      the rest to retire further from the frontiers of the colonies. Those who
      escaped, however, awaited another opportunity for revenge.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH ENVOY AT PHILADELPHIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After Sir Henry Clinton had evacuated Philadelphia, congress returned to
      that city. In the course of the autumn M. Gérard arrived there as envoy to
      the United States from the court of France. About the same time
      instructions were prepared and sent to Dr. Franklin, as minister
      plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles. The French minister and suite
      received very flattering attention from the majority of the members of
      congress, but beyond this they had reason for complaint. By the people
      they were looked upon with suspicion, and some considered them in the
      light of enemies. There was, indeed, a significant distinction drawn at
      this time between parties in America, which exists to this day: the
      moderates were called the English party, and the ultra-revolutionists, the
      French party. But it was soon found that even the French party could not
      always agree in the plans and schemes of the French ambassador and his
      government, and that, therefore, the alliance, though solemnly ratified by
      treaty, was not cemented by reciprocal affection.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOVEMENTS OF THE BRITISH AND FRENCH FLEETS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After refitting his ships Lord Howe went to Boston, with design to attack
      the French admiral in that water. He found the anchorage, however, so
      effectually protected by batteries, that he was compelled to forego this
      design, and return to New York. Soon after he received leave of absence,
      and he resigned the command of his squadron to Rear-admiral Gambier. Howe
      then proceeded to Rhode Island, where he met with Vice-admiral Byron, to
      whom he gave up the command of the American station as commander-in-chief,
      and then set sail for England. After his departure, Byron, with a part of
      his force, went back to Boston to look after the French; but his ships
      were driven off the coast by a violent hurricane, and he was obliged to
      seek a port in order to refit. While thus situated the French admiral put
      out to sea, in order to undertake operations for conquests in the West
      India Islands. On the same day, however, that he stole out of the harbour
      of Boston, Commodore Hotham sailed from Sandy Hook to escort Major-general
      Grant, with 5000 men, to protect these islands, and he joined Admiral
      Barrington at Barbadoes, on the 10th of December.
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF DOMINICA BY THE FRENCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was not solely with a view of supporting the Americans, and vindicating
      the wrongs of humanity, that the French entered upon the arena of strife.
      On the contrary, the principal aim of the French cabinet was
      aggrandisement. A scheme had been devised for seizing all the
      sugar-plantations of Great Britain. And some time before d'Estaing set
      sail for the West Indies the French had commenced putting this scheme into
      effect. On the 7th of September the Marquis de Bouille, governor-general
      of Martinique landed with about 2000 men on our island of Dominica, and
      proceeded to attack the different batteries and forts by land, while
      French and American frigates and privateers attacked them by sea. There
      were abundance of artillery and stores in Dominica, but unfortunately
      there were not sufficient men to defend the island; and, after a gallant
      defence of some out-works, Lieutenant-governor Stewart found himself
      compelled to capitulate:&mdash;the island fell into the hands of the
      French.
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF ST. LUCIE BY THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British commanders, on arriving at Barbadoes, being informed of the
      loss of Dominica, resolved to take another island from the French. Without
      suffering the troops to land, therefore, Major-general Grant proceeded to
      St. Lucie, attended by the joint squadrons of Hotham and Barrington. Five
      British regiments, with all the grenadiers and light-infantry, under the
      command of Brigadier-general Medows, first landed, and being ably seconded
      by Major Harris, he drove the French commandant, the Chevalier de Miccud,
      from a strong position which he had taken on the heights at the end of an
      inlet, called Grand Cul de Sac. While this was doing, Brigadier-general
      Prescott landed, with five other regiments, to secure the whole of the
      bay, and to establish posts in order to preserve a communication with
      Medows. General Medows pushed forward, and took possession of the
      important post of the Vigie, which commands the north side of the Carénage
      harbour; while Brigadier-general Sir Henry Calder occupied other posts
      upon the mountains which commanded the south side of the Grand Cul de Sac,
      and Major-general Grant lay on the heights, called Morne Fortune. The
      British troops were thus situate when d'Estaing arrived off the island, in
      order to relieve it. On discovering his approach, the British admirals
      immediately collected all their ships into the Grand Cul de Sac, and then
      formed a line close and compact right across the entrance of the bay. The
      fleet under the French admiral was by far the most powerful; but he was
      thrice defeated in his attacks upon the British squadron, and he then
      landed 5000 picked troops in a bay, between Gros Islet and the Carénage
      Bay. D'Estaing resolved, in the first instance, to direct his entire force
      against Medows, who was cut off, by his movement, from all support from
      the other divisions of the British. General Medows had only 1,300 men,
      with two twelve-pounders and four six-pounders, to defend his position;
      but his force chiefly consisted of veterans, and it was in vain that
      d'Estaing led his forces against, them. Three several charges were made
      upon them; but the French were repulsed, with the loss of four hundred men
      killed, and more than 1000 wounded. He was compelled to leave the island;
      and as his fleet disappeared, the Chevalier de Micoud descended from some
      heights to which he had retired, came into the British camp with the
      principal inhabitants, and signed a capitulation with General Grant, who
      granted such favourable terms as won for him the gratitude of the enemy.
      Thus, while the British lost Dominica, they won St. Lucie.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1778-1779
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RE-CAPTURE OF THE ISLANDS OF ST. PIERRE AND MIQUELON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Earlier in the year, in consequence of their aggression on the coast of
      America, the French were deprived of their privilege of fishing on the
      banks of Newfoundland. The little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon had
      been ceded to them at the peace of 1763, but they were now re-captured by
      the British, and the garrisons conveyed to France.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRENCH PLANS REGARDING CANADA COUNTERACTED BY WASHINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The ambitious views of the French cabinet were not confined to the West
      Indies. This was made manifest to the Americans before d'Estaing set sail
      from Boston. He published a proclamation to the Canadians, exhorting them
      to return to their former allegiance: and at the same time Washington,
      through the ascendency of a French party in congress, was urged to
      undertake the reduction of that province in conjunction with a French
      force. He was directed by the committee for foreign affairs to communicate
      with Lafayette on the subject; but instead of this, he wrote a long letter
      to congress, urging, in a forcible manner, the impolicy of the measure;
      and, in consequence of his representations, the plan proposed by congress
      for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an army from France,
      was deferred "until circumstances rendered the co-operation of the United
      States more certain, practicable, and effectual." The truth is, the
      Americans, enlightened by Washington, saw through the designs of France,
      and they had no idea of thus aggrandising their allies. Moreover, they
      found no encouragement in Canada; for, notwithstanding the proclamation of
      the French admiral, the Canadians were determined to remain quiet under
      the British government, being fully satisfied with its mild rule, and
      confident that it was able to protect them in their obedience. Soon after
      this plan failed, Lafayette returned to France, as he himself reports, to
      offer his sword to his own sovereign, who was now engaged as a principal
      in the war, and to induce the French court to send more effectual succours
      to the aid of congress, without any reference to the conquest of Canada.
      It is well known, however, that both the Marquis and his court cast a
      longing eye upon Canada; and it cannot be doubted but that its conquest
      was the chief end which he had in view when he recommended an increase of
      French troops in America. On his arrival in France, Lafayette was
      enthusiastically welcomed by the war party; and although the French
      monarch pretended, at first, to be offended with him for joining the cause
      of America, before he himself had espoused it, he was almost immediately
      honoured with the command of the dragoons of the king's guard.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF SAVANNAH BY THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year, soon after the return of the commissioners to England,
      an important operation took place on the side of Georgia, and the complete
      success of which gave a hope that the war, if transferred to the south,
      might prove more successful than it had hitherto been. Some of the
      southern colonies were in a state of utter confusion&mdash;royalists being
      arrayed against revolutionists, and province against province. Thus,
      between the people of East Florida, who remained under the British
      government, and the people of Georgia, who had joined the cause of
      congress, there existed an irreconcilable hatred. These provinces had but
      recently been at war with each other, when Georgia was successfully
      invaded by the British. Sir Henry Clinton despatched Colonel Campbell
      thither with 3500 men, by sea, under convoy of Admiral Parker, and on his
      arrival his first object was the reduction of the city of Savannah, the
      capital of Georgia, which was defended by the American General Robert How.
      The whole country between Savannah and the sea was impassable to troops,
      being low, marshy, and intersected by creeks and artificial watercourses.
      The city stood on the southern bank of the Savannah River, about fifteen
      miles from the sea; and Parker therefore conveyed the troops up that
      river, and after surmounting some difficulties he succeeded in landing
      them at a plantation about three miles below the city. Some Highlanders,
      commanded by a Cameron, first moved from the river bank along a narrow
      causeway, with some high ground at the end of it where the Americans were
      posted. As they approached the Americans opened a fire upon them, and
      Cameron and two of his company were slain. The loss of their leader,
      however, urged the clansmen on to desperate enterprise. They rushed upon
      the enemy with a fierce cry for revenge, and drove them back into some
      woods nearer the town. When Campbell arrived on the scene of action he
      found the American general posted outside the town, having swamps, woods,
      trenches, and deep rice-fields all around him. He discovered a private
      path leading through the swamp, which covered the enemy's right flank, and
      having sent some of his Highlanders' light infantry and New York
      volunteers round by that path, he surprised the enemy in the rear. They
      fled for their lives through the town of Savannah, four hundred and fifty
      of them being captured in their flight; and the town and fort, with an
      abundance of stores, became the prize of the conquerors. In a few days the
      remnant of How's army was driven across the Savannah River into South
      Carolina, and then the inhabitants flocked to Colonel Campbell to take the
      oath of allegiance to the British monarch. The provincials were greatly
      conciliated by his lenity and moderation; and even some of the hot
      preachers, who had excited the Georgians into insurrection and
      republicanism, now turned royalists. The whole of Georgia was in the hands
      of the royalists except the town of Sunbury, and this place was soon after
      reduced by General Prevost, who was sent to Savannah to take the chief
      command. He was joined here by many suffering royalists from South
      Carolina and Virginia, while others repaired to head-quarters at New York.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 25th of November. Little notice was taken of the
      operations in America; but his majesty bitterly complained of the
      unprovoked hostility of the court of France. His majesty also alluded to
      preparations going on in Spain, and remarked that however friendly and
      seemingly sincere the professions made to us might be, it was a subject
      that must gain the attention of the house. The king noticed the complete
      failure of the commissioners and of the conciliatory measures passed
      during the last sitting of parliament, and urged the necessity of the most
      active exertions, in order to vindicate and maintain the honour of the
      crown and the interests of the people. He concluded with saying, that,
      according to the powers vested in him, he had called out the militia to
      assist in the defence of the country, and that he had with high
      satisfaction witnessed the public spirit, ardour, and love of their
      country which animated all classes of his subjects; and which could not
      fail of ensuring safety at home and procuring respect abroad.
    </p>
    <p>
      In both houses the address of his majesty was opposed. In the lords it was
      condemned in toto, with the king's speech, and the opposition proposed
      putting an absolute negative upon the whole. It was argued in support of
      this proposition, that ministers were proceeding upon false principles,
      upheld by obstinacy, folly, and error, and tending to inevitable ruin;
      that new men and new measures must be adopted before we could hope for
      success in war, or honour and security in peace; that as ministers had
      shown themselves incompetent to the management of the war when they only
      had the Americans to contend with, it was not to be expected that they
      would be able to contend with the united arms of France and America; and
      that they would be still less able if Spain joined the contest. Ministers
      and their supporters argued that it would be monstrous to refuse
      addressing, especially as the speech dwelt solely on the dangers of the
      kingdom from the perfidy of France; and as the address was a simple
      declaration of supporting his majesty against the machinations of the
      French government. The address was carried by a majority of sixty-seven
      against thirty-five. In the commons the opposition moved an amendment "to
      assure his majesty that from zeal and affection that house was ready to
      give the most ample support to such measures as might be thought necessary
      for the defence of those kingdoms, or for frustrating the designs of that
      restless power which had so often disturbed the peace of Europe; but that
      they thought it their duty to inquire by what fatal councils and unhappy
      systems of policy this country had been reduced from that splendid
      situation which, in the early part or his majesty's reign, made her the
      envy of all Europe, to her present dangerous state, which had of late
      called forth our utmost exertions without any adequate benefit." The
      speakers in opposition, who supported this amendment, chiefly dwelt on the
      numerous blunders of administration in the management of the war;
      attributing every failure to their measures, and every successful
      operation to circumstances over which they had no control. It was argued,
      indeed, that ministers had only made such preparations as would ensure
      defeats; and that it was marvellous we were not involved in indiscriminate
      ruin and disgrace. The blunders of ministers were both numerous and
      palpable, but it cannot be denied that they were mightily magnified by the
      opposition, who looked at their every movement with a jealous and
      jaundiced eye. The amendment was rejected by a majority of two hundred and
      twenty-six against one hundred and seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIR RESPECTING ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND SIR HUGH PALLISER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the debate on the amendment in the commons, Charles Fox introduced
      the subject of the operations of the fleet commanded by Keppel and
      Palliser, and attributed all the blame of its failure to the conduct of
      ministers and the admiralty, who, he said, had not sent a sufficient fleet
      out, and that it was sent to sea too late to effect the objects for which
      it was fitted out. This subject was brought prominently before the house
      of commons on the 2nd of December. Mr. Temple Luttrel said, that the whole
      of that transaction demanded a particular and close inquiry, and that the
      two admirals, who were both in the house, were bound to give information
      for the sake of their own honour, and also for the sake of public
      tranquillity. Thus challenged, Keppel, who was a whig, stood up to defend
      his own conduct. He could not consider, he remarked, that the British flag
      had been tarnished in his hands, or that the affair off Ushant was in any
      way disgraceful. He impeached no man; and was persuaded that Sir Hugh
      Palliser manifested no want of courage. He expressed a hope that he should
      not be compelled to answer any questions relative to the action or to
      individuals, at the same time asserting that he was ready to explain his
      own conduct in that house or elsewhere, Nothing, he said, was left untried
      to bring the French to a decisive action. He then adverted to Palliser's
      publication in the newspapers. He was surprised, he said, that he should
      have appealed to the public when no accusation was made against him, and
      have endeavoured to render his superior in command unpopular and odious;
      and he declared that he would never again embark in a fleet with an
      officer who could conduct himself in a manner so fatal to all obedience
      and discipline. Sir Hugh Palliser, who was a Tory, then rose and said,
      that it was his interest to obtain inquiry, and that he was as eager for
      it as his superior officer. He censured Keppel's reserve, and challenged
      him to deliver his opinions without disguise, that he might be able to
      give a full answer. He complained of the aspersions thrown upon his
      character by the newspapers, and said that while justice was rendered to
      his courage, insinuations were thrown out that he might have neglected or
      disobeyed the signals of his superior. He concluded by asserting that he
      had vainly sought an explanation from Keppel, before appealing to the
      public with a detail of facts, by which he would stand or fall; by denying
      that he had refused to obey signals; and by declaring that he feared
      neither a parliamentary inquiry nor a public trial. In reply, Admiral
      Keppel asserted that one of his signals was not obeyed though it was
      flying for five hours, but that he would not charge Vice-admiral Palliser
      with disobedience, as the condition of his ships might, as represented by
      him, have prevented his coming up. Palliser rejoined by charging Keppel
      with having neglected to arrange his ships in such a manner as to ensure a
      general engagement; with having neglected to tack and double on the French
      with his van and centre, after these had passed the enemy's rear, whereby
      he, the vice-admiral, was exposed to be cut off; with having permitted the
      enemy to rally, and to claim a victory by standing after the English
      ships; and with having, finally, led the British fleet in an opposite
      direction, instead of pursuing the enemy. The conversation here dropped,
      but the charges made by Sir Hugh Palliser were afterwards repeated to the
      Admiralty; and this led to the trial of both the accuser and the accused
      before a court-martial. |
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER X.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1779-1780
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Trial of Admiral  Keppel and Vice-admiral Palliser.....
     Attacks on  Lord Sandwich..... Investigation respecting the
     Conduct of General and Lord Howe..... Relief to  Protestant
     Dissenters..... Debates on  the Trade of Ireland..... War
     with Spain..... Debates on the Militia Bill..... Bill for
     the Impressment of Seamen..... Parliament prorogued..... The
     Causes of the Rupture with Spain..... Spanish Attempt upon
     Gibraltar..... French and English Fleets in the Channel.....
     Affairs in the West Indies..... Operations in Georgia.....
     Ineffectual Attempt of the Americans to reduce Savannah.....
     British   Incursions  into Virginia...... Capture   of
     Stony Point and  Verplanks..... British   Expedition
     against   Connecticut..... Stony   Point  re-captured, but
     deserted at the Approach  of the British..... British
     Garrison surprised at  Paulus Hook..... American Disaster at
     Penobscot..... American Retaliation on the Indians, &amp;c......
     Spanish Incursions..... Action between Paul Jones and
     Captain Pearson..... Changes in  the Ministry..... Meeting
     of Parliament..... Lord Shelburne attacks Ministers in the
     case of Ireland..... Lord Ossory's Attack on Ministers
     respecting Ireland..... Lord Worth's Proposition for the
     Relief of Ireland..... Debates on Economical Reform.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1779
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF ADMIRAL KEPPEL AND VICE-ADMIRAL PALLISER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Admiral Keppel commenced on the 7th of January, at the
      governor's house, Portsmouth. It lasted thirty-two days, and the unanimous
      sentence of the court-martial was:&mdash;"That it was their opinion the
      charge against Admiral Keppel was malicious and ill-founded; it having
      appeared that so far from having by misconduct or neglect of duty lost an
      opportunity of rendering essential service to the state, and therefore
      tarnished the honour of the British navy, he had behaved as became a
      judicious, brave, and experienced officer." The acquittal of Keppel was
      followed by illuminations and other demonstrations of joy on the part of
      the public, with whom he was in favour; and he also received the thanks of
      the city and the two houses of parliament. On the other hand, the house of
      Sir Hugh Palliser was broken open by a mob at midnight, and the whole of
      the furniture either destroyed or thrown out of the window, while effigies
      of the vice-admiral were carried about suspended by the neck and
      afterwards burnt. Work for the glaziers was also made by the destruction
      of the windows of the Admiralty, and of the houses of Lords George
      Germaine and North. The mob even took the great gate of the Admiralty from
      its hinges, and having collected all the sedan chairs in the neighbourhood
      made a great bonfire in the court-yard. Sixteen of the mob were afterwards
      captured by the soldiers, and the rest were dispersed. A day or two after
      this, as the acquittal of Keppel seemed to cast a stigma on the character
      of Sir Hugh Palliser he demanded a court-martial on himself; first giving
      up his seat in parliament and all his offices except that of vice-admiral.
      His trial was held on board the "Sandwich," in Portsmouth harbour and
      after the lapse of twenty-one days the sentence of the court was:&mdash;"That,
      though his conduct and behaviour in battle had been in many respects
      highly exemplary and meritorious; they, at the same time, could not help
      thinking it was incumbent upon him to have made known to his
      commander-in-chief the disabled state of his ship, to which he attributed
      his not joining; but that, notwithstanding his omission in this
      particular, they were of opinion that he was not in any other respect
      chargeable with misconduct or misbehaviour, and that, therefore, they
      fully acquitted him." Such was the termination of this ill-judged contest,
      which was rather a contest between the two parties of Whig and Tory than
      for personal honour and integrity of conduct. Though both were acquitted,
      their reputations were injured by their trials, for neither of them was
      ever afterwards employed in active service.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      That the trials of Keppel and Palliser were essentially party struggles is
      proved by after proceedings in both houses of parliament. After the
      Christmas recess, Mr. Fox moved a vote of censure upon Lord Sandwich for
      sending Admiral Keppel to sea in the first instance with only twenty ships
      of the line, and four frigates, at a time when a French fleet, consisting,
      as there was reason to believe, of thirty-two ships of the line, and
      certainly of twenty-seven with a great number of frigates, was at Brest,
      and ready to put to sea; thereby hazarding the safety of the kingdom. Fox
      also announced his intention of moving an address for the removal of the
      first lord of the admiralty; asserting that there were facts existing
      which would warrant his impeachment by the house. Keppel, who had
      determined to resign his command of the fleet, joined in this attack upon
      Sandwich, by declaring that on his first taking the command, the fleet was
      in no very good condition; that afterwards the admiralty-board had made
      some exertions, but even then had sent him to sea too weak; that he
      believed the French fleet was as strong as was represented in the papers
      which he found on board the frigates he had captured; and that, upon that
      conviction, he was for the first time obliged to turn his back upon the
      enemy. Lords North and Mulgrave defended Sandwich and the admiralty-board;
      imputing some blame to Keppel, and the motion was negatived by two hundred
      and four against one hundred and seventy. Subsequently, Mr. Fox moved that
      the state of the navy at the breaking out of the war was inadequate to the
      exigencies of the service. In his speech, Fox observed, that nothing but
      good fortune had saved the country from invasion and destruction; but Lord
      Mulgrave, in reply, said, that all the "good fortune" had been on the side
      of France&mdash;that nothing but "good fortune" had saved d'Or-villiers
      from Keppel, and d'Estaing from Lord Howe. The latter admiral, who was now
      in the house, showed that he was scarcely in a better temper with the
      administration than was Keppel. He declared that he had been deceived in
      accepting the command in America; that he had been ill-used while he held
      that command; and that he would never again accept active service under
      the existing ministry. On this occasion, Fox's motion was lost, but a few
      days after he moved that the omission to reinforce Lord Howe in America
      before the month of June, and the not sending a fleet to the
      Mediterranean, were instances of gross misconduct and neglect. Fox was
      again outvoted, yet on the 19th of April he made his promised motion for
      dismissing Lord Sandwich from his majesty's presence and councils for
      ever. This motion was likewise negatived, and a similar motion, made a few
      days after in the upper house by the Earl of Bristol, shared the same
      fate. Other motions hostile to Sandwich were made in both houses, but they
      were all lost by majorities of nearly two to one. But even these large
      majorities exhibited the waning influence and popularity of the
      administration; for in the earlier days of Lord North's government the
      majorities were usually four to one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INVESTIGATION RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF GENERAL AND LORD HOWE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The managers of the war-office were doomed to similar attacks as those of
      the admiralty. Early in the session General Burgoyne imputing his own
      misfortune and the failures of all other commanders, whether by land or
      sea, to the administration, had moved that all the letters written by
      himself and other commanders to government since the convention of
      Saratoga, should be laid before the house. Lord North readily granted
      these papers, and shortly after Sir William Howe, who was now in the house
      of commons, as well as his brother the admiral, made a similar motion for
      copies of all letters that had passed during his command between him and
      the secretary of state for America. It was only against Lord George
      Germaine that Howe wished to impute blame, and him he charged with
      interfering on all occasions with the management of the army in America;
      and of imposing restraints and schemes of his own, which were conceived in
      utter ignorance of the country which was the scene of the war. These
      papers were, also, willingly granted, and Lord North further consented
      that the house should go into committee for inquiring into the whole
      conduct of the American war. At the same time, an application was made to
      the house of lords, to permit the attendance of Earl Cornwallis, as a
      material witness. After this, however, Lord North endeavoured to put a
      stop to this inquiry, by asserting that Sir William Howe's character was
      fully cleared by the letters produced, and that government approved in the
      warmest manner of his services. But this attempt was attended with great
      odium, and the examination of witnesses was proceeded with. This
      examination lasted for two months, and the officers examined were, Lord
      Cornwallis, Major-general Grey, Sir Andrew Snape Ham-mon, Major Montresor,
      and Sir George Osborne, whose evidence went to establish the facts that
      the force sent to America was not equal to the task of subjugating
      America; that the colonists were almost unanimous in their enmity and
      resistance to Great Britain; that the nature of the country was beyond all
      others difficult and impracticable for military operations; and that there
      was no fairer prospect of success in any future attempt at conquest, than
      in those which had already been made. On the other hand, Major-general
      Robertson, and Mr. Galloway, a member of congress who had turned royalist,
      gave contradictory evidence on all these points, and the latter was severe
      in his censures on the military conduct of Sir William Howe. At the
      request of Howe, this witness was directed to attend again for
      cross-examination; but, on the day appointed, which was the 29th of June,
      the general not being in the house, advantage was taken of this
      circumstance to dissolve the committee, and thus no resolution was passed
      upon this subject. Burgoyne was somewhat more fortunate than Howe, as
      witnesses were heard in his favour and none against him. His witnesses
      were Sir Guy Carleton, the Earls of Balcarras and Harrington, Major
      Forbes, and Captain Bloomfield, who deposed that no general could be
      braver or more beloved by his army. At the same time they could not make
      out a case of good generalship in Burgoyne's crossing the Hudson, after
      the expedition to Bennington, or even give a good colour to that
      expedition, so that their only evidence went to show that which all men
      knew; namely, that Burgoyne was brave, persevering, and humane, and that
      in advancing to and staying so long at Saratoga, he had acted according to
      the best of his judgment. In the course of the examination, some of the
      witnesses extolled the bravery of the Americans in action; but it was also
      shown that Gates's army were nearly six times as numerous as that of
      Burgoyne's, and that the latter were half-famished, so that it did not
      require any extraordinary bravery to accomplish a victory other them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELIEF TO PROTESTANT DISSENTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The spirit of toleration which displayed itself during the last session in
      favour of Roman Catholics, was again exerted in the present session on
      behalf of Protestant Dissenting ministers and school-masters. A bill to
      relieve them from some painful and absurd restrictions, was carried with
      great facility.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE TRADE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of January, Lord Nugent, after drawing a forcible picture
      of the distress which existed in Ireland, gave notice of his intention to
      move for the establishment of a cotton-manufactory in Ireland, with a
      power of exportation to Great Britain, and a free trade to America,
      Africa, and the West Indies. Subsequently a committee was formed to
      consider the acts of parliament relating to the importation of sugars into
      Ireland. The intended relief, however, was as usual counteracted by
      commercial jealousy in England, and all that was done by the commons was
      to pass two acts, for the growth of tobacco and hemp, and the manufacture
      of linen in Ireland, and to make a pecuniary grant, in consequence of a
      message from the throne. But this boon was not sufficient to satisfy the
      desires of the Irish people, and possibly had it been a hundredfold
      greater, it would not have been deemed sufficient. It has always been the
      fate of that unhappy country to be disturbed by restless spirits&mdash;by
      men who, while they profess to seek the good of the country, seek only
      their own self-interests. On this occasion, many self-styled "patriots"
      resolved to follow the example of the colonists, and a non-importation
      agreement was set on foot in Dublin, Cork, Kilkenny, and other places; the
      subscribers pledging themselves neither to import nor to use any British
      goods which could be manufactured in Ireland, till the Irish trade was
      freed from its shackles. In the midst of this ferment, as rumours were
      afloat of a meditated invasion by France, and Ireland was drained of its
      troops for the American war, the maritime towns demanded protection.
      Government was told by the lord-lieutenant, that the exhausted state of
      the public revenues rendered it impracticable to embody a militia, whence
      the people were given to understand that they might take measures to
      protect themselves. This was an ill-omened step for ministers to take,
      when the people of Ireland were everywhere displaying the feelings of
      rebellion. By it the serpent's teeth were sown, and they sprang up armed
      men. The Irish obeyed the call with alacrity. Volunteers were embodied,
      equipped, and disciplined at private expense, on every hand, and Ireland
      soon exhibited the animating spectacle of a nation in arms. Ministers
      appear to have been very early convinced of their error; for when they saw
      these armed associations in their full strength, they, with the people of
      England at large, prognosticated insurrection and civil war. Still there
      was little or no disposition displayed on the part of ministers to disarm
      the hostility of the Irish people by redress of grievances. After the
      discussion of Irish affairs had ceased in the commons, the subject was
      introduced in the Lords by the Marquess of Rockingham, who moved an
      address for documents which might enable parliament to pursue measures for
      promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of both nations. The
      marquess, who was well acquainted with the state of Ireland, took a severe
      review of the revenue, trade, and government, since the year 1755; and
      bitterly inveighed against ministers on the subject of the military
      associations. The necessity for these associations, he said, should have
      been prevented, or the people should have been legally commissioned to
      take up arms under officers named by the sovereign&mdash;the men who had
      taken up arms to repel invasion, might soon think of employing them in
      resisting injustice and oppression. To prevent such a consummation, in
      conclusion, he urged the necessity of redressing the grievances, and of
      adopting some remedy to the deplorable distresses under which the Irish
      people were groaning. The Marquess of Rockingham was warmly supported by
      the Earl of Shelburne; and the only arguments urged against the address by
      ministers were, the late period of the session, and the necessity of
      proceeding with caution, and upon minute inquiry and investigation. The
      result was that there was a kind of compromise between the Marquess of
      Rockingham and the Earl of Gower, president of the council&mdash;the
      latter pledging himself that a proper plan for the relief of Ireland
      should be concocted by ministers during the recess, and be ready to be
      laid before parliament at the opening of the next session. Ireland,
      therefore, for the present, was obliged to put up with a promise.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of June Mr. Thomas Townshend moved for an address, praying his
      majesty not to prorogue parliament, until the inquiry into the conduct of
      affairs in America should be completed. This motion was negatived, but, on
      the next day, Lord North gave some information which necessarily prolonged
      the session. He acquainted the house that the Spanish ambassador, after
      delivering a hostile manifesto to the secretary of state, had suddenly
      quitted London. This manifesto, North said, together with a message from
      the king, would be laid before parliament on the morrow. On the 17th,
      therefore, the message and the manifesto were introduced. In the message,
      his majesty declared, in the most solemn manner, that he had done nothing
      to provoke the court of Spain; that his desire to preserve peace with that
      court was uniform and sincere; and that his conduct towards that power had
      been guided by the principles of good faith, honour, and justice. He was
      the more surprised, he said, at the declaration of Spain, as some of the
      grievances enumerated in that paper had never come to his knowledge, and
      as those which had been made known to him had been treated with the utmost
      attention, and put into a course of inquiry and redress. His majesty's
      message concluded by expressing the firmest confidence in the zeal and
      public spirit of parliament, and the power and resources of the nation.
      His majesty's declarations concerning his conduct towards Spain were fully
      borne out by the manifesto, which was a loose rigmarole, in which scarcely
      anything else was clear than that war with Great Britain was fully
      resolved upon. The opposition in both houses took credit to themselves for
      having prognosticated, in the spirit of true prophets, a war with Spain,
      and taunted ministers with folly and blindness in imagining that such an
      event would not take place. Both houses, however, were unanimous in their
      indignation against Spain, and in their determination of supporting the
      war against the Bourbons. Addresses to this effect were agreed to; but
      Lord John Cavendish moved for another address, to be presented at the same
      time, praying that his majesty would give immediate orders for the
      collecting of his fleets and armies, and to exert the whole national force
      against the House of Bourbon. As this motion involved the withdrawal of
      the troops from America, ministers opposed it, and the secretary at war
      having moved an adjournment, it was immediately carried by two to one. In
      the lords, an amendment to the address, moved by the protesting Earl of
      Abingdon, was also rejected by a large majority; as was also a motion made
      by the Duke of Richmond, similar in its nature to that made in the Commons
      by Lord John Cavendish.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE MILITIA BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 21st of June Lord North proposed that the number of the militia
      should be doubled, and that individuals should be authorised to raise
      loyal corps to assist in the defence of the kingdom. This was agreed to in
      the commons; but in the lords the clause enabling the king to double the
      militia was rejected, thereby leaving the bill a mere skeleton. When it
      was brought back to the commons thus mutilated, Lord North was taunted by
      the opposition with having at length, after spreading the spirit of
      disunion and discord on every hand, seen it enter into the very cabinet
      itself. In reply, North, with wonderful equanimity of temper, observed,
      that he could not agree in their lordships' judgment in considering his
      proposition impracticable: that his own experience as lord-lieutenant of a
      county induced him to believe that the militia could easily be doubled;
      but that his experience could not control the opinions of the other house,
      where there were so many lord-lieutenants of counties. However, he said,
      he accepted the power of augmenting the home force as crumbs falling from
      their lordships' table. A debate subsequently occurred on the question
      which was mooted by a member of opposition, as to whether or no the
      Militia Bill was a money-bill. It was insisted by some that it was such to
      all intents and purposes; that no amendment of the lords could be admitted
      in such a bill, without a surrender of the most valuable privileges of the
      commons; and that, therefore, the bill must be totally rejected. It was
      decided by a majority, however, that it was not a money-bill, and
      consequently it passed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of June, at a late hour of the night, the attorney-general
      moved for leave to bring in a bill for manning the navy, by resuming
      protections granted to certain descriptions of seamen, watermen, and their
      apprentices, and by taking away the right of <i>habeas corpus</i> from all
      persons of those classes impressed before the passing of this bill. The
      late hour at which this motion was made was purposely chosen, in order
      that the effect of the press-warrants might not be impeded by the
      disclosure which the newspapers would have made throughout the country,
      and in order that the fleet, on which the safety of the country depended,
      might be manned without impediment. The attorney-general admitted this,
      and the opposition could not deny the necessity of dispatch, or that there
      were no other means of manning the fleet; but they denounced the bill as a
      violation of sacred rights, and a treacherous irruption into the
      dwelling-houses of citizens. The bill, however&mdash;which was called the
      "Indemnity Bill," from its retrospective operation&mdash;was read twice on
      the same night, and when the house met again it was passed and sent up to
      the lords, who agreed to it, after inserting a clause in favour of
      colliers: it immediately received the royal assent.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1779-1780
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Several attempts were made to bring about an address against a
      prorogation, but many members were now gone on their summer rambles, and
      those who remained were chiefly impatient for repose, whence all these
      attempts failed. On the 3rd of July, therefore, the king prorogued
      parliament. In his speech the king returned his warmest thanks to both
      houses for their great services and their long attendance; and at the same
      time expressed his entire approbation of all they had done, particularly
      of their measures respecting Ireland. The events of the war, he said, had
      not given France cause for triumph, and he trusted that that ambitious
      power would be compelled to wish that she had not, without provocation or
      cause of complaint, insulted the honour and invaded the rights of his
      crown. As regarded the hostility of Spain, he repeated, that no blame
      could be attached to him. He then complimented the high national feeling
      of the people by observing, that he considered it as a happy omen of the
      success of his arms that the increase of difficulties served only to
      augment the courage and constancy of the nation. He concluded by
      remarking, that it was impossible to speak of the continuance of the
      rebellion in North America without concern, and that he had given such
      unquestionable proofs of his disposition to put an end to those troubles,
      which led him to hope that the designs of the enemies of Great Britain
      could not long prevail against the interests of the colonists.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CAUSES OF THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the opposition were correct in their conjectures as to a final
      war with Spain, ministers were by no means so blind as represented by
      them. It had, indeed, required all the family influence of the greater
      branch of the House of Bourbon, and all the activity and skill of French
      negotiators to lead Charles III. into this new and unprovoked contest. The
      Spanish monarch remembered how much he had suffered from his last short
      war with England; he was alarmed also for the tranquillity of his own
      colonies, if encouraged by the example of successful rebellion; and he
      moreover shrunk from the unkingly action of fomenting insurrection and
      allying himself with rebels. These were barriers which the King of France
      and his negotiators had to break down before they could procure the
      Spanish monarch's aid in their designs. And in this they encountered a
      great difficulty. Charles III. assured Lord Grantham, that he knew nothing
      of the treaty between France and America until it was concluded; and his
      prime-minister, Count Florida Blanca, declared that he considered the
      independence of America as no less injurious to Spain than to Great
      Britain. Many overtures, he afterwards confessed, had been made, but his
      monarch had uniformly rejected the instances of France to acknowledge the
      independence of the United States. Subsequently, however, Charles III. was
      led to believe that revolution might flourish in North America without
      reaching the south; that the final hour of the British supremacy at sea,
      and consequently of the British empire was at hand; and that the united
      House of Bourborn would then have little else to do than to reach forth
      their hands and divide the spoils. The Spanish monarch then, with these
      visionary hopes in view, altered his line of conduct. On | the first
      breaking out of a war with France he pretended great anxiety for
      maintaining his treaties with Great Britain, and expressed a compassionate
      interest for his brother the King of England, and his utter abhorrence of
      the proceedings of congress against so just and good a prince. He tendered
      his services as a mediator, and when it was hinted that the King of
      England could not submit a quarrel between him and his own subjects to
      another prince, he expressed his readiness to mediate in the French part
      of the quarrel alone, and to reconcile the differences existing between
      the courts of St. James's and Versailles. To this latter proposal it was
      replied, that it was inconsistent with national honour to admit the
      interference of a third power, till the views of France were known; and
      then Charles expressed his readiness to open the negociation himself, so
      as to spare both parties the humiliation of making the first step towards
      a peace. He suggested, that each government should transmit its conditions
      to Madrid, and that he should be allowed to draw from both a plan for the
      conclusion of a treaty. To this the British ministers assented, and the
      conditions they sent were comprised in this one article&mdash;that,
      assuming the right of England to treat with her own colonies independently
      of foreign intervention, as an unquestionable principle, if France would
      cease her interference, and withdraw her troops from America, they would
      readily concur in establishing the harmony which had subsisted for fifteen
      years between the two crowns. On the other hand, the French ministers
      required that England should withdraw her forces from America; that she
      should acknowledge the independence of the United States; and that the
      French court should be granted the power of bringing forward additional
      demands for amending and explaining treaties. Such demands as these could
      not be conceded, and then the King of Spain offered these three different
      proposals of his own, as proper to produce a pacification&mdash;namely,
      that there should either be a truce between England and the colonies for
      twenty-five years, during which a peace might be negociated, and the
      separate articles in dispute with France amicably adjusted; or that there
      should be a truce with France, including the colonies; or that there
      should be an indefinite truce both with the colonies and with France, to
      determine only after a year's notice, during which plenipotentiaries of
      England, France, and America might form a congress at Madrid, with Spain
      as a fourth party. This latter convention was to be signed by the American
      agents at Paris, subject to the approval of congress, which France was to
      pledge herself should be obtained, and in the meantime the colonies were
      to enjoy freedom of trade and independence, and the British forces were to
      be either withdrawn from America, or greatly reduced. The British
      ministers replied, that any such plan seemed to proceed on every principle
      which had been disclaimed, and to contain every term which had been
      rejected; and they declared, that if compelled to grant such extreme
      conditions, it would be more consistent with the dignity of the British
      nation to grant them directly to America, without the intervention of any
      foreign power. Before this final reply reached Madrid, however, the
      Spanish monarch threw off the mask, and ordered his ambassador to quit
      London, leaving the manifesto behind him as a justification of war. This
      manifesto contained nearly one hundred grievances; and not the least of
      these was, that Great Britain had insulted Spain by rejecting her
      mediation&mdash;a mediation which was evidently commenced with the one
      design of inducing a rupture between the two nations.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SPANISH ATTEMPT UPON GIBRALTAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the rupture took place between England and Spain, the Spanish
      ambassador had delicately hinted to our ministers, that, if they would
      restore the rock of Gibraltar to his monarch, he would consent to remain
      neutral. This price, however, was deemed too high by our ministers for
      what must have been, after all, a doubtful neutrality; and hence, after
      war was declared, the first thoughts of the Spaniards were directed to the
      siege of that wonderful rock. Before hostilities commenced, indeed,
      Florida Banca, in order to facilitate this grand object, had entered into
      a regular treaty with the Emperor of Morocco; he calculating that, by that
      act, the Moors would be prevented from supplying the garrison of Gibraltar
      with provisions, as they had hitherto done, and that Ceuta, the other
      pillar of Hercules on the African coast, belonging to Spain, would be left
      unmolested by them during the siege. Having done this, a large army was
      collected at St. Roque, Algeziras, and the Campo near Gibraltar, and
      immediately after the declaration of war, this force began its laborious
      operations for the reduction of Gibraltar. But many events demand notice
      before the results of these operations are recorded, for not a gleam of
      success attended their operations during this year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRENCH AND ENGLISH FLEETS IN THE CHANNEL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the earliest measures after war was declared by Spain, was the
      junction of the fleets of the house of Bourbon. On a sudden d'Orvilliers
      sailed out of Brest, with thirty French sail of the line, and being joined
      by thirty-eight Spanish ships of the line, he made his way for the English
      coasts. At this time our fleet, which did not exceed thirty-eight sail of
      the line, was under the command of Admiral Hardy; and while he was
      cruizing in the soundings, the French and Spaniards appeared off Plymouth.
      One ship of sixty-four guns and a number of coasting-vessels were captured
      by them; but after parading two or three days before Plymouth, they were
      driven out of the Channel by a strong east wind. The same wind which drove
      the French and Spaniards out of the Channel had prevented Hardy from
      entering it; but at length the wind shifted to the westward, and he, in
      sight of the enemy, then gained its entrance, and England was safe. For,
      although d'Orvilliers, conscious of his superior strength, wished to
      engage Hardy out of the Channel, he would not hazard a battle in the
      narrow sea, where the advantage of numbers would have been lost for want
      of sea-room, and where the navigation would have been dangerous. Hardy,
      therefore, having outmanoeuvred the French admiral, proudly anchored at
      Spithead; and soon after the coast was covered with troops, volunteers,
      and militia, while fresh ships were fitted out, and cruizers at sea were
      recalled to the channel. Such a formidable front was shown, that the
      French and Spaniards were compelled to retire. They sailed for Brest where
      they lay for several months inactive and useless, and where thousands of
      them died from a terrible sickness which had broken out among them while
      laying off the English coast. Added to this misfortune, the Spaniards, who
      had sent their ships to sea in the hope of achieving high and mighty
      enterprises, soon found that this naval war with England was to follow the
      general rule, and to cost them ships and wealth, which they could not well
      spare. In the course of this year the British captured a large Spanish
      frigate off the Western Islands, and another off Cape Finisterre; a
      Spanish register-ship, carrying a considerable treasure from Lima to
      Cadiz; a rich Manilla ship, said to be the richest taken since the galleon
      captured by Lord Anson; another plate-ship with 200,000 dollars in specie
      and a quantity of bullion, &amp;c.; and finally, a great variety of small
      Spanish craft. At the close of the year, therefore, the Spanish monarch
      had reason to deplore his rashness in entering into this war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS IN THE WEST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the year the transatlantic war was carried on with various success.
      In the month of January, Vice-admiral Byron arrived at St. Lucie with nine
      sail of the line, and there joined Rear-admiral Barrington. This compelled
      the Count d'Estaing to act on the defensive. He took refuge in Martinique,
      where he remained five months, and nothing could induce him to issue from
      his safe retreat. While here he was joined by some ships under Count de
      Grasse, and fresh land-troops also arrived from France. On the other hand,
      Byron's fleet was also reinforced by some ships under Admiral Rowley. Both
      fleets, however, remained inactive till Byron sailed away to escort our
      homeward-bound West India fleet to a certain latitude. The French admiral
      now detached a small force to St. Vincent, where the Caribs joined the
      French, and where the English garrison thus assailed capitulated. After
      this d'Estaing proceeded with his whole fleet and 9000 land-troops to
      Grenada. Lord Macartney, the governor, had only one hundred and fifty
      regulars, and about three hundred militia to oppose to him; but he made a
      brave resistance with this little force, and even repulsed the first
      assault of nearly 3000 French troops. His lines, however, were stormed,
      and after Macartney had retired into the fort he was compelled to
      surrender at discretion. Before he surrendered, however, Admiral Byron,
      who had returned from escorting the trade, appeared off the island, and
      attempted its relief. An engagement took place between the British and
      French fleets, in which some of the English ships were disabled, and the
      French lost 1200 men killed, and 2000 wounded. Night put an end to the
      action, and although in the course of the day the white flag was seen
      waving over the capital of Grenada, which was a proof that Lord Macartney
      had been compelled to surrender, Byron remained on the scene of action,
      hoping that the enemy would engage him again on the morrow. In the
      morning, however, he discovered that d'Estaing had gone back to Grenada
      and Byron bore away to St. Christopher. Great alarm prevailed among our
      remaining West India Islands, for d'Estaing had boasted that he would
      capture the whole during the summer; but he soon sailed away to
      Hispaniola, and then to the coasts of Georgia and Carolina to aid the
      Americans.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN GEORGIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After Lower Georgia had submitted to Colonel Campbell, he resolved to
      prosecute his success by an advance into Upper Georgia. In this expedition
      he met with few interruptions. On his approach to Augusta, the second city
      of the province, the American troops fled from the town, and the
      inhabitants took the oath of allegiance to the British monarch, and formed
      themselves into companies for their own defence. Campbell was now not far
      from a part of North Carolina where the majority of the population were
      known to be royalists, and he detached Lieutenant-colonel Hammond, with
      two hundred infantry mounted on horseback, to encourage them to take up
      arms. The progress of the royal arms in the Southern States was alarming,
      and the provincials resolved to arrest it. In the month of January,
      congress despatched General Lincoln to take the command of some regiments
      raised in North-Carolina, and to unite them with the remnant of the army
      of Georgia. Lincoln took post on the north bank of the river, about
      fifteen miles above the town of Savannah. He was thus posted and preparing
      for action when Colonel Campbell made his expedition into Upper Georgia.
      Soon after this Campbell returned to England, and Augusta was evacuated,
      as being too distant a post to be supported. Lincoln now marched along the
      northern bank of the river, with a view of crossing it and reconquering
      Georgia. In the meantime General Prevost left Savannah, and marched for
      Charlestown, the capital of South Carolina, in the hope of taking it by
      surprise. He appeared before that city on the 11th of May, and on the
      following day it was summoned to surrender. The summons was unheeded, and
      Prevost having viewed the lines, which could not be forced without a great
      loss of men, and knowing that the garrison was more numerous than his
      troops, and that Lincoln was hastening to its relief, retired towards
      Georgia. He took possession of John's Island, which was separated from the
      continent by a small inlet of the sea, commonly called Stone River. His
      intention was to have remained in that island until ammunition should
      arrive from New York, but discovering that Lincoln was advancing to Lower
      Georgia, he departed for Savannah, to defend the fortress, leaving Colonel
      Maitland, with a garrison of eight hundred men, to protect St. John's. An
      attempt was made by General Lincoln to cut off this force, but his attack
      was bravely repulsed, and the American general, dispirited by his
      non-success, attempted no further operations until the arrival of the
      French fleet under d'Estaing.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPT OF THE AMERICANS TO REDUCE SAVANNAH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was at the beginning of September that the French fleet arrived off the
      mouth of the Savannah River. Its appearance was so sudden that an English
      fifty-gun ship, a small frigate, and two store-ships were surprised, and,
      after some severe fighting, captured. As soon as d'Estaing arrived,
      Lincoln directed his march from South Carolina to Savannah. Before his
      arrival d'Estaing landed about 3000 men at Beaulieu, and marching straight
      to Savannah, summoned General Prevost to surrender the town to the arms of
      France. Prevost, who had called in all his detachments and garrisons in
      Georgia, and had put the town in the best possible state of defence,
      declined answering a general summons, and requested a suspension of arms
      for twenty-four hours. Imagining that this period was required to draw up
      terms of capitulation, d'Estaing granted these terms, fully calculating
      that, at the expiration of the time, Savannah would be taken without the
      waste of a single shot. Prevost's motive, however, for requiring so many
      hours before he gave his answer to the summons was, to give Colonel
      Maitland time to reach the city to aid in its defence. Maitland arrived,
      after a laborious march, and threw himself into Savannah with his eight
      hundred veterans, and then Prevost informed d'Estaing that the place would
      be defended to the last extremity. General Lincoln joined the French on
      the 16th, and after spending a few days in quarrelling with d'Estaing for
      not waiting for him, and for not summoning the place in the name of
      congress, instead of the French king, having made up the quarrel they
      commenced the siege. Their batteries were ready to open on the 14th of
      October, and, in the meantime, the beseiged had not been idle. The
      defences had been daily improved, and two successful sorties were made, in
      which many of the allies were killed and wounded. The batteries were at
      length opened: fifty-three large cannon and fourteen mortars kept up an
      incessant fire upon the town. By this time the besieging army, reinforced
      by the militia of South Carolina, under Governor Rutledge, amounted to
      nearly 10,000 men, while General Prevost's whole force did not exceed a
      fourth part of that number. The batteries played upon the town for five
      days, during which time no visible impression was made upon the works, and
      but little injury was done to the houses. In the midst of this firing,
      indeed, Prevost had contrived to mount nearly one hundred guns, and all
      the open or weak parts of the town were strengthened with impalements,
      traverses, abattis, and redoubts, the last being constructed of green
      spongy wood and trunks of trees, with the interstices filled up with mud
      and sand. Perceiving that he made no progress, d'Estaing became impatient
      and alarmed, for he feared that while he was taking Savannah, the British
      fleet in the West Indies might capture all the French islands. His
      officers also suggested that if the British fleet were to follow them to
      the Savannah River, the effect might be fatal while so many were employed
      in the siege; and that if they remained at the stormy season of the year
      upon that insecure coast, the fleet might be scattered by storms, and
      destroyed piecemeal by the British ships. Under these circumstances,
      contrary to the advice of General Lincoln, the count resolved to try the
      effects of an assault by storm, and on the morning of the 9th of October
      he made the rash attempt. Before daybreak, after a heavy cannonade and
      bombardment, and an unsuccessful attempt to set fire to the abattis, the
      French and Americans, to the number of 5000, advanced to the right of the
      British lines. They advanced in two columns; one being led by d'Estaing
      and Lincoln, and the other by Count Dillon, an Irishman in the service of
      France. The column under Dillon, mistaking its way, became entangled in a
      morass near the fortress, and exposed to its fire; and while great numbers
      were slain, the rest were unable to form. The other column advanced
      against a redoubt, but as soon as it was discovered, the allies became
      exposed to a continual blaze of musketry from its guns, and to a murderous
      cross-fire from the adjoining batteries, which mowed down whole ranks, and
      threw the head of the column into confusion. Other men were urged on to
      fill up the gaps; and the column at length got to the foot of the redoubt.
      Here the conflict became more dreadful than ever. For a few minutes the
      French and American standards were planted on the parapet, but they were
      soon hurled from thence. The fire of the redoubt and the batteries being
      aided by a well-posted armed brig flanking the right of the British lines,
      made the whole column stagger and reel like drunken men; and Colonel
      Maitland, seizing the critical moment, issued forth with a mixed corps of
      grenadiers and marines, and charged them at the point of the bayonet. This
      charge decided the contest. The French and Americans were driven far
      beyond the ditch, leaving behind them about nine hundred killed and
      wounded; while, on the part of the English, there were only fifty-five
      killed, wounded, and missing. D'Estaing himself was wounded, as were also
      several French officers of rank, and the Polish Count Pulawski here
      finished his career. The issue of this battle determined the siege: the
      allies immediately separated, the provincials retiring to their homes, and
      the French setting sail for the West Indies. D'Estaing had scarcely
      embarked when his fleet was dispersed by a storm; and while some reached
      their destination, the rest, with the count himself, sailed for France.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH INCURSIONS INTO VIRGINIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the operations in Georgia, the British fleet under Sir George
      Collier, who had succeeded Admiral Gambier, had been attacking Virginia,
      in which attack he was aided by a detachment of soldiers under General
      Matthews. Their first attempt was an expedition to the Chesapeak, where
      they demolished Fort Nelson, the grand defence of the American dock-yard
      at Gos-port; and a similar scene of destruction was exhibited at the town
      of Suffolk, Kempe's Landing, Tanner's Creek, and other places in the lower
      part of the district. At the same time, the "Otter" sloop, and the
      privateers sailing far up the bay, took a great number of prizes, and
      burned, or caused the Americans themselves to burn, a great number of
      vessels. In the end, indeed, scarcely any American craft were left
      floating on these waters. The last exploit of this expedition was to
      demolish the fort and destroy the navy-yard of Portsmouth; when Collier
      and Matthews returned to New York, after an absence of only twenty-four
      days.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF STONEY-POINT AND VERPLANKS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A few days after the arrival of Collier and Matthews at New York, another
      detachment, under General Vaughan, and accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton
      himself, proceeded up the Hudson against Verplanks-neck, and Stoney-point,
      where Washington's people were erecting fortifications. A division of the
      army landed on the eastern side of the river on Verplank's-neck, while the
      commander-in-chief proceeded to the western side against Stoney-point.
      Both these posts, which commanded the Hudson, and by means of which
      Washington had kept up his communication between the middle and northern
      colonies, were captured, with the loss of only one man wounded. At Fort
      Lafayette, which was the main defence of Verplanks-point, all the garrison
      surrendered as prisoners of war; but, at Stoney-point, the garrison fled
      at the approach of the British troops. Sir Henry Clinton left considerable
      garrisons at these places, and then returned to New York.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1779-1780
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH EXPEDITION AGAINST CONNECTICUT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      General Clinton, soon after his return to New York, proposed inflicting a
      severe chastisement on the Connecticut people, and tempting Washington
      down from the highlands to defend the sea-coast. For this purpose a
      detachment of land-troops under Major-general Tryon, supported by Admiral
      Collier, advanced on Connecticut. They first attacked Newhaven, where they
      destroyed the artillery, ammunition, and stores, with all the vessels in
      the harbour. Fairfield was next attacked, and having encountered a severe
      opposition by the inhabitants, when the place was captured it was reduced
      to ashes. The same fate awaited Norwalk and Greenfield; and Tryon then
      intended to make a descent at New London, the great rendezvous for the
      Connecticut privateers. As the militia of this state, however, were by
      this time joined by some regular troops detached from Washington's army,
      he deemed it expedient to return towards New York to obtain
      reinforcements. The fleet fell back, therefore, on Long Island, to wait
      for an additional supply of troops and ammunition. In this expedition much
      spoils were captured.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STONEY-POINT RE-CAPTURED, BUT DESERTED AT THE APPROACH OF THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Washington, roused by these disasters, undertook operations which not only
      prevented Clinton from reinforcing Tryon, but compelled him to recall the
      whole of that devastating expedition. Before the garrison could put
      Stoney-point in any defensive order, he dispatched General Wayne to fall
      upon it by night, and the troops left there by Clinton were all either
      killed or taken prisoners. Wayne opened a fire across the river upon Fort
      Lafayette, expecting to see another strong detachment appear from the
      ranks of Washington on the land side of that fort. This detachment did not
      appear in time; for when Clinton discovered this reverse he sent a
      detachment up the river, in transports, to assist the garrison, and their
      arrival occurred almost simultaneously. On the arrival of the transports,
      the Americans gave up their brief siege of Fort Lafayette, and retreated,
      as did those likewise who had retaken Stoney-point. Clinton himself had
      followed the transports in full force, hoping that Washington would quit
      his position to defend Stoney-point; but when he found that his hope was
      fallacious he returned to New York.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH GARRISON SURPRISED AT PAULUS-HOOK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The successful enterprise of General Wayne was followed by a similar
      enterprise against a British garrison at Paulus-hook on the Jersey coast.
      This was conducted by General Lee, who, on the 17th of July, fell suddenly
      upon that garrison, and killed about thirty and captured one hundred and
      sixty prisoners. The Americans, however, were speedily expelled from
      Paulus-hook, without having destroyed either the barracks or artillery.
      Their retreat was as disgraceful as their attack had been spirited and
      well conducted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN DISASTER AT PENOBSCOT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of June, General Francis Maclean, who commanded the
      British troops in Nova Scotia, proceeded with a detachment of six hundred
      and fifty men in transports, conveyed by three sloops of war, to the Bay
      of Penobscot, in order to form a settlement, and to establish a post which
      might serve the double purpose of checking the incursions of the people of
      Massachusets Bay into Nova Scotia; and to obtain ship-timber for the use
      of the king's yards at Halifax and other ports in America, He had already
      commenced the construction of a fort on the Penobscot River, when a
      hostile armament, consisting of 3000 troops, which had been fitted out by
      the executive government of Massachusets, appeared in the bay to thwart
      his designs. Being prevented from entering the harbour by the presence of
      the three English sloops of war, which were anchored right across the
      mouth; on the night of the 28th of June, the American troops climbed up
      some steep precipices on the opposite side of that tongue of land; dragged
      up some artillery, and erected a battery within a few hundred yards of the
      unfinished fort. But Maclean was prepared for this manouvre. He had filled
      up his bastions with logs of timber; had carried a sort of <i>chevaux-de-frise</i>
      round the fort; and had constructed platoons and mounted his artillery.
      He, therefore, returned fire for fire, and the American troops being
      chiefly militia, or undisciplined recruits, soon grew weary of the
      business, and longed to return. They were commanded by General Lovel, who
      perceiving that he could not effect his object with such lovers of home,
      applied to General Gates for a reinforcement of regular troops. A regiment
      was sent by Gates; but before this force arrived Sir George Collier came
      to the assistance of Maclean with a squadron and some land-troops; and the
      Americans, leaving their works, ran to their ships, embarked, and
      endeavoured to make for Boston harbour. But this was now impracticable.
      Two of the largest vessels, in endeavouring to gain the open sea, were
      intercepted, and one was captured; while the other ran on shore and was
      blown up by her own crew. The other American ships entered the mouth of
      the Penobscot River, where | they were abandoned by the Americans, both
      soldiers and sailors, who landed and fled for their lives. Nearly all the
      ships were captured or destroyed by the British sailors, who were close in
      their wake; while the fugitives who had landed in a wild country, had to
      traverse a pathless desert for upwards of a hundred miles, before they
      could reach any human habitation. On their route a quarrel took place
      between the seamen and landsmen, and a battle was fought in which fifty or
      sixty lives were lost, and a great many more perished from fatigue and
      famine. This exploit terminated Sir George Collier's career. When he
      returned to New York he found himself superseded by Admiral Arbuthnot, and
      he returned to England. The season for action was not yet over, but a
      rumour that d'Estaing intended to attack New York, compelled Sir Henry
      Clinton to forego all thoughts of further operations, and he even withdrew
      the garrison from Rhode Island, for the purpose of concentrating his
      force.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN RETALIATION ON THE INDIANS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the Americans took a terrible revenge on their old
      enemies, the Indians. At the head of 5000 men General Sullivan undertook
      an expedition against the Indian tribes beyond the Mohawk River and upon
      the upper course of the Susquehanna. In the month of August he encountered
      a body of eight hundred savages and two hundred whites, under Brandt,
      Butler, and others acquainted with the art of war; whom, after a bloody
      conflict, he defeated. Sullivan then penetrated into the very heart of
      their country, where his followers destroyed houses, corn-fields, gardens,
      fruit-trees, and everything that would afford sustenance to man or beast.
      Such were the positive orders of congress, and Sullivan proved himself to
      be their willing agent in the evil work. Congress passed a vote approving
      his conduct, but Washington, whose exertions were crippled by the
      expedition, in consequence of the great force employed in it, inveighed
      bitterly against it, and in the end Sullivan retired from public service
      in disgust. While this terrible chastisement was inflicted on the tribes
      northward of Pennsylvania and New York, similar expeditions were Kent out
      from the southern provinces for the same purpose. On the other hand,
      whilst the Americans were spreading devastation and laying waste the towns
      of their savage enemies, the Indians, whose appetite for revenge was
      whetted by their disasters, made incursions into the provincial
      settlements, and made severe retaliation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SPANISH INCURSIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As Spain had concealed her hostile intentions towards England until
      preparations for war were completed, it was not a matter of surprise to
      see her commencing hostilities on the other side of the Atlantic, with all
      the advantages of early information and previous design. No sooner was war
      announced than Don Bernardo Galvez, Governor of Louisiana, made an
      incursion into West Florida, and invested and captured a British fort
      garrisoned with five hundred men, at the mouth of the Ibbeville. The fate
      of almost the whole of the Mississippi was involved in the fall of this
      fort, for the Spaniards overran a district of 1200 miles in extent; and
      only left the eastern part of the province, with the strong fort of Mobile
      untouched. With equal alacrity the Spanish Governor of Honduras commenced
      hostilities against the British cutters of logwood in the Bay of Honduras,
      and plundered the principal establishment at St. George's Key. The
      logwood-cutters, who were chiefly sailors and men of a daring spirit,
      retreated before the Spaniards, and kept together in an inaccessible
      place, until the Governor of Jamaica dispatched Captain Dalrymple, with a
      small body of Irish volunteers, to convey to them a supply of arms. Sir
      Peter Parker dispatched a sloop of war to co-operate, and this sloop,
      having taken Dalrymple and his party on board, quickly drove the Spaniards
      from St. George's Key and all that part of the coast. The sloop was
      shortly after joined by a small squadron under Captain Luttrell, who had
      been cruizing to intercept two Spanish register-ships, which had taken
      refuge under the strong fortress of St. Fernando de Omoa. Dalrymple,
      Luttrell, and the chiefs of the British bay-men resolved to attack this
      fort, which was the key of the whole settlement of Honduras; and a motley
      force of log-wood-cutters, sailors, soldiers, and volunteers proceeded
      against it. They had no artillery available for the purpose, and therefore
      they resolved to take the fort by surprise and assault. As they approached
      they were discovered by the garrison, but the works were nevertheless
      carried by escalade; and the garrison were so panic-stricken at the bold
      movement, that the Spanish governor could not keep them to their guns. One
      hundred escaped by flight, and the rest, amounting to five hundred men,
      surrendered as prisoners of war. The assailants now made for the harbour
      in search of the register-ships; and although the greater part of the
      treasure had been removed to a place of safety, there was still a galleon
      in the harbour, and an immense quantity of quicksilver, which, with other
      objects that fell into the hands of the conquerors, were of the estimated
      value of 3,000,000 dollars. The loss of the quicksilver was severely felt
      by the Spaniards, and they offered to redeem it at any price. They also
      made liberal offers for ransoming the fort; but the captors, preferring
      the public good to private emolument, refused all terms. At the same time
      they restored the plate found in the churches, to procure the liberation
      of some logwood-cutters who had been taken at George's Key. A garrison was
      left to defend Fort Omoa, but the unhealthiness of the station led to its
      evacuation, and it was recovered by the Spaniards. They found the guns
      spiked, however, and the works for the most part demolished.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACTION BETWEEN PAUL JONES AND CAPTAIN PEARSON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most active partisans in the American cause was the celebrated
      Paul Jones. This man was a native of Scotland, and the son of a gardener
      of Galloway. He had taken to the sea at a very early age, and had finally
      settled in Virginia. At the breaking out of the war he offered his
      services to congress, and a commission was given him, under which he
      cruised among our West India Islands, where he made many prizes. His
      nautical skill and his success were so great that he acquired the name of
      the best of all corsair captains. In 1777 he was appointed to the command
      of a French-built ship under American colours, and he then proceeded upon
      a cruise to the coast of Britain. Many were the exploits which he
      transacted. He took many prizes in places where the American flag had
      never before been seen; he made a descent at the mouth of the Dee, near to
      Kirkcudbright, and plundered the house of the Earl of Selkirk; and he made
      another descent on the Cumberland coast, spiked the guns of the fort at
      Whitehaven, and burned one or two vessels. He also cruised up and down
      between the Solway and the Clyde; scaring the whole coast, after which he
      returned to Brest, boasting that he had kept the north-western coast of
      England and the southern coast of Scotland in a constant state or alarm.
      In the summer of the present year he returned to cruise along our eastern
      coasts, having at this time a squadron manned by desperadoes of various
      countries under his command. Alarm spread from Flamboroughhead to the
      Frith of Tay, for the name of Paul Jones had become synonymous with all
      that is terrible. His great object this year was to intercept the Baltic
      trade, which was under the convoy of Captain Pearson, in the ship
      "Serapis," of forty guns, and Captain Piercy, in the "Countess of
      Scarborough," of twenty guns. This fleet arrived safely off the Yorkshire
      coast, when Paul Jones appeared to encounter it. Captain Pearson made a
      signal for his convoy to bear down under his lee; and he himself made way
      to get between the enemy's ships and the convoy. The "Countess of
      Scarborough" took a similar position, and while the enemy was advancing,
      the merchant-vessels made their way in haste to the shore. At length the
      squadron of Paul Jones, consisting of three large ships, a cutter, and a
      brig, reached the "Serapis" and the "Countess," and a terrible conflict
      took place between the former and the "Bon Homme Richard," a two-decker,
      carrying forty guns, and which was Paul Jones's own ship. The two ships
      were brought into such a situation that the muzzles of their guns came in
      contact, and in this manner the action continued with the greatest fury
      for two hours, during which time Jones, who had far more men than his
      opponent, vainly attempted to board, and the "Serapis" was set on fire ten
      or twelve times. The fire each time was extinguished, and Captain Pearson
      had the best of the battle; but, in the meantime the "Countess of
      Scarborough" had been disabled by the other ships of the enemy, and then
      one of the frigates came to the assistance of the "Bon Homme Richard."
      Almost every man on the quarter or main-decks of the "Serapis" was killed
      or wounded by the united fire of the enemy; and the calamity was increased
      by the accidental ignition of a cartridge of powder near one of the lower
      deck-ports, and the flames spreading from cartridge to cartridge all the
      way aft, blew up the whole of the officers and people that were quartered
      abaft the mainmast. In this state Captain Pearson was compelled to strike
      his colours, and Captain Piercy was under the necessity of following his
      example. The "Bon Homme Richard," however, was in a still more pitiful
      condition than the "Serapis." Her quarters and counter on the lower deck
      were driven in; all her guns on the deck were dismounted; her decks were
      strewed with killed and wounded; and she was on fire in two different
      places, and had seven feet of water in her hold. On the day after the
      battle Paul Jones was obliged to quit her, and she sank with a great
      number of her wounded on board. The prizes were carried by their captor
      into the Texel, and the French government gave Paul Jones thanks, in the
      name of Louis XVI., and conferred upon him the Order of Merit! Congress,
      also, at a later date, sent him a vote of thanks, and promoted him to the
      command of a new ship, called the "America!"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the recess, some partial changes occurred in the administration.
      Lord Stormont was made secretary of state, in the room of Lord Suffolk,
      deceased. Earl Bathurst was made lord president of the council, Earl Gower
      having resigned office in disgust; the Earl of Hillsborough succeeded the
      Earl of Weymouth as secretary of the southern department; and the Earl of
      Carlisle was nominated first lord of trade and plantations, which was an
      ancient office resuscitated. Mr. Thurlow had received the great seal, with
      a peerage, last session, and he was succeeded as attorney-general by
      Wedderburn, while Wallace took Wedderburn's place of solicitor-general.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 25th of November. In his speech the king called upon
      the two houses to exert their efforts along with him in defence of their
      country against the unprovoked attacks of their enemies; congratulated his
      hearers that the designs and attempts of France and Spain to invade this
      kingdom had been frustrated; exalted the exemplary conduct of the national
      militia; returned his cordial thanks to all loyal subjects who had stood
      forward in the present momentous trial; and recommended the state of
      Ireland to consideration. Nothing was said by his majesty concerning
      America or the Americans, but the commons were told that it was with
      extreme concern that his majesty saw the great and inevitable expenses
      which his naval and military forces would require. His majesty concluded
      by saying, that, trusting in Divine Providence, and in the justice of his
      cause, he was firmly resolved to prosecute the war with vigour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address was opposed in the house of lords by the Marquess of
      Rockingham, who moved an amendment, omitting every word which it contained
      except the title, and inserting a prayer instead, beseeching his majesty
      to reflect on the extent of territory, the power, the opulence, the
      reputation abroad, and the concord at home which distinguished the
      commencement of his reign; and now on the endangered, impoverished,
      enfeebled, distracted, and even dismembered state of his kingdom, after
      all the enormous grants of successive parliaments. The amendment concluded
      by requesting his majesty to resort to new counsels and new counsellors,
      without further loss of time, as the only remedy for the existing evils.
      In his speech, the Marquess of Rockingham censured the facility with which
      the two ambassadors, Lords Grantham and Stormont, had suffered themselves
      to be deceived by the craft of France and Spain; asserted that the clause
      in the speech which spoke of the blessings of living under his majesty's
      happy government, was insulting to the common sense of the house, as all
      those blessings were turned into curses; attacked the first lord of the
      admiralty on various points connected with his administration; attributed
      all the discontents in Ireland to the folly and bad faith of ministers,
      who had made promises which they had not performed; and, finally,
      denounced the war in America as bloody, malignant, and diabolical. In
      reply, Lord Stormont imputed a great part of the misfortunes which
      surrounded us to the incautious and violent language used in parliament.
      Lord Mansfield expressed his conviction that nothing but a comprehensive
      union of all parties could effect the salvation of the country. How far
      the temper of the nation and the state of parties might admit of such a
      coalition he could not decide; but the event, he said, was devoutly to be
      wished. The amendment was negatived by eighty-two against forty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar amendment to that of the Marquess of Rockingham, was moved in
      the commons by Lord John Cavendish. In both houses, also, the arguments
      and invectives employed were allied in character. The ministers were
      accused of ruining both army and navy by their compliances with court
      predilections; by their fear and jealousy of every officer of merit; by
      their criminal tardiness; and by their want of a consistent plan of
      military operations. Charles Fox went a step further than most of the
      speakers in opposition. He declared that treachery and not ignorance must
      have prevailed in the national councils, to reduce the nation to so
      miserable a condition; and he warned ministers that when the nation was
      reduced to such a state of wretchedness and distraction that the laws of
      the land could afford no relief, the law of nature would put arms into the
      hands of the people, and then they, who had caused the evil, would suffer
      for their mal-administration. In reply, Lord North indignantly denied that
      any treachery was resorted to by ministers, and called upon the opposition
      to stand forth like men, and make good such vague accusations. Laws, he
      said, existed for the protection of the innocent; and if his accusers
      adhered to the laws, he had nothing to fear. Lord North, also, defended
      with considerable ingenuity the management of the war; asserting that,
      from its extensive nature, it was impossible to keep a force superior to
      the enemy at every point; and affirming that the fleets of France and
      Spain, which had been raised to the ruin of their finances, had gained
      neither honour nor advantage, and were already falling into weakness and
      decrepitude. The amendment was negatived by two hundred and thirty-three
      against one hundred and thirty-four.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD SHELBURNE ATTACKS MINISTERS IN THE CASE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although Ireland had been misgoverned for centuries, yet opposition, in
      the course of these debates attributed every mischief in that country to
      the present ministers. In both houses assurances were given that
      satisfactory plans of relief were in contemplation, but even then
      opposition were not disarmed. Having procured a summons of the house, on
      the 1st of December the Earl of Shelburne moved a resolution, declaring
      ministers highly censurable for having neglected to take measures for the
      relief of Ireland, in conformity with the address of the lords to his
      majesty during the last session. In introducing this motion, the Earl of
      Shelburne declared that the government of Ireland had been abdicated, and
      that the people would be justified, by the principles of the constitution
      and the laws of self-preservation, in taking back its power into their own
      hands. In the course of his speech he read the address of both houses of
      the Irish parliament, which declared that nothing less than free trade
      would rescue that country from ruin; and he asserted that all classes of
      society concurred in this opinion. Ministers were defended by Lord
      Hillsborough, who maintained that no delay could be fairly imputed to
      them; that measures for the relief of Ireland must emanate from
      parliament, and were not to be entered upon without due information and
      consideration; and that ministers had been active in collecting such
      information and making arrangements, the result of which would shortly be
      laid before the house. The debate was chiefly rendered remarkable by some
      words uttered by Earl Gower, who had lately retired from the
      administration. After stating that he must, in fairness, oppose the
      motion, as ministers required a few days for their exculpation, he
      remarked:&mdash;"I have presided for some years at the council-table, but
      have seen such things pass of late that no man of honour or conscience
      could any longer sit there." The motion was rejected by eighty-two against
      thirty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD OSSORY'S ATTACK ON MINISTERS RESPECTING IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day that Shelburne made his motion, Lord North communicated
      some additional papers respecting Ireland, and gave notice, that he would,
      in about a week, move for a committee of the whole house to enter upon
      this subject. Opposition, however, seem to have considered Ireland a
      vulnerable point in the phalanx of the ministry; and before the time
      intimated by Lord North had expired, the Earl of Upper Ossory moved a vote
      of censure in the commons upon ministers for their neglect of the affairs
      of that country. This motion was seconded by Lord Middleton, and supported
      by Dunning, Burke, and Charles Fox, who, in general pursued the dangerous
      course of drawing parallels between the situation of Ireland and that of
      America. It was asserted, for instance, that ministers having failed in
      reducing the colonies by force, were ready to make large concessions to
      Ireland; but that the Irish people had suffered more from the loss of her
      share in the trade of America than from any other cause. It was also said,
      that if the thunders of the cabinet had not been hurled against Ireland;
      if Dublin had not been treated like Boston, and if Cork and Waterford had
      not been reduced to ashes like the towns of America, it was not through
      the enlightened policy of ministers, but from fear of the consequences of
      adopting stringent measures toward those refractory cities. These
      sentiments were exceedingly unwise, for at this very time armed
      associations and the non-importation agreements were in full force in
      Ireland, and a rebellious spirit displayed itself in the Irish
      parliament-house and throughout the whole length and breadth of the
      kingdom. In order to compel the British government to concede a free trade
      the Irish parliament had, indeed, according to the instructions received
      from their constituents, voted a money-bill for six months only, instead
      of two years, as usual; and the charges which opposition brought against
      ministers were as fallacious as they were unwise and unjust. This was
      fully proved by Lord North in his reply, who showed that the grievances
      complained of originated ages anterior to the existence of his ministry,
      and that the restrictions upon the trade and industry of the Irish people
      arose from our general system of trade; which, though conceived in
      ignorance and founded on prejudice, was so confirmed by habit that it
      seemed to become part and parcel of our very constitution. Lord North
      referred to the hostility which had been shown towards the attempts which
      had been made in the two preceding sessions to obtain a moderate
      relaxation of these restrictions, in proof of the truth of his assertions.
      Those who had undertaken the task, he observed, had been thwarted by their
      constituents, and by the people of England generally, as well as by the
      majority of the house. Something had been done, but more would have been
      done had it not been for the temper, prejudices, and habits of the people
      and the parliament. In conclusion, he contended that ministers had done
      more for Ireland than any other cabinet for the last century. They had
      enlarged the trade of that country; had given bounties to encourage the
      Irish Newfoundland fishery, and the growth of hemp and tobacco; had
      permitted the exportation of woollen cloth, &amp;c.; and had conferred
      many other benefits on the people. The motion was negatived by one hundred
      and seventy-three against one hundred.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITION FOR THE RELIEF OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord North brought forward his promised scheme of relief for Ireland on
      the 13th of December. This scheme consisted of three propositions: to
      allow a free export of wool, woollens, and wool-flocks; to allow a free
      export of glass and all kinds of manufactured glass; and to allow a free
      trade with all the British plantations on certain conditions; the basis of
      which was an equality of taxes and customs. In supporting these
      propositions Lord North entered minutely into the natural and inherent
      rights of Ireland; combated many inveterate prejudices; declared that the
      benefits of the two countries must be reciprocal and their interests
      mutual; and in short collected into one point of view all the liberal
      notions of commerce and policy which Burke and others of his party had
      long laboured to impress upon parliament. If Lord North was actuated by
      fear in making these large concessions, so also were the majority of the
      members in the house, for the very men who had clamoured against
      commercial concessions to Ireland, and had frustrated all measures in
      favour of this line of policy by their votes, now consented to the three
      resolutions, without the least opposition. Bills founded on the two first
      propositions were brought in, and passed both houses, and received the
      royal assent before the Christmas recess. The third proposition was
      delayed till the sentiments of the Irish concerning it could be
      ascertained. These sentiments were found to be favourable, and it was
      therefore soon carried. A few other benefits were also conferred on the
      Irish; suck as enabling them to become members of the Turkey Company, and
      to engage in the Levant trade. The whole appeared to give great
      satisfaction to the Irish nation. The acts were received as a boon, and
      great loyalty and affection were expressed. Unfortunately, however,
      ministers cut short their popularity by altering some bills, which gave
      great umbrage to the Irish people, and taught them even to desire
      independence. On this subject Dr. Miller writes:&mdash;"The bills altered
      on this occasion were not, as in the former case, money-bills: that folly
      the ministers did not venture to repeat: but one of them was a bill
      involving the dearest interests of the people; and the alteration was such
      as gave to the public mind the only impulse which it then required for
      aspiring to constitutional independence. The Irish parliament, not
      choosing that its military establishment should be longer regulated by a
      British mutiny-law, transmitted a bill of similar import. The minister, as
      if eager to indemnify himself for commercial concession by constitutional
      spoliation, introduced an alteration by which the lav/ was to be rendered
      perpetual; and the Irish parliament, though it passed the bill thus
      altered, was taught to look to freedom of constitution as the necessary
      safeguard to freedom of trade; to assert its own independence, while it
      unfettered the commerce of the country. When the minister had first, by
      the altered money-bills, alarmed the constitutional jealousy of the
      guardians of the public purse, he then, by another alteration, rendering
      the mutiny-law perpetual, manifested a desire of securing to government
      the uncontrolled direction of the military power. Language could not more
      forcibly exhort the people to be satisfied with no concessions merely
      commercial; but to insist that their country should be acknowledged as an
      independent, though not a separate state."
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1779-1780
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON ECONOMICAL REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While Lord North was endeavouring to allay the bad passions of the Irish
      people, a spirit of disaffection arose in England. The cause of this was
      the expenses of government: expenses which were for the most part
      unavoidable, but which in some cases may have arisen from lavish
      expenditure. But whatever was the cause, there was a long, loud, and
      universal cry in the country for economical reform, and it soon became the
      subject of debate in both houses of parliament. On the 7th of December the
      Duke of Richmond moved in the lords for an address to beseech his majesty
      to reflect on the manifold distresses and difficulties of the country; to
      represent that the waste of the public treasure required instant remedy,
      and that it was necessary to adopt that economy, which, by reforming all
      useless expenses, creates confidence in government, gives energy to its
      exertions, and provides the means for their continuance; to submit to his
      majesty that a reduction in the civil list would be an example worthy of
      his paternal affection for his people and his own dignity, and calculated
      to diffuse its influence through every department of the state; and to
      assure his majesty that the lords would readily concur in promoting so
      desirable a purpose, and that every one of its members would cheerfully
      submit to such reductions of emoluments as he might think proper to make.
      In support of this motion, the Duke of Richmond entered into a detailed
      statement of the existing vast military establishment; showed by a number
      of calculations the great increase of the national debt since the
      commencement of the American war; and urged the necessity of economical
      reform, suggesting that the king himself should set the example, that all
      classes of society might follow it. In the course of his speech, his grace
      contrasted the state of this country with the wise system of economy
      adopted by France under Neckar; asserting that our formidable neighbour
      was rising to wealth as fast as we were sinking in poverty. Yet with all
      his zeal for reform, the Duke of Richmond advocated the continuation of
      the pensions bestowed on the Pelhams, Walpoles, and Pitts, families of his
      own party, as being too sacred for the sacrilegious hand of parliament to
      touch. In reply, the lords in administration confessed that the
      expenditure was enormous, and that there had even been some want of
      economy; but while they made this confession, they opposed the motion,
      chiefly on the ground that it could not be of any great service, or at all
      adequate to the object proposed. It was insisted by them that the civil
      list could not bear any diminution; that it would be degrading to
      parliament, after having voted an augmentation, now to declare their
      inability to pay it; that the complaint of the waste of the public money
      was not substantiated by any kinds of proof; and that the nation was not
      so poor or reduced as the noble duke had represented. The motion was
      rejected by seventy-seven against thirty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of economical reform was introduced into the lower house by
      Mr. Burke on the 15th of December. Burke gave notice of his intention to
      propose some very important regulations after the Christmas recess, and in
      doing so, he also took occasion to extol the financial system of Neckar,
      to which he attributed the re-production of the French marine out of the
      wrecks and fragments of the last war. He anticipated, he said, a cool
      reception of the propositions he should make, since they would have a
      tendency to weaken court influence. He could only, however, make an offer,
      and if it was rejected the people must effect their own salvation. All the
      grievances of the nation, he observed, arose from the overgrown influence
      of the crown, and this influence was the creature of the prodigality of
      the commons. The operation of this influence, he said, was not confined to
      the superior orders of the state; it had insinuated itself into every
      section of the community. Scarcely a family in all England was so hidden
      or lost in the obscure recesses of society, which did not feel that it had
      something' to hope or to fear from the favour or displeasure of the crown.
      Government, he argued, should have force adequate to its functions, but no
      more; for if it had enough to support itself in abusing or neglecting
      them, they must ever be abused or neglected. Men would rely on power for a
      justification of their want of order, vigilance, foresight, and every
      other virtue or qualification of statesmen. The minister then might exist,
      he said, but the government was gone. He continued:&mdash;"It is thus that
      you see the same men, in the same power, sitting undisturbed before you,
      although thirteen colonies are lost&mdash;thus the marine of France and
      Spain has grown and prospered under their eye, and been fostered by their
      neglect&mdash;thus all hope of alliance in Europe is abandoned&mdash;thus
      three of our West India islands have been torn from us in one summer,
      while Jamaica, the most important of all, has been neglected, and every
      inquiry into that neglect stifled&mdash;thus Ireland has been brought into
      a state of distraction which no one dares to discuss." The disease of
      government, Burke remarked, was a repletion; the over-feeding of the
      stomach had destroyed the vigour of the limbs. He continued, that he had
      long ascertained the nature of the disorder, and its proper remedy; but as
      he was not naturally an economist, and was averse to experiment, he had
      not made hitherto any attempt to apply that remedy. Now, however, he was
      assisted by the temper of the times, and though he would not at that time
      disclose all the particulars of his plan, he would, nevertheless, state
      its end, objects, and limits. He proposed a regulation which would give
      £200,000 per annum to the public service, and annihilate a portion of
      influence equal to the places of fifty members of parliament, which would
      effectually remove the sources of corruption. This was the end and objects
      of his resolution. As regarded its limits, nothing, he said, which was
      held by any individual under a legal tenure would be invaded. Equity and
      mercy would be remembered in those cases where innocent persons had been
      decoyed into particular situations through the prodigality of parliament:
      the alterations would chiefly affect those who held offices from which
      they might be removed by ministerial arrangements. No employment really
      useful to the public would either be abolished or abridged of its
      emoluments, A fund, also, fully adequate to the reward of merit, would be
      left, and an ample provision would be secured to the crown for personal
      satisfaction, and for as much magnificence as was compatible with the
      distressed state of the nation. These propositions, Burke added in
      conclusion, were made with humility and integrity: he hoped that they
      would give confidence to the people, and strength to the government; that
      they would render the war vigorous, and peace refreshing. Burke's plan
      received high commendation from several members on his own side of the
      house, and especially by his friend and disciple, Charles Fox; but on the
      ministerial side of the house a profound and ominous silence prevailed. As
      Fox observed, it was evident there was not sufficient virtue in the house,
      or rather self-denial, to carry such a plan of economical reform.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1780-1781
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Burke's Plan of Economical Reform..... Rejection of Lord
     Shelburne's Motion for a Commission of Accounts......
     Ministerial Bill for Commission of Accounts..... Bill for
     excluding Contractors from Parliament rejected..... Motions
     regarding Places and Pensions..... Political
     Altercations..... Debates on the   Increase  of Crown
     Influence..... Lord North's Proposal respecting the East
     India Company..... General Conway's Plan of Reconciliation
     with America..... Popular Rage against the Catholics; Riots
     in London, etc...... Measures adopted by Parliament arising
     out of the London Riots..... Parliament  Prorogued.....
     Trial of Lord George Gordon and the Rioters..... Admiral
     Rodney's success against the   Spaniards..... Armed
     Neutrality..... Rodney   engages   the   French Fleet.....
     Expedition against South Carolina..... Battle of  Camden,
     etc...... Affairs at New York..... Treason of Arnold and
     Fate of Major André..... Maritime Losses sustained by the
     British..... War with Holland..... General Election.....
     Meeting of Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1780
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BURKE'S PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although from the silence of ministers Burke might have presaged he fate
      of his proposed plan of economical reform, yet he was greatly encouraged
      to proceed in his task by the voice of the nation. During the Christmas
      recess, petitions were got up in its favour in almost all the countries
      and great cities of England, and associations were formed in order to
      support a reform. Counter petitions were indeed framed, and in some
      instances protests were signed, but still it remained evident that the
      public feeling was with Burke. It was while the petitions in favour of his
      plan were pouring into the house that he brought it forward. After
      delivering an eloquent speech, which Gibbon says was heard with delight by
      all sides of the house, and even by those whose existence he proscribed,
      he detailed his scheme. This consisted of five bills, comprising the sale
      of forest-lands; the abolition of the royal jurisdictions of Wales,
      Cornwall, Cheshire, and Lancaster; the abolition, also, of treasurer,
      comptroller, and many other officers in the household, with the treasurer
      of the chamber, the wardrobe, etc., the boards of trade, green cloth, and
      works, the office of third secretary of state, the office of keepers of
      the royal hounds, and of many civil branches of the ordnance and the mint,
      with the patent offices of the exchequer; the regulation of the army,
      navy, and pension pay-offices, with some other departments not under due
      control; and finally a better arrangement of the civil list so as to
      prevent for the future any accumulation of debt, without any improper
      encroachment on the royal prerogative. Lord North passed very high
      encomiums on the author of this plan, and assured the house that no member
      was more zealous for the establishment of a permanent system of economy
      than he was; but he intimated that subjects so numerous and various
      required time for reflection and as some of them affected the king's
      patrimonial income, he thought the crown should be consulted. All the
      bills, except that which related to the crown-lands and to Wales, and the
      counties palatine of Chester and Lancaster, were brought in, however, and
      the portions of the plan submitted to deliberation occupied a considerable
      part of the months of March, April, and May, and gave rise to many
      animated debates, and several close divisions. But, in the end, all the
      clauses were negatived, except that for abolishing the board of trade, and
      the only saving to the country by this triumph of the opposition, was
      about £6000 per annum!
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REJECTION OF LORD SHELBURNE'S MOTION FOR A COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day that Burke gave notice of his plan of economical reform,
      the Earl of Shelburne gave notice that he would, after the Christmas
      recess, move for a commission of accounts. In accordance with this
      professed intention, on the 8th of February the noble earl, therefore,
      moved for the appointment of a committee, to consist of members of both
      houses, possessing neither employments nor pensions, to examine the public
      expenditure and the mode of accounting for the same, and especially to
      inquire into the manner of making all contracts; and at the same time to
      take into consideration, what saving could be made, consistent with public
      dignity, justice, and gratitude, by an abolition of old and newly created
      offices, etc. In support of his motion the Earl of Shelburne exposed the
      profusion pervading all branches of government, and declared that his main
      object was to destroy that undue influence which pervaded both houses of
      parliament. The motion was seconded by the Earl of Coventry, who described
      the country as being in very reduced circumstances: rents were fallen, he
      said, the value of land was sinking, and farmers were on the high road to
      ruin. The Duke of Grafton and the Marquess of Rockingham followed on the
      same side; the latter declaring that a system had been established at the
      accession of his present majesty, for governing the kingdom under the
      forms of law, but really to the immediate influence of the crown, which
      was the origin of all our national misfortunes. The motion was opposed by
      Lord Chancellor Thurlow, and Lords Mansfield and Chesterfield, with other
      peers, who urged that the motion was a violation of the inherent,
      exclusive privilege of the other house to control the public expenditure.
      When put to the vote it was lost by a majority of a hundred and one
      against fifty-five.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MINISTERIAL BILL FOR COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Immediately after Burke had introduced his plan of economical reform,
      Colonel Barré, after declaring that he did not consider that reform
      sufficiently extensive, gave notice that he should, on some early day,
      move for a committee of accounts, to consist of a few men only, who would
      act with the consciousness that the eyes of the public were fixed on them.
      To the surprise of all parties, Lord North applauded this proposal,
      expressed his surprise that a measure of such obvious utility had not been
      thought of sooner, and declared that he was anxious to adopt any plan that
      appeared likely to promote economy, and reduce the public expenses to
      order and limit. The opposition congratulated the minister, and Colonel
      Barré said he would prepare a bill for that purpose; but while he was
      preparing it, Lord North himself brought in a bill on the 2nd of March,
      which proposed gentlemen who had no seat in parliament as commissioners of
      accounts. Barré complained of the underhand dealing of the minister, but
      said that he would concur in the measure, though he had been thus robbed
      of the honour of introducing it himself. Other members of the opposition
      were not so liberal. Although they were prepared to support the
      proposition, if left in the hands of the gallant colonel, they spoke
      against the whole measure; denounced it as a trick to create new places
      and salaries, and insisted that the commission would do no good. The bill,
      however, passed, and six independent gentlemen, among whom was Sir Guy
      Carleton, were appointed commissioners of accounts.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS FROM PARLIAMENT REJECTED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sir Philip Jennings Gierke again introduced his bill for excluding
      contractors from the house of commons. This time it was carried, and
      passed through all its stages with little opposition from the ministers;
      but it, was rejected in the upper house, as an illiberal stigma cast on a
      respectable body of men, and as a mean compliance with popular prejudices.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS REGARDING PLACES AND PENSIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of February, Sir George Saville moved that an account of all
      places with salaries, and all pensions payable at the exchequer or out of
      the privy purse, with a list of the persons holding them, should be laid
      before the house. In making this motion, Sir George encountered a most
      violent opposition, and the debate was broken off by a sudden illness of
      the speaker. Subsequently it was revived, and Lord North then moved an
      amendment, restricting the account to such pensions only as were paid out
      of the exchequer, and excepting those paid out of the privy purse. This,
      however, gave such manifest dissatisfaction that the minister was obliged
      to qualify it by moving in addition, that the general amount of all
      pensions should be given, but without any specification of names, and
      without stating the sums paid, except in the case of those who were paid
      from the exchequer. But even with this qualification, though ably
      supported by the minister himself in a long and argumentative speech, and
      by Wedderburn, the attorney-general, and Mr. Dundas, lord-advocate for
      Scotland, the amendment was only carried by a majority of <i>two</i>, the
      numbers being one hundred and eighty-eight against one hundred and
      eighty-six. A similar motion was made in the upper house by Lord Howard of
      Effingham, but it was there negatived by fifty-one against twenty-four.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POLITICAL ALTERCATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session Mr. Adam left the ranks of opposition,
      and took his place under the ministerial standard. In doing so, he
      declared that he could not concur in the pretended necessity of new
      counsels, or new counsellors, since among those who stood candidates for
      office he was unable to single out one by whom the state was likely to be
      better served than by the present ministers. Charles Fox replied to Mr.
      Adam, and his reply, as reported in the newspapers, being thought to
      convey a personal reflection on Mr. Adam, a duel was the consequence, in
      which Fox was slightly wounded. Duels appeared likely to become the order
      of the day among members of parliament. In consequence of the sudden
      removal of two lord-lieutenants, apparently on account of their conduct in
      regard to county petitions, associations, and votes given in parliament,
      Lord Shelburne moved for an address, to desire that his majesty would be
      graciously pleased to acquaint the house whether he had been advised, and
      by whom, to dismiss the said two noble lords for their conduct in
      parliament. In the course of the debates on this motion, which was
      negatived, Shelburne indulged in some personalities at the expense of Mr.
      Fullarton, member for Plympton, and late secretary to Lord Stormont in his
      embassy to the French court. Fullarton complained to the house of commons
      of the behaviour of the Earl of Shelburne, and shortly after a duel was
      fought between them in Hyde Park, in which the noble lord was wounded.
      These transactions induced Sir James Lowther to observe, in the house of
      commons, that this method of fighting, in consequence of parliamentary
      debate and hasty words, seemed growing into such a custom, that it behoved
      the house to interpose its authority, as otherwise all freedom of debate
      would be at an end, and the British parliament would be reduced to the
      condition of a Polish diet. The friends of Mr. Fullarton said, it would be
      indelicate to enter into a discussion on the subject in his absence; and
      the friends of Lord Shelburne contended, that the words spoken by him were
      strictly parliamentary, and contained nothing which could be interpreted
      in a private or personal manner. But the house was not disposed to put its
      ban on this false code of honour. The conversation ended in nothing,
      except the hope that duels and wounds would make honourable members speak
      with better manners. This hope, however, proved to be fallacious. An
      altercation occurred on the 13th of March, between the speaker and Lord
      North himself, in which much bitter language was used. Négociations were
      in progress for the promotion of the attorney-general to the office of
      chief-justice in the Court of Common Pleas, which office had been promised
      to the speaker by the Duke of Grafton. Sir Fletcher Norton expressed much
      dissatisfaction at his being set aside for another, and Lord North denied
      that he was responsible for the promise of his predecessors. The
      consequence was that the speaker, from this time, joined the ranks of
      opposition, and loudly repeated their cries of crown influence, abuse of
      prerogative, and rights of the people. Being dissatisfied at not having
      his unjustifiable demands allowed, he suddenly turned patriot, so that if
      he lost, the people might congratulate themselves at having an advocate
      for once sitting in the speaker's chair of the house of commons.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE INCREASE OF CROWN INFLUENCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the above debates county petitions were daily laid before the
      house, and by the month of April the speaker's table was almost buried
      beneath them. They were ordered to be taken into consideration by a
      committee of the whole house, and on the 6th of April a great public
      meeting was held at Westminster, with the advice and concurrence of the
      corresponding committee in the other parts of the kingdom, and with the
      avowed intention of giving weight to these petitions. On the same evening
      the house resolved itself into a committee, and Mr. Dunning moved his
      celebrated resolution, "That the influence of the crown had increased, was
      increasing, and ought to be diminished." Dunning remarked, that all the
      petitions agreed in one great fundamental point; namely, that limits ought
      to be set to the alarming influence of the crown, and to the expenditure
      of the public money by means of which that influence had been obtained. He
      then exhibited, in a continued series, the history and philosophy of
      constitutional law, and animadverted on measures which endangered British
      rights and liberties in former years. Afterwards he drew a highly-coloured
      and exaggerated picture of the conduct of present ministers, and
      endeavoured to show that it tended to produce similar mischiefs to those
      which had been produced by the counsels of the House of Stuart. In
      particular, he criticised the conduct of ministers with regard to Burke's
      economical plan of reform, which, he said, they were reducing to a nullity&mdash;to
      a thing naked and shorn, and useless to the country; and he expressed a
      hope that the people of England would resent the insults they had received
      from men who added mockery and contempt to oppression and neglect. Those
      who supported Dunning maintained that it was solely through the corrupt
      influence of the crown that Lord North had retained his office so long;
      that his sole occupation for years past had been to frame excuses and
      expedients, in order to procure supplies from year to year; and that he
      had neither method in his financial department, nor any comprehensive
      scheme of any kind. The speaker, less convinced by the eloquent pleadings
      of the petitions before him, than by his recent disappointment, took part
      with the opposition. He insisted strongly on the exorbitant power of the
      crown, and the increase of corrupt influence; and contended, that it was
      the duty of the house to attend to the demands of the petitioners. The
      effect which the arguments of the opposition had upon the country
      gentlemen was so great that ministers became alarmed. The lord-advocate of
      Scotland, Mr. Dundas, attempted therefore to stifle inquiry, by moving,
      that the speaker do leave the chair; and this failing, Lord North rose to
      defend his own conduct. He spoke at considerable length, and in the course
      of his speech declared that he was ready to retire from office whenever
      his sovereign and the people desired it; adding, that if he had continued
      so long in office, it was because the country had no faith in the wisdom
      and patriotism of his opponents. His speech seemed to be lost to the
      members of the house, and Mr. Dundas rose again to his rescue, proposing
      this time, as an amendment to the original proposition, the prefix of the
      words, "That it is now necessary to declare." This was carried by a
      majority of eighteen; and Mr. Dunning, pursuing his success, proposed and
      carried a second proposition&mdash;namely, "That it was competent to the
      house to examine into and to correct abuses in the expenditure of the
      civil list revenues, as well as every other branch of the public revenue,
      whenever it should seem expedient to that house." A third motion, strongly
      opposed to ministers, was also carried by Mr. Thomas Pitt, which set forth
      "that it was the duty of the house to provide immediate and effectual
      redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions." Nor was the
      minister permitted yet to retire to his peaceful slumber. Fox moved, that
      the three resolutions should be immediately reported; and though Lord
      North contended that this was unusual, violent, and arbitrary, the
      resolutions and reports were severally reported and received, and were
      agreed to and passed by the house without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      Elated by success, on the 10th of April, the committee being re-assembled,
      Mr. Dunning continued his attack. He moved, "That in order to secure the
      independence of parliament and obviate all suspicion of its purity, the
      proper officer should lay before the house, within seven days after the
      meeting of parliament, every session, an account of all monies paid out of
      the civil list, or any part of the public revenue, to, or for the use of,
      or in trust for any member of parliament." This, though opposed by
      ministers, was carried; and Dunning then moved, "that the persons holding
      the offices of treasurer of the chamber, treasurer of the household,
      cofferer of the household, comptroller of the household, master of the
      household, clerks of the green cloth and their deputies, should be
      rendered incapable of sitting in the house of commons." This motion
      produced a long and earnest debate, but it was carried by a majority of
      two, the numbers being two hundred and fifteen against two hundred and
      thirteen. Thus far the opposition had been triumphant: three days after,
      however, they were doomed to receive a check. A bill, brought in by Mr.
      Crewe, for excluding all revenue-officers from voting at elections of
      members of parliament, was rejected by a considerable majority. Business
      was now interrupted for ten days, by the sudden illness of the speaker;
      and when the house re-assembled the sentiments of members were found to
      have undergone a change. On the 24th of April, Dunning moved for an
      address to the king, deprecating "the dissolution or prorogation of
      parliament before proper measures were adopted to fulfil the objects of
      the petitions." This motion, which was warmly and eloquently supported by
      the mover, and Burke, and Fox, was rejected by a majority of fifty-one;
      the numbers being two hundred and fifty-four against two hundred and
      three. Enraged at this sudden and unexpected check, Mr. Fox rose to
      reprobate the conduct of those members who had receded from the solemn
      engagements into which they had so recently entered. A rude roar of voices
      was raised to put him down, but Fox would not be silenced; and his friends
      appealed to the chair to stop by its authority the disgraceful disorder.
      Silence being imposed on every tongue in the house by the speaker, Fox
      then delivered one of the severest philippics that was ever delivered
      within the walls of the house of commons. The vote of that night, said the
      impassioned orator, was scandalous, disgraceful, and treacherous: it was
      impossible to contemplate without surprise and indignation, the conduct of
      men, who, after resolving that the influence of the crown was increased,
      and ought to be diminished&mdash;that the grievances of the people ought
      to be redressed&mdash;and who had pledged themselves to that house, the
      nation, and their constituents, to redress the grievances complained of,
      now shamefully fled from their solemn engagement. It was not against
      ministers and their friends that he lodged this complaint, he remarked: it
      was against the men who sat on his side of the house, and who had voted
      with him on the 6th of April. As for the ministerial phalanx, he observed,
      he held them in the greatest contempt. They were slaves of the worst kind,
      because they had sold themselves to work mischief. Yet, base as they were,
      they had some virtues to pride themselves on. They were faithful to their
      leader, consistent in their conduct, and had not added to their other
      demerits the absurdity and treachery of one day resolving an opinion to be
      true, and the next day declaring it to be a falsehood. They had neither
      deceived their patrons, their friends, nor their country with false hopes
      and delusive promises. Dunning spoke after Fox, and declared that the
      division of that night was decisive as to the petitions of the people: it
      amounted to a total rejection of their general and ardent prayer, and that
      all hope of obtaining redress for the people from that house was at an
      end. Lord North replied in a long speech, in which he endeavoured to throw
      a protecting shield over those who had subjected themselves to Fox's
      reproaches, and to show that Dunning's fears were unfounded. The
      resolutions of the 6th of April, he said, were still in existence, and
      that other measures might be proposed on them in which those who did not
      approve of the means of redress proposed this day might readily concur.
      Opposition, however, were evidently of opinion that their cause was lost.
      Yet, on the 19th of May, Sergeant Adair moved the withholding the grant of
      any further supplies till the grievances of the people were redressed; and
      this motion being negatived, a week later Dunning moved, "that the two
      resolutions passed on the 10th of April, be reported." A motion, however,
      from the opposite side of the house, "that the chairman leave the chair,"
      which amounted to a dissolution of the committee, was carried by one
      hundred and seventy-seven to one hundred and thirty-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the termination of one of the most critical struggles which had
      occurred in the house of commons during the reign of George III. Out of
      doors astonishment was expressed on the one hand at the encouragement
      which Mr. Dunning's motion received from a large party who had so warmly
      taken up the American war; and on the other, at the sudden change of
      sentiment which had taken place among many who had supported that motion.
      By some historians this change is attributed to influence, corruption, and
      treachery. The charge, however, is not well founded, for none of these
      causes could have been at work when they quitted the ranks of ministers to
      vote with opposition. It seems, therefore, rather to have arisen from the
      peculiar temper of the times, and to the condition in which the nation was
      placed at this period. The violence of opposition, also, and their
      exultation on their triumphs may have had their effects on the minds of
      the more sober-thinking members of the house: they may have become
      convinced that the movements of the leaders of opposition, so far from
      being adopted from a love of their country, had their origin in that bad
      feeling of human nature&mdash;self-interest.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD NORTH'S PROPOSAL RESPECTING THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of March, Lord North informed the house that the East India
      Company had made no satisfactory proposals for the renewal of their
      charter, and he moved that the speaker should give them three years'
      notice, as ordered by act of parliament, previous to the dissolution of
      their monopoly; and that the sum of £4,200,000 due from the public to the
      company should be paid on the 25th of April, 1783, agreeably to the tenor
      of the said act. Fox inveighed against this measure, as tending to deprive
      us of our East Indian as well as our American possessions; but Lord North
      having represented that a new corporation might be formed, if the company
      did not offer a fair bargain to the public, his motion was carried without
      a division.
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    <h2>
      GENERAL CONWAY'S PLAN OF RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of May, General Conway offered a plan of reconciliation with
      the American provinces, by removing all just cause of complaint, without
      acknowledging their independence. This plan, however, neither pleased
      ministers nor the opposition, and it was rejected by passing to the order
      of the day.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1780-1781
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POPULAR RAGE AGAINST THE CATHOLICS; RIOTS IN LONDON, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that during the session of the year 1778, that an act was
      passed for relieving the Roman Catholics from some of the heavier
      penalties inflicted upon them in the preceding century. This measure did
      not extend to Scotland, but as the Papists in that country were more
      oppressed than those in England, and as they had claims upon government
      and the legislature of the United Kingdom, by their loyalty, &amp;c, it
      was contemplated by ministers that they should be admitted into the
      benefits of the Repealing Act. The people of Scotland, however, were not
      so liberal in sentiment on this subject as the people of England. A cry
      that Popery was about to be re-established was heard throughout the
      country; and the Presbyterian preachers made their pulpits ring with
      warnings and comminations. Associations were formed in various parts of
      the kingdom to oppose the contemplated concessions, and the votes and
      resolutions of these associations being published in the newspapers, they
      gave rise to the spirit of persecution. In the month of January, 1779,
      copies of the following letter were dropped in every part of the city of
      Edinburgh:&mdash;"Men and brethren, whoever shall find this letter will
      take it as a warning to meet at Leith Wynd, on Wednesday next, in the
      evening, to pull down that pillar of Popery lately erected there. Signed,
      A Protestant. P. S. Please to read this carefully, keep it clean and drop
      it somewhere else. For king and country. Unity." In a great city, whatever
      mischief may be set on foot, there will always be found too many
      volunteers to put it into effect. Thus it was at Edinburgh. This summons
      was obeyed, and the pillar of Popery, which was the habitation of a
      Catholic priest with a chapel attached to it, was demolished. Similar
      scenes occurred in Black-friars Wynd in Edinburgh, and even the
      magistrates of that city partook in a great measure of the mob-feeling.
      They failed to throw the shield of protection around those who were
      persecuted; and although they finally allayed the popular commotion, by
      telling the people that the bill for repealing the penal statutes against
      Papists in Scotland was thrown aside, yet the spirit of persecution was so
      rampant among them, that the objects of their hatred were obliged to
      conceal themselves from their view. A similar spirit was displayed at
      Glasgow, where the mob destroyed the property of a Mr. Bagnal, who was
      suspected of Popery, and drove him and his family from their houses. The
      popular violence in all parts of Scotland, indeed, was of such a nature as
      to compel ministers to forego their intention of bringing forth a bill for
      the relief of the Roman Catholics of that country, until at least it
      should have somewhat subsided. But this success of the Scotch associations
      and mobs, unfortunately led to a similar display of the spirit of
      persecution in England.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was thought by some who were adverse to the measure passed in 1778,
      that by efforts equally vigorous on this side of the Tweed as on the
      other, its total repeal might be procured. Accordingly, a Protestant
      Association was formed, which, like the associations for economical
      reforms, had its ramifications, its committees, and its correspondents in
      all parts of England. The president of this association was Lord George
      Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon, who had effectually aided and
      abetted the riots in Scotland. Of all men in the world Lord George Gordon
      was the most unfit to preside over a Protestant Association. He was a
      member of parliament it is true, but he was chiefly remarkable there for
      his eccentric habits, slovenly dress, and by a progressive insanity, which
      on some occasions partook of the nature of oratorical inspiration. He was,
      however, known to be firm in his hatred towards the Papists, and adverse
      to any relief being afforded to them. Thus, in May, 1779, when Burke
      presented his petition in favour of toleration, he moved that it should be
      thrown over the table! At the same time, he declared, that every man in
      Scotland, except a few Papists, was ripe for insurrection, and would die
      rather than submit. After he was made head of the Protestant Association
      his violence seems to have increased. Thus, in the beginning of the
      present session, he declared that the king was a Papist; and on one
      occasion he said that he would present a petition long enough to reach
      from the speaker's chair to the centre window at Whitehall, out of which
      Charles I. had walked to his execution! The grand aim of the Protestant
      Association was, indeed, to get up a monster petition, in order to procure
      the repeal of the late concessions to the Roman Catholics, This was the
      creature of Lord George Gordon's own brain. Having presented several
      anti-Catholic petitions from the county of Kent, he made it his business
      to get up a similar petition from the good citizens of London, which he
      considered might have the effect of overawing ministers; and procuring the
      repeal of the obnoxious act. Aided by the heads of the Protestant
      Association, he canvassed the capital and the neighbourhood; and by his
      exertions he quickly obtained 120,000 signatures to his petition. These
      signatures were chiefly the handwriting or <i>marks</i> of men of the
      lower orders of society, and who were as far from being Protestants as
      they were from being Papists. And this may also be asserted of many
      members of the Protestant Association. Some well-meaning people may have
      enrolled their names as members, but it is certain that for the most part
      they were men regardless of the profession of religion. Moreover, it is
      clear that the principles of the Protestant Association were rather of a
      political than of a religious nature; or, at all events, it is certain
      that politics mingled themselves in the question. There is no doubt,
      however, that Lord George Gordon himself was a dangerous fanatic; the more
      so, because his station in life gave him influence among the rude and
      ignorant multitude. This was his character before he became president of
      the Protestant Association, and it became still more evident as his
      popularity increased. His inflammatory harangues were printed, published,
      and scattered far and wide; and the people were told by him, that if they
      were not content to run all hazards with him, they must look out for
      another leader. After he had succeeded in getting up his monster-petition
      he put them, indeed, to the test. In presenting it to the house of
      commons, he said he expected to be backed by a host of good Christians;
      and that he would not present it at all unless he was attended by at least
      20,000 men. Having made this declaration, Lord George appointed St.
      George's Fields as the place of meeting, and pointed out the lines of
      march they were to pursue, in order to concentrate in front of the houses
      of parliament. Their distinctive badge was to be a blue cockade, and their
      cry, "No Popery!" The day appointed for them to meet was on the 2nd of
      June, on which day Lord George had previously informed the house that he
      meant to present a petition, and to come down to the house with all those
      who had signed it. Such a stouthearted champion could not be left in the
      field alone; so accordingly on the day appointed some 60,000 petitioners
      and associaters met according to his directions. They were divided into
      four companies, one of them being entirely composed of Scotchmen; and
      after a stirring harangue from Lord George, the several columns struck off
      by different roads for Westminster. As they proceeded along they were
      joined by all the knaves and cut-purses of London; and when they assembled
      before the houses of parliament, and raised the long and loud cry of "No
      Popery!" the members of the fraternity of thieves picked every pocket into
      which they could insinuate their hands, and did all they could to create a
      riot, which would turn to their own advantage. Every avenue to the houses
      of parliament was blocked up, and as the peers and members of the house of
      commons arrived, they were compelled to join the cry of "No Popery!" or to
      submit to insult and ill treatment. Some of the bishops had their gowns
      torn off their backs, or were otherwise ill-treated; various temporal
      peers were treated with the greatest indignity; while those members of the
      commons who were known to have voted for the relief of the Papists, had to
      take their seats this day minus their outer garments. All this time there
      was a deafening and incessant roar of "Repeal the Bill!" "No Popery!"
      "Lord George Gordon!" When Lord George had been in the house some time the
      mob became more bold. On a sudden they began to thunder at the doors to
      break them open. Some members threatened Lord George with instant death if
      the sanctity of the house should be violated by the mob he had collected;
      and it is said that Mr. Henry Herbert followed him closely with that
      determination, and that General Murray, a relation to the mad lord, held
      his sword ready to pass it through him on the first irruption of the mob.
      None, however, made their appearance; and when something like order was
      restored, Lord George moved for bringing up and immediately considering
      the petition. This was seconded by Alderman Bull, and the first
      proposition was granted as a matter of course, but the second was met by
      an amendment to put off the consideration for four days. This gave rise to
      a discussion, during which Lord George went out several times into the
      lobby and harangued the multitude, encouraging them to persevere, inasmuch
      as terror would be sure to induce the king and his ministers to grant the
      prayer of their petition. On his return into the house, after one of these
      harangues, Colonel Holroyd took hold of his lordship, saying, that
      hitherto he had imputed his conduct to madness, but that he found there
      was more malice than madness in it; and that if he proceeded to the lobby
      again, he would immediately move for his commitment to Newgate. At the
      same time Holroyd called upon him to remove the blue cockade from his hat.
      Lord George timidly obeyed the order, and did not venture to go down into
      the lobby again; contenting himself with addressing the mob from the
      gallery stairs; denouncing in his harangues from thence the more Popishly
      inclined members of the house. Their yells and menaces continued, but
      undeterred by them the house adopted the amendment, six members only
      voting with Lord George. By this time Mr. Addington, an active Middlesex
      magistrate, arrived in Palace-yard, with a party of horse and foot guards,
      and induced the multitude to disperse. But mischief was afloat. In the
      course of his harangues in the lobby, Lord George had suggested that there
      was no remedy for them till they had pulled down all the Popish chapels.
      This was remembered; and as the multitude returned to their homes, the
      chapel of the Bavarian minister, in Warwick-street, Golden-square; and the
      chapel of the Sardinian ambassador, in Duke-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields,
      were burnt to the ground. The military were ordered out and some rioters
      were apprehended, while the rest went home to rest. The next day,
      Saturday, passed off quietly; but a discussion. took place in the lords,
      in which some sentiments were uttered by the Duke of Richmond and the Earl
      of Shelburne, on the subject of the concessions made to the Roman
      Catholics by a Protestant government, which were well calculated to
      rekindle the fanatic fire out of doors. These observations arose out of a
      motion made by Lord Bathurst, who had been roughly handled by the mob on
      Friday, for an address praying that his majesty would give immediate
      orders for prosecuting, in the most effectual manner, the authors,
      abettors, and instruments of the outrages committed both in the vicinity
      of the houses of parliament and upon the houses and chapels of the foreign
      ministers. This motion was agreed to, and the peers returned home in
      safety to their mansions. Late that night, however, or early on Sunday
      morning, a mob assembled in Moor-fields, where they did much mischief to
      the Catholics living in that neighbourhood: a Popish chapel and several
      houses were pulled down. The military were called out, but as the mob knew
      that they did not dare fire without the command of the civil power, they
      were by no means disturbed by their presence. They still continued their
      work of destruction, while thieves and pick-pockets looked about for
      plunder. Nothing was done on the Monday for preventing mischief, except
      the issuing of a proclamation by a privy-council, offering a reward of
      £500 for those persons who had been concerned in destroying the Sardinian
      and Bavarian chapels; and the mob, grown bold by impunity, continued their
      devastations. One party stripped the house of Sir George Saville, in
      Leicester-fields, of its furniture, and made a bonfire of it before the
      door; another party regaled Lord George Gordon with a bonfire made of
      materials brought from Catholic chapels and houses in Moorfields, which
      they burnt before his house in Welbec-street; a third party went to
      Virginia-lane, Wapping; and a fourth to Nightingale-lane, East Smithfield,
      where they severally destroyed the Catholic chapels, and committed other
      outrages. That night London was in the hands of the mob, and fires were
      seen on every hand; while property to a large amount changed owners. On
      Tuesday, which was the day appointed for the consideration of the
      petition, the mob again concentrated before the houses of parliament.
      Westminster-hall and the avenues to the house were lined with military,
      horse and foot; but even this precaution was insufficient to protect the
      members who were bold enough to attend to their parliamentary duty from
      insult and outrage. Lord Sandwich was dragged from his carriage, which was
      broken to pieces, and would have been killed if he had not been rescued by
      a magistrate, at the head of a small party of light-horse. At this time
      most of the rabble had oaken sticks in their hands, as well as blue
      cockades in their hats; and some had even banners, on which were inscribed
      their watchword, "No Popery!" This was also chalked on the carriages of
      all the lords and members as they went down to the house. An attempt was
      made to disperse the rioters, and as the crowd gave way, one of the
      ringleaders called upon them to repair to the magistrate's house who took
      the lead in dispersing them, and this was soon pulled down. By this time
      the members of the commons had taken into consideration the petition which
      was the forerunner of all these riots. Lord George Gordon, who, dreading
      the effects of his madness, had issued hand-bills in the name of the
      Protestant Association, to disavow the riots, was in the house, and some
      talk occurred about expelling him, and committing him to the Tower. All
      that was done, however, was to agree to a resolution, "That when the
      present tumults were subsided, they would take into consideration the
      petitions from many of his majesty's Protestant subjects." This had been
      no sooner done than dreadful news arrived from the city, and the house
      adjourned in haste and confusion. The mob had proceeded from St.
      Martin's-street, where the house of the magistrate which they had
      demolished was situate, to Newgate, declaring that they would release
      their brother rioters. The prison was accordingly fired, and more than
      three hundred ruffians were liberated, and joined in the work of
      desolation. The houses of Sir John Fielding and Lord Mansfield were the
      next objects of their attack; and the furniture, the books, the paintings,
      the papers, and everything that was valuable therein were destroyed. And
      here the true character of the mob displayed itself. It is manifest,
      indeed, that none of the real members of the Association took part in
      these outrages, but that they were committed by men who cared more for a
      pot of good ale and a glass of gin than for the Protestant interest.
      Hence, their first object, when they had entered the houses of Sir John
      Fielding and Lord Mansfield, was the wine-cellars. They drank till they
      were raving mad! It was in this state that they were found by a detachment
      of foot-guards in and opposite the house of Lord Mansfield. The officer
      who commanded them was requested to enter the house with his men; but he
      replied, that the justices of the peace had all run away; and that
      consequently it was impossible for the military to act. The spirit of
      mischief, therefore, was permitted to work at its pleasure. The new prison
      at Clerkenwell next shared the fate of Newgate, and all the felons and
      other prisoners there let loose upon society; their first impulse being to
      join the mob, to increase the havock, and to plunder, burn, drink, and
      destroy. During the night many houses were plundered or destroyed; the
      madness of the mob increasing at every new success, by the liquors which
      they procured from the cellars. A magistrate was at length found who would
      act, but it was then too late, as drink had rendered the mob insensible to
      danger. A recent writer remarks:&mdash;"During the time that was lost in
      seeking for a magistrate who would act, the fury of the mob was increased
      to such a pitch by the liquor they had drank, that, when the soldiers at
      last fired, even the sight of their companions falling dead beside them
      produced little or no effect.... It was when they were in this state&mdash;careless
      of what befel them, and almost unconscious of what they were doing, that
      the authorities, hitherto so patient, for the first time determined to use
      force against them.... The scene here altogether appears to have been
      terrific in the extreme. The violence and ferocity of the ruffians, armed
      with sledge-hammers and other instruments of destruction, who burst into
      the houses&mdash;the savage shouts of the surrounding multitude&mdash;the
      wholesale desolation&mdash;the row of bonfires blazing in the street,
      heaped with the contents of the sacked mansion, with splendid furniture,
      books, pictures, and manuscripts which were irreparable&mdash;the drunken
      wretches staggering or reeling against each other, or rolling on the
      ground&mdash;the peeling of the musketry, followed the next instant by the
      screams of the wounded and the dying, and the roar of vengeance from ten
      thousand throats&mdash;soon after this, the fires lighted in every room,
      and finally, the flames rushing upwards from windows and roof in one
      magnificent conflagration:&mdash;all these may well be conceived to have
      formed a picture, or rather a succession of pictures, which thus exhibited
      under the dark sky of midnight, would seem hardly of this world." This has
      reference to a scene which occurred at the house of Lord Mansfield, where
      some of the mob were still collected, when a magistrate was found willing
      to act. But no force was yet sufficient to quell the riot. On the
      following day the scenes which took place were still more dreadful. The
      mob were completely triumphant, and all householders who did not hang bits
      of blue silk out by way of flags, and omitted to chalk the words "No
      Popery" on the doors and shutters of their houses, were exposed to their
      vengeance. Some even who were not Papists were this day plundered and
      ill-treated; all distinctions being set aside by some of the rioters,
      which is another evidence of the character of the mob. Some fellows
      marched through the town extorting money from every one they met, whether
      Papist or Protestant; and one ruffian, mounted on a horse, would take
      nothing but gold. Other parties were employed in pulling down the prisons,
      and before night not a prison was left standing, except the Poultry
      Compter. An attack was made on the Bank of England by others, but here
      they were repulsed by a strong body of soldiers, who killed many and
      wounded others. But the great centre of mischief was Holborn. Here a Mr.
      Langdale was doubly exposed as a Papist and as a great distiller. His
      premises were fired, and everything was destroyed, except the liquors
      which were drunk by the rioters; many of whom literally killed themselves
      with drinking, while others too drunk to move out of the reach of danger
      perished in the flames which their own hands had kindled. A writer of the
      period says:&mdash;"Powder and ball do not seem to have been so fatal to
      them as their own inordinate appetites. Numbers, it is said, and at
      various places, died of inebriation; especially at the distilleries of the
      unfortunate Mr. Langdale. In the streets men were seen lying upon bulks
      and stalls and at the doors of empty houses, drunk to a state of
      insensibility and to a contempt of danger; boys and women were in the same
      condition, and many of the latter with infants in their arms." Men, women,
      and children were at one time seen on their knees drinking ardent spirits,
      as they flowed down the kennel of the street in Holborn. Thus maddened,
      who can wonder at the excesses which followed? Thirty-six fires were seen
      on this night blazing in different quarters of the great metropolis, and
      nothing but the serenity of the night saved it from destruction. The panic
      was universal. Persons were seen on every hand removing their goods, as
      none could tell but that they might be destroyed by the merciless mob; or
      if a wind should suddenly spring up, by the devouring element. At the same
      time the dreadful reports of soldiers' muskets were heard, mingled with
      the terrific cries of the infuriated and countless rabble. None could
      sleep in their beds on that night: the streets swarmed with people, and
      uproar, confusion, and terror reigned on every hand. Some of the citizens,
      however, possessing more nerve than others, formed themselves into
      associations and acted with the soldiers. And wherever the troops appeared
      there was nothing like a determined resistance made by the rabble. Thus,
      at Blackfriars-bridge, where the mob had set fire to the toll-gates, they
      were driven away like a scared flock of sheep by the soldiers, and some
      even threw themselves over the bridge into the Thames, in order to escape
      from the fire of their muskets. The only place in the morning where the
      mob was not dispersed was in the neighbourhood of the Fleet-prison, which
      was still in flames; and when the soldiers charged their muskets right
      into the crowd they fled in all directions. In the course of Thursday
      various encounters took place, and some lives were lost; but before night
      the rabble had melted away, and tranquillity was restored. Men had
      wondered whence the rabble came, and now they wondered whither they could
      be gone. The return of killed made to Lord Amherst, commander-in-chief,
      amounted to two hundred and ten, and of wounded to two hundred and
      forty-eight, but many had been removed by their friends, so that the exact
      number could not be ascertained: moreover, it could never be known how
      many perished from drinking ardent and unrectified spirits, and in the
      flames, from which inebriety made it impossible for them to escape.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES ADOPTED BY PARLIAMENT, ARISING OUT OF THE LONDON RIOTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house of commons met on Friday, the 9th of June, but as Westminster
      was thronged with troops, and the capital had the appearance of being
      under martial-law, the members adjourned till the 19th. On that day his
      majesty met both houses, and exhibited a general view of the measures
      which had been employed during the suspension of regular government. In
      his speech he stated that he had directed copies of the proclamations
      which had been issued to be laid before parliament; and he concluded by
      declaring that it was his first duty and chief glory to maintain and
      preserve the established religion. The common danger seems to have had the
      effect of procuring a greater unanimity in both houses than had been
      exhibited for many years before. Addresses were carried without
      opposition; though some members blamed ministers for negligence and delay,
      and for not employing the troops sooner. A question was moved in the lords
      respecting the legality of military interference; which point was
      accurately examined and constitutionally settled by Lord Mansfield. His
      lordship said that the late riots amounted to overt acts of high-treason,
      and were besides accompanied with felonies, as the burning of houses,
      property, &amp;c, all of which was sufficient legal ground for the king's
      proclamation calling out the military. Under such circumstances he said,
      the military must act with and under the civil power, and that if the
      soldiers exceeded the powers with which they were invested, they must be
      tried and punished, not by martial law, but by the laws of the realm. This
      being the law, he added, it was an ill-founded apprehension that the
      metropolis was under martial-law, or that the military had more power
      since the riots than before. The noble lord made one allusion to his own
      serious losses, which greatly affected all the peers present. He had been
      obliged, he said, to form his opinions without the aid of books; adding,
      "indeed I have now no books to consult." On the following day the house of
      commons having resolved itself into a committee upon the petitions for
      repealing Sir George Saville's tolerating act, which had been made an
      occasion of so much mischief, adopted five resolutions, on the motion of
      Mr. Burke, expressing satisfaction in the law as it now-existed, together
      with an abhorrence of the late tumults, and of the misrepresentations
      which led to them. Many members, however, thought it necessary to do
      something to quiet the minds of the petitioners and remove the dread of
      Popery; and a bill was brought in to deprive Roman Catholics of the right
      of keeping schools in which there were any Protestant scholars. This bill
      passed in the commons, but it was rejected by the lords, as carried by the
      fear of popular outrage, and therefore derogatory to the dignity and
      independence of parliament. All signs of popular rage had now, however,
      disappeared; and government had evidently derived an accession of strength
      out of doors as well as within the walls of parliament. The minds of the
      public had become impressed with the danger arising from popular
      assemblies for political purposes; and the associations of reform were
      therefore deserted by members who had hitherto supported them. Men found
      that it was easy to raise the storm of human passion by exciting language;
      but that it was the most difficult thing in the world to allay it when
      once lashed into fury.
    </p>
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      <a name="linkimage-0008" id="linkimage-0008">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_147_rodney.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Lord Rodney" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_147_rodney_th.jpg"
      alt="147.jpg Portrait of Lord Rodney "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 8th of July. In his speech the king dwelt
      at some length on the recent riots, and thanked parliament for their
      magnanimity and perseverance for prosecuting the "just and necessary war,"
      in which the country was engaged. Their exertions, he said, had been
      attended with success by sea and land, and he trusted that the late
      important and prosperous turn of affairs in North America would lead to
      the return of loyalty in the colonists to his person, and to their
      re-union with their mother-country. The events of the war by this time had
      given some ground of hope, but in the end it proved illusory.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF LORD GEORGE GORDON AND THE RIOTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Immediately after the riots had subsided, Lord George Gordon was
      apprehended upon a warrant from the secretary of state, and after a brief
      examination before several lords of the privy council, was committed to
      the Tower on a charge of high-treason. While he was immured within the
      walls of his prison, during the month of July, the vengeance of the law
      fell upon those of the rioters which had been captured in then lawless
      depredations. No less than fifty-nine were capitally convicted, and twenty
      were executed: the rest were transported for life. Lord George was not
      tried till the month of January, 1781, when he was acquitted; his counsel
      showing that he was insane, and the jury conceiving that his case did not
      amount to high-treason. He afterwards gave undoubted proof of his insanity
      by turning Jew! Finally, he died in Newgate, where he was imprisoned for
      various libels on foreign potentates.
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    <h2>
      ADMIRAL RODNEY'S SUCCESS AGAINST THE SPANIARDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The opening of this year added to the naval renown of England. As the
      Spanish persevered in their siege of Gibraltar, and as their treaty with
      the Barbary States stopped the supplies of provisions, the garrison began
      to feel the effects of famine, and it was necessary to send them supplies
      from England. Admiral Rodney, who had recently been appointed to the chief
      command in the West Indies, was therefore ordered to relieve Gibraltar on
      his way thither. He had only been a few days at sea when he fell in with a
      rich Spanish convoy, going from St. Sebastian to Cadiz, and consisting of
      fifteen merchantmen, four frigates, and three armed vessels; one being a
      fine new ship of sixty-four guns. These were all captured, and while he
      took those with him which were laden with wheat, flour, and other
      provisions, the rest were sent to England. It was expected by the Bourbon
      cabinets that Rodney would leave his transports in a certain latitude, to
      make their own way to Gibraltar, and accordingly they ordered Admiral Don
      Juan de Langara to proceed, with eleven men of war and two frigates, to
      intercept the supply. Rodney, however, accompanied the transports, and on
      the 16th of January he encountered the Spanish admiral near Cape St.
      Vincent. The Don, when he discovered the superior force of the English,
      endeavoured to make his escape, but Rodney got between him and the shore,
      and compelled him to engage. The action commenced in the midst of a rough
      gale, at four in the afternoon, and in the first hour of the engagement a
      Spanish ship of the line blew up, and all on board perished. At six in the
      evening another struck her colours, and by two the next morning the
      Phoenix of eighty guns, the Spanish admiral's own ship, and three of
      seventy guns each were taken and secured. Two more, of seventy guns each,
      struck their colours, but were driven on shore by the violence of the
      tempest and lost. The rest of the squadron escaped in a shattered
      condition to Cadiz. Rodney now proceeded triumphantly to the relief of
      Gibraltar, and after lying there for some weeks, he proceeded with a part
      of his fleet to the West Indies, while the remainder, under the command of
      Admiral Digby, returned to the Channel. On his way home, Digby captured a
      French ship of the line, and two or three vessels laden with military
      stores. These successes raised the spirit of the nation, and the name of
      Rodney especially filled every breast with hope and confidence. The very
      ministers began to look upon him as the main stay of their power; well
      knowing that his success would silence the clamours which had so long been
      raised against them on the ground of incompetency.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1780-1781
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    <h2>
      ARMED NEUTRALITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The high hopes entertained by the people of England were soon doomed to be
      modified by the prospect of new enemies, some of whom were more powerful
      than those already arrayed against their country. At this time a strong
      combination was formed against England by several powers constituting what
      is called in history "The Armed Neutrality." The Spanish cabinet claimed
      the merit of this system; but it would rather appear to have originated
      with the court of Petersburg, which had been regarded by the ministers as
      their best ally in this momentous crisis. In consequence of the large
      shipments of ammunition, and other materials of war, made to the colonies
      of America by neutral states, England had, from the commencement of the
      war, exercised the right of stopping and searching all neutral vessels
      wherever they could be found. England also had acted upon another
      established principle; namely, that a neutral flag could not cover or
      protect the cargoes and property of a state with which she was at war, and
      her cruizers had therefore stopped many vessels having French and American
      property on board. This, however, involved her in many quarrels with
      neutral powers, and Russia, Prussia, Denmark, Holland, Sweden, etc*
      entered into a league, pledging themselves to maintain the principle,
      "that free ships make free goods, with the exception of arms and munitions
      of war." About this time, also, the native powers of India entered into a
      formidable coalition, under French influence, for driving the British from
      their territories. England had, therefore, almost the whole world arrayed
      in arms against her, or entertaining hostile intentions towards her, while
      within her own bosom she was destined to suffer from faction. Never,
      indeed, was there a period in her history when she so much needed the
      unanimity and undivided strength of her brave family.
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    <h2>
      RODNEY ENGAGES THE FRENCH FLEET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Admiral Rodney arrived at St. Lucie, in the West Indies, on the 27th of
      March. Here he joined Admiral Hyde Parker, and his fleet then consisted of
      twenty-two sail of the line and six frigates. Parker had been menaced for
      several days by the French Admiral de Guichen, who had only quitted that
      water a few hours before Rodney's arrival. Admiral de Guichen retired to
      Fort Royal Bay, Martinique, and on the 2nd of April Rodney appeared off
      that fort, and offered him battle. Finding that the challenge would not be
      accepted, Rodney, after two days, returned to St, Lucie, leaving some
      fast-sailing vessels to watch the motions of the French. On the night of
      the 15th de Guichen put to sea, and Rodney, warned of the fact, went in
      search of him with twenty sail of the line. The two fleets came in contact
      on the 17th, and Rodney threw out his signal for every ship to bear down
      and attack the rear of the French as closely as they could, in order to
      break their line, and fight their detached ships. The spirit of political
      party, however, reigned in the fleet, and his signal was not obeyed as it
      ought to have been, several ships continuing at a cautious distance from
      the enemy. In the meantime, Rodney in the Sandwich came to close quarters
      with the French, and having beaten de Guichen's own ship fairly out of the
      line, and compelled two others to bear away, he succeeded in separating
      his enemy's fleet into two unequal parts. He was, however, only aided by
      five or six captains, and the French were allowed time to haul off after
      their admiral and re-form their line; after which de Guichen stood away
      with the whole fleet under a press of sail, in order to make his escape.
      The great distance between the British van and rear, and the crippled
      state of his own ship, prevented Rodney from following; and he was thus
      stopped short in the career of victory. One of the delinquent captains&mdash;Bateman,
      of the Yarmouth&mdash;whose disobedience was more notorious than the rest,
      was put under arrest, tried by a court-martial, and dismissed the service.
      This example had the effect of restoring discipline, and Rodney again
      sought the enemy. On the 20th he again got sight of the French admiral,
      whose object was to make Fort Royal Bay in Martinique, in order to repair
      his ships. Rodney cut him off from this port, and de Guichen took shelter
      under Guadaloupe; when the British fleet returned to St. Lucie to refit
      and to land the wounded. The hostile fleets again came in sight of each
      other on the 10th of May, between St. Lucie and Martinique. But it was in
      vain that Rodney sought to bring the French admiral to an engagement; and
      the latter having at length got into the long-desired harbour of Fort
      Royal, the British fleet ran into Barba-does. At this time the Spanish
      fleet was expected to join the French; and though Rodney soon sailed from
      Barbadoes in order to prevent the junction, the cautious Spanish admiral,
      Don Joseph Solano, contrived to elude his vigilance, and to unite his
      fleet, consisting of twelve sail of the line, several frigates, and a
      swarm of transports, with that of de Guichen. Before their united force
      Rodney was obliged to retire; and he retreated with the sad conviction
      that the enemy was strong-enough to capture every British island in those
      seas. The storm, however, which seemed to threaten these islands blew over
      without pouring its fury upon one of them. The Spaniards had so
      over-crowded their transports with men, that a terrible sickness broke out
      among them, destroying first its scores, and then its hundreds daily. The
      pestilence extended its ravages to the French fleet; and in order to check
      it, it was agreed to land the troops and part of the seamen at Martinique.
      Its ravages were arrested; but while at Martinique, hostilities broke out
      between the French and the Spaniards, and the two commanders could not
      agree as to the line of operations to be pursued. Their combined fleets
      set sail again on the 5th of July, and directed their course to St.
      Domingo, where they separated; de Guichen returning to Europe with the
      homeward-bound convoy from the French sugar islands, and Solano proceeding
      to the Havanah, to assist in the military operations which the Spaniards
      were carrying on in Florida. All these circumstances saved Jamaica and the
      other islands in the West Indies; and conscious that they were safe, after
      detaching a part of his force to Jamaica, Rodney set sail for New York.
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION AGAINST SOUTH CAROLINA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While Rodney was bravely supporting the honour of the British flag on the
      ocean, the British arms were equally successful on the continent. During
      the last days of December, Sir Henry Clinton, leaving New York under the
      care of General Knyphausen, sailed away from Sandy Hook for Charlestown in
      South Carolina. The ships in which he sailed, however, were driven from
      their course by a long and terrible storm, so that it was not till the
      11th of February that he was enabled to disembark on John's Island, about
      thirty miles from Charlestown. Other delays took place; and it was the
      29th of March when Clinton's army crossed Ashby River and landed on
      Charlestown-neck. Ground was broken in front of the American lines on the
      11th of April; but as these lines were formidable, it was evident that
      some time must elapse before the town could be taken. Thus the Americans
      had built a chain of redoubts, lines, and batteries right across the
      peninusular, from Ashby River to Cooper River, on which were mounted
      eighty cannons and mortars; they had dug a deep canal in front of this
      line, which was filled with water, and had thrown two rows of abattis, and
      made a double picketed ditch; in the centre of their works they had
      erected a kind of citadel, which was bomb-proof; they had erected numerous
      batteries on the waterside, to prevent the approach of ships; and they had
      raised a bar or sand-bank, that rendered the approach of our largest ships
      of war impracticable, and of the smaller craft difficult and dangerous.
      Within the bar, however, there was a place called Five Fathom Hole, with a
      sufficient depth of water to float second-rate ships; and here nine
      American ships were moored, under the American commodore Whipple. Behind
      the bar and Whipple's squadron there was Fort Moultrie, upon Sullivan's
      Island, which was now much stronger than when, in a previous year, it
      repulsed Clinton, and cut up Sir Peter Parker's squadron. Such were the
      formidable obstacles which Clinton had to surmount before he could hope to
      capture Charlestown; and, moreover, within the town was the American
      General Lincoln, at the head of about 7000 men. It was necessary first to
      take possession of Five Fathom Hole; and accordingly Admiral Arbuthnot,
      who had escorted Clinton to Charlestown, made the attempt. The American
      commodore retired before Arbuthnot to Sullivan Island, and then the
      English were permitted to pass the bar at their leisure. This was effected
      with great labour, and on the 9th of April Arbuthnot was in full
      possession of the harbour. Soon after Clinton finished his first parallel,
      and began to erect his batteries; and then Arbuthnot sailed, passed Fort
      Moultrie under a heavy fire, and anchoring just without range of the shot
      from the town batteries, summoned Lincoln to surrender. The American
      general having replied that he would defend the place to the last
      extremity, the English batteries were opened, and they soon made a visible
      impression. In the meantime Clinton detached Colonel Tarleton against
      Lincoln's cavalry, which were placed outside the lines in order to keep
      the country open beyond Cooper Hiver. Tarleton was successful: the cavalry
      were surprised at a place called Biggin's Bridge, and completely routed,
      leaving behind them all their stores, camp-equipage, and baggage, with
      some two or three hundred horses. By this victory a passage was opened
      across the head of Cooper River, and a detachment was sent under the
      command of Earl Cornwallis to scour the country beyond that river. All
      supplies were thus cut off from Charlestown, as well as all hope of
      retreat for Lincoln and his garrison. A council of war was called, and
      Lincoln offered to surrender upon certain conditions; but as Clinton
      considered them too favourable, they were rejected. The British now
      continued their approaches; a second parallel was completed by the 20th of
      April, and a third by the 6th of May. On this latter day the garrison of
      Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan Island, surrendered to Captain Hudson of the
      navy; and on the same day the broken remains of Lincoln's cavalry, which
      had been re-collected, were again routed by Tarleton. Clinton's third
      parallel was erected close to the canal; and this canal was drained by
      means of another excavation. Consternation and despair seized upon the
      inhabitants of the town, but still Lincoln and the garrison resolved to
      hold out. Hostilities were recommenced with additional fury, and an
      incessant fire was kept up for two days, in the midst of which the
      besiegers advanced to the very ditch, and drove the Americans from several
      of their guns. At length, at the prayer of the terrified inhabitants,
      Lincoln resolved to accept the terms which Clinton had offered before the
      last assault. A flag of truce was sent out by him, and Clinton instantly
      signed the capitulation. Between 6000 and 7000 men, consisting of regular
      troops, militia, and sailors became prisoners of war; and four hundred
      pieces of ordnance, and a large quantity of naval stores fell into the
      hands of the victors. The garrison were allowed some of the honours of
      war: they were to march out and deposit their arms between the canal and
      the lines; but the drums were not to beat a British march, nor were the
      colours to be reversed. The militia were to return home upon parole, and
      the citizens were to be considered prisoners on parole; but their property
      was to be respected so long as they kept their word. As for the officers
      of both army and navy they were to retain their swords, pistols, servants,
      and baggage, the latter of which was not to be searched. The town was
      taken possession of by the British on the 12th of May; and General Clinton
      set on foot several expeditions, calculated to extinguish every idea of
      resistance in the interior of the province. At the same time he issued
      proclamations for the purpose of conciliating the inhabitants. These
      measures seemed to produce the desired effect. The only body of troops
      that still held out was defeated by Colonel Tarleton, and the people in
      every part of South Carolina seemed to submit to King George. In this
      happy state of affairs, Clinton, on the 5th of June, embarked for New
      York, leaving Lord Cornwallis behind him with 4000 men, to maintain the
      acquisition, and to penetrate into North Carolina, so soon as the intense
      heat of the season and other circumstances should admit of such an
      enterprise.
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    <h2>
      BATTLE OF CAMDEN, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The loyalty of the people of South Carolina was like a morning cloud; it
      soon passed away. It was not long before they began to manifest a change
      of disposition. Those who had accepted protection, because they could not
      help themselves, manifested their antipathy to the British government;
      while those who were in heart favourable to the cause of King George, were
      indignant at seeing the disloyal part of the community enjoying immunities
      and advantages, which they would employ against the English on the first
      opportunity. The disaffected were encouraged by the hope of speedy aid
      from Virginia and by congress, who were resolved to make the most
      strenuous efforts to recover South Carolina. At length, therefore,
      treachery began openly to show itself. One Lisle, who had taken the oath
      of allegiance, and obtained rank and command, went over to the republicans
      with a battalion of militia, well equipped with arms and ammunition. A
      similar instance of treachery also occurred in another part of the
      province, where a colonel of militia, who was entrusted with the escort of
      some sick and wounded soldiers, carried them into North Carolina, and gave
      them up to Baron de Kalb, a German, who was at the head of some regular
      troops, and of 3000 militia. Kalb was appointed to drive the royalists out
      of the country in North Carolina, and to encourage the disaffected in
      South Carolina. He was soon joined by General Gates, whom congress sent to
      take the supreme command of the American forces. On his arrival, Gates
      having 6000 men under his command, prepared at once to drive the British
      from their line of posts across the state of South Carolina, and carry the
      war up to the very walls of Charlestown. Intelligence of these
      preparations induced Lord Cornwallis to repair to Camden, though his
      effective force did not exceed 2000 men. After some skirmishing, and two
      attacks on detached positions, conducted by Colonel Sumter, and both
      unsuccessful, Gates moved forward to Camden, in the full assurance of
      victory. Having received intelligence of this, Lord Cornwallis, instead of
      retreating or waiting to receive Gates, set out in the dead of the night
      to meet him. The advanced parties met in the woods at two o'clock in the
      morning, and a Maryland regiment was defeated; but after this temporary
      conflict both armies betook themselves to rest, and waited for the morning
      light. When the morning dawned, Cornwallis discovered that the ground
      which he occupied was exceedingly favourable for an action; his flanks
      being secured by two swamps, which narrowed the ground in his front by
      which Gates must advance. He formed in two lines: the first consisting of
      two divisions under Lord Rawdon and Colonel Webster, and the second
      consisting of the seventy-first regiment, and some squadrons of horse
      under his Own command. The arrangement of the enemy was similar; but Gates
      made some disposition on the left, as if intending to change his position,
      and Lord Cornwallis seizing the critical moment, ordered Webster to
      advance and charge the enemy on their left. This division was chiefly
      composed of Virginia militia, and as Webster advanced they threw down
      their loaded muskets and fled from the field. Their example was soon
      followed by the North Carolina division, which formed the centre of
      Gates's army. Gates now brought up his second line, or reserve, and
      endeavoured to rally his militia. It was all in vain; the reserve corps
      were utterly routed, and the militiamen ran for their lives into the
      woods. Gates, aware that all was lost, fled with a few friends to
      Charlotte, about eighty miles off; and in this battle he lost nearly nine
      hundred slain, among whom was Baron de Kalb, and about 1000 were taken
      prisoners, he also lost all his baggage and camp-equipage, many stands of
      colours, seven pieces of cannon, and one hundred and fifty waggons,
      containing a large quantity of military stores and provisions. The English
      lost about three hundred and fifty men in killed and wounded, nearly all
      belonging to the regiment under Webster, and the Irish volunteers under
      Lord Rawdon, who had borne the chief weight of the action. This victory
      was followed by another. At this time Colonel Sumter was on the other side
      of the Wateree, with the intention of striking into the heart of South
      Carolina, and Tarleton, with some cavalry and mounted infantry, was
      dispatched against him. Sumter, warned of Gates's disaster, had already
      began a retreat towards North Carolina, when he was overtaken by Tarleton
      near the Catawba Fords, where his corps were almost annihilated. He lost
      one hundred and fifty men killed, three hundred prisoners, and an immense
      quantity of arms and military stores: two hundred and fifty British
      prisoners were also recaptured. Thus victorious, Lord Cornwallis again
      sent emissaries into North Carolina, to assure the royalists there, that
      he would march into their country as soon as he received necessary
      supplies from Charlestown. In the meantime, as lenity had not disarmed the
      hostility of the disloyal, he gave some examples of severity. He
      sequestered the estates of all those who had broken their parole or their
      oath, and who had left the province; denounced death against those who,
      after receiving British protection, should desert; and executed some of
      the South Carolina militia, whom he had taken in arms near Camden, with
      British protection in their pockets. Cornwallis then marched into North
      Carolina, and he took possession of Charlottetown; but hearing of the
      defeat of a body of loyal militia, under Major Ferguson, who were attacked
      at King's Mountain by 1000 backwoodsmen, he retreated to South Carolina,
      and deferred the prosecution of his enterprise till reinforcements should
      arrive from New York. He took up a position between Camden and the
      district of Ninety-Six, where he waited for the arrival of General Leslie,
      who had been detached by Sir Henry Clinton to penetrate into Virginia, in
      order to co-operate with Cornwallis. Leslie was afterwards ordered round
      by sea to Charlestown; and while Cornwallis was waiting for him, Tarleton
      with his flying column drove back an enterprising partizan, named Marion,
      and again defeated his old adversary, Sumter. Meanwhile congress, though
      greatly dejected by these reverses, had appointed General Greene to
      supersede Gates, Greene arrived at Charlottetown on the 2nd of December;
      but he found himself in no condition to advance into South Carolina; and
      as Cornwallis had not yet been reinforced, no further events transpired in
      the south during this campaign.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS AT NEW YORK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the side of New York, during this year, a variety of petty enterprises
      were undertaken. While Sir Henry Clinton was absent, Knyphausen was at
      first occupied in making preparations for the defence of that city? for,
      by the extreme severity of the winter, New York was deprived of that
      natural defence which arises from its insular situation. The Hudson,
      called the North River, was so completely covered with thick ice that a
      large army, with heavy artillery and baggage, might have crossed it with
      ease, and by that means have approached the very walls of the city.
      Knyphausen expected that Washington would avail himself of this
      circumstance to attack with his whole force, and therefore he adopted
      judicious measures for the city's protection. Washington, however, was not
      in a condition to attempt anything so bold and important. His army had
      been weakened by draughts made upon it for the service of the south; he
      had scarcely any provisions or clothing for his men in the camp; and not
      only discontent but open mutiny had begun to manifest itself. Hence
      Knyphausen was secure from danger, though, in the month of January,
      Washington detached Lord Stirling to Staten Island, to act on the
      offensive. Stirling crossed over the ice from the Jersey shore, surprised
      a small post, and took some prisoners; but he was obliged to quit the
      island, and in his retreat lost some of his own men, who served to
      exchange for the prisoners he had taken. This expedition was followed by
      another on the part of the British, to drive the Americans from a post at
      Young's House, in the neighbourhood of the White Plains, which was
      attended with greater success. The post was stormed and carried; forty of
      the enemy were killed, and about one hundred taken prisoners. Nothing
      further was attempted by Knyphausen during the continuance of the frost;
      but in the month of June, encouraged by the weakness and distress which
      still prevailed in Washington's camp, he detached a considerable force,
      under Brigadiers Mathew and Stirling, to make an attempt to re-establish
      the ancient government in New Jersey. Mathew and Stirling marched up the
      country towards Springfield, but they were disappointed in their
      expectation of the people joining them, and were obliged to retreat to
      Elizabethtown. A few days after this Sir Henry Clinton arrived from
      Charlestown, and though he did not approve of the movement which
      Knyphausen had ordered, as the soldiers were at Elizabethtown, and as
      Washington had come down to the hills near Springfield to protect the
      Jerseys, he resolved to attempt to bring him to action. Mistaking some of
      the movements made by the British, Washington marched towards Pompton to
      defend West Point, and in his absence Sir Henry Clinton defeated General
      Greene, who was left at Springfield for its protection, and reduced the
      town to ashes. Washington, however, could not be brought to action, and
      Clinton, expecting the arrival of the French armament, returned in haste
      to New York. In the meantime, Lafayette, who had returned to France to
      quicken the exertions of his countrymen, presented himself in the American
      camp, with a promise from his sovereign of speedy assistance. Encouraged
      by this promise, congress, who had recently neglected Washington's army,
      probably from the feelings of despair, made an extraordinary effort to
      give his troops some appearance of respectability before the arrival of
      their French allies. These allies arrived in July at Rhode Island, and
      they amounted to 6000 veteran troops. They were commanded by the Count de
      Rochambeau, an experienced officer, who had fought in the battle of
      Minden; but in order to obviate all quarrels about rank and precedence,
      Washington received a commission from the French monarch, appointing him
      lieutenant-general in the French armies, and investing him with the chief
      command in America. No precaution, however, could prevent the French and
      Americans from quarrelling with each other. The Americans complained that
      the French had come too late in the season to do any good, and the French
      complained, that on their arrival the American army were not ready to
      co-operate. Washington suggested an immediate attack upon New York; but
      this could not be attempted without a decided superiority at sea, and
      before any thing could be done, the arrival of Admiral Graves at Sanely
      Hook gave the superiority to the British. This determined Sir Henry
      Clinton to act upon the offensive. The French fleet which had brought the
      troops from France lay at Newport, and Sir Henry proposed to Admiral
      Arbuthnot a plan for attacking this fleet, while the troops proceeded up
      to the Sound to co-operate by land. Hoping to meet the enemy at sea,
      Arbuthnot deferred his co-operation till the enemy had strongly fortified
      their position, and then it was too late. Clinton proceeded with 8000 men
      to Huntingdon Bay, on Long Island; but Washington, having received
      reinforcements, crossed the North River, and rapidly advancing towards
      Kingsbridge, put a stop to their enterprise.
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    <h2>
      TREASON OF ARNOLD, AND FATE OF MAJOR ANDRE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It had been expected by the French and American commanders that they would
      soon be joined by de Guichen, with a land-force and twenty ships of the
      line from the West Indies. Had their expectations been realized, it was
      resolved to attack New York in every direction, with irresistible fury.
      About this time however, intelligence arrived of de Guichen's departure
      for Europe, and of the consequent naval superiority of the British. Thus
      frustrated in their designs, Washington and Rochambeau held a meeting
      midway between their respective camps, to concert new measures. While
      Washington was absent upon this service, General Arnold, who commanded a
      considerable body of troops at West Point, on the New River, and who had
      recently entered into a secret correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for
      delivering up that important post to the British, requested that a
      confidential person might be sent to him, in order to adjust the business,
      and to carry it into effect without delay. The officer charged with this
      commission was Major André, a young man of spirit and undaunted courage,
      and in whom General Clinton reposed unlimited confidence. Major Andre had
      a secret interview with Arnold, and matters were arranged by them for the
      defection, but as he was returning in disguise he was taken by three men
      of the New York militia, and on examination the papers found upon him
      discovered all the particulars of the conspiracy. By some means or other&mdash;but
      how is not sufficiently clear&mdash;Arnold received intelligence of
      Andre's capture in time to make his escape to New York, where, on his
      arrival, he received the commission of a brigadier-general in the British
      service. Major André had hitherto passed himself off as one John Anderson,
      but when he found that Arnold was safe, he announced his name and rank;
      and with more anxiety for his military honour than for his life, he wrote
      a letter to Washington, to secure himself from the imputation of having
      assumed the character of a spy for treacherous purposes or self-interest.
      His letter concluded with expressions of confidence in the generosity of
      Washington's mind; but he soon found that his confidence was misplaced;
      that Washington was an implacable judge. A board of general officers was
      appointed to inquire into his case, and notwithstanding the solicitations
      and menaces of Sir Henry Clinton, who anxiously sought to save him, he was
      condemned to die an ignominious death. He died on a gibbet on the 2nd of
      October! His death is one of the blackest stains on the character of
      Washington; for his obduracy alone prevented the mitigation of the
      punishment. In vain was it represented to him that Sir Henry Clinton, and
      his predecessor Sir William Howe, had never put to death any person for a
      breach of the rules of war: in vain was it shown that Captain Robinson of
      the American army, who had been taken as a spy by the British, had
      recently been exchanged as a prisoner of war; and in vain did Arnold,
      through whose plots he had been captured, plead by letter for his life&mdash;Washington
      was obdurate still, and left his victim to perish by the hands of the
      common hangman! And yet this obdurate commander-in-chief of the Americans
      professed to commiserate his victim's fate; and applauded the fortitude
      with which he met his death: but so did others of the American generals,
      and yet all the while kept twisting the rope that was to hang him! The
      same may be said of Lafayette. He also praised his courage, frankness, and
      delicacy, and "lamented his fate," and yet did nothing to avert his doom.
      How much more nobly did Sir Henry Clinton act on this trying occasion.
      Although he had yet many Americans in his power, and although he had held
      out a threat that if André should perish, they should perish likewise, yet
      no reprisals were made; not one in his power was condemned by a military
      tribunal for their flagrant, and in some instances repeated breaches of
      the rules of war. Yet Washington seems to have considered that he had only
      acted in the character of a just judge. He could imagine that Arnold was
      undergoing "the torments of a mental hell," for the part he had acted in
      this transaction, but he felt no compunction for his own unjust and
      uncalled-for severity&mdash;he could see the mote in Arnold's eye, but
      could not discover the beam which was in his own. As regards Arnold he was
      probably correct. After the death of André that renegade issued addresses
      to the Americans, but he was scorned and unheeded; and he was employed
      during the remainder of the war, but he was shunned by the British
      officers, and although the British soldiers on guard were bound to salute
      his uniform and respect his rank, yet they whispered as he passed along,
      "There goes the traitor Arnold!" The death of André is the last recorded
      act in this campaign. All the belligerents went early into
      winter-quarters; and with the exception of a few foraging expeditions,
      Clinton's army remained at New York and its dependencies during winter
      doing nothing; while Washington continued to occupy his old station on the
      high lands above the Hudson, and the French troops under Rochambeau, staid
      at Rhode Island, all being equally inactive. About the same time that the
      troops went into winter-quarters. Admiral Rodney left the American shores,
      and returned to his old station in the West Indies.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1780-1781
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MARITIME LOSSES SUSTAINED BY THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the European seas British commerce suffered some blows during this
      year, which spread a gloom over the whole nation. Admiral Geary, who on
      the death of Sir Charles Hardy in May, had been appointed to the command
      of the fleet in the Channel, captured, in the beginning of July, twelve
      French merchantmen from Port-au-Prince; but while he proceeded southward,
      in hopes of falling in with a detached squadron of French and Spanish
      ships, of which he had received intelligence, and was cruizing off Cape
      Finisterre, a rich convoy for the East and West Indies, attended by the
      Ramillies and two frigates, were intercepted by the combined fleets of the
      enemy, and nearly fifty merchant ships were captured and carried into
      Cadiz. Many of these ships were laden with naval and military stores for
      the different settlements to which they were destined; and the loss of
      these, together with that of 3000 men taken prisoners on board, so
      increased public dissatisfaction at the mode of employing the
      Channel-fleet, that Geary soon afterwards resigned the command. But this
      was not the only disaster which the English met with on the seas during
      this year. About the same time, fourteen ships of the outward-bound Quebec
      fleet were captured by some American privateers off the banks of
      Newfoundland. These concurrent losses, in their nearer or more remote
      consequences, affected all classes of society.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH HOLLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that Holland was one of those states which entered into
      the league called "The Armed Neutrality." From the very commencement of
      the American war, the Dutch had secretely favoured the cause of the
      colonists; or at least had sought a commercial advantage in supplying some
      of their wants at the expense of the commerce and interests of England.
      Then again, after the interference of France and Spain in the quarrel, the
      ports of Holland were open equally to all the enemies of Great Britain;
      the advantages of a contraband trade making the Dutch regardless of the
      faith of treaties, and of every other consideration. Remonstrances were
      made on this subject by the British ambassador at the Hague, but without
      effect. The States General were determined to follow their own line of
      policy, and the breach thus made between the two countries gradually
      widened as the war with America progressed. It was easy to foresee,
      indeed, that sooner or later Holland would be joined to the long list of
      our open enemies. An event which occurred early in September of this year,
      led to such a consummation. At that time a congress packet was taken by
      the Vestal frigate off the banks of Newfoundland, as it was steering its
      course towards Holland. On board this packet was Henry Laurens, the late
      president of congress; who, as soon as he perceived that he should be
      captured, threw a box containing papers overboard. The lead which was
      attached to this box was not sufficiently heavy to sink it immediately,
      and a British sailor leaped into the sea and caught it as it was sinking.
      The papers which it contained were found to contain a treaty of amity and
      commerce between the republic of Holland and the States of America, some
      articles of which had been provisionally agreed to and signed two years
      before at Aix-la-Chapelle, by William Lee, agent for congress, and John de
      Neufville, a merchant of Amsterdam, acting under powers delegated to him
      by Van Berkel, the grand pensionary of that city. Laurens, the bearer of
      these papers, was brought to England, and committed to the Tower on a
      charge of high-treason; and our government transmitted the papers to their
      ambassador at the Hague, and instructed him to present a memorial to the
      States General, requiring them to disavow the proceedings of Van Berkel
      and his accomplices, and to punish them for their offence. No answer was
      returned to this memorial on the 12th of December, and Sir Joseph Yorke
      sent in another, expressing, in diplomatic language, his astonishment at
      the silence of the States General. The truth was, that although the
      Statholder neither approved of the treaty with the United States nor of
      war with England, the great trading interest of Amsterdam and the whole
      French party in Holland were eager for the completion of the treaty, and
      fondly imagined that Great Britain, through the number and power of her
      enemies and the Armed Neutrality, must succumb. Hence the memorial of the
      British ambassador was still treated with silent contempt, and there was
      no alternative left for our government but to declare war against Holland.
      Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and a royal manifesto was issued, declaring
      that Great Britain had issued letters of reprisals against the Dutch, and
      justifying her conduct in taking this hostile step. This manifesto was
      issued, on the 20th of December, and it would appear that the States
      General were alarmed at this firmness of the British government, for they
      did not put forth their answer to the manifesto of his Britannic majesty
      till the March following. The States General were, in truth, ill prepared
      for war with England, and they had soon reason to repent that they had
      even provoked it: it brought them only loss and degradation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was unexpectedly dissolved, on the 1st of September, by royal
      proclamation. The elections proved to be much in favour of the court, for
      in several places the most popular members of the opposition side of the
      house lost their seats. In the whole, one hundred and thirteen new members
      were elected. Burke was returned, but in consequence of his support to the
      Irish Trade Acts, to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and to other measures
      of a liberal nature, he lost his seat for Bristol, and was compelled to be
      contented with the more humble one of the borough of Malton. Mr. Fox,
      after a hard struggle, was returned for Westminster.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament met on the 31st of October. The first debate was
      occasioned by the election of a speaker. Sir Fletcher Norton had given
      offence to ministers during the last session, and Lord George Germaine,
      urging the precarious state of Sir Fletcher's health, moved that Mr.
      Cornwall should fill the chair. Sir Fletcher and his friends replied, that
      his health was now re-established, and that Lord George Germaine's
      condolence was a mockery of the house; and Dunning moved that he should be
      continued speaker. The house was divided on his re-election, but
      opposition were left in a minority of one hundred and thirty-four to two
      hundred and three: Mr. Cornwall was therefore elected speaker. His majesty
      delivered his opening speech on the following day. In it he declared his
      satisfaction in having an opportunity, by the recent election, of
      receiving the most certain information of the disposition and wishes of
      his people; and again complained of the unprovoked aggression of France
      and Spain, who were exerting all their power to support the rebellion of
      his colonies, to destroy the commerce of Great Britain, and to give a
      final blow to her power. He added, that the bravery of his fleets and
      armies had enabled him to withstand their hostility; and that he hoped the
      late successes in Georgia and Carolina would have important consequences
      in bringing the war to a happy conclusion. The opposition denied that the
      successes obtained in America were likely to be decisive, and an amendment
      was moved in the house of commons by Mr. Thomas Grenvilie, consisting in
      the omission of several complimentary paragraphs, but it was negatived by
      two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty. In the upper house
      there was but little debate, and the original address was carried by an
      equally large majority. The same success attended ministers with reference
      to the army and navy estimates, which were carried by such large
      majorities as served to remind Lord North of the earlier years of his
      administration, and to efface the recollection of the narrow divisions and
      minorities of the last session. In the course of the debates on the
      estimates, Fox pledged himself to move, after the Christmas holidays, for
      the dismissal of the Earl of Sandwich, and afterwards to bring him to
      condign punishment. He should found these motions, he said, on two
      different causes: first, for Sandwich's having advised his majesty to
      promote Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of Greenwich Hospital; and,
      secondly, for his having shamefully neglected the navy. This led to a
      display of fierce party spirit, which was subsequently renewed from a
      remark made by Mr. Thomas Townshend; namely, that he thought it was highly
      necessary that the house should inquire why, in this season of public
      danger, the nation was deprived of the services and abilities of such men
      as Admiral Keppel, Lord Howe, Sir Robert Harland, Pigot, Campbell, and
      Barrington. This remark was made on the 4th of December, and in the course
      of the debate which ensued, Mr. Fox having again censured the promotion of
      Sir Hugh Palliser, Lord North defended the unpopular admiral in one of his
      most ready and effective speeches. Two days after this the two houses of
      parliament adjourned to the 23rd of January.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1781-1782
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Notice of the Rupture with  Holland..... Burke
     re-introduces  the  Subject of Economical Reform, &amp;c......
     Debates on the Supplies..... Motion on the Employment of the
     Military in the late Riots..... Petition of the Delegates of
     the  County Associations..... The Marriage Act
     corrected..... Motion of Fox respecting the American
     War..... Parliament prorogued..... Attack on Jersey..... The
     Garrison of Gibraltar relieved..... Revolt in Washington's
     Camp..... Arnold's Expedition to Virginia, &amp;c..... Lord
     Cornwallis's   Expedition   to  Virginia..... Siege  of
     Lord Cornwallis   in York Town..... Loss of the British
     Dominion in Florida..... Attack on Minorca..... French and
     Spanish Fleets   in the   English   Channel..... Naval
     Action with   the Dutch..... Capture of St.   Eustatius.....
     Commodore Johnstone   attacked by de Suffrein,  &amp;c......
     Further Operations in the West Indies..... Sentiments of
     Foreign Powers toward England..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     Censures on Rodney and Hauffman..... debate on the Navy.....
     Motions of  Sir James Lowther for   Peace, &amp;c.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1781
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    <h2>
      NOTICE OF THE RUPTURE WITH HOLLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 25th of January Lord North delivered a message from the king, in
      which his majesty acquainted the house, that during the recess he had been
      compelled to direct letters of marque and general reprisal to be issued
      against the States General of the United Provinces. A copy of the
      manifesto and sundry other papers were laid before the house, in order
      that the members might be fully acquainted with the causes and motives of
      his majesty in directing these letters. Having delivered his message, Lord
      North moved, "That an address be presented to his majesty, assuring him
      that the house would, with a firm and determined resolution, support the
      just and necessary war against Holland, for the maintenance of the honour
      of his crown, and the lights and interests of his people." This motion was
      opposed by the opposition, Burke taking the lead in the debate. In his
      speech, Burke declared that ministers had been in fault rather than the
      Dutch, and that the paper found in the box of the captured American
      packet, was nothing more than a project or draft of a treaty, which
      possibly the Dutch would never have completed. So far as they knew, he
      said, it might be merely a "speculative essay," or a "contemplative
      prospect;" and therefore it was no justifiable or assignable ground for
      going to war with them. These were arguments, however, for party purposes;
      opposition conceived that the declaration of war between England and
      Holland was setting the seal to Lord North's political embarrassments, and
      therefore they adopted this line of argument in order to suit their own
      views. It was, indeed, notorious that government had strenuously
      endeavoured to avoid an open rupture with Holland, and that it was not
      till the British honour was at stake that war was declared. But ministers
      were in no danger from the arguments of opposition on this question. A
      majority of nearly two to one agreed with Lord North and the manifesto,
      and exclaimed against the insolence, the selfishness, and the ingratitude
      of the States General. In the house of lords, also, the address was
      carried by a large majority; but two protests were recorded by the
      dissentient peers against this new war "with the ancient and natural
      allies of the kingdom."
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    <h2>
      BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL REFORM, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of February, after some debates on the affairs of India, Mr.
      Burke re-produced his scheme of economical reform which had been rejected
      in the last session. He opened his proposition by stating the powerful
      motives that called upon him to resume that subject. These motives were
      the celebrated resolutions of the late parliament, respecting the alarming
      increase of the influence of the crown; the general wish and expectation
      of the people; and the direct application made to himself and others from
      several counties and associations. It seems probable that he was chiefly
      induced to renew the subject through the influence of the associations,
      which, notwithstanding the scenes which had occurred through them in the
      metropolis during the last year, still endeavoured to stimulate opposition
      by inflammatory resolutions, not only against fancied invasions of public
      rights, but against the license supposed to be now granted to military
      authority. At this period, indeed, political associations had acquired
      considerable strength and consistency, and their danger was increased by
      the new and unconstitutional measure of appointing delegates to transact
      their business in the capital, and to promote the objects of their
      petitions. Their chief object was a reduction of expenditure, but with
      this they coupled what was afterwards called a "Radical Reform" of the
      house of commons. It was notorious that Burke received from these
      associations many complimentary addresses, for his efforts in the cause of
      reform, and he seems from hence to have been stimulated to renew the
      subject in the house. This, indeed, is indicated by his allusion to the
      associations. After making this allusion, Burke, in continuing his speech,
      said that the nation was involved in expenses which reached the utmost
      limits of the public ability, and that as it was originally the duty of
      ministers to have framed and carried into execution such a scheme of
      economy as he now brought forward, so it was their interest to secure
      themselves from punishment by making some amends for their former neglect.
      Burke displayed considerable address in his appeal to this new house. The
      three resolutions of the late parliament, he said, were a valuable legacy
      bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for previous servility; adding,
      that they formed a body of maxims, authorizing the people to expect from
      their present representatives, that which was declared to be necessary by
      their predecessors: if the present parliament neglected to accomplish what
      the previous parliament had designed, all the evil consequences would be
      charged upon them; and while the resolutions of the 6th of April would
      stand upon their journals as public monuments of exculpation to their
      predecessors, they would likewise stand as public monuments of disgrace to
      them. The fallacy of M. Neckar's financial measures in France was not yet
      made manifest, and Burke again applauded the economical achievements of
      that statesman, and held up the example of France, both as a warning and
      an encouragement. In conclusion he moved, "That leave be given to bring in
      a bill for the better regulation of his majesty's civil establishments and
      of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions and the
      suppression of sundry useless expenses and inconvenient places, and for
      applying the monies saved thereby to the public service." This motion was
      seconded by Mr. Duncombe, and leave was given to bring in the bill without
      opposition; Lord North declaring that he would reserve his objections to
      the second reading. The second reading took place on the 26th of February,
      when there was a long and animated debate on the measure. One of the most
      remarkable speeches on this occasion was delivered by the Hon. William
      Pitt, second son of the late Earl of Chatham, who now spoke for the first
      time in the house of commons. William Pitt, on whom the mantle of his
      father seems to have fallen, announced himself as an ardent reformer and
      lover of strict economy. One great object, he said, of all the petitions
      which had been presented, was a recommendation of economy in the public
      expenditure, and the design of the present bill was to carry these wishes
      into effect. The bill had still another object more important in view, and
      that was the reduction of the influence of the crown; an influence which
      was the more to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more
      concealed in its operations than the power of prerogative. Pitt then
      adverted to the objections which had been made to the bill, and which he
      termed extraordinary, inasmuch as it only proposed to bring about £200,000
      into the public coffers; an insignificant sum when compared with the
      millions annually expended. He continued:&mdash;"What then is the
      conclusion we are left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are
      too great to be benefited by economy. Our expenses are so enormous, that
      it is useless to give ourselves any concern about them: we have spent and
      are spending so much, that it is foolish to think of saving anything. Such
      is the language which the opponents of this bill have virtually employed.
      It has also been said that the king's civil list was an irresumable
      parliamentary grant, and it had even been compared to a private freehold.
      The weakness of such arguments was their best refutation. The civil list
      revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use, but for the
      support of the executive government of the state. It was granted to
      support the dignity and interests of the empire, to maintain its grandeur,
      to pay the judges, and foreign ministers, to maintain justice and support
      respect, to pay the great officers necessary to the lustre of the crown;
      and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence of the people. The
      parliament made the grant, and undoubtedly had a right to resume it when
      the pressure of the times rendered such resumption necessary." The
      youthful orator, who was listened to with deep attention by both sides of
      the house, declared, in conclusion, that he considered the present bill as
      essential to the well-being and independence of the country, and he would
      therefore give it his most determined support. Opposition, however, were
      outvoted by a majority of forty-three; the motion for the second reading
      being negatived by two hundred and thirty-three against one hundred and
      ninety. By a subsequent resolution the further consideration of Burke's
      bill was put off for six months. About the same time several other popular
      measures proposed in the last session were revived, as the bills against
      contractors and revenue-officers, and for imposing a tax on places and
      pensions, but they were all defeated by considerable majorities.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord North had soon another contest to sustain. On the 7th of March he
      brought forward his annual statement of the supplies and resources for the
      current service. The sum demanded for the year was £22,458,337, twelve of
      which, he stated it would be necessary to raise by a loan. The terms were
      unusually high. A contract had been entered into with the subscribers to
      grant £150 stock at three per cent., and twenty-five at four per cent, for
      every £100 in money, being £9,000,000 more than the sum paid into the
      exchequer. To defray the interest of this loan new taxes would be required
      to the amount of £660,000 annually; that is £60,000 more than the legal
      interest of five per cent., exclusive of which, as the subscription to the
      loan bore a premium of ten per cent., the further sum of £1,200,000
      appeared to be lost to the nation. Mr. Fox reprobated this bargain, as the
      most corrupt in its origin, the most shameful in its progress, and the
      most injurious in its consequences that ever came under the notice of the
      house. The profits of the loan were estimated by him at about £1,000,000,
      and this sum, he said, was entirely at the disposal, and in the hands of
      the minister, to be granted in douceurs to the members of that house,
      either as compensations for the expenses of their late elections, or as
      bribes for future services. Fox also strongly objected to a proposed
      lottery, which was a part of the loan scheme, as a means of raising money
      for the public service. Taught by experience&mdash;for Fox was at this
      time reduced to a miserable state of embarrassment and dependence, from
      his love of the gambling table&mdash;he delivered an impressive harangue
      on the vice of gambling, and declared that lotteries were the most
      pernicious of all species of gaming inasmuch as they immediately affected
      the morals, habits, and circumstances of the lower orders of society. Lord
      North defended both the loan and the lottery, and asserted that the
      £12,000,000 could not have been obtained upon easier conditions. Fox had
      moved that the clause respecting the lottery should be omitted; but this
      was rejected by one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and eleven,
      and the minister's measures were all passed. The matter, however, did not
      end here. Opposition to the loan bill was renewed under a variety of forms
      while passing through the lower house; and when carried to the Lords, it
      encountered the severe censure of the Marquess of Buckingham, and others
      of his party. Eight peers entered a protest against the bill on the
      journals. Subsequently the subject was revived in the commons, by a motion
      of Sir George Saville for the appointment of a committee to inquire into
      the circumstances of the loan. Sir George argued, that though the bargain
      had been ratified, it was yet not too late to pass a vote of censure, or
      even of impeachment, on the minister who had thus grossly and daringly
      sacrificed the interests of the public. A vehement debate followed this
      motion; but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and nine against one
      hundred and sixty-three.
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN THE LATE RIOTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the employment
      of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the preceding
      summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted to in time to
      save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this time, however, as
      in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by opposition whereby
      there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers into public contempt.
      They were assailed at every point wherein they were considered vulnerable;
      and one attack was but the precursor of another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan,
      who had made his first speech during last November, and had won golden
      opinions by his oratory on that occasion, moved three propositions: the
      first declaring that the military force could not justifiably be applied
      in dispersing tumultuous assemblies, without waiting for directions from
      civil magistrates, unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to
      overcome civil authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government;
      the second affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the
      7th of June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of
      the police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire
      into the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots.
      Sheridan delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which
      was adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but
      after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from
      all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however,
      Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably
      pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received the
      sanction of the house.
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London,
      they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a
      petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all
      the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and
      parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to sign
      their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their
      delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was known
      to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of frequent
      allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them as
      enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious
      demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr.
      Buncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery of
      Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the petition
      to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May; but the
      contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of the
      delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a majority
      of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five.
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    <h2>
      THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It had been found, by a late decision in the court of king's bench, that a
      clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful whereof
      the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected since the
      passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved thousands of
      marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also have rendered
      their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature interfered. A bill
      was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a retrospective operation, in
      order to render such marriages valid and their issue legitimate. This bill
      was adopted by both houses unanimously; and it received the royal assent
      early in June. After it had passed, Fox, who inherited his father's
      dislike to the whole of the marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending
      or rather repealing it <i>in toto</i>. Fox's motion, which was rejected
      without a division, excited much notice from the circumstance that it
      brought him into collision for the first time with Burke, his bosom
      friend. Burke as strenuously supported the original act, as Fox opposed
      it; considering that "it hit the just mean between a mischievous restraint
      and that laxity which formerly occasioned so much disorder." Each
      supported their own views with their known abilities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill
      vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally
      agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North
      America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days
      afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which
      emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June,
      Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to
      consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that he
      intended to move in committee "That his majesty's ministers ought
      immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our
      American colonies." In his speech, Fox contended that success by force of
      arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans would
      have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than they
      ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides went
      over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly
      remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to throw
      the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory of
      Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that he had
      been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had attended
      its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that if one of
      his leading principles was to be followed the war would never end. William
      Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his eloquence failed
      to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had appeared in the
      proceedings of that great statesman. When he had performed this duty, Pitt
      proceeded to state his own opinion on the subject of the American war. He
      remarked:&mdash;"The war was conceived in injustice, nurtured in folly,
      and its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation. It exhibits
      the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation is drained
      of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing is received
      in return but a series of inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats;
      victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or
      defeats which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and
      valuable relatives, slain in a detested and impious quarrel." Some
      members, however, argued that the Americans might yet be subdued; while
      others doubted whether at this moment, when they were backed by France,
      Spain, and Holland, they would not treat all overtures with contumely. It
      was also questioned whether the house could, or ought to interfere with
      the prerogative of the crown; in which was vested the power of peace and
      war, and whether they could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which
      was not likely to be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the
      house there were men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the
      independence of America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was
      rejected by one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session terminated on the 18th of July. In his speech the king
      thanked the members for their long attendance, their loyalty, and their
      affection. At this time a prospect of brilliant successes had opened in
      India, and that the British would build up an empire more vast in its
      extent than that for which they were contending in the West. His majesty
      dwelt at some length upon this subject, and warmly applauded measures
      adopted, or in progress, for checking abuses in these possessions, and for
      making our conquests mutually advantageous to the natives and ourselves.
      On the subject of America he remarked:&mdash;"While I lament the
      continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have
      the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of my
      councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the
      happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and see the tranquillity of
      Europe restored. To defend the dominion and to maintain the rights of this
      country was on my part the sole cause, and was the only object of the war.
      Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a reliance on
      the spirit and resources of the nation, and the powerful assistance of my
      parliament, and the protection of a just and all-ruling Providence, to
      accept it upon any other terms than such as may consist with the honour
      and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interests and security of my
      people." At the time when his majesty delivered this speech there was
      indeed no prospect of peace: war raged on every hand.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1781-1782
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    <h2>
      ATTACK ON JERSEY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this year the French, under the Baron de Rullecourt, made another
      attempt upon the island of Jersey. Its little capital was captured by
      night, and Major Corbet, the lieutenant-governor, signed a capitulation
      for the surrender of the whole island. Major Pierson, however, was not so
      pusillanimous. Collecting all the force he could, he fell upon the French
      invaders in the market-place of St. Heliers, and, being-assisted by the
      towns-people, killed a great many of them, and captured the rest. But
      unfortunately Pierson was himself killed by almost the last shot fired by
      the French. At the commencement of the action the Baron de Rullecourt
      received several wounds, of which he died immediately after the surrender.
      In the whole, nearly eight hundred French were either killed or taken, and
      they had previously lost two hundred men in a terrible storm which
      overtook them at the commencement of their expedition, and which drove
      back many of their vessels to their own ports. This affair cost Major
      Corbet his honour: he was tried by a court-martial, and deprived of his
      commission of lieutenant-governor. The states erected a splendid monument
      in the town-church to the memory of the gallant Major Pierson.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The garrison of Gibraltar, at the commencement of this year, were again
      reduced to great straits by the persevering Spaniards. The supplies which
      Rodney had thrown in the year before were nearly exhausted; and some
      vessels which had been accustomed to run down from Minorca and some of the
      Italian ports were captured by the French and Spanish cruisers. Under
      these circumstances, one of the first efforts of the campaign was the
      relief of this important place. Admiral Darby was appointed to this
      important service. After escorting the East and West India trade to a
      certain latitude, Darby arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet
      at anchor. While, therefore, he forwarded the convoy with provision!,
      stores, etc., to Gibraltar, with some ships of the line and frigates to
      cover them, Darby remained with the rest of his fleet, cruizing between
      Cadiz Bay and the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar, watching the enemy.
      The Spanish admiral, Cordova, had boasted that he would meet the English
      at sea; but upon second thought, he considered himself safer where he was,
      and still remained at anchor. The convoy got safe into the harbour, where
      it was hailed with transports of joy by the half-famished soldiers on the
      rocky heights of Gibraltar; and their cheers were responded to by those
      below. The succours were landed with very little difficulty, and Darby
      then returned to the Channel station. The Spaniards were disheartened by
      this success of the British, and were mortified by the circumstance that
      their grand fleet had cowered before an inferior force; but they were
      again encouraged by promises of co-operation from France, and therefore
      still continued the siege.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REVOLT IN WASHINGTON'S CAMP.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The earliest events of this year were unfavourable to the American cause.
      For some months all discipline had been relaxed in Washington's camp; the
      officers and men alike being dissatisfied with the treatment which they
      received from congress. They were on the point of starvation; and though
      they had long endured their hardships, on the night of the 1st of January,
      the Pennsylvania line, which was hutted at Morris Town in the Jerseys,
      turned out to the number of 1300 men, and declared that they would march
      to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress or return to their
      homes. After committing some excesses on those officers who opposed their
      movement, the men marched to Princeton. They were followed on the next day
      by General Wayne and his staff, with many officers who were supposed to
      possess their confidence, in the hope that they would be able either to
      bring them back to their duty, or to sow dissensions among them. Wayne
      came up with them near Middle Brook; but the demands of the revolted
      troops were such as he could not grant; and he therefore referred them to
      congress. The men continued their march to Princeton for that purpose; and
      while there, emissaries arrived from Sir Henry Clinton, with tempting
      offers to them, and with the suggestion that they should take up a
      position behind the South River, when he would soon cover them with
      detachments from the royal army in New York. The mutineers, however,
      showed themselves true to the cause of liberty, for they not only rejected
      Clinton's tempting offers, but communicated them to General Wayne, with
      assurances that, though they had left the American camp, they would never
      go over to the British. At the same time they seized Clinton's emissaries,
      and kept them in their own hands; they refused to leave Princeton;
      resolved that none of their former officers should enter their camp; and
      ordered Lafayette and others, who had presented themselves as mediators,
      to return immediately. Soon after, a committee of congress, the governor
      of Pennsylvania, and a part of his council came into the neighbourhood of
      Princeton to negociate with the revolters. A conference took place between
      the sergeants of the revolted troops and the committee; when the latter
      offered these propositions:&mdash;That congress would discharge all those
      who had enlisted for three years; and that they would give immediate
      certificates for the depreciation on their pay, settle their arrears as
      soon as they were able, and furnish the men with such clothing as they
      required forthwith, The sergeants agreed to distribute these propositions
      among the troops for consideration; and after due deliberation the
      mutineers agreed to march to Trenton, to meet their officers and
      commanders. At Trenton, the terms offered by congress were accepted; and
      then the mutineers gave up Sir Henry Clinton's emissaries, who were all
      hanged as spies. But mutiny did not end here. Encouraged by the success of
      the Pennsylvania line, a part of the Jersey brigade, stationed at
      Pomp-ton, flew to arms, and marched to Chatham to join another part of the
      same brigade; and these all demanded the same terms which had been granted
      to the Pennsylvanian mutineers. In the former instance, Washington,
      probably wishing that congress should be made to feel that the grievances
      of the troops must be redressed, and that the army must be treated with
      greater respect, had not taken any measures for bringing back the
      mutineers to their duty. On this occasion, however, foreseeing that
      continued revolts would tend to the disorganization of his army, he sent
      General How to Chatham with a considerable force, and with orders to make
      no terms with the revolted brigade while in a state of resistance. He even
      instructed How, after the brigade should surrender, to seize a few of the
      ringleaders and put them to death on the spot. How's task was not a very
      arduous one, for the mutineers at Chatham scarcely amounted to more than
      two hundred men; and he surrounded them in their quarters, seized a few of
      the ringleaders, and executed them according to Washington's orders, and
      reduced the rest to submission. These revolts alarmed congress; and they
      contrived to raise three months' pay in specie, and to obtain a quantity
      of clothes, which they forwarded to the camp, in order to prevent further
      defection. But this was only a temporary remedy for the evil; and as the
      inhabitants were distressed in order to satisfy the soldiers, congress
      resolved to seek a loan from France. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, son of
      the prisoner in the Tower, was sent on this commission to the court of
      Versailles; and at the same time, Mr. Jay, the young lawyer, who was now
      installed as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid, was
      instructed to press the court of Spain for co-operation and direct
      assistance. It is evident, indeed, that congress and the general officers
      of the army, all thought that the affairs of the Americans were in a
      desperate condition; and that if they did not speedily obtain assistance
      in money and troops from the Bourbons, the sun of liberty would be set for
      ever. Lafayette exerted his influence with M. de Vergennes, the French
      minister on this occasion. He furnished Laurens with a letter to him, in
      which he stated, that with a naval inferiority it was impossible to
      continue the war; that the resources of the country, great as they were,
      would be ineffectual unless money were sent; that the last campaign had
      been conducted without a single dollar; and that all that credit,
      persuasion, and force could do in the way of obtaining supplies had been
      done. In conclusion, he demanded clothes, arms, and ammunition, and
      represented that a great fleet, and a new division of 10,000 troops ought
      to be sent from France to New York, in order to destroy the power of the
      British on the continent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the very day that the Pennsylvanian line revolted, General Arnold
      appeared in Hampton Road on the Chesapeak, to carry devastation into
      Virginia. Arnold had with him about 1200 men, part of whom were American
      royalists; and with this force he proceeded up James's River, and landed
      at Westover, about twenty-five miles distance from Richmond, the capital
      of Virginia. There were 50,000 enrolled militiamen in that province; but
      Jefferson, its governor, could only collect a few hundred, and therefore
      he was obliged to relinquish all hopes of defending the city Knowing the
      rapidity of Arnold's movements, he caused some of the public property to
      be removed to the country above, and then fled with his council,
      secretaries, and officers, with the greatest precipitation. Arnold entered
      Richmond the morning after his flight, the troops evacuating the town at
      his approach. On his arrival he sent some of the citizens of Richmond to
      Jefferson, offering to spare the town if British vessels were permitted to
      come to it, and take off the tobacco there deposited, unmolested. This
      offer was rejected; and Arnold then detached Colonel Simcoe, with nearly
      half of his force, to Westham, to burn and destroy all the buildings there
      which contained arms, ammunition, and military stores; and when Simcoe had
      completed this work of destruction, and had returned, Arnold set fire to
      all the public buildings and tobacco-stores at Richmond. He then quitted
      the capital of Virginia, and encamped at Four-mile Creek, whence he
      returned to his shipping at Westover. From Westover he detached a party of
      horse to Charles City Court-house, where one hundred and fifty militiamen
      were surprised and routed; after which Arnold re-embarked his army, and
      began to descend James's River. He returned to Portsmouth, where he was
      joined by more men, who raised his force to nearly 2000 men, and where he
      established a permanent station, in order to co-operate with Lord
      Cornwallis. While at Portsmouth, it was suggested by the American leaders,
      that a few individuals should make a sudden incursion into his camp, and
      carry him off, in order to bring him to the gallows. The capture of Arnold
      was, indeed, a cherished object with the Americans, ever since his
      defection from their cause; but he was aware that he was in danger, and
      was therefore vigilant, so that if any attempt had been made, it would
      doubtless have failed. It would appear, in fact, that though 5000 guineas
      were offered in the event of success, none could be found hardy enough to
      make such a daring attempt. Washington, however, was resolved to capture
      the arch-traitor if possible; and with this view he sent Lafayette to
      blockade him on the land side, while a French squadron blockaded him by
      sea. Washington wished Destouches to employ nearly the whole of his fleet
      in this service; but the French admiral was apprehensive that Admiral
      Arbuthnot might have collected and repaired his scattered ships; and he
      therefore refused to risk more than one sixty-four-gun ship and two
      frigates. These were put under the command of Commodore de Tilley; and
      they sailed for the Chesapeak on the 9th of February. De Tilley, however,
      found Arnold so well posted as to defy attack, and he returned to Rhode
      Island. As he was returning, near the Capes of Virginia he fell in with
      and captured the Romulus, a fifty-gun ship, which was sailing from
      Charlestown to the Chesapeak. Washington now held a conference at Newport,
      Rhode Island, with Rochambeau, Destouches, and other officers, in which it
      was resolved to embark part of the French army, under the command of Count
      de Viominil, and to risk the whole of the French fleet to escort it, in
      order to capture Arnold. Destouches, the French admiral, set sail on the
      8th of March; but he was followed by Admiral Arbuthnot, and brought to
      action off Cape Henry. After fighting for about an hour, the French bore
      up and ran to leeward; and Destouches then resolved to return to Rhode
      Island. In a few days General Phillips arrived at Portsmouth to take the
      command over Arnold; and the defence of Virginia was entrusted to
      Lafayette, who collected his forces on the Elk River, and then marched
      into that province. In the meantime Generals Phillips and Arnold were
      engaged in the work of destruction. Williamsburg, York Town, Petersburg,
      and Chesterfield Court-house were all captured, and public property, with
      a quantity of vessels found in the different harbours, etc., were
      destroyed by them. After the capture of Chesterfield Court-house, Arnold
      marched through Osbornes&mdash;where he destroyed the tobacco&mdash;to
      Warwick; just above which place, and between it and Richmond, an American
      flotilla had been collected. On his approach the crews set fire to these
      vessels or scuttled them; and escaping to the opposite shore, there joined
      a body of militia and fled with them. Generals Phillips and Arnold now
      again united their forces and marched to Manchester, a town on the
      southern bank of James's River, where they burned all the tobacco and
      stores. They contemplated crossing the river to Richmond; but Lafayette
      had reached that place in the course of the preceding evening, and they
      therefore retraced their steps by the way of Warwick, and retired to
      Bermuda Hundred. Soon afterwards they re-embarked their troops, and fell
      down the river to Hog Island, where they remained till they received
      notice from Lord Cornwallis that he was about marching into Virginia from
      the Carolinas, and expected their co-operation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD CORNWALLIS'S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This was the last year in which any grand efforts were made for the
      recovery of the colonies, and the plan of the campaign was thus arranged.
      Lord Cornwallis was directed to penetrate through the intervening
      provinces into Virginia, there to attack Lafayette, while Sir Henry
      Clinton himself engaged to keep Washington and Rochambeau in check.
      Cornwallis took the field early in this year, and having left a
      considerable force under Lord Rawdon for the defence of South Carolina,
      advanced towards the frontiers, and took a position at Winnsborough;
      General Leslie proceeding towards Camden. About the same time the American
      general, Greene, marched with the main body of his forces to the
      Cheraw-hills, on the Pedee, having detached General Morgan to act on the
      left of Lord Cornwallis. This movement alarmed the British commander from
      some of his posts, and he despatched Colonel Tarleton, with a force of
      about 1100 men, to counteract the designs of Morgan. This time Tarleton
      was unsuccessful. Meeting with the enemy at a place called the Cow-pens,
      although their force was greatly superior, he immediately engaged them,
      and was defeated with considerable less. Soon after this affair General
      Greene took the field in person, and Lord Cornwallis, being joined by
      General Leslie, resolved to cross the Catawba and give him battle.
      Cornwallis forced a passage over that river on the 1st of February, and
      his troops scattered the North Carolina militia that were stationed on the
      opposite bank to defend the ford, and killed many of them, with General
      Davidson, their commander. Greene retreated to the Yadkin, closely
      followed by Cornwallis, and both armies crossed that river. Cornwallis
      took up a position between Greene and the frontiers of Virginia, and a
      variety of manouvres and rapid marches ensued. In the end, however, Greene
      succeeded in placing the river Dan between him and the enemy, and getting
      on a line of march which would lead him into Virginia, without being
      compelled to risk a battle. Desisting from the pursuit, Cornwallis
      proceeded to Hillsborough, the capital of North Carolina, where he raised
      the royal standard, and issued proclamations to the people. All North
      Carolina appeared to be at his feet, for there was no army to resist him,
      and the royalists soon began to form themselves into independent
      companies, to serve with Tarleton's legion. Greene, however, who had been
      recruited on the Virginian frontier, soon returned, resolving to keep the
      field, though he wished to avoid a general engagement. Soon after his
      return he sent Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with a detachment, against a body
      of nearly three hundred loyalists, who had been collected by Colonel Pyle,
      and were marching to join the British army. These unfortunate men mistook
      Lee's troops for their British allies, and being suddenly surrounded by
      them, were butchered on the spot, in the act of imploring mercy. The
      disaster was rendered still more dreadful by a mistake made by Colonel
      Tarleton. Happening to be within a mile of this scene of slaughter, and
      hearing the alarm, he recrossed the Haw, and meeting in his retreat with
      another body of loyalists, he conceived that they were militiamen, and put
      them to the sword. All these circumstances combined wholly disconcerted
      the schemes of Lord Cornwallis in North Carolina, and he crossed the river
      Haw, and encamped on Allamance Creek, in order to afford protection to the
      great body of the royalists who resided between the Haw and the Deep
      Rivers. Greene now advanced a little, and having crossed the Haw near its
      source, took post between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork. Discovering
      this movement, Cornwallis carried his army across Allamance Creek and
      marched towards Reedy Fork, hoping to beat up the quarters of Greene's
      light troops, and to tempt Greene into a general engagement. Cornwallis
      attacked Reedy Fork, and some light troops made a slight stand upon the
      creek, but they were defeated with considerable slaughter; and then
      Cornwallis found that Greene was retreating as fast as he could across the
      Haw. Soon after, however, Greene received considerable reinforcements, and
      considering himself strong enough to face Cornwallis, he recrossed the
      Haw, and moved forward to Guildford Court-house. Cornwallis instantly
      prepared to meet him, and a battle was fought at that place on the 15th of
      March. The engagement, which was maintained with determined valour on both
      sides, terminated honourably to the British arms. Greene was compelled to
      retreat, and to leave the field of battle, with his artillery, consisting
      of four pieces, in the hands of Lord Cornwallis. The victory, however, was
      dearly purchased, as about one hundred were killed and above four hundred
      wounded, which amounted to nearly one-third of all the British troops
      engaged. The loss was rendered more severe on the following night, when
      many of the wounded expired from want of covering to shelter them from the
      rain, which poured down in torrents on the field of battle. On discovering
      the extent of his loss, Cornwallis felt that he was not in a condition to
      follow up his victory, and as he could obtain no provisions where he was,
      he was under the necessity of retreating. He left about seventy of his
      wounded, who could not be removed, under a flag of truce, at a Friends'
      meetinghouse, and on the third day after the battle, directed his march
      towards Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape Fear River, a post already
      occupied by the British troops, under the command of Major Craig, and
      where he arrived on the 7th of April. In the meantime General Greene, who
      had slowly moved in the rear of Cornwallis till he descended towards the
      sea-coast, carried the war into South Carolina. Aware of his movements,
      Cornwallis sent an express to Lord Rawdon, whom he had left in that state,
      warning him of his danger. Rawdon occupied cantonments, with the town of
      Camden for his centre, and against this position the efforts of Greene
      were directed. The American general reached Camden before the express, but
      Rawdon was apprised of his approach in sufficient time to call in all his
      detachments, and to prepare for the struggle. Rawdon had about 900 men
      under his command, and Greene about 1500 regular troops, and some corps of
      militia. Yet, although his force was greatly superior, the American
      general did not venture to storm or to invest Camden, but took up a
      position on Hobkirk's-hill, about two miles off, designing to remain there
      till he should be joined by Lee and the independent partisan, Marion, each
      with a considerable force. Lord Rawdon seems to have been aware of his
      expectations, and he resolved to attack him on Hobkirk's-hill before they
      could be realised. Rawdon was successful. He charged the enemy with such
      impetuosity that they were utterly routed, leaving behind them between two
      hundred to three hundred killed or wounded, and about one hundred
      prisoners. Greene retreated to a creek about twelve miles off, where he
      encamped to wait for reinforcements, to attend to his sick and wounded,
      and to levy supplies for his half-famished men. Lord Rawdou's loss
      amounted, in killed, wounded, and missing, to two hundred and fifty-eight,
      and as this number could be ill spared out of so weak, a force, and some
      reinforcements which he expected had not yet joined, he was obliged to
      retire from the scene of his victory, and to act on the defensive. A
      portion of the troops he expected arrived soon after at Charlestown, and
      Rawdon marched thither to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene
      captured Orangeburg, Fort Motte, Granby, and several other places, after
      which he invested the strong post of Ninety-six, which was considered as
      commanding the whole of the back country. Before this post could be
      reduced, however, Lord Rawdon was enabled to bring up his forces, and he
      retired into North Carolina, with his enemy in full pursuit. The British
      general soon perceived that it was in vain to pursue the American force,
      and he returned to Ninety-six, and from thence to Charlestown, taking with
      him all the loyalists in that district. Greene now returned to South
      Carolina, and being joined by detachments, under Lee, Sumpter, and Marion,
      he encamped on the hills of Santee. Lord Rawdon retired soon after to
      Orangeburg, from whence, on account of ill-health, he was compelled to
      return to England. His troops were left under the command of Colonel
      Stewart, who was attacked by the enemy at Eutaw Springs, having previously
      suffered a loss of above three hundred men, who were surprised in
      foraging. A desperate battle took place, during which the artillery on
      both sides was several times taken and retakers Vast numbers fell on both
      sides, and each claimed the victory; but it would appear that it rather
      belonged to the British; for Greene retreated, and they remained upon the
      ground the night after the action and all the following day without
      molestation. Notwithstanding the result was favourable to the Americans;
      for the British were compelled to retire, and thenceforward confined their
      operations to the vicinity of Charles-town. Hence it was that congress
      proclaimed the affair as a great and glorious victory; and they likewise
      passed a resolution, for presenting to Greene a golden medal and a British
      standard.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Lord Cornwallis had been engaged in operations in the
      heart of Virginia. He advanced from Wilmington right through North
      Carolina, the whole of which he traversed without encountering opposition,
      and on the 20th of May he reached Petersburg, where the British forces
      were waiting for him. Before his arrival, General Phillips had died of
      sickness, so that the chief command of the troops had again devolved upon
      Arnold. Cornwallis found that Arnold had driven Jefferson and the assembly
      of Virginia from Richmond to the village of Charlottesville, and had
      compelled Lafayette to take up a post a few miles below Richmond. Allowing
      himself but three days' rest, Lord Cornwallis marched from Petersburg in
      search of Lafayette. He crossed James's River at Westover, about thirty
      miles below the enemy's encampment; but on his approach, Lafayette retired
      towards the back country, in order to effect a junction with eight hundred
      of the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne. No pursuit was attempted
      by Lord Cornwallis, who now directed his attention to various expeditions.
      As the Virginian planters possessed excellent horses, he was enabled, by
      seizures, not only to remount his cavalry in a superior manner, but also
      to have horses for mounting his infantry destined for rapid movements.
      With such a force Tarleton was detached to beat up Jefferson and the
      assembly at Charlottesville, where they were busy in voting taxes, making
      paper-money, draughting the militia, and recruiting for the Virginian
      line. Tarleton came upon the assembly so suddenly that seven members were
      taken prisoners, and he captured and destroyed large Quantities of
      military stores and tobacco. Jefferson and the rest of the assembly made
      their escape by getting upon fresher horses. Lieutenant Simcoe had been
      detached, with five hundred infantry, to destroy the military stores
      deposited at the Point of Fork, fifty miles below Richmond; and Tarleton
      now proceeded to join him in this enterprise. Simcoe found that these
      stores had been removed by Baron Steuben to the other side of the river
      Fluvanna, and that Steuben's whole force had followed in the same
      direction. Simcoe followed the baron, and by some ingenious stratagems,
      made him believe that the whole army of Lord Cornwallis was advancing
      against him. Acting upon this impression, Steuben fled in disorder, and
      abandoned his stores, which were destroyed by the British. Steuben joined
      Lafayette; and soon after, the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne,
      joined his forces likewise. At this time Lord Cornwallis was advancing
      with his main body upon Albemarle Old Court-house, where there was a great
      deposit of military stores. Lafayette resolved to protect these, and by a
      rapid movement he was enabled to take up a strong position in front, of
      Albemarle Old Court-house some hours before Cornwallis arrived. Cornwallis
      had just received orders from Sir Henry Clinton to send part of his troops
      back to New York, in order to defend that city from a contemplated attack
      by the joint forces of the French and Americans. Avoiding a battle,
      therefore, Cornwallis slowly retired to Richmond, followed in his rear by
      Lafayette, who had, however, no intention of risking an action. From
      Richmond, the British general proceeded to Williamsburg, which he captured
      without opposition. From Williamsburg, he marched to a ford across James's
      River, and sent part of his army, with his baggage and stores, to the
      opposite bank, in the direction of Portsmouth. Lafayette, who was still
      timidly following, conceived that nothing was left on his side of the
      river but the rear-guard of the British, and he then quickened his pace to
      strike a blow. A battle ensued, in which Lafayette was routed, and his
      cannon taken, while he lost about three hundred in killed and wounded.
      Lafayette retired up the river to repose his harassed forces, and Lord
      Cornwallis then crossed the river, and marched to Portsmouth. While here,
      he embarked the troops that were required at New York; but before they
      sailed, he received fresh orders from Clinton to retain them, as he had no
      longer any fear of Washington and Rochambeau. Under these circumstances,
      as Portsmouth was not proper for the reception and defence of ships of the
      line, and as it was not such a post as was desired by Sir Henry Clinton,
      he resolved to proceed to, and to fortify York Town, on York River. Part
      of his army was therefore sent up the Chesapeak to take possession of this
      town, and by the 22nd of August his whole force was concentrated there and
      at Gloucester Point.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1781-1782
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SIEGE OF LORD CORNWALLIS IN YORK-TOWN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By intercepted letters, written by Washington to congress, Sir Henry
      Clinton discovered that an attack on New York was intended as soon as
      Count de Grasse, the French admiral, should arrive with a new fleet.
      Discovering this, great preparations were made to sustain a siege, and it
      was when they were completed that Sir Henry Clinton countermanded the
      troops which he had ordered Cornwallis to send him. Cornwallis was in
      greater need of them than Sir Henry himself; for, although New York was
      still threatened, it was against him that Washington now resolved to
      direct his operations. Count de Grasse had avoided Admiral Rodney in his
      passage, and he arrived in the Chesapeak on the 30th of August, with a
      French fleet, consisting of twenty-eight sail of the line, and several
      frigates, and having on board with him 3200 land troops. De Grasse was
      here, also, joined by Count de Barras, with a French squadron, consisting
      of eight ships of the line, which had been stationed at Rhode Island.
      Having failed to intercept or to meet de Grasse in his passage to America,
      Admiral Rodney despatched Sir Samuel Hood to New York, with fourteen ships
      of the line, which, with the fleet at New York, it was conceived would be
      a match for the French fleet. Admiral Graves commanded the fleet at New
      York, but when Hood arrived he had only seven ships of the line, and five
      of these only were ready for sea. Nevertheless, as it was ascertained that
      de Grasse was either in the Chesapeak or making for it, Graves, taking the
      command as senior officer, on Hood's arrival set sail in hopes of first
      cutting off the French Rhode Island squadron, and then beating the larger
      fleet. Graves found de Grasse, who had landed his troops to join
      Lafayette, just within the Capes. The French admiral had not been yet
      joined by de Barras, and, as soon as he found that the ships advancing
      were British, he issued orders for them to put out to sea in line of
      battle, in order to protect the squadron which he expected from Rhode
      Island. Graves gave the signal for battle, and a warm engagement ensued,
      which was in favour of the British. At night-fall, however, the two fleets
      separated without any decisive issue on either side; and they remained
      within sight of each other five days without renewing the engagement. At
      the end of that period, on the 10th of September, de Grasse returned to
      his old anchorage within the Capes, where he now found the Rhode Island
      squadron. In the meantime Washington had put his forces in motion. Leaving
      General Heath to defend the Hudson, he led his army down the western side
      of that river, as though New York was still the point of attack. This was
      fully expected by Sir Henry Clinton, and it was not till Washington had
      passed the Delaware that his intention was suspected. When he became aware
      of his real intentions&mdash;when he saw that the efforts of the combined
      forces of the French and Americans were directed against Lord Cornwallis,
      at York Town, he sought to recall Washington to the north, by an
      expedition which he sent, under Arnold, into Connecticut. Arnold took and
      reduced New London to ashes; but Washington's attention was nevertheless
      not diverted by this terrible blow, from his main design. He proceeded
      southward to the Elk River, which falls into the Chesapeak, where
      transports from the French fleet were waiting to receive his forces; and,
      having seen them embarked, he and Rochambeau proceeded by land to join
      Lafayette at Williamsburg. A council of war was immediately held on board
      Count de Grasse's ship, wherein it was resolved that so soon as
      Washington's and Rochambeau's forces arrived, their united efforts should
      be directed against York Town. Lord Cornwallis, aware of his danger, as
      the hostile fleets and armies were gathering thick around him, fortified
      his positions as well as he could, hoping that he might be able to hold
      out till Sir Henry Clinton could send him assistance. His hopes were the
      more bright because the fleet at New York was about to be re-inforced by
      six ships of the line, under Admiral Digby. It was on the 28th of
      September that the combined army of French and Americans appeared in sight
      of York Town; and at the same time the French fleet advanced to the mouth
      of York River, so as to prevent Cornwallis from retreating or receiving
      succours by sea. On the same evening Lord Cornwallis received intelligence
      from New York, that Admiral Digby had arrived with three instead of six
      ships of the line, and that Sir Henry Clinton would embark on the 5th of
      October, with 5000 men for his relief. After receiving this intelligence,
      Cornwallis, under cover of the night, withdrew his army from the outer
      works which he had erected on the open grounds round about York Town, and
      concentrated them within the works close to it. Those which he abandoned
      were occupied by detachments from the combined army; and 2000 men took up
      a position in front of the British at Gloucester Point. A part of the
      latter were commanded by the Duke de Lauzun; against whom Colonel Dundas
      sallied out as he approached the lines, and killed a great number of his
      men. Dundas was reinforced by Colonel Tarleton and his legion, but the
      British then retired within the lines, and the French and Americans gave
      up all thought of assault and storm, and converted their operations into a
      blockade. The first parallel was begun within six hundred yards of the
      British lines, on the 6th of October, and by the 9th their well-garnished
      batteries were completed; and an incessant cannonade was commenced against
      the town, while showers of shells, thrown from many mortars, fell among
      the besieged. More batteries were opened on the following clay, and the
      shells and the red-hot balls set fire to a British ship of forty-four guns
      and three transports, which were all destroyed. On the night of the 11th,
      the combined army, which amounted to 14,000 men, commenced their second
      parallel within three hundred yards of the British lines. This occupied
      their attention three days, during which time they suffered severe loss
      from an incessant fire kept up upon them from York Town. They particularly
      suffered from two advanced redoubts; and it became necessary either to
      storm these or to abandon the approach. Accordingly a body of Americans
      were employed against one of these redoubts, under Lafayette, and a body
      of French against the other, under the Baron de Viominil. There were only
      forty-five men in the redoubt, against which Lafayette led his strong
      American column; yet before he could carry it, more than forty of the
      assailants were either killed or wounded. The other redoubt had more
      defenders, and caused greater mischief to the enemy; but it was carried,
      and then both of them were included in the second parallel of the
      besiegers, and the artillery that was taken in them was directed against
      the town. The situation of Lord Cornwallis was now becoming critical, for
      his works were sinking and crumbling, and nearly all his guns were
      silenced. To retard the completion of the second parallel, therefore,
      Cornwallis directed a sortie, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel
      Abercrombie, against two of the enemy's batteries that were guarded by
      veteran French troops. The assault was made on the 16th of October, and
      the French were driven from both batteries, with the loss of more than one
      hundred in killed and wounded; and having spiked the gnus, Abercrombie
      returned within the lines. The spiked cannons, however, were soon made
      again fit for use, and the batteries opened upon the town. Lord Cornwallis
      had reason to expect that before this time Sir Henry Clinton would have
      arrived with his promised relief. Still, though he was disappointed, he
      did not despair. He saw, indeed, that he could not defend the town, but he
      I still hoped to save at least a part of his army by a bold manouvre and a
      rapid movement. The French blockading force, on the Gloucester side, was
      now commanded by de Choisi; and Cornwallis conceived the idea of attacking
      them, by night, and after dispersing this force, to mount his infantry on
      the horses of the enemy's cavalry, and then, by a rapid march, to gain the
      fords of the great rivers, and force his way through Maryland,
      Pennsylvania, and Jersey to New York. To this end the greater part of the
      guards and part of the twenty-third regiment were embarked in boats, and
      transported to Gloucester-point without being discovered; but they were
      scarcely landed when a violent storm arose, which prevented the return of
      the boats, and the whole scheme was frustrated. The troops transported to
      Gloucester-point returned in the morning without great loss, although the
      passage of the river was now exposed to the fire of the enemy. All hope
      was now lost, for by this time the British works were so demolished by the
      incessant fire of the enemy, that not a gun could be fired from them; and
      when the bombs were counted, they were found not to exceed one hundred.
      Under these circumstances, Lord Cornwallis proposed a cessation of
      hostilities for twenty-four hours, to settle terms for capitulation.
      Washington replied, that it was his wish to save the effusion of blood,
      and to accept such terms as were admissible; and a negociation commenced,
      which ended in a treaty, by which, on the 19th of October, York Town and
      Gloucester-point were given up; the troops and stores being surrendered to
      Washington, and the ships and seamen to Count de Grasse. As Lincoln had
      been refused the honour of marching out of Charlestown with flying
      colours, this honour was refused, by way of retaliation, to Lord
      Cornwallis; and Lincoln was also appointed to receive the submission of
      the royal army in the same manner as his own had been conducted. When the
      British surrendered, they amounted to 5950 men, but of these only 4017
      were fit for duty. On the other hand, at the termination of the siege, the
      French and Americans, owing to the constant arrival of recruits,
      volunteers, and militiamen, had 18,000 men under arms. On both sides about
      five hundred were killed and wounded during the siege. During the
      negociations Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to obtain an indemnity for those
      of the inhabitants who had joined his ranks; but he was obliged to consent
      that they should be given up to the unconditional mercy of their
      countrymen: Washington affirming that the matter of their forgiveness or
      punishment belonged to the civil power. As, however, his lordship obtained
      permission for the Bonetta sloop of war to pass unexamined to New York, he
      embarked as many as he could on board that vessel, in order to screen them
      from the vengeance of their countrymen. On the whole the terms of
      capitulation were easier than might have been expected, considering what a
      scourge Lord Cornwallis had been to the Americans. The whole of the south
      had smarted from his operations, and it was calculated that in Virginia
      alone 30,000 slaves were taken from their masters; and property to the
      value of £3,000,000 sterling was destroyed during this summer. But
      Washington felt that there was no time for driving a hard bargain, for he
      expected that the British fleet and the land force from New York would
      arrive on the scene of action, and he could not tell how soon they might
      appear. Had Sir Henry Clinton sailed on the day he mentioned, indeed, Lord
      Cornwallis would have been spared the anguish of a surrender; but,
      unfortunately, he did not leave Sandy Hook till the very day when the
      terms were signed, and it was the 24th before he reached the Capes of
      Virginia. On arriving here, Clinton received some vague accounts of the
      sad truth, and Admiral Graves did not venture up the Chesapeak to attack
      the French fleet, but lay off' the mouth five days, and then he and
      Clinton agreed to return to New York. Such were the events of the war in
      America during this campaign. It commenced with bright hopes of success on
      the side of the British; it closed by those hopes being dashed to the
      ground. The fall of York Town was but a prelude to the emancipation of
      North America.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0009" id="linkimage-0009">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_160_washington.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="British Surrendering to General Washington"
      src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_160_washington_th.jpg"
      alt="160.jpg the British Surrendering to General Washington "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      LOSS OF THE BRITISH DOMINION IN FLORIDA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Further south the British dominion was already diminished. Early in this
      year Don Bernardo Galvez arrived in the Gulf of Mexico with a considerable
      squadron, and a land force of 8000 Spanish troops. Before he could reach
      Pensacola he was overtaken by a hurricane, in which four of his ships were
      lost, with 2000 men on board; and he was obliged to run back to the
      Havanna. Solano, the chief admiral, had previously arrived at the Havanna,
      and being supplied with more ships and troops Galvez again put to sea.
      This time he succeeded in his designs. Pensacola, the last of the British
      fortresses, was reduced by him, and its fall completed the conquest of all
      Florida. The fortress was defended by General Campbell, who had a motley
      group of negroes, red Indians, foreign adventurers, and a few British
      regulars under his command; but, on the 9th of May, after his principal
      powder-magazine had been blown up, Campbell found himself under the
      necessity of capitulating. He had gallantly defended the place for two
      months, although he had not more than nine hundred and fifty men under his
      command, and had to sustain the siege against a fleet of fifteen sail of
      the line, and a land force almost ten times the number of his own troops.
      Thus Florida, which was one of the principal acquisitions made by the
      British during the last war, remained to the Spaniards.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTACK ON MINORCA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In Europe the Spaniards not only continued the siege of Gibraltar, but
      also undertook the reduction of Minorca. This island had recently been
      offered to the Empress of Russia, as a bait to secure her friendship to
      Great Britain, and to induce her to become mediatrix for a peace, on the
      basis of the last treaty of Fontainbleau. At first the lure seemed to be
      acceptable, and Potemkin, the minister of Catherine, was anxious to obtain
      the acquisition; but subsequently the empress seemed to think that the
      British empire must soon become dismembered, when probably she might
      obtain more; and she therefore declined accepting it under the conditions
      offered. This secret negociation became known to Florida Blanca, the
      Spanish minister, and it became a pressing motive for an attack on
      Minorca. Accordingly, having obtained the consent of the court of
      Versailles to co-operate, this became one of the principal objects of
      Spanish ambition. An expedition was fitted out with great skill and
      caution, and the Duke of Crillon was appointed to the command. The united
      fleets of France and Spain sailed out of Cadiz Bay on the 22nd of July,
      and while the mass of the force stretched out into the ocean as if with
      the intention of making a descent upon England, 8000 land troops were
      transported through the straits to Minorca. A landing was effected on the
      19th of August, and General Murray, with his weak garrison of two British
      and Hanoverian regiments, retired into Fort St. Philip, the principal
      defence of the island. Crillon commenced operations by an act which would
      have made the blood of his brave ancestor boil within his veins: he
      offered General Murray a bribe of £100,000 sterling, and rank and
      employment in the French or Spanish service, if he would surrender and
      save him the trouble of a siege or blockade! This offer was indignantly
      refused, and Crillon then laid siege to Fort St. Philip. Yet, though he
      was reinforced in the course of the autumn by 4000 French troops, with
      good artillery and engineer officers, with more ordnance and other
      requisites for the siege, and though disease thinned the originally weak
      ranks of the besieged, at the close of the year the fort still remained in
      the hands of the British.
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    <h2>
      FRENCH AND SPANISH FLEETS IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the meantime the French and Spanish fleets advanced towards the British
      coasts, and for some time rode triumphant in the Channel. At this time
      Admiral Darby had sailed from Spithead on a cruise to the Westward; but on
      the 26th of August he returned and got safely into Torbay. He had with him
      only twenty-three sail of the line, twelve frigates, and six fire-ships;
      while the united fleets amounted to seventy sail, the greater number of
      which were ships of the line. The French and Spanish commanders held a
      council of war, to consider whether they should attack Darby in the
      harbour; but fear prevented them; and after some unavailing attempts to
      intercept our homeward-bound traders, this mighty armament, by the
      wretched state of its ships and crews, caused by sickness and dissension,
      was compelled to return to port, in the month of September, without
      performing any deed worthy of notice. All that the French and Spanish
      admirals did was to pick up some English vessels, which were bringing home
      part of the money and property which the British had seized, as hereafter
      noticed, at St. Eustatius.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL ACTION WITH THE DUTCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the French and Spanish fleets were menacing the English coasts, a
      dreadful sea-fight took place between the British and the Dutch. On
      returning from the Baltic with a convoy of merchant vessels, Rear Admiral
      Sir Hyde Parker, in the beginning of August, fell in with Admiral
      Zouttman, with a convoy of Dutch traders, off Dogger Bank. Parker's fleet
      consisted of six line-of-battle ships and several frigates; and
      Zouttman's, of ten ships of the line, eight large frigates, and five
      sloops. On discovering each other both commanders prepared for battle, and
      advanced in gloomy silence until the hostile fleets were within
      pistol-shot. Never, perhaps, was more determined valour exhibited than on
      this occasion. Ranged abreast of each other, the hostile squadrons fought
      without intermission for nearly four hours. The slaughter on each side was
      terrible: the English losing about five hundred, and the Dutch about 1200
      in killed and wounded. The action did not cease till the fleets on both
      sides were disabled; and then they lay-to for some time repairing damages,
      and apparently with the intention of renewing the struggle. As soon as
      Zouttman's ships were made manageable, however, he wore round, and with
      all the sail he could carry, bore away for the Texel. Parker could not
      pursue him with any hope of overtaking him; but on the next day his
      frigates discovered the Hollandia, a sixty-eight gun-ship, which had been
      ruined in the battle, sunk in twenty-two fathoms of water; and it is said
      that most of the crew were in her when she went down. By this victory the
      voyage of the Dutch to the Baltic was abandoned; their means of procuring
      naval stores were cut off; and their valuable carrying-trade was, for this
      year at least, annihilated. On his arrival at the Nore, Parker was visited
      by the King and the Prince of Wales; and every captain that had been
      engaged in the action, and had escaped death, was presented to his majesty
      on board the Fortitude. Notwithstanding, Sir Hyde Parker was so indignant
      at the insufficiency of his fleet to effect any great enterprise, that he
      resigned; and his son, Sir Peter Parker, was appointed to the command of a
      squadron of frigates to block up the Dutch ports.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Dutch met with a severe punishment for their perfidious conduct at the
      hands of Admiral Rodney. Early intelligence of hostilities between the two
      countries had been communicated to Rodney; and in conjunction with General
      Vaughan he blockaded the island of St. Eustatius with his whole fleet.
      Eustatius was a free port, and general depot of West Indian and American
      produce, the property of nations both neutral and belligerent. It was,
      however, a Dutch island, and that was sufficient to warrant the seizure.
      And this was done without any difficulty. De Graaf, the governor,
      incapable of making any defence, surrendered at discretion; and
      merchandise of all descriptions, at the estimated value of more than
      £3,000,000 sterling, which was stored up in the island, fell into the
      hands of the British. About two hundred and fifty vessels also, with much
      valuable property on board, were captured in the port; and a fleet of
      thirty Dutch West Indiamen, that had just sailed for Europe, was pursued
      by two ships of the line and a frigate, and every vessel was taken.
      Moreover, as General Vaughan kept the Dutch colours flying at St.
      Eustatius, a considerable number of Dutch, French, and American vessels
      were subsequently decoyed into the harbour, where they fell into the hands
      of the conquerors. Finally, the neighbouring small islands of St. Martin
      and Saba, Dutch settlements, were reduced; and about the same time others
      of their settlements on the rivers of Demarara and Essequibo, in Guiana,
      after losing all their shipping and most of their property, submitted to
      the governor of Barbadpes. Among the sufferers by the capture of St.
      Eustatius were many British merchants, who, confiding in its neutrality,
      had there accumulated large quantities of West Indian produce and European
      goods. These merchants stated the hardship of their case to Rodney and
      Vaughan; but the reply given them was, that "the island of Eustatius was
      Dutch, everything in it was Dutch, everything was under the protection of
      the Dutch flag, and as Dutch it should be treated." But this was only the
      law of the sword. Suits at law ware subsequently instituted in the British
      courts, which decided otherwise; for large sums were recovered by the
      British merchants from the admiral. Notwithstanding, though Rodney erred
      against strict legal right, he had a powerful argument on his side&mdash;namely,
      that he considered himself justified in confiscating the property of
      British subjects, who, for their own private gain, had sacrificed the
      interests of their country. This argument was founded in strict truth.
      Eustatius had long been the chief magazine whence the Americans had
      procured supplies; and in that commerce British merchants, more selfish
      than patriotic, had anticipated. But the largest portion of the property
      seized belonged to the Dutch West India Company, the Amsterdam merchants,
      and Americans, and these had no courts to which they could appeal for its
      restoration. Notwithstanding, as before seen, England did not reap the
      full advantages of these seizures, as some of the ships in which the
      treasures were stored, were captured by the French and Spanish fleets in
      the English Channel. The island itself also was surrendered to the French,
      towards the end of the year, by Colonel Cockburn, in a manner that
      reflects no great honour on his valour.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMODORE JOHNSTONE ATTACKED BY DE SUFFREIN, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the British Cabinet aimed at dispossessing the Dutch of
      the Cape of Good Hope. Commodore Johnstone was appointed to this
      enterprise; and he sailed with five ships of the line, some frigates, and
      smaller vessels, having on board three regiments, under the command of
      General Meadows. At the solicitation of their ally, the court of
      Versailles despatched a superior force, under M. de Suffrein, to
      counteract this design. De Suffrein found Johnstone in the neutral part of
      Praya, in the island of St. Jago, and proceeded to attack him. He advanced
      as to certain victory; but though the British force was at first thrown
      into some confusion, de Suffrein was in the end defeated. Failing in his
      attempt, the French admiral sailed to the Cape, which he succeeded in
      reaching before his enemy, and where he landed some troops for the defence
      of Cape Town. In following de Suffrein, the British commodore met with
      five Dutch East Indiamen, richly laden, and he succeeded in capturing four
      of them, and in burning the other. Perceiving, however, that he could not
      compass the original object of his expedition, he returned to England.
      When he first set sail, Johnson was accompanied by some outward-bound East
      Indiamen, which, on his return, he intrusted to Captain Christie, with
      whom he left a squadron for their defence. Christie captured a French
      frigate, and convoyed the East Indiamen safely to their place of
      destination. In the meantime de Suffrein sailed to Pondicherry; but he
      could not prevent the triumph of British arms on the coast of Coromandel
      and the island of Sumatra. During the autumn, Negapatnam, Pedang, and
      other places belonging to the French and Dutch, were captured.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
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    <h2>
      FURTHER OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was while Admiral Rodney was employed at St. Eustatius, that de Grasse
      spread his sails for the Chesapeake. Rodney detached Hood and Drake, with
      seventeen sail of the line, to intercept his course off Fort Royal Bay,
      and a partial engagement took place, but de Grasse was nevertheless able
      to hold on his way.
    </p>
    <p>
      While he proceeded onwards for America, the Marquis de Bouille suddenly
      appeared off the island of St. Lucie, and landed some troops; but he was
      foiled in his designs, and he then turned his attention to the reduction
      of Tobago. This island, though bravely and ably defended by Governor
      Ferguson, was captured; and this conquest terminated all naval operations
      for the year in the West Indies. Soon after, Rodney returned to England on
      account of his health, and Sir Samuel Hood was left in command of the
      fleet.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SENTIMENTS OF FOREIGN POWERS TOWARD ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British cabinet were everywhere frustrated in their endeavours to gain
      friends and allies. After the failure of their negociations with Spain,
      they sought to purchase the friendship of the emperor Joseph II., by
      offering to him the navigation of the Scheldt, and other advantages, both
      commercial and political. Joseph, however, still retained all his ancient
      resentment against George III. and his ministers, and their overtures were
      unheeded. The offers of the British cabinet, indeed, appear to have been
      construed by him into a confession of weakness; for he even ordered his
      subjects to withdraw their money from the English funds, under the plea
      that a national bankruptcy was inevitable. Probably, the long and loud cry
      of the opposition, concerning the weakness and poverty of England, had
      reached his ears, which may have led him into the belief that such a
      consummation was at hand. It would have been well for Joseph's honour had
      he stopped here. Although England was surrounded by enemies, and not a
      friend held forth a helping hand, he sought to arm the Empress of Russia
      against her; asserting, that as Great Britain had commenced hostilities
      against the Dutch, on account of the Armed Neutrality, she was called on
      to assist them by treaty. Joseph failed in his attempt to put the sword
      into the hands of the empress, but he diminished her attachment to the
      English, and increased her desire to extend that confederacy. As for
      Joseph himself, he now openly declared his accession to the Armed
      Neutrality, and thereby testified a desire for the triumph of the
      Americans, so that ministers plainly saw that they had nothing to hope
      from his mediation. This he continued to offer, while binding himself to
      the most active enemies of Great Britain; but "all was false and hollow."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 27th of November. Two days before this,
      intelligence had arrived of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis&mdash;intelligence
      which had caused great consternation in the British cabinet. His majesty,
      however, had heard the news with calmness, dignity, and self-command; and
      his speech from the throne was in the same determined language as at the
      close of the last session, when the prospects of the nation were radiant
      with hope. After expressing his concern at the sad reverse, he declared
      that he could not consent to sacrifice, either to his own desire of peace,
      or to the temporary ease and relief of his subjects, those essential
      rights and permanent interests on which the strength and security of this
      country must ever principally depend. He retained, he said, a firm
      confidence in the protection of Divine Providence, and a perfect
      conviction of the justice of his cause; and he called for the concurrence
      and support of parliament, together with a vigorous, animated, and united
      exertion of the faculties and resources of the people. In the course of
      his speech he remarked, that the favourable appearance of our affairs in
      the East Indies, and of the safe arrival of our numerous commercial
      fleets, were matters for congratulation: evidently designing these as a
      kind of set-off for our reverses in the West, and as encouragements to
      persevere in the struggle.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, an amendment to the address was moved by Mr. Fox, who
      declared, "that any one unacquainted with the British constitution, and
      not knowing that the speech was contrived by a cabinet-council, would
      pronounce it that of an arbitrary and unfeeling monarch, who, having
      involved the slaves, his subjects, in a ruinous and unnatural war, to glut
      his enmity or satiate his revenge, was determined to persevere, in spite
      of calamity or fate itself." In the burden of the speech, and the address,
      opposition had a fine theme for declamation. The mover of the address
      complained, in strong terms, that certain members were so lost to honour
      and duty, as to glory in the success of the enemy. Fox replied to this
      invective in the words which Lord Chatham had used at the commencement of
      the dispute: he "thanked God that America had resisted the claims of the
      mother country!" He then continued:&mdash;"All the calamities of the
      nation are ascribed to the wishes, the joy, and the speeches of the
      opposition. O, miserable and unfortunate ministers! Blind and incapable
      men!&mdash;whose measures are framed with so little foresight, and
      executed with so little firmness, that they crumble to pieces, and bring
      ruin on the country merely because a rash, weak, or wicked man in the
      house of commons makes a speech against them! Retrospective measures are
      deprecated; but ministers must bear to hear them from the representatives
      of an abused people. He even trusted that they would hear them at the
      tribunal of justice, and expiate them on the public scaffold! He would not
      say they were actually in the pay of France, for he could not prove the
      fact; but he would venture to say, that they had worked for the
      aggrandisement of the Grand Monarque more faithfully and successfully than
      any ministers of his own had ever done." Fox then reviewed the origin and
      conduct of the war, ascribing our loss to the undue influence of the
      crown, and connecting the calamities of the nation with the system of
      government, and to every one in power, and particularly to Lord Sandwich,
      as first lord of the admiralty He concluded by saying, that there was no
      hope of better things until the whole cabinet was changed; and by moving,
      as an amendment, a clause, binding the house to apply themselves with
      united hearts, to propose and adjust such counsels as might, in this
      crisis, excite the efforts, point the arms, and, by a total change of
      system, command the confidence of all his majesty's subjects. Mr. Thomas
      Pitt followed on the same side, reiterating the oft-repeated cry of secret
      influence, and expressing a hope that ministers would not be displaced
      till they had brought the nation to such a crisis as must draw down on
      their heads their just reward! Other members spoke in reproachful terms of
      the condition of the navy, and were answered by Lord Mulgrave, who proved
      that their accusations were unjust and unfounded. Lord North replied to
      Fox, and expressed great indignation at the insinuation, that ministers
      were in the pay of France. There was no man in the kingdom, he said, that
      would believe such a monstrous absurdity; and he vindicated their zeal in
      the service of their country, and ascribed any errors that had been
      committed to the head rather than to the heart. The American war, he
      continued, was prosecuted, not with the design of aggrandising the crown
      at the expense of the constitution, but of preserving, unbroken, that
      venerable fabric for which our forefathers had bled, and which all Europe
      envied. He then reminded the house, that the quarrel had been begun by
      parliament, and not by the king&mdash;not under the present ministry, but
      by that formed out of the ranks of the members of the existing opposition.
      A disaster had occurred in Virginia, but were we, he asked, on that
      account to lie down and die? For his own part, he thought, that it should
      rather animate us to increased exertions: by dejection and despair
      everything might be lost. As for himself, he declared, that he would not
      be deterred by menaces of impeachment from striving to preserve the rights
      and legislative authority of parliament. The war had been unfortunate, but
      not unjust: it was founded in right, and dictated by necessity. He had
      always thought so, he added, and if the share he had taken in it should
      bring him to the scaffold, his opinions would remain unaltered. Burke
      replied to the premier in a speech of great power. North's speech, he
      said, was not only imprudent but audacious. "The war," he "continued, was
      not unfortunate, but disgraceful; for the former epithet could only apply
      to occurrences in which fortune alone was concerned, whereas the present
      war exhibited neither plan nor foresight. Victory and defeat, in this
      case, were each equally calamitous, for each instigated us to go on; but
      the king's speech was the greatest of all calamities, for it showed the
      determination of ministers to consummate our ruin." Burke spoke largely on
      the "rights" for which it was said that the war was begun, and for which
      it was continued. He asked, whether we ought to risk everything, and think
      of no consequences for the sake of a right? Whether ministers did not know
      that right without might was of little worth? and whether a claim, without
      the power of enforcing it, was not nugatory in the copyhold of rival
      states? He compared the reasonings of ministers to a man, who, full of his
      prerogative of dominion over a few beasts of the field, should assert his
      right to shear a wolf, because it had wool upon its back, without
      considering whether he had the power of using the shears, or whether the
      animal would submit to the operation of shearing. He remarked:&mdash;"Are
      we yet to be told of the rights for which we went to war? Oh, excellent
      rights! Oh, valuable rights! Valuable you should be, for we have paid dear
      at parting with you. Oh, valuable rights! that have cost Britain thirteen
      provinces, four islands, 100,000 men, and more than £70,000,000 of money!
      Oh, wonderful rights! that have lost to Great Britain her empire on the
      ocean,&mdash;her boasted, grand, and substantial superiority,&mdash;which
      made the world bend before her! Oh, inestimable rights! that have taken
      from us our rank among nations&mdash;our importance abroad, and our
      happiness at home; that have taken from us our trade, our manufactures,
      and our commerce; that have reduced us from the most flourishing empire in
      the world, to be one of the most compact and unenviable powers on the
      globe! Oh, wonderful rights! that are likely to take from us all that yet
      remains!" This picture of the nation's misery, however, was greatly
      overwrought. England was not yet reduced to the abject state in which
      Burke would have had the house believe she was in. Her empire on the seas
      was not yet lost, nor was she shorn of her rank among the nations.
      Provinces, islands, men, money, and trade had been lost in the struggle,
      but she was still able to lift up her head among the nations of the earth.
      Opposition, in truth, in uttering this language, must have felt that it
      partook of the nature of Oriental hyperbole; and all men could see that it
      was adopted for party purposes. Fox's amendment was negatived by two
      hundred and eighteen against one hundred and twenty-nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar amendment to that of Fox was moved in the house of lords by the
      Earl of Shelburne, who decried the whole conduct of the war, imputing its
      disasters to a want of system, combination, and intelligence; expressed
      his fears that we might find another Chesapeak at Plymouth, or in the
      Thames; declaimed against the war with Holland, as a perfidious measure;
      and asserted, in the language of Chatham, that if the present system were
      pursued, "his majesty's crown would soon be not worth his wearing." The
      Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Rockingham, and Lord Camden likewise
      censured the conduct of ministers: the former ascribing all the faults of
      government to an interior cabinet. In support of this, Richmond quoted
      Chatham's declaration, "that when he entered the king's closet, he found
      the ground rotten, and himself duped and deceived." The measures of
      government were defended by the lord-chancellor, Lord Stormont, and the
      Earl of Hillsborough, and the amendment was rejected by seventy-five
      against thirty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      On bringing up the report of the address, the debate was renewed, in the
      course of which William Pitt delivered a speech which was applauded by
      both sides of the house. In his speech Pitt protested against the house
      pledging itself by the address to continue the American war; asserted,
      that no two members on the treasury-bench agreed in sentiment, or were in
      heart sincere friends; denied that the war was either just or necessary;
      spoke with horror of the fate which awaited the American royalists by the
      capitulation of Lord Cornwallis; and expressed a hope, that if ministers
      persevered in their present course, they might meet with a fate equally
      severe. Burke also animadverted in glowing terms on the capitulation of
      Lord Cornwallis, and the omission of any article which would secure the
      American loyalists from the vengeance of their countrymen. He remarked:&mdash;"It
      is a horrid spectacle which must meet the eyes of a prince of the blood,
      (Prince William Duke of Clarence,) who cannot sail along the American
      coast without beholding the faithful adherents of his father hanging in
      quarters on every headland." This was literally true; but the fact is, the
      headlands of America had been decorated with gibbets from the very
      commencement of the war, and the surrender of Lord Cornwallis had nothing
      to do with the matter. As for the fall of Cornwallis, it was not an
      ignoble one; for his handfull of men could scarcely have been expected to
      hold out against the united arms of France and America. One member, Mr.
      Courtenay, in reply, justly observed that his chains were wreathed with
      laurels; that he was an ornament to his profession; and that he was
      entitled to the highest dignities that could be conferred upon him by his
      sovereign. The report was adopted by one hundred and thirty-one against
      fifty-four.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1781-1782
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CENSURES ON RODNEY AND VAUGHAN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 4th of December Burke moved for a committee of the whole house, "to
      inquire into the confiscation of the effects, wares, and merchandise
      belonging to his majesty's new subjects of St. Eustatius, and further to
      inquire into the sale and distribution of a great part of the said effects
      to the islands belonging to France, and to other parts of the dominions of
      his majesty's enemies." In making this motion, Burke represented the
      attack on Eustatius as wanton; maintained, that by means of the effects
      and stores which had been sold there, the enemy had been supplied with
      what they otherwise could not have obtained; and accused Rodney of
      promoting the success of the French by lingering at the island while their
      fleet was reinforced, so as to enable them to take Tobago. Rodney and
      Vaughan were both in the house, and the former replied to this attack. The
      residents, who called themselves Englishmen, he said, were chiefly Jews of
      the worst character, who had been in the habit of supplying the enemies of
      England with warlike stores, and therefore were unworthy of favour. As to
      the charge of neglect, he remarked, that he had taken every care to see
      the stores found at St. Eustatius safely conveyed to his majesty's
      store-houses at Antigua, and that he had, under every circumstance, made
      the best use of the inferior fleet at his disposal: this he proved by
      narrating how he was situated at the time. Vaughan, in his defence,
      declared that he had not been benefited to the amount of a single shilling
      by the capture of St. Eustatius; that he had treated the enemy with great
      lenity; and that he had acted to the best of his judgment for his
      country's welfare. The motion was negatived by one hundred and sixty-three
      again st eighty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE NAVY.
    </h2>
    <h3>
      On the 5th of December Lord Lisburne moved, that
    </h3>
    <p>
      100,000 seamen should be granted for the ensuing year. Mr. Hussey, a
      member of opposition, moved an amendment, substituting 110,000, which
      brought on a stormy debate on the state of the navy, in the course of
      which ministers were taunted with delay and neglect in fitting out ships.
      It was asserted, that if ministers refused the additional supply offered,
      they must be suspected of some dark and sinister design; but they
      nevertheless did refuse the offer, and the amendment was rejected by one
      hundred and forty-three against seventy-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION OF SIR JAMES LOWTHER FOR PEACE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Previous to the debate on the navy, when the army estimates were laid
      before the house, a motion was made, that no supplies should be granted
      until the ministers had given proof of repentance and amendment&mdash;in
      other words, that war with America should be discontinued. This was
      negatived by an overwhelming majority; but nothing daunted by this defeat,
      on the 12th of December Sir James Lowther moved these two resolutions:&mdash;"To
      declare that the war carried on in the colonies and plantations of North
      America had been ineffectual to the purposes for which it had been
      undertaken; and that it was also the opinion of the house, that all
      further attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience by force must be
      injurious to this country, by weakening her powers to resist her ancient
      and confederated enemies." The motion was seconded by Mr. Powys, in a long
      and able speech, in which he declared that, as no idea of revenue
      remained, and that as there was no idea of alleviating the burdens of
      Great Britain by carrying on the war, the country gentlemen, long
      deceived, could be deceived no longer. Some of the supporters of
      government seem either to have been convinced of their error, or to have
      perceived that a change was coming, for more than twenty spoke or voted in
      favour of the motion. It was, however, opposed by Lords North and
      Germaine, and, on a division, was negatived by two hundred and twenty to
      one hundred and seventy-nine. War, therefore, was to be continued. At the
      same time it was evident, from Lord North's speech, that the plan of
      operations would, in the next campaign, be materially altered. It would
      not, he said, be wise or right to prosecute the war in America on a
      continental plan; that is, by sending fresh armies through the colonies.
      North, however, argued that the posts held in America must be defended,
      and that the British trade must be protected against American privateers.
      The subject of war was renewed on the 14th, when Mr. Pitt reviewed the
      whole of the operations, and asserted, that the ministry were intent only
      upon one thing, and that was the destruction of the empire. He added:&mdash;"God
      grant that their punishment be not so long delayed as to involve a great
      and innocent family, who, though they share not the guilt, will most
      likely participate in the atonement." Sir George Saville followed, and in
      his speech likened the crown and parliament to dancers in a minuet, to a
      tune composed by the cabinet&mdash;the crown led off one way, the
      parliament to the opposite corner; and they then joined hands, when the
      dance ended as it began. He also compared ministers to the Spartan, (it
      was an Athenian,) who, in an engagement by sea, seized the stern with his
      right hand, which was instantly chopped off; and who then renewed the
      effort with his left, which shared the same fate, whereupon he seized the
      galley with his teeth. The ministry had lost two armies in attempts on
      America, yet they were determined to proceed; but he warned them, that
      when the Spartan seized the vessel with his teeth, he forfeited his head.
      This debate was intended to delay the supplies; but on a division, the
      majority was one hundred and sixty-six to eighty-four. Subsequently a
      debate occurred on the subject of the ex-president Lauren's imprisonment
      in the Tower, and Mr. Burke gave notice of a motion on his behalf; but
      this was rendered unnecessary, as Laurens was soon after discharged in
      exchange for General Burgoyne. In the upper house an attempt was made by
      the Marquess of Rockingham to prevent the third reading of the Malt and
      Land-tax Bills before the recess, but it was unavailing. Such were the
      proceedings of parliament before the adjournment.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1782-1784
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Recent events on  the Theatre of War..... Fox's  Motion for
     Inquiring into the Navy..... Motions of Inquiry in the House
     of Lords..... Debates on Lord George Germaine's Elevation to
     the Peerage..... Renewed Attacks on Lord Sandwich:
     Resignation of Lord  North..... The New Ministry.....
     Affairs of Ireland..... Bill   for excluding Contractors,
     &amp;c...... Resolutions respecting Wilkes expunged from the
     Journals..... Disfranchisement of Cricklade,  &amp;c......
     Debates on  Parliamentary Reform..... East India
     Affairs..... Change in the Ministry..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Victory of Rodney..... Affairs of the War in
     America..... State of the War in the West Indies, &amp;c......
     Maritime Events..... Siege and Relief of Gibraltar.....
     Prospect of general Pacification..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Preliminaries of   Peace..... Re-assembling
     of  Parliament..... The Coalition Ministry.....
     Re-establishment of Commercial Intercourse with America,
     &amp;c...... Pitt's Plan for Reforming the Treasury, &amp;c......
     East India Affairs..... Petition of the Quakers against the
     Slave Trade..... Settlement on the Prince of Wales.....
     Parliament Prorogued..... Execution of Treaties, &amp;c......
     Meeting of Parliament..... Fox's  India Bill.....
     Dissolution of  the Coalition Ministry: Pitt made Prime
     Minister..... Efforts of the Opposition against the New
     Ministry.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1782
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RECENT EVENTS ON THE THEATRE OF WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It having been ascertained that the French government had sent out a naval
      armament with large supplies for the East and West Indies, Admiral
      Kempenfelt was despatched for the purpose of intercepting them. The
      squadron with which Kempenfelt was intrusted was not sufficiently powerful
      for the object of his expedition; but having met the enemy's ships
      dispersed by a gale of wind off Ushant, he succeeded in capturing twenty
      transports laden with ordnance, stores, and troops, with which he returned
      to port. This success, however, was quickly followed by news of sad
      reverses, and increased dangers and difficulties. St. Eustatius was taken
      by the French; Gibraltar was hard pressed by the Spaniards; the British
      possessions in the West Indies were in imminent peril from the French
      arms; and finally Minorca was lost. This latter event took place on the
      5th of February, when General Murray, from want of sufficient force to
      withstand the besiegers, and from the sickness which prevailed among the
      few troops he had under his command, was obliged to capitulate. His real
      position may be gathered from a letter which he wrote a few days after.
      "Perhaps," said he, "a more noble, or a more tragical scene was never
      exhibited, than that of the march of the garrison of St. Philip's through
      the Spanish and French armies. It consisted of no more than six hundred
      old decrepit soldiers, two hundred seamen, one hundred and twenty-five of
      the royal artillery, twenty Corsicans, and twenty-five Greeks, Turks,
      Moors, Jews, &amp;c. The two armies were drawn up in two lines, the
      battalions fronting each other, forming a way for us to march through:
      they consisted of 14,000 men, and reached from the glacis to George Town,
      where our battalions laid down their arms, declaring they had surrendered
      them to God alone, having the consolation to know the victors could not
      plume themselves in taking an hospital. Such were the distressing features
      of our men, that many of the Spanish and French troops shed tears as they
      passed them." Crillon himself was touched with pity and admiration; and he
      atoned for his previous fault in endeavouring to bribe General Murray, by
      treating the vanquished with great humanity; causing them to be attended
      by his surgeons, and providing for their comfort. These reverses had a
      great effect upon the nation. Petitions were voted in the city of London,
      and in several counties, to his majesty, reprobating the whole conduct of
      the war, and praying the dismissal of all his advisers, both public and
      private. Still, though the warlike tone of the people was lowered, the
      principle of the war was not generally unpopular, nor the public
      indignation against our many enemies abated. It was the improbability of
      success alone that called forth the petitions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOX'S MOTIONS FOR INQUIRY INTO THE NAVY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Encouraged by the recent reverses, during the recess the opponents of
      administration had been employed in forming and maturing a general plan of
      attack. The chief conduct of this was intrusted to Mr. Fox, who, on the
      re-assembling of parliament, moved for an inquiry into the causes of the
      constant ill-success of the naval forces, and more especially during the
      preceding year. This inquiry, it was stated, would resolve itself into two
      distinct parts: whether Lord Sandwich, the first lord of the admiralty,
      had the means of procuring a navy equal to the exigencies of the state;
      and whether he employed the force which he possessed with wisdom and
      ability? Lord Sandwich was defended by Captain Luttrel and Lord Mulgrave;
      but Lord North declared that both himself and the object of the attack
      were anxious that the subject should undergo a complete investigation; and
      the motion passed without a division. An animated debate took place
      respecting the papers to be produced; and finally a suggestion of Mr. Pitt
      was adopted: namely, that the substance of letters and documents relating
      to the subject, and not the letters and documents themselves, should be
      laid before the house. The debate was then postponed till the 7th of
      February, when, after the reading of the papers which ministers consented
      to produce, Fox brought forward several distinct charges against the board
      of admiralty. These were:&mdash;That de Grasse was suffered to depart for
      the West Indies without any effort to intercept his fleet; that the loss
      of the convoy sent home with the booty captured at St. Eustatius might
      have been prevented, had a squadron been sent out for its protection; that
      a letter sent by the admiralty to the merchants of Bristol, had misled
      them with reference to the presence of the French fleet in the Channel,
      whereby the trade of their port was endangered; and that the fleets sent
      out with Admiral Kempenfelt and against the Dutch, were insufficient for
      the object of their expedition. Fox concluded by moving, that there had
      been gross mismanagement of naval affairs during the year 1781. This
      motion was supported by Lord Howe and Mr. Pitt; but Lord Sandwich was
      again defended by Lord Mulgrave; and on a division, it was lost by a
      majority of twenty-two: a majority, however, which showed that there was a
      change of opinion in the house.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS OF INQUIRY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the house of Lords, after parliament had reassembled, the Duke of
      Richmond moved for an inquiry into the execution of Colonel Hayne, at
      Charlestown; but his grace was outvoted by seventy-three against
      twenty-five. Subsequently, the Duke of Chandos moved for an inquiry into
      the cause which led to the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and also for all
      copies of the correspondence between ministers and Sir Henry Clinton,
      during the preceding year. These propositions were agreed to, but no
      results arose therefrom.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE'S ELEVATION TO THE PEERAGE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About this time, Lord George Germaine resigned office, and undeterred by
      his unpopularity, his majesty created him Viscount Sackville. On the
      report of this proceeding, the Marquess of Carmarthen brought the subject
      before the Lords, and moved a resolution, "that it was derogatory to the
      honour of that house; that any person labouring under the censure of a
      court-martial, should be recommended to the crown to be raised to the
      dignity of a peerage." In moving this resolution, the marquess read the
      sentence of the court-martial, which had been passed upon Lord George
      Germaine, together with the public orders issued upon it by George II.
      Several speeches were made, reflecting on the character of the embryo
      peer, and threatening him with impeachment; but the motion was objected to
      on the part of the ministers, as interfering with the prerogative of the
      crown; and the question of adjournment was carried by a large majority. On
      the 18th of February, Lord George, as Viscount Sackville, took his seat
      among the peers, when the Marquess of Carmarthen repeated his motion. The
      new-made peer defended himself with great spirit and dignity; and he was
      also defended by the lord chancellor and several other peers, so that,
      when the motion was put to the vote, it was lost by a majority of
      ninety-three against twenty-eight. Nine peers entered a protest on the
      journals, repeating the motion, sentence, and public orders, and declaring
      "that the elevation of Lord Sackville was a measure fatal to the interests
      and glory of the crown, as well as the dignity of parliament; an insult on
      the memory of the late sovereign, and every survivor of the illustrious
      house of Brunswick." The seals which Sackville had resigned were given to
      Mr. Welbore Ellis, whose appointment gave great umbrage to the members of
      opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RENEWED ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH: RESIGNATION OF LORD NORTH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Viscount Sackville had retired from the thickest of the battle, but Lord
      Sandwich was still exposed to the fire of the enemy. On the 20th of
      February, Fox renewed his attack upon him, by moving a resolution similar
      to that which he had already lost in committee. His censure was extended
      this time to the whole board of admiralty, and he was ably seconded by Mr.
      Pitt, who went through an accurate detail of naval events in the preceding
      year, and commented on each with remarkable acuteness and great force of
      reasoning. His speech appears to have had a great effect upon the house,
      for on a division the motion was lost by a majority on the part of
      ministers, of nineteen only. Encouraged by the decreasing majorities of
      administration, opposition continued their attacks. On the 27th of
      February, General Conway moved:&mdash;"That the further prosecution of
      offensive hostilities for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies to
      obedience by force, would weaken the efforts of Great Britain against her
      European enemies; increase the mutual enmity so fatal both to Great
      Britain and America; and, by preventing a happy reconciliation with that
      country, frustrate the desire expressed by his majesty, of restoring the
      blessings of peace and tranquillity." The storm in the house was so loud
      on this occasion, that Lord North could scarcely obtain a healing. When he
      did, he objected to the motion as dangerous, on account of the information
      it would convey to our enemies, and as tending to retard the attainment of
      peace, which he said was now the wish on both sides of the house. He
      added, that if the house should show that they had wholly withdrawn their
      confidence from him, it would then be his duty to resign office. Mr.
      Wallace, the attorney-general, endeavoured to ward off the blow, by
      stating his intention to bring in a bill which would enable ministers to
      treat on the basis of a truce, for which reason he moved an adjournment of
      the debate. But opposition were now satisfied that they should obtain a
      victory, and were resolved to push the matter forward vigorously. The
      motion for adjournment was lost by a majority of nineteen; and the
      original question and an address to the king were then carried without a
      division. The answer of his majesty, which was very vague, was reported to
      the house on Monday, and thanks were voted unanimously. But opposition had
      no idea of being satisfied with a half-triumph. As soon as they had paid
      this compliment to his majesty, General Conway moved:&mdash;"That the
      house would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all those
      who should advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of
      offensive war on the continent of North America;" a motion which was
      agreed to without a division. It was hoped that ministers would now
      resign, but Lord North still kept his seat on the treasury-bench, and the
      attorney-general, on the next day introduced his plan of a truce with
      America. His scheme was denounced as a farce by Fox, but it was
      nevertheless agreed to without a division. On this occasion Lord North
      told Fox in plain terms, that he would not quit office to gratify his
      impatience; and that he would not retire till the king ordered him, or
      until the house clearly proved that he must retire. He retained office, he
      said, in order to prevent confusion, and the introduction of mischievous
      and unconstitutional principles. Opposition, however, were intent upon
      driving him from office, and would not be satisfied till they had achieved
      a full and final triumph. On the 8th of March, Lord John Cavendish, at the
      close of a series of resolutions, moved this direct vote of censure upon
      ministers:&mdash;"That the chief cause of all the national misfortunes is
      want of foresight and ability in the members of administration." A debate
      ensued which lasted till two o'clock in the morning, when the house
      divided on the order of the day, moved by ministers, and which was carried
      by a majority of eight, so that the motion of Lord John Cavendish was
      lost. Nothing daunted, however, opposition returned to the charge. On the
      15th Sir John Rous moved:&mdash;"That the house could no longer repose
      confidence in ministers." This motion was also lost by a majority of nine;
      but Lord Surrey gave notice that he would make a motion to the same effect
      on the 20th, so that there was a prospect of the struggle being continued.
      But the work of the opposition was now done&mdash;their long-wished-for
      and ardently-sought triumph achieved. On the 19th of March, Lord North
      sent a message to the king, intimating the necessity of his immediately
      resigning. His majesty replied, that he should be at St. James's Palace on
      the following day, when he would see him, and in that interview Lord North
      tendered his resignation. He rode direct from his majesty to the house of
      commons, where Lord Surrey was waiting to make his motion. On his arrival
      it was moved:&mdash;"That the Earl of Surrey be now heard;" on which Lord
      North rose and calmly told the house, that as the object of the intended
      motion was the removal of his majesty's ministers, such a motion was
      become unnecessary, as the present administration was no more! He moved an
      adjournment of five days to allow time for new arrangements, to which the
      house agreed, and Lord North then left the treasury-bench, where he had
      presided for twelve years as the supreme personage in the house of
      commons. He retired from office a poorer man than he came into it: a noble
      proof of his integrity of conduct. His income would have been insufficient
      for the education and maintenance of his numerous children, had not his
      majesty been pleased to secure him in the office of lord warden of the
      cinque ports. On his retirement he received flattering compliments from
      his adherents, while opposition were not ashamed of exhibiting a glowing
      exultation at their triumph. So marked was this exultation in several of
      his opponents, that Burke, more generous, and more noble, exhorted them to
      guard against those passions which distort the human mind, and severely
      censured them for their ill-timed and misplaced joy. He also pointed out
      to them the great expectations which the nation had aright to expect from
      them after their manifold declarations, and set before them the difficulty
      of the task which they had to accomplish. Wise men there were among them:
      but it is a question whether under the circumstances in which Lord North
      was placed, they could have guided the helm of the state with greater
      steadiness or greater skill.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE NEW MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the ranks of the opposition there were two parties: one which contended
      for the complete emancipation of the colonies; and the other, though
      opposed to the principle of taxation and the continuance of hostilities,
      which still wished to maintain the principle of supremacy over the
      colonies. At the head of the first of these parties was the Marquess of
      Rockingham, and of the second, the Earl of Shelburne. His majesty was
      still reluctant to acknowledge the independence of the colonists, and he,
      therefore, naturally looked to Lord Shelburne as the successor of Lord
      North. Accordingly Shelburne was sent for, and had the first post offered
      him; but his lordship informed his majesty that, in his opinion, no one
      could at present fill that situation except Lord Rockingham. A negociation
      was therefore set on foot with the Marquess, whose appointment was soon
      afterwards announced, with Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox as secretaries of
      state. The other new ministers were Lord Camden, as president of the
      council; the Duke of Grafton, as keeper of the seal; Admiral Keppel,
      created viscount, as first lord of the admiralty; Lord John Cavendish, as
      chancellor of the exchequer; General Conway, as commander-in-chief; Mr.
      Dunning, created Lord Ash-burton, as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster;
      and the Duke of Richmond, as master-general of the ordnance. Lord Thurlow
      retained the great seal. The other departments of the state were filled by
      persons eminent for rank or talent. The Duke of Portland was sent out as
      lord-lieutenant of Ireland; Mr. Burke was made paymaster of the forces;
      Mr. T. Townshend became secretary at war, and Colonel Barré treasurer of
      the navy; Mr. Sheridan was under-secretary of state; Lord Howe, created
      viscount, was appointed to the command of the grand fleet; Mr. Kenyon and
      Mr. John Lee were made attorney and solicitor-general; and Sir William
      Howe was made lieutenant-general of the ordnance. The usual changes, also,
      took place in the royal household; at which the king was far more affected
      than he was by the total change in the ministry. It is said that William
      Pitt was offered the place of a lord of the treasury, which office he
      rejected with disdain. Be this as it may, Pitt, who had largely
      contributed to the overthrow of Lord North's cabinet, remained without
      post or situation. Pitt, however, probably consoled himself with the idea
      that the new ministry would not retain the reins of government for any
      length of period, and that on their ruin he might rise to the highest
      office in the state. From the very conditions, indeed, upon which the
      Marquess of Rockingham consented to form the new ministry, and to place
      himself at the head, it was clear that his administration would not be of
      long duration. These conditions were:&mdash;"Peace with the Americans, and
      the acknowledgment of their independence not to be a bar to the attainment
      of that object. A substantial reform in the several branches of the civil
      list expenditure, on the plan proposed by Mr. Burke. The diminution of the
      influence of the crown, under which article the bills for excluding
      contractors from seats in parliament, and disqualifying the
      revenue-officers from voting in the election of members, were included."
      These were arbitrary measures to impose upon a monarch holding-such
      sentiments as George III., and it was manifest to all men of discernment
      that the men who imposed them upon him could not hope to possess his
      confidence. Moreover, there were wide disagreements in the cabinet, as to
      the means of pursuing the first of these objects, and as to the lengths to
      which the others should be carried. Finally, mutual jealousies and
      dislikes existed between the members of the confederated parties; and it
      required no prophetic eye to foresee that they would never act with that
      unanimity requisite for the establishment of their power. The issue was,
      that "every day brought forth a new proof of that hatred which the parties
      composing this administration bore towards each other; the Rockinghams
      abused Lord Shelburne for want of good faith; and the reply of the
      Shelburnes was, that they were in no ways pledged to Lord Rockingham."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of writs having to be issued for new elections, to replace
      such members as had vacated their seats by accepting office, parliament
      did not re-assemble until the 8th of April, on which day the new
      administration commenced the trial of their strength. The first measure of
      national importance which they brought forward, was the repeal of an act
      passed in the reign of George I., for securing the dependency of Ireland;
      and against which a loud clamour had been long raised in that country.
      This repeal, which was carried through both houses of parliament without a
      division, was virtually a renunciation of legislating for Ireland; and
      therefore gave great satisfaction to the whole body of the Irish people.
      This satisfaction was increased by the abolition of the power of
      suppressing or altering bills in the privy-council, and the limitation of
      the duration of the Mutiny Act to the term of two years. So gratified were
      the Irish with these concessions, that a vote of the house of commons in
      that kingdom passed unanimously for raising 20,000 seamen for the service
      of the British navy. The subject of Irish discontent was introduced into
      the British parliament by Mr. Luttrell, but it was the eloquence of Mr.
      Grattan which moved ministers to make these large concessions to Ireland.
      While they were hesitating as to the extent of the gifts which they should
      offer to allay the angry feelings that existed in that country, he set
      forth in a lofty tone of eloquence the rights of Ireland, and ministers
      wavered no more. The spirit of the Irish nation may be seen in the
      following portion of his speech. He remarked:&mdash;"I remember Ireland
      when she was a child, and have beheld her progress from injuries to arms&mdash;from
      arms to liberty. The Irish are no longer afraid of the French, nor of any
      nation; nor of any minister. If men turned their eyes to the rest of
      Europe, they would find the ancient spirit expired, liberty ceded, and
      empire lost: nations subsisting on the memory of past glory, and guarded
      by mercenary armies. But Ireland, quitting such examples, had become a
      model to them: she had excelled modern, and equalled ancient Europe. The
      meeting of delegates at Dungannon was a great event; and like all original
      measures, matter of surprise till it became matter of admiration. It may
      be compared to the English convention parliament, or the assembly of
      barons at Runnymede; all were original transactions, not flowing from
      precedent, but containing in themselves precedent and principle. Every
      great constitutional question would have been lost, the public would have
      been lost, had they depended only on parliament; but they had fallen into
      the hands of the people, and by the people they would be preserved. The
      Irish volunteers are associated for the preservation of the laws, but the
      claims of the British parliament are subversive of all law. The volunteers
      had supported the rights of the Irish parliament against those temporary
      trustees who would have relinquished them? but England had no reason to
      fear the Irish volunteers: they would die for England and her majestic
      race of men. Allied by liberty as well as allegiance, the two nations
      formed a constitutional confederacy: the perpetual annexation of the crown
      was one great bond, but liberty was a still greater. It would be easy to
      find a king, but impossible for Ireland to find a nation which could
      communicate to them a great charter, save only England. This made England
      a natural connexion; and every true Irishman would exclaim, 'Liberty with
      England; but at all events, Liberty.'"
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1782-1784
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that bills for disabling revenue-officers from voting at
      elections, and excluding contractors from the house of commons, had been
      repeatedly brought into parliament, and as repeatedly negatived. In order
      to acquire popularity ministers revived these bills, and they now passed
      with approbation and applause. And it seems to have been high time that
      such measures should have been adopted. In support of the former bill, the
      Marquess of Rockingham declared that the election chiefly depended on
      officers of the revenue in seventy boroughs, and that nearly 12,000
      officers, created by the recent administration, possessed votes in other
      places. He argued that his situation, as first lord of the treasury, would
      be extremely uneasy if the bill were rejected, for he could not without
      remorse subject them through his influence to the necessity of voting
      against the dictates of gratitude and conscience. This was a curious
      argument, but it terminated the debate, and the bill passed. About the
      same time, also, Mr. Burke's Reform Bill was again brought forward, and
      after some warm opposition in the house of lords was adopted. By this bill
      the board of trade, the board of works, the great wardrobe, the office of
      American secretary of state, and many sinecure appointments were
      abolished.
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING WILKES EXPUNGED FROM THE JOURNALS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, Wilkes was successful in obtaining the erasure of the
      resolutions concerning the celebrated Middlesex election from the
      journals. The motion was made by himself and was seconded by Mr. Byng. It
      was opposed by Fox, the "man of the people," on the principle that the
      house of commons ought, for the advantage of electors, to have the
      privilege of expelling those whom they as representatives deemed unworthy
      of a seat. Elated with his triumph, Wilkes published a letter expressive
      of delight, but the people generally did not participate in his triumph.
      The sun of Wilkes's popularity had long gone down, and the people read his
      letter with indifference.
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    <h2>
      DISFRANCHISEMENT OF CRICKLADE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A few days after the success of Wilkes an act was passed, by large
      majorities in both houses, for disfranchising many corrupt voters of the
      borough of Crick-lade, and extending the right of suffrage to the
      freeholders of the hundred. This bill was strenuously opposed in the upper
      house by Lords Thurlow, Mansfield, and Loughborough. In the course of the
      debate the Duke of Richmond accused the lord-chancellor Thurlow, not
      without justice, of opposing every reform; and Lord Fortescue attacked the
      law lords in general, declaring that the dignity of the house was lowered
      and tarnished by their presence. All the above bills originated with the
      Rockingham party. Soon after, Lord Shelburne introduced a bill of his own,
      for compelling persons holding patent places in the colonies and foreign
      possessions to reside, and do something for their money, which was
      adopted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Encouraged by the fate of Criclade, and by petitions for parliamentary
      reform from the Livery of London, and the still existing county
      associations, on the 7th of May, Mr. William Pitt moved for a committee to
      inquire into the state of the representation in parliament, and to report
      their observations thereon to the house. The petitions which had been
      presented prayed for the abolition of the Septennial Act. Pitt did not
      adopt this prayer, but demanded the sweeping away of all rotten boroughs,
      and the establishment of an equal representation. His motion was seconded
      by Alderman Sawbridge, and was warmly supported by Sir George Saville, Mr.
      Fox, and other Whig orators. It was opposed by Thomas Pitt, who declared
      rotten boroughs to be an essential working part of the constitution&mdash;a
      sentiment suggested by his being proprietor of the borough of Old Sarum.
      Mr. Powys also could not see any utility in the revisal of a system which
      had stood the test of ages; and Mr. Dundas thought that the inquiry
      promised no benefit, that it would lead to evil, and that it would be
      wiser to submit to certain irregularities in an established form of
      government, than by attempting the correction to hazard the safety of the
      whole fabric. The debate manifested that the Whig aristocracy, now in
      power, were as anxious to quash this inquiry as the Tories themselves
      could have been; and it is remarkable, that Burke, Townshend, and others
      were also adverse to the motion. On a division, however, the motion was
      rejected by a majority of twenty only; the numbers being one hundred and
      sixty-one against one hundred and forty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A secret committee had been appointed to investigate the abuses of the
      Indian government. During this session several reports were presented to
      the house, when Mr. Dundas reviewed the state of the company and its
      servants, in the course of which he reprobated the spirit of ambition
      which provoked the native powers, in the hope of profiting by their
      conquest; the perfidy which produced violations of treaty; the prodigality
      which had induced embarrassment and distress; and the misgovernment which
      generally prevailed in our Asiatic establishments. The reports led to a
      bill of pains and penalties against Sir Thomas Rumbold, for high crimes
      and misdemeanours committed in the Carnatic; to a vote of censure on
      Warren Hastings and Mr. Hornsby, president of Bombay; and to an address to
      his majesty, praying the removal of Sir Elijah Impey from the office of
      chief-justice at Bengal.
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    <h2>
      CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During these proceedings in parliament Mr. Fox, who, before he became
      foreign secretary, had insinuated in the commons that he possessed the
      means of detaching the Dutch from the French, offered to Holland a renewal
      of amity on the terms of the treaty of 1674. Mr. Fox had also been
      endeavouring to conclude a peace with the Americans, the chief terms of
      which were the recognition of the independence of the thirteen American
      colonies, and for the rest <i>a status quo ante bellum</i>. No progress
      had been made in these negociations&mdash;for they were obstructed by the
      great powers of Europe&mdash;when the Marquess of Rockingham died, which
      put an end to the cabinet. Immediately after his decease the king sent for
      Lord Shelburne, and placed him at the head of the cabinet, which so deeply
      offended the Rockingham party that they resigned: Fox, Burke, Lord John
      Cavendish, John Townshend, the Duke of Portland, as governor of Ireland,
      and others at the boards of treasury and admiralty instantly threw up
      office in disgust. In consequence of their resignations, Mr. Thomas
      Townshend was made foreign secretary; Lord Grantham obtained the
      secretaryship, which had been held by Lord Shelburne; William Pitt was
      raised to the post of chancellor of the exchequer; Colonel Barré was made
      paymaster of the forces, while Mr. Dundas was appointed treasurer of the
      navy in his room; Sir George Yonge succeeded Mr. Townshend as secretary of
      war; Lord Temple undertook the lieutenancy of Ireland; and Mr. Pepper
      Arden was made solicitor-general. The promotion which attracted most
      attention was that of William Pitt, who was only twenty-three years of
      age, and wild, by his promotion to the post of the chancellor of the
      exchequer, became leader of the house of commons; and that at a time when
      the pecuniary concerns of the country were, from the long and expensive
      war which still raged, in a state of great embarrassment. Fox and his
      associates were accused of heat and precipitancy, and of having committed
      the whole Whig cause by their sudden resignation, whence, on the 9th of
      July, Fox thought proper to defend his conduct in the house of commons;
      maintaining, that he and his colleagues could not act with honour and
      benefit to the country, either under or in conjunction with Lord
      Shelburne. In his speech, he arraigned the conduct of the new
      first-minister, and General Conway rose in his defence. While he lamented
      the retirement of Fox, Conway said, that in a cabinet of eleven ministers,
      there must be some shades of difference; but he denied that these were
      sufficient to justify the resignation of Fox and the other friends of the
      deceased marquess. Mr. Pitt was more severe in his remarks upon Fox than
      General Conway. He accused him of being more at variance with men than
      their measures, and of having resigned in pique and from disappointed
      ambition, rather than on any public ground. This language might have been
      just to a certain extent, but there were doubtless other reasons more
      cogent than pique and animosity for the retirement of Fox, as he was at
      this time in a desperate state of poverty. Be this as it may, the severity
      of Pitt was the commencement of a long conflict between him and Fox.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1782&mdash;1784
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July. News had been recently
      received of a victory gained by Rodney, which restored the naval supremacy
      of England in the western world; of the relief of Gibraltar, and of the
      poverty and embarrassment of France and Spain, as well as the absolute
      pauperism of the American congress. Although, therefore, overtures had
      been made for peace with the Americans, on the basis of independence, yet,
      in his speech, the king did not show himself disposed to go thus far if it
      could be avoided. He remarked:&mdash;"Nothing can be more repugnant to my
      feelings than the long continuance of so complicated a war; but should the
      want of a corresponding disposition on the part of the enemy disappoint
      the hopes of terminating that calamity, I shall still rely on the spirit,
      affection, and unanimity of my parliament and people to support the honour
      of my crown and the interests of the nation. The most triumphant career of
      victory would not excite me to aim at more than reasonable terms of
      pacification; and I have the satisfaction to add, that I see no reason
      which should induce me to think of accepting less." Recent pages indeed
      show, that his majesty was always averse to a recognition of the
      independence of America, and if ever he had given his consent to the
      proposals Fox had made, it must have been wrung from him under a
      consciousness that his cause was hopeless. As for Lord Shelburne he still
      adhered to the dogma of Chatham, and was as averse to the independence of
      America as the king himself, whence there is a stronger reason than
      private pique and animosity that Fox should have resigned. Had he not done
      so he must have acted against his own conscience, which should ever be
      consulted by man, whether acting in a private or public capacity. He who
      acts against the dictates of his own conscience is unworthy of the public
      esteem or confidence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VICTORY OF RODNEY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      All our leeward islands, except Barbadoes and Antigua, had been conquered
      by the enemy, after which the fleets of France and Spain projected an
      expedition against Jamaica, A reinforcement was despatched under de
      Guichen, and Admiral Kempenfelt was too weak to intercept his progress. In
      the meantime Rodney arrived at Barbadoes, and soon after put to sea with
      the intention of joining Sir Samuel Hood, who had been vainly endeavouring
      to relieve the island of St. Christopher, which was assailed by the Count
      de Grasse, and a land force under the Marquis de Bouille. Rodney met Hood
      returning from St. Christopher's, which had been captured in spite of his
      exertions to save it; and upon his information that de Grasse had
      proceeded to Martinique in order to prepare for a grand attack on Jamaica,
      Rodney sailed with the whole British fleet to St. Lucie, in order to watch
      his movements. On the 8th of April a signal announced that de Grasse was
      coming out from Fort Royal Hay, upon which Rodney weighed anchor, and set
      sail in pursuit of him. At day-break on the following morning the enemy
      was discovered at Dominique, but continued calms prevented a close action.
      The van of the English, indeed, engaged the rear of the French; but a
      breeze springing up, de Grasse took advantage of it, and sailed away.
      Rodney, however, still pursued, and towards the evening of the 11th the
      headmost ships of the van gained so much on one or two of the enemy's
      ships, which had been damaged in the recent engagement, that de Grasse
      thought it necessary to bear down for the purpose of protecting them.
      Rodney now hoped to force him to battle; but as it was evening, he called
      in the foremost ships, and forming a close line of battle, he plied to
      windward all night. By this movement, however, he prevented the retreat of
      the enemy, and on the morning of the 12th the two fleets, ranged in
      opposite lines, engaged with the greatest fury. The fleets were about of
      an equal number, but the ships of de Grasse were of higher rates than the
      British, and had superior weight of metal. Victory was long held in
      suspense, but about noon Rodney executed a manouvre, which had never
      before been practised in naval tactics, and which was attended with
      complete success. Taking advantage of a freshening breeze which sprung up,
      his own ship, the Formidable, supported by the Namur, the Duke, and the
      Canada, bore down with all sail set on the enemy's line, within three
      ships of the centre, and succeeded in breaking it. By this manouvre the
      French line was broken and thrown into confusion, and the rest of the
      division following, Rodney wore round and doubled on the enemy, by which
      those ships which had been separated from the others were placed between
      two fires, without hope of assistance. The battle, notwithstanding, lasted
      till sunset, at which time Rodney's exertions were crowned with complete
      success. Six of the enemy's ships, among which was the Ville de Paris, de
      Grasse's own ship, were captured; one was sunk, and another blew up; and
      the shattered remains crowded all the sail they could make for Cape
      François, and in the morning were out of sight. Sir Samuel Hood was
      despatched in pursuit of the fugitive ships, and coming up with five sail
      off Porto Rico, he captured two ships of the line and two frigates. Thus,
      in the whole, the French lost ten ships of the line and two frigates, and
      the victory was considered as one of the most decisive ever obtained by
      the naval prowess of Britain. The loss of the French, in killed and
      wounded, was terrible. Their ships were crowded with land-troops, who only
      served to swell the carnage: their killed alone is estimated at 3000 men,
      and their wounded at double that number; so that, taking the prisoners on
      board the captured ships into computation, they must have sustained a loss
      of nearly 12,000 men. On the side of the British the loss, in killed, was
      less, than two hundred and fifty, and in wounded about 700. By the victory
      Jamaica was saved, and the dominion of the ocean recovered, and the
      intelligence of it excited great exultation among all ranks of people. Sir
      George Rodney received the unanimous thanks of parliament, with a peerage,
      and a perpetual annuity of £2000 was annexed to his title. Sir Samuel Hood
      was also made a baron in the peerage of Ireland, and Admiral Drake and
      Commodore Affleck, who had distinguished themselves in the engagement,
      were made baronets. The news of Rodney's victory reached London about the
      middle of May, and it is probable that if it had happened two months
      earlier, Lord North's administration would still have been in existence.
      So great was the impression which the success made on the people, that
      Rodney's praise resounded from one end of the kingdom to the other; and
      many a "Rodney's head" met the gaze of travellers both in the towns and
      villages of all England. But although ministers were compelled to give
      their meed of praise to North's favourite admiral, yet it was evident that
      they did not look upon his newly-gained honours with an unjaundiced eye.
      The Rockingham administration had previously superseded him by naming the
      Whig Admiral Pigott to the command in the West Indies, and the order for
      recalling him was never cancelled. This conduct, which was as unwise as it
      was unjust, produced the deep indignation of the people, and created a bad
      impression of his ministers' integrity on the mind of the monarch. It was
      probably from this cause that the king is said to have received the
      resignation of Fox with marked satisfaction. True patriotism knows nothing
      of party, but rejoices in the welfare of the country, be it promoted by
      either Whig or Tory.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF THE WAR IN AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The surrender of Lord Cornwallis virtually terminated the war in America;
      but peace was not yet restored to that country. On hearing of the defeat
      of de Grasse, indeed, the whole republican party were filled with dismay;
      and some confessed that unless France sent them more men and money they
      were as far off from peace and independence as ever. On the other hand,
      the royalists took heart on hearing the news, and retaliated on the
      republicans for the wrongs they had endured at their hands since their
      recent successes. Thus they hanged one Joshua Huddy, a captain in
      Washington's army, leaving a label on the tree, which set forth that it
      was in retaliation for the murder of one White, a royalist, whom the
      republicans had put to death. The perpetrators of this deed were arrested
      by Sir Henry Clinton; and the leader in the affair, Captain Lippincot, was
      tried by a court-martial, who returned a verdict of not guilty. This
      affair, however, had the effect of retarding that peace which was now so
      much desired on both sides of the Atlantic. Washington demanded that
      Lippincot should be given up to him to be tried and executed by republican
      law; and when this was refused by Sir Henry Clinton, he declared that he
      would hang a young English officer, a prisoner taken at York Town, in
      retaliation, if his demand was not satisfied. The day for this execution
      was fixed by Washington; and in the meantime Sir Henry Clinton was
      superseded by Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived at New York with instructions
      from the Rockingham administration, to open negociations with congress for
      peace on the basis of independence. Overtures were made to Washington by
      Carleton for a truce; and a passport was solicited of him for a person to
      carry a letter to congress with offers of peace. These overtures and the
      passport, however, were sternly refused by Washington; and he again
      recurred to the subject of Huddy, declaring that he would hang the British
      officer if Lippincot was not delivered up to him. His violence met the
      approval of congress; and a vote was passed on the 21st of May, binding
      themselves to make no separate treaty, and to entertain no overtures of
      negociation, except in common with their allies. All that could be
      effected was a partial exchange of prisoners, and a suspension of
      hostilities, which were rather conceded from the weakness of the American
      army, and the formidable position of the British, than from the friendly
      advances of the British cabinet. The suspension of hostilities, however,
      that was obtained by Carleton was only partial, for a war of posts was
      still continued in Carolina and Georgia. In the meantime, negociations
      still continued concerning the young officer whom Washington had selected
      for the gibbet. There can be no doubt that he would have shared the fate
      of Major André, had not his parents possessed influence, for Washington
      still sternly demanded the person of Captain Lippincot as the price of his
      redemption. The devoted victim, however, was the son of Sir Charles
      Asgill; and his mother, Lady Asgill, wrote to the King and Queen of
      Fiance, soliciting their intercession on her son's behalf. This letter was
      sent to Washington, accompanied by one from the Count de Vergennes, in
      which the French minister stated, that the King and Queen of France had
      been extremely affected by Lady Asgil's letter, and that they desired that
      the inquietudes of an unfortunate mother might be calmed, and her
      tenderness reassured. It would have been bad policy had Washington not
      relented on the receipt of these letters; and he, therefore, forwarded
      them to congress with one of his own, and Captain Asgill was forthwith set
      at liberty. But although Washington put on so bold a front towards the
      English, treating them with a contempt which would seem to indicate that
      he was their perfect master, his situation was one which would have
      justified the language of humiliation and supplication, rather than of
      contempt and dictation. During these negociations, and only a few days
      after he had refused to grant a passport to congress, he stated to that
      assembly, that his army on the Hudson was destitute of provisions, and in
      a state of disorder bordering on mutiny; and that if the British were
      aware of his situation, and were to make a sudden attempt, he could not
      withstand them. Subsequently, as the condition of his army did not
      improve, the haughty Washington wrote in plain language to congress, "that
      it was high time for peace." Nor was the army under General Greene, in the
      south, in a better condition. A large part of it were occasionally as
      naked as they were born. The very loins of the brave men who fought at
      Eutaw Springs were galled by their cartouch-boxes, while their shoulders
      were protected only by a piece of rug or a tuft of moss. In writing to
      congress, Greene remarked: "The troops have received no pay for two years;
      they are nearly naked, and often without meat or bread; and the sick and
      wounded are perishing for want of medicines and proper nourishment."
      Disaffection prevailed even among the officers; and upon one occasion, on
      the appointment of Colonel Laurens to the command of the legion, they one
      and all tendered their resignation, and were only induced to return to
      their posts by their general's prudent and conciliatory conduct. And this
      was not the only danger which Greene had to encounter. A portion of his
      army entered into a secret correspondence with the British, for the
      purpose of delivering him into their power; but the conspiracy was
      detected, and while the ringleader was shot, the chief of the conspirators
      deserted. Yet while the American forces in the south were in this
      desperate condition, the British troops undertook no new expedition,
      except for the purpose of procuring provisions. Under the impression,
      indeed, that with their diminished forces it would have been folly to have
      renewed the strife, or even to have maintained their position, they
      determined to leave Charlestown. Accordingly, having agreed to leave it
      uninjured, on condition of their retreat being unmolested, they evacuated
      that town on the 14th of December; the American army entering it as the
      British rear-guard departed from it On their departure solemn thanks were
      offered to the Almighty in the different places of worship, by the
      citizens and soldiers, and the whole city presented a scene of joy and
      festivity; but even after this period; Greene experienced much difficulty
      in obtaining provision for his troops; and it was only by his becoming
      responsible as an endorser of the contractor's bills, that the evil was
      removed. By this measure the troops were fed; but it was the cause of much
      subsequent embarrassment, not only to Greene himself while living, but to
      his family after his death.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE WAR IN THE WEST INDIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After Rodney's victory the war still languished in West Indies. The
      Spanish governor of Cuba effected the conquest of the Bahama islands; and
      la Perouse destroyed some defenceless settlements on Hudson's, Haye's and
      Nelson's Rivers. On the other hand, the British captured some forts on the
      Mosquito shore from the Spaniards, and took Aera, on the coast of Africa,
      from the Dutch. In the East Indies the affairs of the Dutch and the French
      were in a desperate condition. They had made extraordinary exertions to
      expel the English by means of Hyder Ally; but these were all defeated by
      Sir Eyre Coote and Commodore Hughes, as will be seen in a future page.
      These events contributed materially to make the court of Versailles
      desirous of peace.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1782-1784
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MARITIME EVENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year, France, Spain, and Holland equipped seventy ships of the
      line for active service, in order to reduce the maritime superiority of
      Britain. As the forces of the British were inferior on her own coasts to
      those of the enemy if united, the plan adopted, was to prevent their
      junction, and to weaken them by separate attacks; to protect our convoys;
      and to relieve the important post of Gibraltar. To effect the first of
      these objects Admiral Barrington sailed from Portsmouth with twelve sail
      of the line, and on the 20th of April he discovered seventeen or eighteen
      sail of large merchantmen and transports, under convoy of two French ships
      of the line and a frigate. Barrington gave chase, and in the course of two
      days the two ships of the line, ten large transports, and a schooner were
      captured. The victors found on board the prizes a. great quantity of
      ordnance and ammunition, anchors and masts for ships, and other materials
      needed by the French in the East Indies, besides eleven chests of Dutch
      silver, and about 1400 troops. After this successful cruise, Barrington
      returned to port in consequence of boisterous weather, and Admiral
      Kempenfelt, with nine sail of the line, took the station which he had
      quitted. In the mean time the British suffered a reverse, for de Guichen
      having formed a junction with the Spanish fleet at Cadiz, captured
      eighteen sail of British merchantmen and transports, bound to Canada and
      Newfoundland. Great apprehensions were entertained for the Jamaica fleet,
      but Lord Howe, with a squadron of twelve sail, effectually covered them,
      and the combined squadrons, being unable to effect a junction with the
      Dutch, and finding that no advantage could be derived from remaining in
      the Channel, retired from the British coasts. Lord Howe, indeed, terrified
      the Dutch into a relinquishment of their designs on the trade of Great
      Britain to the Baltic, and the whole scheme of the enemy proved abortive.
      Storms, however, in part accomplished what the enemy failed to perform. In
      various latitudes the summer and autumn of this year were remarkable for
      storms and hurricanes, and a terrible catastrophe befell a fleet under
      Admiral Graves, which sailed, with the great prizes taken by Rodney and
      Hood, to convoy the great fleet of West-Indiamen. All these ships, except
      the "Ardent," foundered at sea, as well as two line-of-battle ships, and a
      great number of merchantmen; three thousand lives were lost. This calamity
      was aggravated by the loss of the Royal George at Portsmouth, which was
      the finest ship in our navy. The Royal George was inclined on her side to
      undergo a slight species of careening, without the delay of going into
      dock, and on the 29th of August a sudden squall of wind threw her on her
      side, and the gun-ports being open she instantly filled and went to the
      bottom. Admiral Kempenfelt was writing in his cabin at the moment, and he,
      together with nearly one thousand men, women, and children, were thus
      suddenly buried in the ocean. These calamities excited a deep concern
      throughout the whole nation, and the fate of the brave Kemperjfelt was
      deeply deplored.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0010" id="linkimage-0010">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_171_gibralter_seige.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Siege of Gibralter" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_171_gibralter_seige_th.jpg"
      alt="171.jpg Siege of Gibralter "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      SIEGE AND RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time the siege of Gibraltar, and the resolute defence of its
      garrison attracted the attention of all Europe. After the relief afforded
      to the garrison in the preceding year by Admiral Darby, the Spaniards
      opened a dreadful cannonade and bombardment, from batteries on land and
      from large gun-boats in the bay. Under cover of this fire they continued
      their approaches and nearly completed their fourth line; but on the night
      of the 26th of November, a detachment under the orders of Brigadier
      General Ross, and accompanied by General Elliot, the governor, made a
      sortie, succeeded in spiking all the artillery, and then having dug mines
      and laid trains, they blew the fourth line of the Spaniards into the air.
      Previous to this, General Elliot had so improved his ownformidable works
      that they were stronger than they were at the commencement of the siege,
      and the Spaniards for a time were lost in amazement, and relaxed their
      exertions against the wonderful rock. In the month of April, however, the
      Duke of Grillon, the conqueror of Minorca, arrived to take the chief
      command of the besieging army and their efforts were renewed. The Duke
      brought with him a numerous body of skilful artillery and engineer
      officers, and he was likewise joined by about 20,000 French and Spanish
      troops to aid him in the enterprise. The whole besieging force on land now
      amounted to full 40,000 men, and de Crillon had more artillery with him
      than had ever been collected on so narrow a point. Success seemed certain,
      and princes of the House of Bourbon, with along retinue of French and
      Spanish nobles, were present to witness the final triumph. Some time was
      spent in deliberating upon the plan of attack. A thousand projects were
      proposed and some were adopted and failed. At length the Chevalier
      d'Arcon, a French engineer, proposed a plan which seemed to ensure a
      complete triumph. This was the employment of floating batteries so
      constructed as to be impervious to shot and indestructible by fire. The
      bottoms of these batteries were made of massive timber, and their sides
      were secured with a rampart or wall composed of timber and cork, with an
      interstice between, filled up with wet sand. Raw hides were fastened on
      the outside, and to prevent the effect of red-hot balls a number of pipes
      were laid to convey water through every part, and pumps were provided to
      keep these constantly supplied. As the garrison had an opportunity for
      maintaining a fire right on the heads of their assailants, the besiegers
      contrived hanging roofs of strong rope-work netting, laid over with a
      thick covering of raw hides. These roofs were to be worked up and down by
      mechanism, and it was calculated that by their sloping position they would
      throw off the shot and shell of the garrison into the sea. Above eighty
      gun-boats and bomb-ketches were to second the operations of the floating
      batteries, together with a multitude of frigates and smaller vessels,
      while the combined fleets of France and Spain amounting to fifty sail of
      the line, were to cover and support the attack. On the isthmus also there
      were stupendous works, mounting two hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and
      protected by 40,000 troops. In the whole the numbers employed by land and
      sea against the fortress were estimated at nearly 100,000 men. Time was
      required to complete the preparations, but at length they were completed,
      and the 13th of September was named for the grand attack. In the meantime
      General Elliot, aware that inventions of a peculiar nature were in
      preparation provided against every circumstance of danger that could be
      foreseen, and his vigilance had the effect of increasing the confidence of
      the garrison. General Elliot, however, was ignorant of the construction of
      the batteries until he saw them ranged before the fortress. It was
      intended to make one simultaneous attack on every part of the British
      fortifications, and on the appointed day, showers of shot and shells from
      the land-batteries and ships of the besiegers were directed against them.
      But the besieged were as much in earnest as the besiegers: shot was given
      for shot, and shell for shell. At one moment four hundred pieces of the
      heaviest artillery were playing on the garrison, and the fire was returned
      by incessant showers of red-hot balls and shells from the rock. The whole
      peninsula was involved in one terrible blaze, and the surrounding hills
      were covered with people, who assembled to behold the awful spectacle. The
      besiegers were sanguine of success, but their hopes were disappointed. For
      a time the floating batteries seemed to answer their expectations, for the
      heaviest shells rebounded from their tops, while the red-hot balls, just
      taken from old Elliot's furnaces, made no visible impression on their
      hulls. By two o'clock, however, the effects of these fiery globes became
      visible. The floating battery commanded by the Prince of Nassau, and on
      board of which was the Chevalier d'Arcon, began to smoke on the side
      exposed to the garrison, and it was apprehended it had taken fire.
      Notwithstanding, the firing continued with unabated fury, and the
      fortification sustained some damage from the besiegers. At seven o'clock,
      however, all hope of taking the fortress vanished. By that time the
      red-hot balls from the garrison had taken such good effect, that the
      firing from the batteries ceased, rockets were thrown up as signals of
      distress, and nothing was thought of but saving the crews. The boats of
      the combined fleet were sent on that service, but it was found to be no
      easy matter to move the batteries from their moorings, and to have
      approached them within the range of the British batteries, and when they
      were expected every moment to blow up, was like rushing into the jaws of
      death. For five hours they continued in their original position, and in
      the mean time, the smoke of the batteries had burst into flames, and the
      fire from the rock was increased with terrific vengeance. At midnight the
      only flashes from the batteries were the flames that were consuming them,
      and the only sounds on board were the shrieks of the crew. Their danger
      was increased by a brigade of gunboats, under the command of Captain
      Curtis, which sailed out, and by their low fire swept the batteries in the
      whole extent of their line, and effectually prevented the approach of the
      French and Spanish boats from coming to their aid. From the evening till
      the morning the sky was illuminated by the ascending flames of the
      batteries, and by the fire of the garrison and gun-boats. At five o'clock
      in the morning, one of the batteries blew up, and soon after, the whole of
      them were one vast conflagration. Many of their crows now threw themselves
      into the sea; and touched by the sight, the British showed themselves to
      be as humane as they were brave. The guns in the fortification ceased, and
      Curtis and his gallant crew exerted themselves in saving the shrieking and
      despairing Spaniards. Fearless of danger they dashed among the burning
      wrecks, snatched many from the fury of the flames, and others from a
      watery grave: about three hundred and fifty were saved by them from
      inevitable death. Captain Curtis himself was often in the most imminent
      danger, while thus showing mercy to the enemy, and, at one time, a pinnace
      in which he had thrown himself, was close to one of the batteries when it
      blew up. The pinnace was involved in one vast cloud of fire and smoke, and
      masses of flaming wood, and it was expected that the brave crew had
      perished. It was not so: as the smoke cleared away, the pinnace was seen
      still proudly riding on the waves. Her coxswain was killed, several of her
      crew were wounded, and one of the burning masses of timber had fallen into
      her, and had gone through her bottom, but the sailors saved her from
      sinking by stuffing their jackets into the cavity! In the end all the
      floating batteries were consumed, and the loss of the enemy, exclusive of
      that sustained by the troops on the isthmus, was computed at 1500 men,
      while the garrison lost only sixteen killed, and had sixty-eight wounded.
      It was a blow severely felt by the enemy; but a gleam of hope burst
      through the gloom which surrounded them, so that the siege was not
      immediately abandoned. It was known that Elliot's stock of ammunition and
      provisions was greatly reduced, and it was hoped that the combined fleet
      collected in the narrow bay might be able to prevent any relief. That hope
      also proved vain. Lord Howe had set sail with thirty-four ships of the
      line, three fire-ships, and six frigates, having under his protection an
      immense convoy of transports and trading vessels, with all which, on the
      11th of October, he passed between the shores of Europe and Africa, and
      through the Straits of Gibraltar. On the same day he succeeded in landing
      the cargoes of four of the transports without meeting with any
      interruption from the combined fleet; and, subsequently, a violent
      hurricane having driven the French and Spaniards on the Barbary coast, he
      landed all the stores and fresh troops which he had brought for the relief
      of the garrison. His task was completed by the 19th, on which day he
      repassed the Straits, and spread his sails for England. He was followed by
      the enemy, and on the 20th as they gained upon him off Cape St. Vincent,
      he lay in order to receive them. A partial engagement took place, but the
      French and Spaniards testified no anxiety to come to close quarters; and
      towards the evening they hauled their wind, and gave up all idea of battle
      or pursuit. Thus perished the hopes of Spain to recover a barren rock; but
      a rock, the price of which is above all value to a commercial country like
      England. For his heroic defence, General Elliot was raised to the peerage
      by the title of Baron Heath field, with a pension annexed to the title
      similar to that bestowed on Rodney.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROSPECT OF GENERAL PACIFICATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This final attempt upon Gibraltar was the last action of importance during
      the war. Every nation which had been engaged in the fatal struggle now
      sighed for peace, and admitted the policy of putting up the sword into its
      scabbard. Each found, by a review of past events, that, although their
      gains were great, then-losses greatly preponderated. Négociations were
      entered into, and the Empress of Russia, finding that England was not so
      near the verge of destruction as she imagined, now began to act as a fair
      and anxious mediatrix. Spain had not yet raised the siege of Gibraltar,
      and demanded the wonderful rock as the price of a treaty; but the empress
      told its monarch that he must give up all idea of obtaining it either by
      arms or treaty. France, Holland, and the United States were also told by
      her that they ought to moderate their pretensions. But the grand obstacle
      that stood in the way of peace, was removed by Great Britain herself;
      namely, the recognition of the independence of America. During the
      negociations with France and Spain, provisional articles between England
      and America were signed on the 30th of November, at Paris, by Mr.
      Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, on the one hand, and Dr. Franklin, Adams, Jay,
      and Laurens, on the other. This was contrary to the letter and spirit of
      their treaty with France, and was brought about by the treachery of the
      French minister, Vergennes. While he was urging the Americans to claim a
      share in the Newfoundland fishery, he was instigating the British
      government to refuse the concession! This double-dealing was detected; and
      in an interview with the American negotiators, Mr. Fitzherbert assured
      them that a share in that fishery would be allowed them, which had the
      effect of bringing the treaty between England and America to a conclusion.
      Vergennes complained of American chicanery, and still sought to set aside
      the treaty, by advising the English government not to make too ample
      concessions as regarded the boundaries to be assigned to the United
      States; but his character had become manifest, and his advice was not
      heeded. The British cabinet was, indeed, too desirous of peace to raise
      any undue obstacle against its attainment. Eight days before the separate
      preliminaries were signed, Lord Shelburne wrote to the lord mayor,
      acquainting him that the negociations promised a speedy conclusion; on
      which account parliament would be prorogued from the 26th of November to
      the 5th of December. At this time it was, indeed, considered that America
      was wholly detached from the league, and there was no anxiety about the
      prolongation of a naval war with the rest of our enemies. There was in
      truth, no fear of this, for France, Spain, and Holland had all suffered
      too much on the ocean to make them desirous of continuing hostilities.
      Pride might dictate haughty demands, but it was clear that they would
      rather abate them than renew the struggle.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 5th of December, when the king announced from the
      throne, that in pursuit of a general pacification, he had offered to
      declare the American colonies free and independent states, by an article
      to be inserted in the definite treaty. This was against his majesty's
      wishes as is evident from the following remarks which he made in
      continuation. He said:&mdash;"In thus admitting their separation from the
      crown of Great Britain, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own to
      the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my humble and earnest
      prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils which
      might result from so great a dismemberment of the empire; and that America
      may be free from those calamities which have formerly proved in the mother
      country how essential monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitutional
      liberty. Religion, language, interest, affections, may, and I hope will,
      yet prove a bond of permanent union between the two countries: to this end
      neither attention nor disposition shall be wanting on my part." Among
      other topics in his speech, his majesty alluded to the valiant exertions
      of the army and navy; the economical reforms which would be necessary
      after so expensive a war; and the attention which the concerns of Ireland
      and India demanded. There was no regular opposition to the address in
      either house, but in the commons Fox suggested that it would be better to
      recognize the independence of America at once, and not to reserve it as
      one of the conditions of peace. Some severe remarks were also made in the
      house of lords, on the inconsistency of the minister, who, at a former
      period, had so strongly opposed the recognition of American independence;
      but who had now expressed his readiness to acknowledge it. In reply, Lord
      Shelburne said that he yielded to necessity, and that the full recognition
      of independence was still dependent on the conduct of France; if France
      did not consent to peace, it would be withheld. Several warm debates
      followed on the subject; and on the 18th of December, a division took
      place on a motion made by Fox, for copies of all the parts of the
      provisional treaty that related to American independence; which was lost
      by an overwhelming majority. After voting 100,000 seamen and marines for
      the service of the ensuing year, on the 23rd of December, the house
      adjourned for the Christmass recess.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1783
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was a prevailing opinion that negociations with France, Spain, and
      Holland would yet fail, and that a general peace was yet a distant event.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nevertheless, during the recess, negociations came to a pacific
      conclusion. Preliminary articles of peace were signed at Versailles on the
      20th of January; and the arrangements of the whole were as follow:&mdash;Great
      Britain acknowledged the thirteen United States as free, sovereign, and
      independent States, with advantageous boundaries, comprehending the
      countries on both sides of the Ohio, and on the east of the Mississippi.
      The right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland and in the Gulf of St.
      Lawrence was also granted to the Americans. The right of navigation on the
      Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, was declared common to both
      powers. In the treaty, the loyalists were merely recommended to congress;
      but it was agreed that no new confiscations or persecutions were to take
      place. The right of fishing on the coast of Newfoundland, from Cape St.
      John on the east, round the north of the island to Cape Bay on the west,
      was likewise ceded to France. That power also obtained the islands of St.
      Pierre and Miquelon and St. Lucie and Tobago in the West Indies; Senegal
      and Goree in Africa; Pondicherry, with other districts in the East Indies,
      were in part restored, and in part ceded, to France. The article of the
      peace of Utrecht, relative to the fortifications of Dunkirk, were moreover
      abrogated. On her part, France restored to Great Britain the islands of
      Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Christopher's,
      Nevis, and Montserrat. In Africa, she likewise ceded the possession of
      Fort James and the River Gambia. Spain obtained the island of Minorca and
      the two Floridas, as the price of her exertions; but she gave up
      Providence and the Bahama islands to Great Britain: his catholic majesty,
      also, guaranteed to English subjects the right of cutting logwood in the
      bay of Honduras. Holland agreed to a truce, with the understanding that
      there should be a mutual restoration of conquests between her and Great
      Britain; but the exact terms of pacification were not yet arranged.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament re-assembled on the day appointed, and for a day or two was
      occupied in debates on the affairs of Ireland. The preliminaries of peace
      were laid before the house on the 24th of January and the debates which
      followed led to the overthrow of the ministry. This had been indeed
      determined upon beforehand; for Fox and Lord North, whose sentiments were
      as opposite as the poles, had previously entered into a coalition for that
      express purpose, to the astonishment of the whole nation. The struggle
      commenced on a motion made by Mr. Thomas Pitt, for an address of thanks to
      his majesty for ordering the preliminary articles of peace to be laid
      before the house. This motion, which was made on the 17th of February, the
      day fixed for the debate, was seconded by Mr. Wilberforce, and called
      forth all the rancour of contending parties. An amendment, withholding
      such approbation, yet assuring his majesty of their firm determination to
      adhere to the several articles for which the public faith had been
      pledged, was moved and supported by the combined adherents of Lord North
      and Mr. Fox; and, after a stormy debate, was carried by a majority of
      sixteen; the numbers being two hundred and twenty-four to two hundred and
      eight. An amendment, similar in principle, was moved in the house of
      lords, which was rejected by a majority of thirteen; the numbers being
      seventy-two to fifty-nine. Debates on the advantages and disadvantages of
      peace still continued; and on the 21st of February, Lord John Cavendish,
      among other resolutions, moved, "That the concessions made to the
      adversaries of Great Britain by the provisional treaty, and the
      preliminary articles, are greater than they were entitled to, either from
      the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their
      comparative strength." It was well known that Fox, with all his abilities,
      could not have succeeded in obtaining better terms of peace; and that he
      had expressed a readiness to make concessions equally ample as those made
      by Lord Shelburne. His whole party, also, had repeatedly declared that a
      high price must be paid for the inestimable blessing of peace. Yet now, he
      with others, men who had threatened Lord North with the block for
      persevering in the war, endeavoured, by all the means in their power, to
      depreciate the treaty which would bring harmony to the world. In the
      debate on the amendment he had condemned nearly every concession made; and
      he now set forth the desperate condition to which France, Spain, Holland,
      and even America, had been reduced by the war, as an argument why such
      ample concessions should not have been granted. He was answered by Pitt,
      who defended the treaty article by article; and vehemently condemned the
      "ill-omened and baneful alliance" which had been formed between the
      parties of Fox and Lord North. The chief subject of the debate was, in
      truth, the coalition of these parties; some condemning it, and others
      defending it from the hot attacks made upon it. There was full evidence
      that there existed no patriotism or principle in the matter: and that the
      sole object of those in power was to retain their places, and of those out
      of office to obtain power. The latter were successful: on a division, Lord
      John Cavendish's resolutions were carried by a majority of seventeen, and
      Lord Shelburne instantly resigned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COALITION MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although Lord Shelburne resigned, yet the rest of the administration still
      clung to office. Mis majesty, it is said, sent for Pitt, and requested him
      to form a cabinet of his own. Pitt, however, probably conscious that he
      could not withstand the power of the coalition, declined; and day after
      day elapsed without any new ministry being formed. The house of commons
      adjourned from time to time, with the view of forwarding a new
      arrangement; but none could be made. Twice the king sent for Lord North,
      hoping to induce him to undertake the formation of a new administration;
      but as his majesty required that Fox should be given up, he was twice
      refused. In the meantime the business of the nation was suspended, and
      great confusion was created by this ministerial interregnum. At no time,
      in truth, was an able administration more necessary than at this time.
      Tumults were spreading throughout the kingdom, from the disembodying of
      the militia, and the discharge of seamen and sailors without pay; the
      treaty with France and Spain was not ratified; no commercial alliance was
      adjusted with America; and the affairs of the East India Company demanded
      instant attention. Seeing that there was no prospect of a new ministry
      being formed, on the 24th of March, Mr. Coke, one of the members for
      Norfolk, moved an address to the king, "that he would be graciously
      pleased to take into consideration the unsettled state of the empire, and
      condescend to comply with the wishes of this house, in forming an
      administration entitled to the confidence of the people." Coke's motion
      was carried with only four dissentient voices; and his majesty replied to
      the address, that it was his "earnest desire to comply with the wishes of
      his faithful commons." Still nothing was done; and on the 31st of March,
      Lord Surrey moved another address, "assuring his majesty that all delays
      in a matter of such moment have an inevitable tendency to weaken the
      authority of government; and most humbly entreating his majesty, that he
      will take such measures towards this object as might quiet the
      apprehensions of his faithful subjects." This motion was, however,
      withdrawn, on the assurance of Mr. Pitt, that he had that day resigned as
      the chancellor of the exchequer. The king was now obliged to yield: two
      days after this a new ministry was formed from the ranks of the coalition.
      In its arrangement the Duke of Portland became first lord of the treasury;
      Lord North secretary for home affairs; Mr. Fox secretary for foreign
      affairs; the Earl of Carlisle obtained the privy seal; Lord John Cavendish
      was re-appointed chancellor of the exchequer; Admiral Keppel was again
      placed at the head of the admiralty; Lord Stormont became president of the
      council; the great seal was given in commission to Lord Loughborough, Mr.
      Justice Ashurst, and Mr. Baron Hotham: while Lord Mansfield accepted the
      temporary office of speaker of the house of Lords; Lord Townshend became
      master-general of the ordnance; Burke was reinstated as paymaster of the
      forces; Charles Townshend became treasurer of the navy; Colonel Fitzpatric
      was made secretary at war; and Lord Northington was appointed to the
      government of Ireland. The usual changes took place likewise in his
      majesty's household. The seven ministers who formed the new cabinet were,
      Portland, North, Fox, Cavendish, Keppel, Carlisle, and Stormont, the
      majority of whom were of the old Whig or Rockingham party. But, although
      the king had consented to this heterogeneous ministry, no pains were taken
      at court to conceal the dislike which was borne towards it; nor was this
      ministry looked upon with greater favour by the nation at large. They had
      obtained power by unworthy means; and this operated to diminish public
      confidence in their measures, whence it was not long before it was seen
      that this administration would share the fate of Lord Shelburne's. It was
      an unnatural union of parties; and therefore its integral parts could
      never be so cemented together as to prevent their final separation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AMERICA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After a long debate on the subject of parliamentary reform, which subject
      was brought into the house by Mr. Pitt, and was attended with no
      beneficial results, some important debates took place on the modes or
      arranging our commercial intercourse with the United States. A bill was
      passed in order to its promotion, repealing the restraining act; and other
      obstacles were removed by a temporary bill, vesting the power of making
      future regulations in the crown. Another subject which claimed the
      attention of the house, was the case of the American loyalists. Few
      believed that congress or the provincial assemblies would pay any
      attention to the recommendations of England, or that these loyalists would
      be allowed to recover their confiscated property. The care of providing
      for them, therefore, devolved on parliament. An act was passed appointing
      commissioners to inquire into their losses and services; and it was agreed
      in a committee of supply, that all American officers who had borne arms
      for the king should be allowed half-pay. As foreseen, congress, although
      they fulfilled the terms of the provisional articles on behalf of the
      loyalists to the very letter, paid no attention to the cold and formal
      recommendation of restoring their property; and subsequently a host of
      them soon found themselves compelled to quit their native country for
      ever. So numerous were the claims made upon the parliament, that in the
      whole they received more than twelve millions of money. This was noble
      generosity on the part of Great Britain, for at this time she had no money
      to spare. One of the first measures, indeed, or the new ministry, was to
      obtain a loan of twelve millions, and to put a stamp-duty on receipts, in
      order to meet, the expenses of the state&mdash;expenses which had chiefly
      been incurred by the recent war. During this war, in truth, England had
      increased her national debt by more then £130,000,000 sterling.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S PLAN FOR REFORMING THE TREASURY ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session, Mr. Pitt brought in a bill for making some
      economical reforms in the treasury. In his speech on this subject, he
      demonstrated that extravagant abuses existed; and his bill was carried in
      the commons, but lost in the lords. But though ministers could not
      countenance Pitt's plan, they were under the necessity of producing one of
      their own. At the end of June, Lord John Cavendish carried a bill through
      the house, for abolishing certain offices in the exchequer, and limiting
      the salaries of others after the death of the present possessors. In
      consequence of a motion made by Pitt five months before, Lord John
      Cavendish also presented to the house a book, containing a list of
      accountants, who having received public money by way of imprest, had not
      yet accounted for it; and of those persons from whom balances of declared
      accounts were still due. By this book it appeared that a sum of about
      £44,000,000 sterling was still unaccounted for; and this induced Mr. Pitt
      to move an address to the king, requesting him to take measures for the
      recovery of this sum, and to prevent similar delinquencies for the future.
      This was objected to by ministers; but it was allowed to pass with a few
      trifling amendments. About the same time, Lord Mali on introduced a bill
      for preventing bribery at elections; and Alderman Sawbridge made his
      annual motion for a reform in parliament, both of which were negatived.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1782-1784
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that a select committee had been appointed to consider
      the state of the British dominions. This committee, in the prosecution of
      this inquiry, not only discovered corruption, fraud, and injustice in
      every department of the Indian government, but that the company's finances
      were in a ruinous condition. In order, therefore, to rescue the British
      name from disgrace, and to secure our territorial possessions in India,
      Sir Henry Fletcher introduced a bill for "suspending the payments of the
      company due to the exchequer, and enabling them to borrow the sum of
      £300,000 for their relief." This bill, which was declared to be only a
      branch of a larger plan, passed both houses with very little opposition;
      an impression generally prevailing among peers and commoners, that unless
      relief was afforded, bankruptcy was inevitable. Thus works profusion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF THE QUAKERS AGAINST THE SLAVE TRADE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the end of the session, a bill was introduced for regulating the
      trade of the African Company, in which there was a clause prohibiting its
      officers from exporting negroes. This encouraged the Quakers to present a
      petition for the total abolition of the slave trade: a petition that may
      be said to have laid the foundation of those generous and persevering
      exertions of gifted individuals, as Clarkson and Wilberforce, which
      finally succeeded in effecting the abolition of that loathsome traffic in
      the bones and sinews of man; which had for centuries been carried on
      without compunction.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SETTLEMENT ON THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of June, a message was delivered from the king to the house of
      commons, requesting means for a separate establishment for the Prince of
      Wales. The young prince had now attained his twenty-first year, and was of
      such extravagant habits, that his profusion was the talk of the nation. He
      was particularly intimate with Fox, and was linked in with the coalition
      ministry; and the Duke of Portland suggested to his majesty that a demand
      should be made of a hundred thousand a-year for his maintenance. The king,
      however, disliked the prince's connexion with his present ministers, and
      therefore, he put his decided negative upon this proposal; asserting that
      he could not think of burthening his people with so large a grant, and
      encouraging his son in his extravagant habits. Ministers had bound
      themselves to procure this sum for their royal friend, but were obliged to
      submit to the king's will; namely, that fifty thousand a-year should be
      allotted by himself out of the civil list, and that parliament should
      merely grant sixty thousand as an outfit. A vote to this effect was
      carried without opposition: the young prince giving a proof of his filial
      duty and public spirit, by signifying his desire that the king's wish
      should be consulted, and his readiness to accept whatever he might think
      proper in his wisdom and goodness to grant. At the same time he continued
      his close intimacy with Fox, and gave all the countenance he could to a
      ministry which his majesty abhorred.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 16th of July, his majesty intimating his
      intention to call the members together at an early period, in order to
      resume the consideration of the affairs of India. In his speech he
      expressed regret that he could not announce the completion of the
      definitive treaties.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXECUTION OF TREATIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The greatest difficulty in the way of the settlement of the definitive
      treaties arose from Holland. On the 2nd of September, however, through the
      influence of France, Holland acceded to preliminaries of peace, by which
      all conquests on both sides were to be restored, except the town of
      Negapatam, in the East Indies, which was to remain in the possession of
      Great Britain. On the next day the definitive treaties with France, Spain,
      and America were signed, and that under the auspices of the men who had
      condemned the articles <i>in toto</i>. Soon after Mr. Adams arrived in
      London as ambassador from the United States. On his first audience at St.
      James's, the king received Mr. Adams with much courtesy and kindness. He
      remarked to him:&mdash;"I was the last man in the kingdom, sir, to consent
      to the independence of America; but, now it is granted, I shall be the
      last man in the world to sanction its violation." It is said that Adams
      retired from the monarch's presence with altered sentiments as to his real
      character; and when at a later period Jay came into contact with the king,
      he was obliged to confess that in his representations of George III. in
      the American manifestoes and revolutionary documents, which had been
      chiefly written by him, he had overcharged the picture. Instead of being
      an unfeeling and savage tyrant, thirsting for the blood of his subjects,
      as he had set forth, he found that his majesty possessed many virtues, and
      that he was beloved by his subjects.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 11th of November. The king's speech on this
      occasion was brief but comprehensive. After noticing the conclusion of
      peace with France, Spain, and America, he urged attention to every
      possible means of recruiting the strength and resources of the nation; of
      rendering the necessary revenue as little burthensome as possible to his
      subjects; and of adopting new measures to prevent the numerous frauds
      which had been committed in the collection of the revenue. He particularly
      directed their attention to the affairs of India, remarking that their
      utmost exertions would be required to maintain and improve the valuable
      advantages derived from our Indian possessions, and to promote and secure
      the happiness of the native inhabitants. The address passed without
      opposition; Pitt himself expressing approbation of the ends of government,
      and promising his support.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOX'S INDIA BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although in office, Fox was still unreconciled to the monarch. He felt,
      moreover, that by his ill-fated coalition he had forfeited the confidence
      of the people. Under these circumstances, he resolved to seek the
      restoration of his popularity, and to consolidate his power, by producing
      some great measure, which should at once charm and profit the nation.
      India afforded him a fine field for legislating, and with the assistance
      of Burke he concocted a bill for its government. He gave notice on the day
      when parliament reassembled, that he would produce this bill on the 18th
      of November, and when that day arrived he was in his place for that
      purpose. He moved for leave to bring in a bill for vesting the affairs of
      the East India Company in the hands of certain commissioners, for the
      benefit of the proprietary and the public. This memorable bill proposed to
      take the entire administration both of their territorial and commercial
      affairs from the directors and proprietors, and to vest it in the hands of
      seven commissioners, named in the bill, who were to be irremovable by the
      crown, except in consequence of an address of either house of parliament.
      These commissioners were to be assisted by a subordinate board of nine
      directors, to be chosen in the first instance by parliament, and
      afterwards by the proprietors. The bill empowered these commissioners and
      directors to enter immediately into possession of all lands, tenements,
      books, records, vessels, goods, merchandize, and securities in trust for
      the company. They were required to decide on every question within a
      certain time, or to assign sufficient reason for delay. They were never to
      vote by ballot, and were generally required to enter on their journals the
      reasons of their vote. Every six months they were to submit an exact
      schedule of accounts to the court of proprietors; and at the commencement
      of every session were to present a statement of their affairs to both
      houses of parliament. This act was to continue in force four years: that
      is, till the year after the next general election. It was accompanied by
      another bill, enacting regulations for the future government of the
      British territories in India. This second bill took from the
      governor-general all power of acting independently of his council;
      declared every existing British power in India incompetent to the
      acquisition or exchange of any territory in behalf of the company; to the
      acceding to any treaty of partition; to let out the company's troops; to
      the appointment of any person removed for misdemeanour to office; and to
      the hiring out any property to any civil servant of the company. It also
      prohibited all monopolies; declared every illegal present recoverable by
      any person for his own benefit; and employed effectual means to secure the
      zemindars, or native landholders, in the possession of their inheritances,
      aiming particularly at the abolition of all vexatious or usurious claims
      that might be made upon them, by prohibiting mortgages, and subjecting
      every doubtful claim to the examination of the commissioners.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disclosure of this scheme excited the greatest sensation in the house.
      By the friends of Fox it was espoused with zeal and enthusiasm, while it
      was attacked by his opponents with vehement indignation and energetic
      invective. On the one hand it was extolled as a masterpiece of genius,
      virtue, and ability; on the other, it was denounced as a dangerous design,
      fraught with mischief and ruin. Pitt had promised his support in settling
      the affairs of India; but though he acknowledged that reform was wanted,
      it was, he said, not such a reform as this. He remarked:&mdash;"The bill
      under consideration included a confiscation of the property, and a
      disfranchisement of the members of the East India Company; all the several
      articles of whose effects were transferred by violence to strangers.
      Imagination was at a loss to guess at the most insignificant trifle that
      had escaped the harpy jaws of a ravenous coalition. The power was
      pretended, indeed, to be given in trust for the benefit of the
      proprietors; but, in case of the grossest abuses of trust, to whom was the
      appeal? To the proprietors? No; to the majority of either house of
      parliament, which the most contemptible minister could not fail to secure,
      with the patronage of above two millions sterling given by this bill. The
      influence which would accrue from this bill&mdash;a new, enormous, and
      unexampled influence&mdash;was indeed in the highest degree alarming.
      Seven commissioners, chosen ostensibly by parliament, but really by
      administration, were to involve in the vortex of their authority the
      patronage and treasures of India. The right honourable mover had
      acknowledged himself to be a man of ambition, and it now appeared that he
      was prepared to sacrifice the king, the parliament, and the people at the
      shrine of his ambition. He desired to elevate his present connexions to a
      situation in which no political convulsions, and no variations of power,
      might be able to destroy their importance and terminate their ascendency."
      Other members resisted the bill with similar arguments, and Fox was
      compelled to call all his powers into action for its defence. After
      defending himself from the charge of violating the company's charters, and
      observing that the arguments of his opponents might have been adopted with
      great propriety by King James the Second, he remarked:&mdash;"I am also
      charged with increasing the influence, and giving an immense accession of
      power to the crown. Certainly this bill as little augments the influence
      of the crown, as any measure that can be devised for the government of
      India, with the slightest promise of success. The very genius of influence
      consists in hope or fear&mdash;fear of losing what we have, or hope of
      gaining more. Make the commissioners removable at will, and you set all
      the little passions of human nature afloat. Invest them with power upon
      the same tenure as the British judges hold their station, removable upon
      delinquency, punishable upon guilt, but fearless of danger if they
      discharge their trust, and they will be liable to no seducement, and will
      execute their functions with glory to themselves, and for the common good
      of the country and mankind. This bill presumes the possibility of
      mal-administration; for every word in it breathes suspicion. It supposes
      that men are but men; it confides in no integrity; it trusts to no
      character. It annexes responsibility, not only to every action, but even
      to the inaction of the powers it has created. I will risk my all upon the
      excellence of this bill. I will risk upon it whatever is most dear to me&mdash;whatever
      men most value&mdash;the character of integrity, of present reputation,
      and future fame; these will I stake upon the constitutional safety, the
      enlarged policy, the equity and wisdom of the measure. Whatever,
      therefore, may be the fate of its authors, I have no fear that it will
      produce to this country every blessing of commerce and revenue; and by
      extending a generous and humane government over those millions whom the
      inscrutable dispensations of Providence have placed under us, in the
      remotest regions of the earth, it will consecrate the name of England
      among the noblest of the nations." While this bill was pending in the
      commons, the East India Company and the city of London presented strong
      petitions against it; but it was carried rapidly through all its stages
      with large majorities, and Fox presented it at the bar of the lords on the
      9th of December.
    </p>
    <p>
      Fox had recommended his majesty to create several new Whig peers, in order
      to ensure the success of his measure in the house of lords. The king,
      however, declared, that he would not create any British peers on the
      recommendation of the present cabinet, and therefore he was obliged to
      commit his bill to that house as it now existed. It appears that he had
      still hopes of the concurrence of the lords; and although it was, on the
      first reading, reprobated by the Duke of Richmond, Lord Thurlow, and Lord
      Temple, yet still a division was favourable to its progress. It also
      passed on the second reading, which took place on the 15th; but on the
      following day counsel was heard on behalf of the company, and on the 17th
      it was moved that the bill be rejected. On this occasion Lord Camden spoke
      with great vehemence against the bill; declaring, that if it passed into a
      law, we should soon see the King of England and the King of Bengal
      contending for superiority in the British parliament. Ministers had been
      defeated by a majority of eight on the evening of the second reading, when
      the opposition moved for an adjournment till the next day, in order to
      give an opportunity of hearing counsel; but they were now doomed to suffer
      a more signal defeat. The bill was rejected by ninety-five against
      seventy-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was a cause for this change of sentiment in the lords. On the 11th
      of December Earl Temple had a conference with the king, in which, having
      explained his ideas on the nature and tendency of the bill, his majesty
      became a convert to the views of opposition. By his explanation the royal
      indignation was greatly excited; the monarch considering himself as having
      been deceived by his ministers. Accordingly, a card was written, stating
      that "his majesty allowed Earl Temple to say, that whoever voted for the
      bill was not only not his friend, but would be considered by him as his
      enemy; and that, if these words were not strong enough, Earl Temple might
      use still stronger language." The rumour of this soon spread, and on the
      evening of the 15th a conversation concerning it took place in the house
      of lords, in which Earl Temple declared, that he was not ashamed to avow
      the advice which he had given to his majesty, and would publish what he
      was empowered to communicate, when he should be properly called upon to do
      so. It was evident, therefore, to ministers and to all men, that the
      rumour was substantially correct, and on the 17th the subject was brought
      prominently before the members of the house of commons. Mr. Baker moved
      these two resolutions:&mdash;"1. That it is now necessary to declare that,
      to report any opinion, or pretended opinion of his majesty, upon any bill,
      or other proceeding, depending in either house of parliament, with a view
      to influence the votes of the members, is a high crime and misdemeanor,
      derogatory to the honour of the crown, a breach of the fundamental
      privileges of parliament, and subversive of the constitution of this
      country. 2. That this house will, on Monday next, resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house, to consider the state of the nation." After
      an animated debate, these resolutions were carried by a majority of nearly
      two to one, the numbers being one hundred and fifty-three against eighty.
      A dissolution of parliament being now apprehended, Mr. Erskine moved, that
      whoever should prevent that house from discharging their duty in remedying
      the abuses which prevailed in the government of the British dominions in
      the East Indies, should be considered by them as an enemy to his country.
      This resolution was attacked as an invasion of the king's prerogative, but
      it was nevertheless carried, by one hundred and forty-seven against
      seventy-three.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF THE COALITION MINISTRY&mdash;PITT MADE PRIME MINISTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The above resolutions were designed as props to support the government,
      but they were swept away by his majesty. On the 18th he was employed in
      making dispositions for the formation of a new cabinet, and at twelve
      o'clock that night a messenger delivered orders to Fox and Lord North,
      that they should deliver up the seals of their offices without delay. The
      seals were sent, and, on the following day, Earl Temple was directed to
      send letters of dismission to all the other members of the cabinet. At the
      same time Pitt was appointed first lord of the treasury and chancellor of
      the exchequer; the Marquess of Carmarthen and Mr. Thomas Townshend
      (created Lord Sydney) were nominated secretaries of state; Lord Thurlow
      was reinstated as lord-chancellor; Earl Gower became president of the
      council; the Duke of Rutland was constituted lord privy-seal; Lord Howe
      was placed at the head of the admiralty; the Duke of Richmond was made
      master-general of the ordnance; and Lord Temple was again appointed to the
      government of Ireland. Mr. W. Grenville and Lord Mulgrave became joint
      paymasters of the forces; Mr. Dundas, treasurer of the navy; Mr. George
      Rose and Mr. Steele, secretaries of the treasury; Mr. Lloyd,
      attorney-general; and Mr. R. P. Arden, solicitor-general. In the first
      instance Lord Temple had been made one of the secretaries of state, but he
      resigned this post under pretence of meeting the charge of tampering with
      the royal confidence, which was laid against him by the recent cabinet,
      more freely. It was predicted, that the new ministry would not exist one
      month; and looking at the formidable array of opponents which sat on the
      opposition benches on the evening of their acceptance of office, this
      prediction seemed certain of fulfilment. Pitt himself was conscious of his
      weakness, and doubtful of the result; but his administration, though
      commenced under such unfavourable circumstances, proved in the end one of
      the most memorable in the British annals.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EFFORTS OF THE OPPOSITION AGAINST THE NEW MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first measure after the change in the cabinet was to issue a new writ
      for the borough of Appleby. This done, Mr. Dundas, treasurer of the navy,
      moved, that in order to carry the Land-tax Bill through the house in time
      to meet large payments that were to be made by the treasury on the 5th of
      January, the house should meet on the next day, Saturday, instead of being
      adjourned till Monday. As it was imagined that government meant to hurry
      over the voting of supplies, that it might proceed to a dissolution, this
      was opposed by Fox, and rejected without a division. On the Monday no
      opposition was made to the land-tax, but on the same evening Mr. Erskine
      moved an address to his majesty, not to dissolve the present parliament,
      but to be graciously pleased to hearken to the advice of his faithful
      commons, and not to the secret advices of particular persons, who might
      have private interests of their own, separate from the true interests of
      the king and his people. The house was assured that Pitt would resign if
      either a dissolution or a prorogation took place; but the motion was
      pressed and agreed to without a division. The answer of his majesty to
      this address was reported on the 24th, and it contained an assurance that
      he would not interrupt their meeting by any exercise of his prerogative,
      either by prorogation or dissolution. Opposition now seemed certain of the
      fall of Pitt and his coadjutors; and, as if impatient for their overthrow,
      Fox suggested that the recess should be a very short one, and it was
      resolved to adjourn only till the 12th of January.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1784-1786
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Trial of Parties and Triumph of Pitt..... A General
     Election..... Meeting of the New Parliament .....  Acts to
     prevent Smuggling,  etc...... The Budget of 1784..... Pitt's
     India Bill..... Bill for the Restoration of Forfeited
     Estates in Scotland..... Prorogation of Parliament..... The
     State of Ireland..... Meeting of Parliament..... The
     Westminster Scrutiny..... Pitt's Reform Bill..... Pitt's
     Financial Measures..... The Affairs of Ireland.....
     Continental Affairs.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1784
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE TRIAL OF PARTIES, AND TRIUMPH OF PITT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the reassembling of parliament, opposition hoped to show that no power
      in the constitution could withstand the will of the commons. Fox commenced
      the trial by moving the order of the day for the committee on the state of
      the nation. This motion was carried, but it was only by a majority of
      thirty-nine against ministers, and imputations were thrown out that the
      support given them was obtained by unfair means. Still Fox and his party
      consoled themselves with the idea that Pitt would be hurled from his
      eminence in a few hours. The contest was therefore continued. The house
      having resolved itself into a committee, Fox moved a resolution, declaring
      "the payment of any public money for services voted in the present
      session, after parliament should be prorogued or dissolved, if such events
      should take place before an act should have passed appropriating supplies
      to such services, to be a high crime and misdemeanor." This was carried
      without a division, and, following up his attack, Fox moved and carried,
      in the same manner, another resolution, deferring the second reading of
      the Mutiny Bill till the 23rd of February. Fox now paused, and Lord Surrey
      stood forward, in order to strike a more decisive blow. He moved, "That,
      in the opinion of the committee it was peculiarly necessary that, in the
      present situation of his majesty's dominions, there should be an
      administration which has the confidence of this house and the public."
      This resolution was also carried without a division; and Lord Surrey then
      moved, "That it was the opinion of the committee that the late changes in
      his majesty's councils were immediately preceded by dangerous and
      universal reports that his majesty's sacred name had been
      unconstitutionally abused to affect the deliberations of parliament, and
      that the appointments made were accompanied by circumstances new and
      extraordinary, and such as did not conciliate or engage the confidence of
      the house." A warm debate followed this motion, which continued till past
      six in the morning, when Dundas moved an adjournment, which, on a
      division, was lost by a majority of fifty-four&mdash;the numbers being one
      hundred and ninety-six to one hundred and forty-two. Nothing further,
      however, was done on this occasion, and the house at length adjourned at
      half-past seven in the morning. It met again on the 14th, when Pitt moved
      for leave to bring in a new bill, for the better government and management
      of the affairs of the East India Company. In the previous debates Pitt had
      declared that he had accepted office upon one single, plain, intelligible
      principle, by which he desired to stand or fall with the people; namely,
      to save the country from Fox's India Bill, which threatened destruction to
      its liberties. His own bill, which he explained at great length, was in
      its turn severely criticised by Fox. No opposition, however, was made to
      Pitt's motion, and it was read a first time on the 16th, with very little
      debate on its merits. After this, on the same night, the committee on the
      state of the nation resumed its functions; and Lord Charles Spencer moved
      a resolution, expressive of "the necessity of an administration that
      should have the confidence both of the house and of the country, which, as
      the present ministers have not, their continuance in office is contrary to
      constitutional principles, and injurious to the interests of the king and
      people." Mr. Powys, though himself in opposition, denounced this motion as
      premature, unprecedented, and unjust; but it was carried by a majority of
      twenty-one, the numbers being two hundred and six against one hundred and
      eighty-five. During this debate Mr. Powys expressed a wish that there
      should be a coalition between Fox and Pitt, and when the house met on the
      20th, other members joined in this wish. Fox, himself seemed to think that
      their union was feasible, but Pitt repeated a declaration which had been
      made by his opponent on a previous evening; namely, that a union not
      founded on principle would be fallacious and dangerous. Pitt, indeed, was
      still resolved to brave the storm; for, in answer to an assertion of Fox
      that his majesty's ministers held their places in defiance of the opinion
      of parliament, he declared, "that nothing but a sense of his duty to the
      public kept him in office, and that he could not quit it with so much
      honour as attended his coming into it." Fox now altered his mode of
      attack. Conceiving that he should lose ground by making any more motions
      of a personal nature, especially before the fate of Pitt's India Bill
      should be decided, he set himself to work to defeat that bill. A long
      debate took place upon its second reading, which was on Friday, the 23rd,
      and on the motion for its commitment, it was rejected by two hundred and
      twenty-two against two hundred and fourteen. Exulting in his victory, Fox
      then moved for leave to bring in another bill, similar in its principles
      to his former one, and this being given, he called on Pitt to state
      explicitly whether he intended to prevent its progress by a dissolution of
      parliament. For a long time Pitt sat silent as a statue, nor would he have
      spoken at all had not General Conway rose, and, with great warmth, called
      upon him to explain his conduct for his own honour. But even then Pitt
      gave no answer to Fox's question; only rising to call General Conway to
      order, for asserting that the ministry, "originated in darkness and
      secrecy, maintained themselves by artifice and reserve, and existed by
      corruption;" and that they were "about to dissolve parliament, and to send
      their agents round the country to bribe the electors." The same question
      was put to Pitt on a future day, and he preserved the same haughty
      silence; whence, on the 26th, Mr. Eden moved a resolution, declaring the
      firm reliance of the house on his majesty's promise, that they should not
      be interrupted either by a prorogation or dissolution, from taking into
      consideration the regulation of the East India Company, and for supporting
      the public credit. In reply, Pitt observed, that he did not see how the
      royal word could be considered pledged to the extent of the motion; but,
      he added, that as a dissolution would be attended with great disadvantage,
      he would not advise any such exercise of the royal prerogative. Opposition
      might have been satisfied with this explicit declaration, but nevertheless
      Mr. Eden's motion was pressed and agreed to without a division. The house
      then adjourned to the 29th, and in the meantime a meeting of some of the
      leading men of both parties met at the St. Albans-tavern, in order, if
      possible, to bring about a coalition. At this meeting am address was
      agreed upon, and sent, by a deputation, to the Duke of Portland and Mr.
      Pitt, entreating them to communicate with each other, and expressing a
      hope that this would lead to a cordial co-operation. All the exertions of
      the St. Albans-tavern meeting, however, were unavailing. The Duke of
      Portland and Mr. Pitt communicated with each other, but as the former made
      the resignation of the latter a <i>sine qua non</i>, no union could be
      formed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house reassembled on the 29th, but on the motion of Fox, it was again
      adjourned till the 2nd of February. This adjournment was moved in order to
      give more time for the consideration of a union of parties; but when the
      house met again they were still as far from a coalition as ever. Under
      these circumstances Mr. Grosvenor, member for Chester, who had presided at
      the St. Albans-tavern meeting, moved a resolution, to the effect that the
      situation of public affairs required the exertions of an united
      administration&mdash;an administration entitled to the confidence of the
      people, and such as might tend to put an end to the divisions and
      distractions of the country. In the debate which this motion occasioned,
      Fox charged Pitt with preferring his own understanding to the collected
      wisdom of the house, and of causing a breach between the legislative and
      executive government. In reply, after alluding to the fact that the people
      were in favour of the late ministerial changes, Pitt expressed his
      determination not to quit office, inasmuch as he saw that nothing but evil
      would come from his resignation. At the same time he added, that he was
      but little attached to office, and that, if he could see a strong and
      well-connected government ready to succeed him, he would cheerfully
      retire. Mr. Grosvenor's motion was carried, and Mr. Coke then moved, "that
      it was the opinion of the house that the continuance of the present
      ministers in office is an obstacle to the formation of such an
      administration as may enjoy the confidence of the house, and tend to
      pacify the country." This motion was also carried, and on the next day Mr.
      Coke, after expressing his regret at seeing Pitt still in office, moved
      that these two resolutions should be laid before his majesty by those
      members who were of the privy-council, which motion was likewise affirmed.
      In order to give time for knowing what effect this communication to his
      majesty would produce, the committee on the state of the nation was
      postponed till Monday, the 9th of February; and in the meantime the house
      was informed by Lord Hinchingbrook, that he had laid the resolutions
      before the king, and that his majesty had signified his intention of
      taking them into consideration. But no communication was made from his
      majesty on this subject before the 18th, and in the interval its members
      were occupied in canvassing the proceedings of the upper house, and in
      measures of revenue and finance.
    </p>
    <p>
      Up to this time the lords had taken no share in the struggle between the
      king and his "faithful commons." Pitt, however, had already commenced his
      career of making peers, and these, with others, now began to exhibit their
      zeal for his cause. Lord Howard of Effingham moved two resolutions in
      direct opposition to, and levelled at, those which had recently been
      passed by the commons. The first of these declared, that an attempt in any
      one branch of the legislature to suspend the course of the law was
      unconstitutional; and the second asserted, that the authority of
      appointing the great officers of the executive government was solely
      vested in the crown. Both these resolutions were carried by a majority of
      nearly two to one; and the commons thought it necessary to pass a
      counter-resolution, which asserted that the house had not assumed any
      right to suspend the execution of law, or done any thing which could be
      deemed unconstitutional.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of February the subject of a union of parties was once more
      discussed in the commons. Fox made a conciliatory and even complimentary
      speech, but Pitt was still firm in his intentions. He observed, that
      whatever might be his disposition to coalesce with Fox, there were other
      persons of the same party with whom he would never act. As this
      observation referred chiefly to Lord North, that nobleman rose, and
      declared with great frankness, "that although averse from yielding to the
      prejudices or caprice of any individual, he would not be an obstacle to
      the formation of such a firm, extended, and united administration as the
      present state of the country required." After this the house resolved
      itself into a committee of supply, and the ordnance estimates were voted
      without a division. On the next day Lord John Cavendish moved, that the
      house should resolve itself into a committee on the Receipt Tax Act, and
      Pitt himself voted in the majority, thereby declaring his approbation of
      the principles of the bill.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before his majesty made any reply to the resolutions presented to him, the
      St. Albans-tavern association prevailed upon Pitt to agree that a message
      should be sent in the king's name to the Duke of Portland, expressing a
      desire that his grace should hold a conference with Mr. Pitt for the
      purpose of forming an administration, "on a wide basis, and on fair and
      equal terms." This message was sent, but the Duke of Portland still
      required Pitt to resign before he negociated; and this attempt to form a
      coalition of parties proved, like the former, to be of no avail. Open war,
      therefore, continued between the two parties, and its violence increased
      when, on the 18th of February, after the order of the day had been read
      for taking the supplies into consideration, Pitt intimated, that his
      majesty had not thought proper to dismiss his ministers, in compliance
      with the resolution of that house, and that they had not resigned. Fox, in
      reply, expressed his astonishment at this declaration, and declared that
      such language had not been heard in the house since the revolution; and
      that the commons had never before received such a reply from a prince of
      the House of Hanover. Enraged thereby, Fox moved, that the report of the
      committee of supply should not be received till the 20th, which motion was
      carried by a majority of twelve only. The friends of Pitt saw in this
      small majority a ray of hope that he would ultimately triumph, and the
      opposition seemed to think so likewise, for some eagerly desired a
      compromise. Pitt, however, declared, that he would enter into no
      compromise or stipulation for passing the vote of supplies, and therefore
      he still stood upon his own grounds. On the 20th Mr. Powys moved a
      resolution, humbly requesting his majesty "to take such measures as might
      tend to give effect to the wishes of his faithful commons." This mild
      resolution did not please Fox and his party, and an amendment was moved to
      insert the following words&mdash;"by removing any obstacle to the
      formation of such an administration as this house has declared to be
      requisite in the present critical situation of affairs." As this amendment
      aimed at the dismissal of ministers, a long and stormy debate ensued, in
      the course of which Pitt delivered one of the most eloquent speeches ever
      uttered within the walls of the house of commons. But no eloquence could
      break down the obstinacy of the house; for the motion, with the amendment,
      was carried by a majority of twenty; and Fox, pursuing his triumph, moved
      and carried an address., to be presented to his majesty on his throne by
      the whole house, praying him to dismiss his ministers. The report of the
      ordnance estimates was then brought up and agreed to without a division,
      after which, between five and six in the morning, the house adjourned.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address voted by the commons was presented on the 25th, when his
      majesty in reply, stated that he had heard no valid charge against the
      ministers of his appointment; that all proposals for a coalition, though
      seconded by himself, had proved abortive; and that he could not see in
      what way the public interest was likely to be promoted by the dismissal of
      his cabinet. He added:&mdash;"Under these circumstances, I trust my
      faithful commons will not wish that the essential offices of executive
      government should be vacated until I see a prospect that such a plan of
      union as I have called for, and they have pointed out, may be carried into
      effect." The efforts of the opposition now grew more violent. The house
      met on the 27th to hear the report of the king's answer; and on that
      occasion Lord Beaumont moved, first, that the report should be taken into
      consideration on the 1st of March, and then that the house should adjourn
      to that day. To the first of these propositions Pitt made no objection,
      but as the object of the second was to delay the supplies, and this delay
      would cause serious evils, inasmuch as they related to the navy, he
      strongly resisted such a hazardous measure. His arguments told even upon
      the opposition, for though the motion was carried, it was only by the
      small majority of seven; the numbers being one hundred and seventy-five to
      one hundred and sixty-eight. But the struggle was not yet over. On the 1st
      of March, Fox moved and carried another address to the king, which
      directly asserted the right of the commons to advise his majesty on the
      exercise of his prerogative, and by virtue of that right, specifically
      requesting him to dismiss his ministers. The commons carried this address
      to the king on the 4th of March, and were told in reply that his majesty
      still entertained the same sentiments he had formerly expressed. On the
      same evening it was agreed, upon the motion of Fox, that this reply should
      be taken into consideration on Monday, the 8th of March. In the meantime
      Pitt was once more defeated. On the 5th, Fox moved that the committee on
      the Mutiny Bill, which stood for that day, should be adjourned till
      Monday, which was carried by a majority of nine; the numbers being one
      hundred and seventy-one against one hundred and sixty-two. But this was
      Fox's last triumph in this memorable struggle. On Monday the house was
      crowded to excess. Strangers had even taken their seats in the gallery as
      early as ten o'clock in the morning, in expectation of witnessing this
      last struggle in the trial of the two great parties in the house of
      commons. Before the debates commenced, however, Sir James Lowther, after
      complaining that he had not been able to find room for a friend, and
      stating that he had reason to believe there were strangers there not
      introduced by members, insisted upon the standing order of the house for
      excluding all strangers being carried into execution; and the gallery was
      forthwith cleared. When this was done, Fox, after accusing his sturdy
      opponent with insolent and unconstitutional conduct, declaring that a
      union of parties was now impracticable, and lamenting the disgrace and
      ruin which this struggle had brought upon the country, moved, as a last
      measure, another address to the throne, which repeated at greater length
      the prayer for the removal of ministers; expressing the surprise and
      affliction of the house at receiving the answer to its former address, and
      vindicating the loyalty of the commons, who were said to be incapable of
      desiring to lessen the prerogative of the crown. Pitt sat silent, and the
      task of defending the conduct of ministers fell upon Dundas, who did so
      with great ability. The debate lasted till midnight, when the house became
      impatient to divide. It was an anxious moment for both parties, and loud
      and vociferous were the cheers on the ministerial benches, when it was
      found that Fox had this time only a majority of <i>one</i> in his favour;
      the numbers being one hundred and ninety-one against one hundred and
      ninety. The struggle was, indeed, now over; for the opposition
      acknowledged the majority of one only as a defeat. Henceforth they tried
      no more divisions: the Mutiny Bill and supplies were voted readily, and
      the Appropriation Act was no more brought forward. Pitt's triumph was
      complete: and yet he deemed it prudent to strengthen his cause by a new
      election; lest the opposition should again rally and retard his measures.
      Reports to this effect were soon spread abroad, and the subject was
      brought before parliament on the 22nd of March, by Sir Grey Cooper, who
      declared that such a step would be both daring and unwarrantable under
      present circumstances. The subject was renewed on the next day, when the
      report of the committee of supply was to be brought up, but though Pitt
      was eagerly questioned on the subject by Lord North and other members of
      the house, he still preserved silence. The house, however, did not have to
      wait long for the confirmation of the report. On the 24th, the king went
      down to the house of lords, and put an end to the session by prorogation;
      at the same time declaring that he felt it to be a duty which he owed to
      the constitution and the country, to recur to the sense of his people, by
      convoking a new parliament. The sentence of dissolution was soon
      pronounced, for it appeared in the next day's <i>Gazette</i>.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      A GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Pitt had good reasons to believe that a general election would result
      greatly in his favour. There can be no doubt, indeed, that if he had
      adopted such a measure at the first, that he would have been spared the
      trouble of contending with the opposition. At the same time if parliament
      had been dissolved on an earlier day, it is probable that he might not
      have had such bright prospects for the future. Every day his conduct
      seemed to gain him friends among the people; while on the other hand the
      popularity of his rival rapidly decreased. There were two grand causes
      which led to the decay of the popularity of Fox; namely, his coalition
      with Lord North and his party; and his India Bill, which arrayed against
      him not only the influence of the East India Company, but also of almost
      all the good citizens of London. The city of London had, indeed, showed
      much sympathy with the youthful premier, Pitt, in this memorable struggle.
      At the latter end of February, they voted him the freedom of the city,
      which they presented to him in great state at the house of Lord Chatham,
      in Berkeley-square, whence he was conducted by the committee to a grand
      dinner at the Grocers'-hall. What sentiments were entertained towards him
      may be gathered from the speech which Wilkes, the chamberlain of the city,
      made on this occasion. After lavishing much praise on Pitt, he thus
      alluded to the parliamentary contest, which was then at its height:&mdash;"I
      know, sir, how high you stand in the confidence of the public: much is to
      be done, but you have youth, capacity, and firmness; it is the
      characteristic of a true patriot never to despair. Your noble father, sir,
      annihilated party; and, I hope you will, in the end, bear down and conquer
      the hydra of faction, which now rears its hundred heads against you. I
      remember his saying, that for the good of the people he dared to look the
      proudest connexions of this country in the face: I trust that the same
      spirit animates his son: and as he has the same support of the crown, and
      of the people, I am firmly persuaded that the same success will follow."
      But the sentiments which the people of England entertained towards Pitt
      and his rival were more fully manifested, during, and by, the results of
      the election. The Pitt candidates were returned on every hand by
      triumphant majorities, and not less than one hundred and sixty of the old
      members of opposition lost their seats, and were sent back to private life
      with the ludicrous appellation of "Fox's Martyrs." But it must not be
      supposed that this result was entirely owing to the popularity of the
      young premier. The press, that mighty engine for good or evil, had been
      set to work to undermine the power of the coalition, and lampoons and
      satires on Fox and North had been printed daily and scattered throughout
      the country. Moreover, as Pitt had from the first contemplated a
      dissolution of parliament, every influence which a government could
      command had been employed in his favour. Finally, the youth of Pitt, and
      the bold stand he had made against his opponents, had a powerful tendency
      to gain him the support of the nation. Though inexperienced, men saw in
      him the future champion of parliamentary reform; and the powerful
      antagonist of that aristocratic confederacy, against which his father had
      exerted his talents. The star of Pitt was, in truth, in the ascendant;
      while that of his rival set in gloom. Fox was returned to parliament, but
      it was with some difficulty that he obtained a seat. He was a candidate
      for Westminster, and had a majority on the poll over Sir Cecil Wray, but
      the high-bailiff, by a scandalous partiality, refused to make a return in
      his favour. Fox brought an action against the bailiff in the court of
      king's bench, and obtained considerable damages; and in the meantime, he
      secured a seat for the borough of Kirkwall, in Orkney, by which he exposed
      himself to the ridicule of his enemies as a person banished to the "Ultima
      Thule."
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1784-1786
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The meeting of the new parliament took place on the 18th of May. In his
      speech, the king expressed great satisfaction at meeting the house at this
      time, after having recurred, in so important a moment, to the sense of his
      people; and recommended to their most serious consideration the framing of
      suitable provisions for the good government of our possessions in the East
      Indies. The addresses in both houses contained strong expressions of
      gratitude to the king for having dissolved the late parliament; and
      amendments to omit these expressions, on the ground of unanimity, were
      negatived by large majorities. The attention of the house was first
      directed to the conduct of the high-bailiff of Westminister, in refusing
      to make the return in favour of Fox; and he was directed to attend at the
      bar of the house to defend his conduct. In his defence, he said, that
      having ground to suspect the validity of many votes, taken in the course
      of a poll of six weeks' duration, he had granted a scrutiny, and that he
      could not make the return till this scrutiny terminated. Counsel was heard
      on both sides as to the legality of his conduct; and after long pleadings,
      it was moved and carried, that "the high-bailiff do proceed in the
      scrutiny with all possible dispatch," thereby justifying the unwarrantable
      step he had taken. The principle of party spirit prevailed over a sense of
      justice, for the scrutiny of an election is nothing more than a revision
      of the poll itself, and if such revision cannot be completed before the
      period at which the writ is returnable, he is bound by his office and oath
      to make the return agreeably to the poll as actually taken. So the counsel
      on the side of Fox argued; but the justice of the house was set aside by
      the spirit of party, if not revenge.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACTS TO PREVENT SMUGGLING, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time there was a deficiency of three millions a year in the
      revenue of the country. This was principally owing to a failure in the
      estimated produce of taxes imposed by Lord North during the war with
      America. There were, however, other causes at work to produce this
      deficiency, and not the least among them was the universal practice of
      smuggling. This practice was, indeed, at the close of the American war,
      carried on to an almost incredible extent; government being too much
      employed to keep a strict watch over the trade of the country. It is
      calculated that forty thousand persons were thus engaged; and Pitt deemed
      it expedient to bring in a bill for the prevention of smuggling in
      general, and then to propose regulations applicable to those articles
      which formed its principle support. By the bill for the prevention of
      smuggling, the right of seizing certain vessels with their cargoes, under
      particular circumstances, was greatly extended; the building of such
      vessels was prohibited; the owners of armed vessels were obliged to
      procure licences; the rules respecting clearance were enlarged; and the
      act of resisting his majesty's ships and officers was made a capital
      felony. In order to aid this bill, Pitt brought forward two others: one
      directed against contraband trade in tea, and the other against that in
      spirits. That with reference to tea was of great importance, for it was at
      this time considered a staple commodity of the smuggler. In fact, more
      than seven million pounds of that article were smuggled into the country
      annually; while only about five millions were sold by the East India
      Company. To prevent this evil, Pitt proposed to reduce the duty upon tea
      from fifty to twelve and a half per cent., which was not more than equal
      to the expense of smuggling. The same principle was maintained in the bill
      directed against the contraband trade in spirits. Great frauds had been
      committed on the distilleries at home; and Pitt proposed a bill by which
      the duties payable on British spirits were regulated and enforced; while
      those on foreign duties were considerably reduced. As these reductions,
      and especially on the article of tea, would occasion a great loss to the
      revenue, Pitt proposed to increase the tax on windows in proportion. All
      these resolutions were passed, after much debate in the commons, by large
      majorities; and they met with little or no opposition in the house of
      lords.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET OF 1784.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of June, Pitt produced what is called the budget, which
      included the subject of taxation. In his speech he discussed the ways and
      means for defraying the expenses of the services of the present year; the
      loan; the funding a portion of the unfunded debt; and new taxes. A loan of
      six millions was found requisite for the current services of the year,
      besides the ordinary sources of income; and this he proposed to throw open
      to public competition; the biddings being sent in, sealed up, and
      afterwards opened in the presence of the governor and deputy governor of
      the Bank of England. At this time the navy and victualling bills, with the
      ordnance debentures, which formed a considerable part of the unfunded
      debt, amounted to about fourteen millions; nearly the half of which he
      proposed to fund at five per cent, stock, and to make irredeemable for
      thirty years, or until twenty-five millions of the existing funds should
      be extinguished. Beyond this, there was in the market about seven millions
      in bills and debentures, which bore an interest of four per cent. These
      bills, with the new fund and the new loan, required an interest of nearly
      one million pounds sterling; and Pitt undertook to find taxes which should
      produce that sum. He proposed duties on hats, ribands, coals, gauzes,
      horses, linens and calicoes, candles, bricks and tiles, paper, and
      hackney-coaches; and he also proposed licences to dealers in exciseable
      articles, and certificates to kill game. In commenting upon these taxes,
      the young premier observed:&mdash;"It would be idle to suppose that all
      the taxes in this long catalogue were unexceptionable; but the necessities
      of the public leave us no option to deal otherwise than openly and fairly.
      The wants of government are many; the finances of the country have been
      much reduced; and it is proper to look our real situation manfully in the
      face." Pitt could speak and act the more boldly because the necessities of
      the government were not of his own creation; and his manliness, together
      with the ability he displayed in his financial detail, gained for him the
      applause even of his most determined opponents. Fox said, with reference
      to his management of the unfunded debt, that "too much praise could not be
      given him." The only tax, indeed, which met with decided opposition, was
      that on coals, which was justly represented as oppressive to the poor, and
      injurious to our manufactures. This he relinquished, as he did also that
      on hops, which was to have been included in the exciseable articles,
      introducing in their stead, taxes on gold and silver plate, lead exported,
      race-horses, licences to sell ale, and postage of letters. Pitt also
      introduced regulations regarding the privilege of franking, which were
      calculated to increase the revenue of the post-office. On the whole, the
      introduction of this budget, though the nation was already exhausted by
      taxes, had the effect of greatly increasing the youthful premier's
      popularity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S INDIA BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the midst of this popularity, Pitt brought forward his celebrated India
      Bill. This may be considered under three separate heads. 1. A new
      establishment at home, with powers extending over the affairs of the East
      India Company. 2. Regulations to be applied to India. 3. The erection of a
      court in England for the trial of offences committed in India.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first of these heads consisted of a board of control, which was to be
      composed of six commissioners, holding the rank of privy-counsellors, and
      comprising the chancellor of the exchequer and one secretary of state; and
      four others holding offices of such emolument as precluded the necessity
      of a salary. The members of this board were to be appointed by the king,
      and removable at his pleasure; and they were authorised to check,
      superintend, and control the civil and military government, as well as the
      revenues of the company. It was their duty also to inspect and countersign
      all the despatches transmitted by the court of directors to the different
      presidencies. The directors were enjoined to pay all due obedience to the
      orders of this board, touching the civil and military government and
      revenues; but in case such orders should at any time in the opinion of the
      directors, relate to matters not connected with these points, they were
      left at liberty to appeal to his majesty in council, whose decision was to
      be final. In all cases of secrecy, and particularly such as related to
      peace or war with the native powers of India, the commissioners were to
      have the power of sending their orders to the local government of India,
      through a secret committee of the court of directors, which committee
      could in this case only be considered as the vehicle of instruction to the
      local authorities of India.
    </p>
    <p>
      The regulations applicable to India related to the government. Pitt
      proposed that the government in each of the three stations should consist
      of a president and counsellors; that the president of Bengal should be
      governor-general; that the commander-in-chief should be one of the
      council, and next to the governor-general; and that the commander-in-chief
      at Madras and Bombay should take similar rank at each of those stations.
      The government of Bengal was to have control over the other presidencies,
      and the appointment of governors, commanders-in-chief, and other members
      of the council, was to be vested in the directors; they, together with the
      king, having the power of recalling the governor-general, as well as every
      other person employed by the company. All promotions, whether civil or
      military, were to be made according to seniority, and in progressive
      succession, unless for some urgent case to be transmitted to the
      directors; and each government was empowered to apprehend all persons
      guilty of carrying on an illicit correspondence, and either bring them to
      trial in India or send them to England. In order to prevent ambitious
      projects, the supreme government was not permitted to enter into an
      offensive treaty, or to make war, without the command of the directors,
      against any power which had not commenced, or given full proof of its
      intention to commence hostilities. Provisions were also inserted in this
      bill relative to the settlement of disputes with the Nabob of Arcot, and
      the redress of complaints of injustice and oppression, exercised against
      the Zemindars, or great hereditary landholders of India, who had either
      been dispossessed of their lands, or subjected to exorbitant demands, by
      the officers of the East India Company. This part of Pitt's bill also
      regulated the ages at which writers and cadets should be appointed, as
      well as the number proper to be sent out; prohibited the acceptance of
      presents; and required that all servants of the company should, after the
      1st of January, 1787, deliver an oath within two months after their
      arrival in England, respecting what part of their property was, and what
      was not, acquired in India.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the third part of Pitt's bill, he proposed that a high tribunal should
      be created for the trial of Indian delinquents, which tribunal was to
      consist of three judges, one from each court; of four peers, aad six
      members of the House of Commons, who were authorised to act without
      appeal; to award, in case of conviction, fine or imprisonment; and to
      declare the party convicted incapable of again serving the company. No
      person, holding any office under the crown during pleasure, or who had
      ever been in the Indian service could become a member of this court.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the three grand features of Pitt's India Bill. As might have
      been expected, his opponents were sedulous in pointing out its defects.
      Burke, who had no mean share in the composition of Fox's India Bill, the
      great outcry against which had been that it went to increase, in a most
      dangerous degree, the influence of the minister, said, that Pitt's bill,
      in reality, vested in the crown an influence paramount to any that had
      been proposed by the bill of his opponent. On this subject, also, Fox
      remarked:&mdash;"By whom is this board of superintendants to be appointed?
      Is it not by his majesty? And is not this giving power to the sovereign
      for the ends of influence, and for the extension of that system of
      corruption which has been so justly reprobated? The last parliament, to
      their immortal honour, voted the increasing influence of the crown to be
      inconsistent with public liberty. The right honourable gentleman, in
      consequence of that vote, finds the influence probably unequal to the
      great objects of his administration. He is therefore willing to take the
      present opportunity of making his court where he knows our late doctrine
      will never be acceptable; and the plain language of the whole matter now
      is, that the patronage of India must be appended to the executive power of
      this country, which otherwise will not be able to cany on schemes hostile
      to the constitution, in opposition to the house of commons." Fox objected
      to the bill on other grounds. He remarked, that the bill established a
      weak and inefficient government, by dividing its powers&mdash;to the one
      board belonged the privilege of ordering and contriving measures; to the
      other, that of carrying them into execution. Theories, he said, which did
      not connect men with measures, were not theories for this world: they were
      chimeras with which a recluse might divert his fancy, but they were not
      principles en which a statesman would found his system. He maintained,
      that by the negative vested in the commissioners, the chartered rights of
      the company, on which stress had been laid, were insidiously undermined
      and virtually annihilated. Founded on such heterogeneous principles, how,
      he asked, could such a government be other than the constant victim of
      internal distraction? As for the appeal allowed from the decisions of the
      board of control to the privy-council, that was only the appeal from the
      aggressor transformed into the character of a judge, and was therefore in
      the highest degree nugatory and ridiculous. Against the clauses of the
      bill respecting the Zemindars, Fox entered his strong protest. In his
      opinion they ought to be rated by a fixed rule of past periods, and not of
      a vague and indefinite future inquiry. He stigmatized the new tribunal as
      a screen for delinquents, and as a palpable and unconstitutional violation
      of the sacred right of a trial by jury. As no man was to be tried but on
      the accusation of the company or the attorney-general, he contended, that
      the delinquent had only to conciliate government in order to his remaining
      in perfect security. He would venture, he said, to pronounce this part of
      the general system of deception and delusion, a "bed of justice," where
      justice would for ever sleep. With regard to the East India charter, Fox
      insisted that it was as much violated by this bill as by his own; but on
      this important point, at least, the difference was palpable and striking;
      for while Fox's bill took away commerce from the company, the other left
      it solely in their hands. By Pitt's bill, indeed, the management of their
      commercial concerns was guaranteed to them, and they were only divested of
      that political power which they had abused, and of that civil authority
      which for a series of years they had shown themselves to be incompetent to
      exercise, Many other objections were started, and during the progress of
      the bill through the house, several amendments were moved and adopted, but
      its main features were preserved, and the bill finally passed both houses
      with triumphant majorities. In the whole, twenty-one new clauses were
      added to the bill, which were distinguished by the letters of the
      alphabet; and Sheridan humourously suggested that three other clauses
      should be affixed, in order, as he observed, "to complete the horn-book of
      the present ministry;" The minority in the lords, in a protest, branded
      the bill as a measure ineffectual in its provisions, unconstitutional in
      its partial abolition of the trial by jury, and unjust in its
      inquisitorial spirit. But though Pitt's scheme was not perfect, yet in
      many points of view it was preferable to that of Fox; and even its errors
      were magnified by the prejudice of party spirit.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE RESTORATION OF FORFEITED ESTATES IN SCOTLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The last measure which came before parliament during the present session
      was a bill introduced by Mr. Dundas, for the restoration of estates in
      Scotland to the heirs of those who had forfeited them in the rebellions of
      1715 and 1745. In making this proposition, Mr. Dundas declared that it
      was, in his opinion, worthy of the justice and generosity of the house.
      There was not one of the families comprehended in the scope of it, he
      said, in which some person had not atoned for the crimes and errors of his
      ancestors, by sacrificing his blood in the cause of his country; and he
      declared that the sovereign had not, for a long series of years past, a
      more loyal set of subjects than the Highlanders and their chieftains. He
      did not, however, propose that the estates should be freed from the claims
      existing against them at the time of their forfeiture, as this, he argued,
      would be establishing a premium for rebellion. Such sums, amounting to
      about £80,000, he suggested, should be appropriated to public purposes;
      £50,000 of which he recommended should be employed in the completion of
      the grand canal reaching from the Frith of Forth to that of Clyde. This
      liberal measure was received in a manner that did honour to the feelings
      of the house; the leaders of both parties joining in eulogising it. The
      bill passed the commons without any opposition; but when sent to the lords
      it met with a most determined resistance from the restored chancellor
      Thurlow, who expatiated on the ancient maxim that treason was of so deep a
      dye that nothing but the total eradication of the person, name, and family
      out of the community was adequate to its punishment. On a division,
      however, Thurlow was left in a great minority, and the bill passed, much
      to the satisfaction of the public.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 20th of August, the king expressing his
      warmest thanks to both houses for their zealous and diligent attention to
      the public service. His majesty dismissed his parliament with the
      satisfactory conviction that he had established a ministry to his own
      mind, and that he had nothing more to fear from the coalition which had so
      long disturbed his peace. At the close of the session, indeed, the
      popularity of Pitt was at its height, and his power was established&mdash;a
      power which remained unbroken for seventeen long and eventful years.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1784-1786
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period Ireland was in a very disturbed state. During the year
      1783, an assembly of delegates, from the volunteer corps, assembled in the
      provinces of Antrim, Ulster, Leinster, and Munster, for the pur-pose of
      consulting on measures proper to be adopted to effect a reform in
      parliament, and a national convention was appointed to be held at Dublin
      on the 10th of November. Such was the posture of affairs when the Irish
      parliament, which had been recently elected, met on the 14th of October.
      The first measure of this parliament was to vote thanks to the different
      volunteer corps for their public services; after which, a resolution,
      proposed by Lord Mountmorres, "that, in the present state of the kingdom,
      it was expedient that there should be a session of parliament held every
      year," received the sanction of both houses.
    </p>
    <p>
      The national convention assembled on the day appointed; and the Earl of
      Charlemont, generalissimo of the volunteer corps throughout the kingdom,
      was elected president. At this meeting the Bishop of Deny moved that a
      committee should be appointed to digest a plan of reform. This motion was
      adopted; and in a short time the committee thus reported their opinion:&mdash;'"That
      every protestant freeholder or leaseholder, possessing a freehold or
      leasehold for a certain term of years, of forty shillings value, resident
      in any city or borough, should be entitled to vote in the election of
      member for the same that decayed boroughs should be enabled to return
      representatives by an extension of franchise to the neighbouring parishes;
      that the suffrages of the electors should be taken by the sheriff or his
      deputies on the same day, at the respective places of election; that
      pensioners of the crown, receiving their pensions during pleasure, should
      be incapacitated from sitting in parliament; that every member of
      parliament accepting a pension for life, or any place under the crown,
      should vacate his seat; that each member should subscribe an oath that he
      had, neither directly nor indirectly, given any pecuniary or other
      consideration, with a view of obtaining the suffrage of any elector; and
      that the duration of parliament should not exceed the term of three
      years." This report was received with applause, and resolutions to the
      effect were passed unanimously.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the next day Mr. Flood moved, in the Irish house of commons, for leave
      to bring in a bill for the more equal representation of the people in
      parliament; a motion which was rejected by a large majority, as the
      proposal was made at the point of the bayonet. After this an address to
      the king was voted in both houses, expressive of the sense of the
      blessings they enjoyed under his auspices, and assuring him that they were
      determined to support inviolate the present constitution with their lives
      and their fortunes.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of the Irish parliament was reported to the national
      convention by Mr. Flood on the 1st of December, when a resolution was
      simply passed to the effect, that they would individually carry on such
      investigations as might be necessary to complete the plan of parliamentary
      reform. The convention seems to have thought that they were going too far,
      and that it would be better somewhat to retrace their steps, for on the
      next day an address was voted to the king, on the motion of Mr. Flood, in
      the name of the delegates of all the volunteers of Ireland, expressive of
      their loyalty and duty; claiming the merits of their past exertions, and
      imploring his majesty, that their humble wish to have certain manifest
      perversions of the parliamentary representation of that kingdom remedied
      by the legislature, in some reasonable degree, might not be attributed to
      any spirit of innovation, but to a sober and laudable desire to uphold the
      constitution, to confirm the satisfaction of their fellow-subjects, and to
      perpetuate the union of both kingdoms. On the 13th of March, in the
      following year, Mr. Flood renewed his motion for parliamentary reform,
      which was again rejected; and then the object was relinquished in despair.
    </p>
    <p>
      The people of Ireland, however, were not yet quiet. They had many
      grievances which required redress; and it can form no matter of wonder
      that they lifted up the voice of complaint. Their next call was for
      protecting duties, to foster the infant manufactures of that country, and
      to compel the inhabitants to consume the produce of native ingenuity and
      industry. This subject was brought before the Irish house of commons on
      the 31st of March, by Mr. Gardiner, who implored the house to copy the
      conduct of England, France, and other countries in this respect; and moved
      for a high duty on woollens imported into the kingdom. This motion was
      rejected by a large majority; and the disappointment of the people was now
      kindled into rage. So critical was the state of Dublin at this period,
      that it was deemed necessary to countermand the embarkation of several
      regiments destined for the East Indies, and to furnish the garrison in
      that city with an extraordinary supply of powder and ball. Before the
      session was closed, the people were somewhat appeased by an address which
      was voted to the king, and which represented the distressed state of the
      kingdom, and prayed for the establishment of a more advantageous system of
      commerce between Ireland and Great Britain; but there were still restless
      spirits in that unhappy country, and these sought again to disturb the
      public mind. On the 7th of June, a meeting of the aggregate body of the
      citizens of Dublin was convened by the sheriffs, and in which resolutions
      were passed declaratory of the right of the people of Ireland to a
      frequent election and an equal representation. In an address to the people
      of Ireland, this meeting proposed the election of five delegates from each
      county, city, and considerable town, to meet in Dublin on the 25th of
      October, in national congress. Resolutions similar to those passed by this
      meeting were agreed to at a general meeting of the freeholders of the
      county of Dublin, which was held on the 9th of August; and a petition was
      also voted by these freeholders, praying a dissolution of parliament.
      These measures met with decided opposition from the government of Ireland.
      The 20th of September having been fixed upon as the day for electing five
      delegates to represent the city of Dublin in national congress; before
      that day arrived, Mr. Fitzgibbon, the attorney-general, wrote a letter to
      the sheriffs, threatening them with a prosecution if they should take any
      part in the election. This menace alarmed the sheriffs, and prevented
      their interference; but the delegates were chosen, and a resolution was
      passed, declaring the conduct of the attorney-general to be a violation of
      Magna Charta. The attorney-general filed informations against the
      high-sheriffs of various counties for convening and presiding at similar
      meetings; but the national congress met, and passed several resolutions,
      importing that the appointment of that assembly, and the steps that had
      been taken, were in conformity with the constitution of Ireland; after
      which this congress adjourned to the 25th of January. On the same day that
      the Irish congress met, the second session of the parliament of Ireland
      commenced, when Mr. Orde, secretary to the lord-lieutenant, laid before
      the house a series of commercial regulations, which had been digested
      during the recess into a regular system. Two plans were formed; one of
      which was a system of mutual prohibition, and the other a system of mutual
      admission. Mr. Orde moved eleven propositions in conformity to the latter,
      which were all ratified by a decisive majority, after much violent
      discussion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1785
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 25th of January. In his speech, the king
      alluded to the success which had attended the financial measures of the
      last session, as an encouragement for parliament to renew the
      consideration of such salutary objects; and he recommended the two houses
      to apply their utmost attention to the adjustment of such points in the
      commercial intercourse between this country and Ireland, as were not yet
      finally arranged. In both houses the addresses were carried without a
      division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE WESTMINSTER SCRUTINY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first business which engaged the attention of the house, was the state
      of the Westminster scrutiny, which had now continued for eight months, at
      a great expense, and only two parishes out of seven had been gone through.
      It was calculated that as one of the parishes scrutinized was a small one,
      it would take three years to scrutinise the whole. Under these
      circumstances, the electors petitioned the house on the subject, and the
      high-bailiff and his counsel were in consequence examined at the bar of
      the house, touching the practicability of proceeding with greater
      dispatch. The high-bailiff frankly confessed that it would not take less
      than two years to finish the scrutiny; and Mr. Welbore Ellis, now in
      opposition, moved that he should obey the writ, and make a return of the
      precept; that is, that he should declare those elected who stood highest
      on the poll. This was negatived by one hundred and seventy-four against
      one hundred and thirty-five; and another motion, of a similar tendency,
      moved by Colonel Fitzpatrick, at a subsequent date, was likewise rejected,
      though only by a majority of nine, the numbers being one hundred and
      forty-five against one hundred and thirty-six. This small majority was
      ominous, inasmuch as it indicated that there was a change in public
      opinion upon the subject; and encouraged by it, on the 3rd of March,
      Alderman Sawbridge brought forward the motion for the third time. Pitt,
      whose proceedings on this subject reflect no credit on his feelings, moved
      the question of adjournment upon this repeated motion, and had the
      mortification of being left in a minority of thirty-eight; the numbers
      being for the adjournment one hundred and twenty-four, and against it, one
      hundred and sixty-two. After this the main question was put and carried
      without a division; and on the next day Lord Hood and Mr. Fox were
      declared duly returned. Yet the house, while it condemned the scrutiny as
      inexpedient, still maintained its legality; for when, on the 9th of March,
      Mr. Francis moved a resolution for expunging that of the 8th of June
      preceding, by which it was authorised, he was left in a minority of one
      hundred and thirty-seven against one hundred and forty-two. It is said
      that Mr. Pitt engaged in this discreditable affair from the conviction,
      that, within a reasonable time, a decided majority of legal votes would be
      substantiated in favour of Sir Cecil Wray; but it would rather appear that
      it was from the enmity which he bore to his rival, Fox. This, indeed, is
      borne out by the debates on the subject, for the speeches of Pitt teem
      with bitter invective against his opponent; which, perhaps, may have been
      a leading cause in the change of sentiments that took place among the
      young premier's friends. There is in the nature of man, enlightened by
      education, an utter abhorrence to the spirit of persecution; and it must
      be confessed that Pitt exhibited much of that spirit in this affair of the
      Westminster scrutiny. And that Fox was looked upon in the light of a
      martyr is evident from the words of Pitt himself. In one of his speeches,
      having accused his rival of filling his speech with everything that was
      personal, inflammatory, and invidious, he remarked:&mdash;"I am not
      surprised if he should pretend to be the butt of ministerial persecution;
      and if, by striving to excite the public compassion, he should seek to
      reinstate himself in that popularity which he once enjoyed, but which he
      so unhappily has forfeited. For it is the best and most ordinary resource
      of these political apostates to court, to offer themselves to persecution
      for the sake of the popular predilection and pity which usually fall upon
      persecuted men; it becomes worth their while to suffer, for a time,
      political martyrdom, for the sake of the canonization that awaits the
      suffering martyr; and I make no doubt the right honourable gentleman has
      so much penetration, and at the same time so much passive virtue about
      him, that he would be glad not only to seem a poor, injured, persecuted
      man, but he would gladly seek an opportunity of even really suffering a
      little persecution, if it be possible to find such an opportunity." In
      this extract is at once seen the animus by which Pitt was actuated in this
      contest; and the light in which the house and the public were disposed to
      look upon the object of his unseeming vindictiveness. A generous conqueror
      never persecutes, or exults over a fallen enemy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S REFORM BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      These petty and unworthy proceedings were followed by a subject more
      worthy the attention of the statesman. Pitt had twice failed in his
      attempts to reform the house of commons, but, notwithstanding, he still
      determined to persevere, having pledged himself "as a man and a minister,"
      to promote this great cause. He renewed the subject on the 18th of April,
      when he brought forward a plan of reform: the specific proposition of
      which was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten
      boroughs to the counties and great unrepresented towns; giving a
      compensation in money to the owners and holders of the rotten boroughs so
      disfranchised; the bill also proposed to extend the right of voting in
      county elections to copyholders. It has been doubted whether Pitt, at this
      time, had any sincere desire for parliamentary reform, although he had
      pledged himself to exert his influence to the utmost for securing the
      measure. There does not seem, however, to be any good reason for this
      doubt; for it is a well-known fact that he brought it forward, if not in
      direct opposition to the wishes of the king, yet at least without his
      expressed approbation. Knowing the aversion which his majesty felt to
      disturb this part of the constitution, he laid the heads of his plan
      before his royal master, from whom he received this honest and candid
      reply;&mdash;"Mr. Pitt must recollect that though I have ever thought it
      unfortunate that he had early engaged in this measure, yet I have always
      said, that as he was clear of its propriety, he ought to lay his thoughts
      before the house; that out of personal regard to him, I would avoid giving
      an opinion to any one, on the opening of the door of parliamentary reform,
      except to him: therefore I am certain Mr. Pitt cannot suspect me of
      influencing any person on this occasion. If others choose, for base ends,
      to impute such a conduct to me, I must bear it, as former false
      suggestions." Yet, notwithstanding the king was so cold upon the subject,
      Pitt brought it forward with great energy in the house. At the same time,
      his speech seemed to indicate that he was not sanguine of success,
      although he felt assured that the minds of men were more enlightened upon
      the subject than at any former period. He remarked:&mdash;"The number of
      gentlemen who are hostile to reform, are a phalanx which ought to give
      alarm to any individual upon rising to suggest such a measure. Those who,
      with a sort of superstitious awe, reverence the constitution so much as to
      be fearful of touching even its defects; have always reprobated every
      attempt to purify the representation. They acknowledge its inequality and
      corruption, but in their enthusaism for the grand fabric, they would not
      suffer a reformer, with unhallowed hands, to repair the injuries which it
      has suffered from time. Others, who, perceiving the deficiencies that have
      arisen from circumstances, are solicitous for their amendment, yet resist
      the attempt; under the argument that, when once we have presumed to touch
      the constitution in one point, the awe which had heretofore kept us back
      from the daring enterprise of innovation might abate, and there was no
      foreseeing to what alarming lengths we might progressively go under the
      mask of reformation." In support of his bill, Pitt argued that the plan
      which he proposed was coincident with the spirit of those changes which
      had taken place in the exercise of the elective franchise from the
      earliest ages, and not in the least allied to the spirit of innovation;
      that so far back as the reign of Edward the First the franchise of
      election had been constantly fluctuating; that as one borough decayed and
      another flourished, the first was abolished and the second was invested
      with the right; that even the representation of counties had not been
      uniform; and that James the First in his proclamation for calling his
      first parliament, directed that the sheriffs should not call upon such
      boroughs as were ruined and decayed, to send members to parliament. But no
      arguments could prevail; and Pitt, having made no use of his ministerial
      influence to bring over converts to his scheme, was doomed to suffer a
      signal defeat; the bill was thrown out by two hundred and forty-eight
      against one hundred and seventy-four; and the premier never ventured to
      bring the subject before the house again. Nay, in a few years he even
      became a determined opponent of all change or amendment in the
      representation. It is from this cause, chiefly, that he is suspected of
      insincerity at this period: but his bosom friend, Wilberforce, at least
      deemed him sincere upon the subject, for he writes with reference to it in
      his diary, that Pitt had a "noble patriotic heart;" a sentiment to which a
      previous private conversation gave rise. It is in the closet, when man
      unbosoms himself to a friend, that his real intentions are best
      discovered. No conclusion can, indeed, be drawn upon the matter of Pitt's
      sincerity from his subsequent opposition to parliamentary reform, for many
      causes may have operated upon his mind to lead him to change his line of
      conduct. He may have opposed it out of deference to his majesty, or he
      may, after some years' experience, have seen that the machine, as then
      constituted, worked better under his auspices than he had anticipated. Man
      is a creature of change: to-morrow he may hold opinions from conviction,
      the very reverse of those which he holds to-day.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session, Pitt brought in three several bills for the better
      auditing and examining the public accounts, and for the regulation and
      reform of the public offices, all which bills passed with great applause;
      though not without some stern opposition. In connexion with this subject
      he mentioned, that, from an inquiry which had been instituted into the
      accounts of different persons from whom the sum of £40,000,000 was due to
      the exchequer, £257,000 was ready to be paid: he also mentioned that
      further sums would be recovered still, as the examination of accounts
      proceeded. On the 11th of April, Pitt likewise made a communication which
      was at once satisfactory to the house, and creditable to his financial
      abilities. In moving for an account of the net produce of the taxes in the
      quarters ending January 5th and April 5th, for the two last years, he
      said, that the bills passed last session for the prevention of smuggling,
      and the regulations adopted for the collection and management of the
      different branches of revenue, had worked so well that, together with the
      extension of trade and commerce, they had already produced such an
      increase in the produce of the taxes as to justify a hope that the income
      of the country, would, in the next year, not only equal the expenditure,
      but afford a surplus, which might be applied to the gradual liquidation of
      the debt. Yet with such a prospect Pitt found himself compelled to call
      for more taxes from the house. He opened the budget on the 9th of May, and
      in doing so he said that the supplies which had been voted amounted to
      £9,737,868; and that the ways and means fell short of that sum by about
      £1,000,000, which deficiency must be made good by new taxes. Accordingly,
      several new taxes were proposed; among which was a tax upon female
      servants, calculated to produce £140,000, and an additional tax upon
      servants, calculated to produce, in addition to the former one, about
      £35,000. Pitt also proposed a tax on retail shops, calculated at £120,000
      per annum; a tax which proved particularly obnoxious, as was also that on
      servants. Most of the taxes which Pitt proposed, indeed, encountered much
      opposition; but the bills enacting them were carried after several
      divisions, with, however, some modifications, in order to obviate some of
      the principal objections. The modifications introduced were likely to
      render them less productive than Pitt originally expected; and to supply
      this deficiency, taxes on attorneys and on warrants were imposed; the game
      duty was increased, and coach-makers were obliged to take out a license.
      One great cause which led to these new imposts proceeded from the
      remaining part of the floating arrear of debt, consisting of navy bills
      and ordnance debentures, at five per cent, stock, the interest of which
      amounted to about £400,000 per annum. Pitt was led to the adoption of this
      measure because it was found that these bills and debentures had a great
      effect in depressing the public securities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      From the time that Pitt first became prime minister, the state of Ireland
      had occupied his anxious attention. In 1784 the Duke of Rutland had been
      appointed lord-lieutenant of that country, and no important step was taken
      by him in his government without Pitt's advice and direction. Under the
      guidance of the youthful premier, the duke had been enabled to check the
      formidable spirit of turbulence and innovation which had recently
      exhibited itself, and the Irish people were apparently satisfied with his
      government. It was manifest, however, that there was still an
      under-current of disaffection, and that nothing but a complete change in
      the commercial relations of the country could afford effectual relief to
      the people, and render them permanently tranquil. Under these
      circumstances, therefore, Pitt spent a considerable time in deliberation
      with influential and intelligent persons respecting a new plan of
      commercial intercourse between the two kingdoms; and notice of his
      intention was given to the large trading or manufacturing towns, and a
      committee of privy-counsellors was appointed to receive their information
      or suggestions relative to such an object. The resolutions which Mr. Orde
      moved in the Irish parliament, as noticed in a previous page, were the
      result of these conferences, and these resolutions being transmitted to
      the king, accompanied with an address, Pitt brought them before the
      British parliament. In doing so, he observed, that from the revolution up
      to a recent period, the system of commerce established between the two
      countries, had been to make Ireland subservient to the interests and
      opulence of England. Ireland, he said, had not been suffered to profit
      either by the bounties of nature or the skill of her own inhabitants. Some
      relaxation of this system, he admitted, had taken place at an early period
      of the present century; more had been done in the reign of George the
      Second; and within a few years, Ireland had been permitted to export her
      produce and manufactures, and to have a share of the colonial trade. At
      this moment, however, he remarked, the intercourse between England and
      Ireland remained on the old footing, except on trivial points; no material
      alteration having been made in the exportation of British manufactures to
      Ireland, or the importation of Irish manufactures into Great Britain. To
      this he attributed the dissatisfaction which existed in Ireland;
      suggestions having been made for subjecting our produce and manufactures
      to what were termed "protecting duties," for the purpose of preventing
      their introduction into the country. He continued, that having abandoned
      the old system of commercial domination, and having wisely and justly put
      the Irish people into a position of profiting by the gifts of nature and
      the productions of skill, no one could wish or expect that the commerce
      between the two kingdoms should remain in its original condition. There
      were, indeed, he argued, but two possible systems for countries situated
      in relation to each other, like England and Ireland: one of these was to
      render the smaller completely subordinate and subservient to the greater;
      and the other was to allow to each a just participation of advantages.
      This system of equality, however, in which there was to be a community of
      benefits, he said, demanded likewise a community of burdens. Hitherto
      there had been gratuitous surrenders of advantages, without looking to the
      slightest compensation; in which respect his system differed from those of
      his predecessors, his being founded on a plan of reciprocal benefits. Pitt
      then proceeded to explain his system, as contained in the resolutions
      transmitted from Ireland, and which consisted of these three general
      heads; first, he proposed that all foreign articles imported directly into
      Great Britain, should hereafter be importable under suitable provisions
      through the medium of Ireland; secondly, that the produce or manufacture
      of either country should be importable into the other, under a proper
      regulation of countervailing duties, drawbacks, and bounties; and thirdly,
      that Ireland, in return for these bounties, should contribute to the
      expense of maintaining the colonies, and protecting the commerce of the
      empire; her contribution being of such a nature as to keep pace with the
      gain derived from the new system. Having thus stated the nature of his
      plan, Pitt moved a preliminary resolution "for finally adjusting the
      commercial intercourse between the two kingdoms; admitting Ireland to a
      participation in the commercial advantages of England, and securing in
      return a permanent aid from that country, in the protection of the
      commercial interests of the empire." The consideration of this subject was
      deferred for a week, in order to give time for the reception of accounts
      and estimates; and it was intimated that a further delay would be acceded
      to if there should be a sufficient reason for its proposal.
    </p>
    <p>
      At first, the vastness of this plan seemed to keep the public mind in a
      state of suspense. For nearly a month, indeed, after its introduction, no
      indications of serious or determined opposition were discernible, although
      Fox, when the subject was first started, pointed out many objections to
      its provisions. Endeavours, however, were soon made by the opponents of
      Pitt's administration to convince the public that the mercantile and
      manufacturing interests of England were intended to be sacrificed to those
      of Ireland; and at length great apprehensions and jealousies were created
      in the commercial world. Petition after petition was presented against it;
      every one being led into the belief that Pitt's bill would ruin his own
      particular branch of trade. So great was the outcry raised against it,
      that the house resolved to examine the merchants and manufacturers at
      their own bar; and two months were occupied in hearing evidence on the
      subject. In the end, the anti-liberal feeling which prevailed compelled
      Pitt to subjoin a variety of restrictive clauses, binding Ireland to adopt
      whatever navigation laws might be hereafter enacted by the British
      parliament; prohibiting the importation of any West Indian commodities,
      not the produce of our own colonies, into Ireland, or thence into Great
      Britain; and forbidding Ireland to trade to any country beyond the Cape of
      Good Hope and the Straits of Magellen, so long as the charter of the East
      India Company should be in existence. The bill, with even these
      restrictions, did not pass without great opposition and warm discussions;
      some members maintaining that Pitt was giving too little, and others too
      much to the sister kingdom. It was carried up to the lords on the 30th of
      May, and various amendments were there made, which were subsequently
      adopted by the commons; and on the 29th of July an address was presented
      to the king by both houses, acquainting his majesty with the steps which
      had been taken in this affair: adding, that "it remained for the
      parliament of Ireland to judge of the conditions, according to their
      wisdom and discretion, as well as of all other parts of the settlement
      proposed to be established by mutual consent." Parliament now adjourned to
      a distant period; and on the 30th of September it was prorogued by royal
      proclamation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Ireland, Pitt's bill was doomed to meet with a more powerful opposition
      than it had met with in England. This opposition arose from the
      restrictive clauses which the minister had been compelled, by the clamour
      of the merchants and manufacturers, to introduce. Thus the provision
      respecting the navigation laws was considered an infringement on the
      legislative independence of Ireland; while the appropriation of the
      surplus hereditary revenue, and the prohibition of trade to the East
      Indies, were represented as reducing the country to a state of slavery.
      All the alterations and additions were, indeed, denounced by the Irish
      people; and numerous petitions were presented against the bill. The strong
      feeling which existed against it was exhibited in the Irish parliament,
      when, on the 12th of August, Mr. Orde, the secretary of the
      lord-lieutenant, moved for leave to bring in a corresponding bill. This
      motion was carried; but it was only by am majority of nineteen, which was
      equivalent to a defeat; and a few days afterwards, when the secretary
      moved the first reading and printing of the bill, he declared that he
      should proceed no further with it during the present session. The failure
      of this plan was a severe mortification to Pitt, who had laboured for
      nearly twelve months in perfecting it as far as its complicated nature
      would allow; but he looked forward with great confidence to a change of
      sentiment, which he anticipated would take place at no very distant
      period. Had Ireland accepted it, she might have avoided many of those
      evils which she was subsequently called upon to endure; for it would have
      prepared the way for the great measure of the union, which, when it took
      place, was attended with much corruption and violence. But it was the
      tendency which the bill had to effect or bring about this consummation,
      that chiefly gave rise to the long and loud outcry against it. Grattan
      denominated it "an incipient and creeping union," in which light it was
      looked upon, and hence abhorred, by the Irish people. On its abandonment
      great joy was exhibited in Ireland; public illuminations were held in all
      the populous towns, as though the people had obtained some great victory.
      Thus this bill, which was originally intended to communicate solid and
      lasting advantages to both countries, had the effect of rousing commercial
      jealousies, awakening national prejudices, and of greatly disturbing the
      public tranquillity; a singular fate, and one which shows the folly and
      the madness of the bad passions of human nature.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1784-1786
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time Holland was suffering greatly from the effects of the
      American war. Its finances were embarrassed; its colonies were, for the
      most part, in the hands of the French; and the country was torn to pieces
      by intestine divisions. Encouraged by these circumstances, their
      neighbours and rivals, the Belgians, sought to make Ostend the centre of a
      great trade, and a place of export and import to and from the East Indies.
      Seeing their helpless condition, indeed, the Emperor Joseph threatened the
      very existence of the United Provinces as an independent nation. Ever
      since the conclusion of the war of succession, the fortresses of the
      Austrian Netherlands had been deposited in the hands of the Dutch, and
      garrisoned by them, for the double purpose of defending the Netherlands
      and Holland, and of forming a bulwark against the inroads of the French.
      These were secured to them by the barrier treaty; but as early as the year
      1781, the Emperor Joseph had determined to do away with this treaty, and
      to take possession of these fortresses; alleging that the Dutch misapplied
      the money which he was bound to pay for their support; that they had
      shamefully surrendered some in the war of 1741, and were allowing the rest
      to fall into decay; and that they left thin and defective garrisons in
      them. Accordingly, when the Dutch had committed a sort of political
      suicide, by sacrificing their old alliance with England, and uniting their
      forces with those of the House of Bourbon in defence of the Americans, the
      Emperor Joseph, who was the only real guardian of the barrier treaty,
      demanded precise accounts of the revenues of the barrier, and of the sums
      expended on the fortifications. This demand was accompanied with threats;
      and the States-general, yielding to necessity, withdrew the Dutch
      garrisons from the barrier; and Joseph began to dismantle the fortresses
      and sell the materials. He had scarcely begun this work, when the
      States-general felt great apprehensions for the frontiers of their own
      provinces; and measures were adopted for putting their own fortresses
      along the Scheldt into a state of defence. At the same time, the people of
      Holland were furiously excited by these events; and the Orange party
      pointed to the open barrier and the rising port of Ostend, as proofs of
      the mischiefs brought by the French party upon the country in renouncing
      the alliance with Great Britain. Neither the return of peace with England
      nor the mediation of Frederic the Great of Prussia could allay the
      animosities existing between the two parties; and encouraged by them, the
      Emperor Joseph advanced sundry new claims, and assumed a tone of haughty
      dictation towards the States-general. Thus he claimed possession and
      sovereignty to the city and country of Maestricht, and the free navigation
      of the Scheldt; the latter of which claims was made in order to re-elevate
      Antwerp to her ancient commercial importance. The States-general, alarmed
      at his menacing attitude, during the year 1784, sent two plenipotentiaries
      to Brussels, in order to treat with the emperor's agents for an amicable
      arrangement; but the very night after their arrival some Austrian troops
      entered the territories of the Dutch republic, and took possession of Fort
      Lillo; while others crossed the frontiers at another point, and pulled
      down the Dutch flag from the custom-house. The Dutch were alarmed and
      enraged at these aggressions; and troops were ordered to Maestricht and to
      the different garrisons of the Scheldt, in order to protect them from the
      enemy. Fresh disputes, however, arose between the states and the
      stadtholder concerning the rights, or the limits of their respective
      powers, so that the movement of these troops was greatly retarded. The
      only refuge which the Dutch had seemed to be in the French; and they
      implored the mediation of Louis XVI. between them and the emperor, who was
      his wife's brother. Louis made a favourable reply to this request, but in
      the mean time the breach had become wider. Finding that the navigation of
      the Scheldt was not readily conceded, the emperor Joseph was resolved to
      bring the question to issue. A vessel, manned by Flemings, was dispatched
      by him down that river, with orders to pass the Dutch fort at New Lillo,
      and not to lower its flag or submit to the search of the guard-ship
      stationed there, except by compulsion. This vessel was allowed to pass,
      but a similar experiment was afterwards made, and the Dutch this time
      fired a gun over her, and sent officers on board to make the search. The
      emperor now insisted upon his right to the sovereignty of the whole of the
      Scheldt, from Antwerp to the sea, and he further claimed a free navigation
      and uninterrupted commerce to and in both the East and West Indies. At the
      same time, Joseph prepared two armed vessels to assert the right claimed
      in the Scheldt, and to provoke an open act of hostility. These vessels
      were to proceed, one from Antwerp to the sea, and the other from the sea
      to Antwerp, and the vessel that descended was attacked by a Dutch armed
      cutter, and fell into the hands of the Dutch. War now seemed inevitable.
      On hearing of this event, the emperor recalled his ambassador from the
      Hague, broke up the negociations at Brussels, and marched an army of
      60,000 men from the Austrian dominions to the Netherlands This army did
      not arrive at its place of destination however, till it was winter, and as
      the Dutch had broken down a dyke, in order to prevent its advance, instead
      of beginning hostilities on their arrival, the Austrians went into
      winter-quarters. During the winter, little or nothing was done, either in
      war or negociation, and when the spring arrived, it became known that the
      emperor was negociating for the exchange of the sovereignty of the Low
      Countries for the electorate of Bavaria. In this scheme he was favoured by
      his great ally, the Czarina Catherine, but Frederic the Great of Prussia
      immediately formed a confederation among the princes of Germany, including
      the King of England, as elector of Hanover, to oppose, and defeat it. For
      some time the emperor seemed resolved to persevere in his designs, and to
      brave this hostile league; but he soon formed other projects, and finding
      that he could not rely on the assistance of the Czarina of Russia, and
      that the Bavarians were hostile to his rule, he forewent his intention. In
      the meantime, the Dutch had concluded a commercial league and close
      alliance with France, and, soon after, the French ministers went actively
      to work as mediators between them and the emperor. Négociations were
      carried on during the summer, and in September, after the deputies of the
      States-General had apologised for the insult offered to the emperor's
      flag, when he attempted to force the navigation of the Scheldt,
      preliminary articles were signed at Paris. A definitive treaty was signed
      in November, by which the emperor's sovereignty over that river, from
      Antwerp to the limits of Saftingen in Flanders was recognized; but from
      that point to the sea, it was guaranteed to the States. The free
      navigation of Antwerp was thus frustrated. The emperor also renounced his
      claims to Maestricht, but the States agreed to surrender the forts Lillo
      and Liefkenshoek, and to make compensation in money to his imperial
      majesty for giving up Maestricht, and to his Netherland subjects for the
      damages they had sustained by the defensive inundations. Several mutual
      concessions were also made of villages and districts, so as to give each
      party a better frontier, and it was agreed that neither of them should
      possess forts or batteries within cannon shot of the limits of each
      other's territories. Two days after this treaty was signed, the compact
      between the French and Dutch was concluded, and it was ratified on
      Christmas day. Thus this quarrel, which threatened at one time to lead to
      another European war, was happily settled; but Holland was still rent to
      pieces by faction.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Bill for the  Fortification of
     the  Dock-yards it Portsmouth and Plymouth..... Pitt's
     Financial Measures..... Debates on India, etc...... A
     retrospective View of Indian Affairs..... Attempt on the
     King's Life..... Treaties with France and  Spain.....
     Affairs of the Prince of Wales.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1786
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament re-assembled on the 24th of January. In his speech, the king
      expressed great satisfaction at the prosperous condition of the country,
      in the extension of trade, the improvement of revenue, and the increase of
      public credit, and said that he relied on their continued zeal and
      industry for the further advancement of these important interests. His
      majesty also informed the houses that the disputes which had threatened
      the peace of Europe, had been brought to an amicable conclusion, and that
      he continued to receive friendly assurances from foreign powers; but at
      the same time, he recommended particular attention to our naval strength.
      He added,&mdash;"But above all let me recommend to your attention the
      reduction of the national debt."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the debate which followed upon the address, Fox condemned the whole of
      our recent foreign policy. Ministers were reproached by him for not
      cultivating continental alliances, and for their negligence in all their
      foreign negociations. It was owing, he said, to their criminal misconduct,
      that the House of Bourbon had been enabled to conclude their advantageous
      compact with Holland, and he maintained that great danger was to be
      apprehended from the union of three such maritime powers as France, Spain,
      and Holland, in a confederacy against England. Fox also attempted to prove
      that the accession of his majesty to the Germanic confederation, as
      Elector of Hanover, would give mortal offence to the Emperor Joseph, and
      would indispose him to an alliance with Great Britain in the event of a
      future war. He argued, that it was our interest to conciliate and
      captivate Austria, as the only power in Europe able to keep France in awe.
      Fox next adverted to a favourable opportunity for an alliance with Russia,
      which had been lost, and then condemned a commercial treaty, which
      government had begun to negociate with France. The experience of past
      ages, he said, proved that England always prospered in proportion as she
      had relinquished her commercial connexions with that country. He concluded
      his speech with making some strictures on the Irish propositions and the
      India Bill. Pitt replied in a cold sarcastic tone, and the address was
      carried without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE FORTIFICATION OF THE DOCK-YARDS AT PORTSMOUTH AND PLYMOUTH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of February, Pitt called the attention of the house to a plan,
      which originated with the Duke of Richmond, for the fortification of the
      dock-yards at Portsmouth and Plymouth. In the preceding session, the
      commons had expressed their unwillingness to vote any money for these
      objects, until they were made acquainted with the merits of the plan by
      some competent persons; and in consequence of this intimation, his majesty
      had appointed a committee of military and naval officers, with the Duke of
      Richmond at then head, to investigate the plan, and to send in a report
      upon it, with an estimate of the cost. Pitt had laid this estimate, which
      amounted to £760,000 before the house on the 10th of February, with the
      ordinary ordnance estimates, thinking that the house would be disposed to
      consider it as a mere collateral question. The report was kept out of
      sight, but General Burgoyne, who had been one of the board of officers to
      investigate the plan, called for it; alleging that it did not wholly
      sanction the measure. On a subsequent day, Sheridan, in addition to the
      demand made by Burgoyne, moved "for a copy of the appointment of the board
      of naval officers, and of such parts of their instructions, and of their
      report, as his majesty's discretion might deem proper to be made public
      with perfect consistency to the safety of the state." In consequence of
      these demands, Pitt found himself compelled to produce the papers, and in
      laying them upon the table, he introduced the Duke of Richmond's measure
      in the form of a general resolution. He moved, that "it appeared to the
      house, that to provide for securing the dockyards at Portsmouth and
      Plymouth, by a system of fortification, founded on the most economical
      principles, was an essential object for the safety of the state;
      intimately connected with the general defence of the kingdom; and
      necessary for enabling the fleet to act with full vigour and effect for
      the protection of commerce, the support of our distant possessions, and
      the prosecution of offensive operations in any future war." In his speech
      Pitt attempted to prove that the fortification of Portsmouth and Plymouth
      was a measure of absolute necessity; that the duke's plan was the best
      that could be devised; and that these fortifications would give a greater
      scope to the operations of our fleets, and have a direct tendency to
      diminish the standing army. The arguments were powerfully controverted by
      members in opposition, among the most distinguished of which was Sheridan,
      who argued, that the plan was, in itself and its consequences, both
      dangerous and unconstitutional, and that the report itself did not
      authorise or favour the plan. Sheridan remarked:&mdash;"These strongholds
      maintained by numerous and disciplined garrisons, will afford tenfold
      means of curbing and subduing the country more than would arise from
      doubling the present army establishment. Can any one imagine that the
      system now recommended will end with Portsmouth and Plymouth? May we not
      figure to ourselves the same board of officers, acting under the same
      instructions, and deliberating with the same data, while they take a
      circuit round the coasts. The reasons which justify this measure in the
      present instance, will apply to every port in the kingdom, which is
      sufficiently important to require defence. But the whole plan proceeds on
      two suppositions extremely improbable; first, that we shall be so inferior
      on our own seas, as to permit an enemy to land; secondly, that if they do
      land, they will choose to attack the only places which we have fortified.
      If such be our defence, there must be a circle of fortresses round our
      shores; but the safety of England rests on the courage and enterprise of
      its people, not on ramparts and fortifications. And after all the plan is
      unauthorised by the report of the board; the opinion of naval officers has
      been withheld; and the opinion of military officers is founded on
      hypothetical or conditional suggestions, and on such data as were proposed
      to them, for the truth or probability of which they refuse to make
      themselves responsible." In the debates, both Sheridan and all the orators
      on his side, treated the Duke of Richmond as a renegade, and made the
      whole matter a mere party question, and from this cause Pitt was doomed to
      suffer a defeat. Upon a division there was an equal number of ayes and
      noes, and when the speaker was called upon to give his vote, he gave it on
      the side of opposition; the project therefore fell to the ground.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 7th of March, Pitt moved for the appointment of a select committee
      of nine persons, for the purpose of reporting on the state of the public
      revenue and expenditure. The report of this committee was highly
      satisfactory. The amount of the revenue for the current year was estimated
      at £15,397,000, while the permanent expenditure and the expences of the
      peace establishment would only require £14,478,000, thereby leaving a
      surplus of more than £900,000. In consequence of this, Pitt, on the 29th
      of March, brought under consideration the national debt and his new
      sinking-fund. He thought that the surplus might be increased to one
      million, without burthening the people, and he moved that such a sum
      should be annually granted to commissioners, to be by them applied to the
      purchase of stock towards discharging the public debt of the country. The
      new taxes which he proposed, in order to raise the surplus to one million,
      were an additional duty on ardent spirits, and new duties on certain kinds
      of timber and perfumery. In making this proposition Pitt showed that he
      was full of hope for the future. He calculated that the accumulated
      compound interest of the one million so appropriated, added to the
      annuities which would fall into the fund, would, in the course of
      twenty-eight years, leave a surplus of four millions per annum, to be
      applied, if necessary, to the exigencies of the state. His entire
      conviction was, indeed, that this new sinking-fund would rapidly reduce
      and eventually discharge the whole of our enormous national debt! The
      commissioners he proposed under this act, were the speaker of the house of
      commons, the chancellor of the exchequer, the master of the rolls, the
      governor and deputy-governor of the bank of England, and the
      accountant-general in chancery. The speech which Pitt uttered upon this
      occasion was so convincing to the house, that all but a few members
      ventured to enter the fairy car with him, and those who dissented from his
      views were looked upon as little better than madmen. Among those who
      dissented were Burke, Fox, Sheridan, and Sir Grey Cooper, who endeavoured
      to show that the premier's hopes were visionary. Sheridan, indeed,
      asserted that there neither was nor could be any surplus, and he said,
      that the only means which suggested themselves to him were a loan of a
      million every year. "The right honourable gentleman," he wittily remarked,
      "might say with the person in the comedy, 'If you wont lend me the money,
      how can I pay you?'" In conclusion, Sheridan moved a long string of
      objections, which were all negatived without a division; but on the day
      for reconsidering the report of the committee on the bill, an amendment,
      as moved by Fox, was adopted, to the effect, "that whenever a new loan
      should hereafter be made, the commissioners should be empowered to accept
      the loan, or such proportion of it as should be equal to the cash in their
      hands; the interest and douceur annexed to which should be applied to the
      purposes of the sinking-fund." Pitt declared this amendment to be an
      auspicious omen of the ultimate success of the plan; and that its
      propriety and necessity were so obvious as to overcome the spirit, and
      prejudice of party, and to create an unanimity in persons, who, more from
      accident than inclination, were so frequently of different-opinions. With
      Fox's amendment the bill passed both houses without a dissentient voice,
      and on the 26th of May his majesty gave his assent to it in person.
    </p>
    <p>
      In pursuit of his great plan of financial reform, Pitt next turned his
      attention to the frauds committed on the revenue, in the article of wine.
      At this time large quantities of wine were smuggled into the country, and
      a spurious liquor was made and sold at home under that name. To prevent
      these evils, on the 22nd of May, Pitt presented a bill for transferring
      certain duties on wines from the customs to the excise. This transfer was
      made, after several divisions, despite the exertions of Fox to render the
      measure unpopular, and the obstruction given to it by those in the trade,
      as well as by others, who urged the difficulty of applying the excise laws
      to wine, and the impolicy of extending those laws beyond their existing
      limits. It is probable that there were some who conceived that this
      measure would tend to render the minister very unpopular; and it must be
      confessed that the step was a very hazardous one for him to take.
      Englishmen had never looked with complacency upon the intrusions and
      interference of excisemen, and there was still a strong national feeling
      against any extension of the excise laws. When Sir Robert Walpole, indeed,
      brought in a bill which had a tendency to extend these laws, although he
      was at the time he introduced it at the very height of his power, it
      nearly cost him his place. But the principles of commerce and taxation
      were now better understood, than they were in the days of Walpole, and the
      well-disposed among the people felt convinced that the state of the
      revenue required the adoption of every measure tending to its improvement,
      whence Pitt triumphed. The bill was followed by another, which had
      reference to frauds committed on the customs, by false accounts of
      imported goods, and the re-landing clandestinely such as had received
      drawbacks at their exportation. To prevent such practices, Pitt brought
      in, and carried through parliament, M'hat was called "The Manifest Act,"
      which enacted that no article should be imported into Great Britain before
      the master of the vessel had delivered to the custom-house officer a
      manifest, or declaration, stating the place where they were laden, with a
      full description of them, verified on oath; that no vessel should sail
      from any British port, till the owner of the vessel had given a bond for
      two hundred pounds, that he would not re-land any part of its cargo
      illegally; and that no goods, entitled to drawback, should be put on board
      for exportation, except by duly licensed persons.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a subsequent date Pitt endeavoured to ascertain whether the crown-lands
      could not be rendered more productive. To this end, and in consequence of
      a message from the king, he moved, in the house of commons, for the
      appointment of commissioners to inquire into the state of woods, forests,
      and land revenues belonging to the crown, as well as to sell or alienate
      fee-farm and other unimprovable rents. This bill passed the commons, <i>netn.
      con.</i>, after the adoption of certain amendments, moved by Mr. Jollife,
      to protect title-deeds, and to bind the commissioners to report their
      proceedings in parliament. In the house of lords, however, it met with the
      stern opposition of Lord Loughborough, who objected to the bill because it
      did not agree with the king's message; because it repealed two old acts,
      and created a new power for the sale of those lands, without any exception
      of the rents reserved in the former acts, for divers persons, and for
      other purposes mentioned in those acts; and because the powers granted to
      the commissioners were dangerous to the people and derogatory to the
      honour of the crown. Notwithstanding this opposition, the bill was
      ultimately carried and received the royal assent.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the midst of his exertions for financial reform, and before the
      Sinking-fund Bill passed into a law, a message was delivered to the house
      from the king, by the minister, stating, that it gave him great concern to
      inform the commons that it had not been possible to confine the expenses
      of the civil list within the annual sum of £850,000, now applicable to
      that purpose. This message was the more remarkable as, in 1782, when Pitt
      was chancellor of the exchequer, the king, in his speech from the throne,
      had stated that he had so regulated his establishments, that his expenses
      should not in future exceed his income. The sum now required to free his
      majesty from debt, contracted partly before and partly since that period,
      was £210,000; which sum, after considerable opposition, in the course of
      which the necessity of economy was strongly enforced, was ultimately
      voted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON INDIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the commutation tax, and the preventive measures taken
      against smuggling, the sale of tea at the East India-house had by this
      time increased nearly threefold. This enlarged trade, connected with other
      circumstances, induced the company to apply to parliament for an act,
      empowering them to make an addition to their funds. A petition to this
      effect was presented on the 25th of May, and Pitt proposed and carried a
      bill, which enabled the company to add £800,000 to their stock, and also
      to sell a surplus of £36,000 a year, received from the exchequer, over and
      above the annuities which they paid to their creditors, which would
      produce a sum equal to that which they were empowered to add to their
      stock. Previous to this, in consequence of intelligence from India, Pitt
      felt called upon to adopt some plan for amending the act of 1784. A bill
      was brought in for this purpose by Mr. Dundas, which bill conferred on the
      governor-general a privilege of acting in cases of importance, without the
      consent of the other members of the council; enabled the directors to
      unite the offices of commander-in-chief and governor-general in the same
      person; rendered not only the present, but the farmer servants of the
      company, whether resident in India or not, capable of being appointed to
      seats in the respective councils; empowered the governors of presidencies
      to nominate temporary successors to members of council who might die or
      vacate their office; altered a clause in the former bill, which compelled
      the company's servants to rise by gradation; repealed another, which
      required from them a disclosure of their property, on oath; and made
      several changes in the court of judicature and mode of trial for crimes
      and misdemeanors in India. This bill was strongly opposed by Fox and
      Burke, with other members of opposition; but, after several debates and
      divisions, it passed both houses, and received the royal assent.
    </p>
    <p>
      The only other business of importance brought under notice during this
      session, was the impeachment of Warren Hastings. This will be noticed in
      the following section, where we propose to take a retrospective view of
      the progress of the English arms, and our policy in that part of the
      world. After much discussion on this subject which was left undecided, on
      the 11th of July parliament was prorogued.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
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    <h2>
      A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Hitherto, to avoid embarrassing the narrative of the American war, no
      notice has been taken in this "Continuation" of the progress of the
      British arms in India. The last event recorded in the history, was the
      capture of Pondicherry by Colonel Coote, by which event the French power
      in India was destroyed. An attempt, however, was made to revive this power
      in the province of Bengal, About the middle of the year 1760, the year in
      which Pondicherry was captured, an adventurer, named Law, nephew of the
      celebrated projector, at the head of some French fugitives, persuaded the
      Mogul, Shah Zada, who had lately sealed himself on his father's throne, to
      invade this province. Law had previously rendered some important services
      to the mogul against some native princes who had opposed his elevation;
      and it was thought that nothing could resist the progress of his arms.
      With his French fugitives and 80,000 natives, Law made incursions into the
      province of Bahar, which province suffered so severely that Major Carnac
      was sent by the council of the East India Company to assist the rajah
      Ramnarrain in restraining his ravages. It was in January, 1761, when
      Carnac advanced with 20,000 Asiatic allies on this service, and in three
      days he arrived at Gyah Maunpore, where the enemy was encamped. An
      engagement took place soon after his arrival, and both the mogul and his
      rash adviser, Law, were taken prisoners. Law was treated by his captors in
      a manner which his bravery on the field of battle demanded, and which
      greatly exalted them in the estimation of the Asiatics.
    </p>
    <p>
      The fate of Count Lally, who had bravely defended Pondicherry against
      Colonel Coote, was very different from that of Law. Though he had been the
      most active partisan that ever attached himself to the French cause in
      India, yet he was doomed, on his arrival in France, to suffer both
      indignities and death. His sufferings are thus described by Mr. Mill:&mdash;
      "By the feeble measures of a weak and defective government, a series of
      disasters, during some preceding years, had fallen on France; and a strong
      sentiment of disapprobation prevailed in the nation against the hands by
      which the machine of government was conducted. When the loss of the
      boasted acquisitions of the nation in India was reported, the public
      discontent was fanned into a flame, and the ministry were far from easy
      with regard to the shock which it might give to the structure of their
      power. Anything, therefore, was to be done which might have the effect of
      averting their danger; and, fortunately for them, many persons arrived
      from India, boiling with resentment against Lally, and pouring out the
      most bitter accusations. Fortunately for them, likewise, the public,
      swayed as usual by first appearances, and attaching the blame to the man
      who had the more immediate guidance of the affairs on which ruin had come,
      appeared abundantly disposed to overlook the ministry in their
      condemnation of Lally. The popular indignation was carefully cultivated;
      and by one of those acts of imposture and villany, of which the history of
      ministers in all the countries of Europe affords no lack of examples, it
      was resolved to raise a screen between the ministry and popular hatred by
      the cruel and disgraceful destruction of Lally. On his arrival in France
      he was thrown into the Bastille, and this place being deemed too
      honourable for him, he was subsequently thrown into a common prison. An
      accusation, consisting of vague or frivolous imputations, was preferred
      against him; and nothing whatever was proved, except that his conduct did
      not come up to the very perfection of prudence and wisdom, and that he had
      displayed the greatest ardour in the service, the greatest
      disinterestedness, fidelity, and perseverance, with no common share of
      military talent and of mental resources. The grand tribunal of the nation,
      the parliament of Paris, found no difficulty in seconding the wishes of
      the ministry, and the artificial cry of the day, by condemning him to an
      ignominious death. Lally, confident in his innocence, had never once
      anticipated the possibility of any other sentence than that of an
      honourable acquittal; and when it was read to him in his dungeon, he was
      thrown into an agony of surprise and indignation, and taking up a pair of
      compasses with which he had been sketching a chart of the Coromandel
      coast, he struck at his proud, indignant heart; but his arm was held by
      one of the functionaries in attendance. With indecent precipitation he was
      executed on that very day. He was dragged through the streets of Paris in
      a dung-cart, and, lest he should address the people, a gag was stuffed
      into his mouth, so large as to project beyond his lips. Voltaire, who had
      already signalized his pen by some memorable interpositions in favour of
      justice and the oppressed, exerted himself to expose, in a clear light,
      the real circumstances of this fearful transaction, which Mr. Orme
      scruples not to call 'a murder committed by the sword of justice.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Colonel Clive, who had deposed the Surajah Dowla, Nabob of
      Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and had raised Meer Jaffier Ali Khan to that
      dignity, as recorded in a previous page in Smollet's division of this
      history, and who had rendered other important services to the British
      cause in India, had arrived in England, where he was received with all
      honour. He was raised to the Irish peerage by the title of Baron Clive of
      Plaissey&mdash;the name of the place where he had defeated the nabob&mdash;and
      was flattered by the prospect of a speedy elevation to the English
      peerage, which would give him a seat in the British house of peers. While
      in England he was involved in a dispute with the company on the Jaghire
      rents, which had been conferred on him by Meer Jaffier, whom he had raised
      to the throne of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. His most active opponent was
      Mr. Sulivan, but Clive eventually gained his point; and not only were the
      Jaghire rents confirmed to him for ten years, if he should live that
      period, but he was nominated governor and commander-in-chief of the
      British possessions in Bengal, with the express understanding that no
      other officer, of whatever rank, should have the power of interfering with
      his command.
    </p>
    <p>
      Clive returned to India, where he arrived in May, 1705. On his return he
      found everything in a complete state of confusion and disorganization.
      Before his departure for Calcutta, the seat of his government, it was
      rumoured that the Shah Zada had collected an army, and was advancing
      against Patna, which was under the jurisdiction of the Hindu governor,
      Itamnarrain. The Shah Zada pretended to take up arms against
      Ghazee-u-Deen, the vizier and master at Delhi, and Ghazee-u-Deen, enraged
      thereat, in a fit of desperation murdered the Great Mogul. After this
      tragical event the Shah Zada took the state and title of emperor, and
      conferred the office of vizier upon Soujah-Dowla, the powerful ruler of
      Oude. The new emperor assumed the name of Shah-Alum, or "King of the
      World," and he had no sooner ascended the throne than he advanced against
      Patna. Ramnarrain was defeated, but Colonel Calliaud soon after arrived on
      the scene of action, with about three hundred English and one thousand
      sepoys, and Shah-Alum was routed, and compelled to take refuge in flight.
      The young emperor, however, being joined by Mr. Law, with his small body
      of French, and by the sub-governor of Purneah, soon returned to Patna; and
      the town being almost wholly destitute of troops, he would have captured
      it, had not Captain Knox appeared to its relief. The besiegers were
      driven, by the gallantry of Knox, from their works, and a few days after
      he completely defeated the sub-governor of Purneah, who fled northwards
      for his life. He was followed by Colonel Calliaud, with his English
      soldiers and sepoys; the latter of whom were commanded by Meeran Calliaud,
      under the belief that he was carrying all the treasures of Purneah with
      him, pursued the sub-governor hotly; but on the fourth day of the pursuit
      a tremendous storm occurred, in which Meeran was struck dead with
      lightning, and the sepoys, from this cause, becoming unmanageable, he was
      obliged to return to Patna. Meeran's people hastened to Moorshedabad,
      where, in order to obtain payment of their arrears, they surrounded the
      palace, and threatened the life of the nabob Meer Jaffier. Other bodies of
      men, also, about the same time, took up arms against Meer Jaffier: and to
      complete his misfortunes, as Mr. Vansittart, the new governor at Calcutta,
      found the treasury empty, and the English troops and sepoys almost
      mutinous for want of pay, he concluded a treaty with Meer Cassim Ali,
      son-in-law to Meer Jaffier and general of his army, engaging that he
      should be invested with full power as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa,
      on condition that he made over the fruitful provinces of Burdwan,
      Midnapore, and Chittagong to the company. Meer Jaffier was compelled to
      resign, with permission to retire to Calcutta, and Meer Cossim Ali was
      forthwith proclaimed nabob. Meer Cossim procured six or seven lacs of
      rupees, which he sent to Calcutta, and made professions of dependence on
      the council; but he soon exhibited signs of a refractory spirit; and Mr.
      Vansittart, with the other members of the council, found that they had
      made a mistake, when they imagined that he would suit their purpose better
      than Meer Jaffier.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been seen, that in the month of January, 1761, Major Carnac, who
      had succeeded Colonel Calliaud in the command of the company's troops in
      Bahar, defeated the emperor Shah Alum, and took Law, on whom he placed his
      chief hopes, prisoner. The young emperor retreated towards Delhi, whence
      he sent Meer Cossim Ali his investiture as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and
      Orissa; and likewise offers to the English of the dewannee, or
      receivership of these provinces, if they would send an army into central
      India to secure him in possession of Delhi, and of a throne that had been
      tottering for generations. Want of money prevented the council from
      accepting these offers, and Meer Cossim had no more to give them. Meer
      Cossim had, indeed, become as poor as Meer Jaffier had been when he was
      deposed, and he cast his eyes on the wealth of Ramnarrain, the celebrated
      Governor of Patna, At first, Mr. Vansittart instructed Major Carnac to
      protect Ramnarrain, but he soon after listened to the suggestions and
      promises of Meer Cossim; and in order to aid his rapacious designs,
      Colonel Coote, the conqueror of Pondicherry, was sent to supersede Major
      Carnac, at Patna; he being averse to the desertion of a governor who had
      received so many pledges from, and had rendered many services to, the
      English. Colonel Coote, however, had as high a sense of honour as Major
      Carnac, and Mr. Vansittart, discovering this, recalled him, and thus left
      Ramnarrain to the mercy of Meer Cossim. Ramnarrain was in consequence
      thrown into prison, and his house was broken open and plundered, while his
      servants were put to the torture, in order to make them confess where his
      treasures, which chiefly existed in the imagination of his enemies, were
      deposited. This base act on the part of the council of the company met
      with its reward. All friendly correspondence between the English and
      native nobility now ceased, and Meer Cossim had offers of services and
      money made him on every hand, if he would consent to resist the
      foreigners. Encouraged by this circumstance, and conceiving that he would
      soon be able to defy the English authority, Meer Cossim complained of the
      abuses of the dustucks, or permits, by which he had been recently
      impoverished; and when no notice was taken of his complaints, he ventured
      to stop and search the company's boats, as they sailed up the Ganges.
      Nothing was done to prevent his conduct; and growing more bold by
      impunity, Meer Cossim at length seized two boats that were proceeding to
      Patna with arms, and made preparation for getting that place into his own
      hands. Apprised of this, the council gave directions to Mr. Ellis, the
      chief at Patna, to anticipate Meer Cossim's designs by seizing upon the
      citadel. This was done, and Meer Cossim, enraged thereat, murdered Mr.
      Amyatt, who had formerly been chief at Patna, with two Hindu bankers
      attached to the English interests, and then marched upon the town with a
      great army, of which he took possession. The English troops at Patna fled
      by boats up the Ganges to Chuprah, where they were surrounded, and taken
      prisoners. About the same time, also, the troops of Meer Cossim attacked
      and plundered the factory of Cossimbuzar, where likewise he captured many
      English.
    </p>
    <p>
      While these events were transpiring, the council at Calcutta entered into
      new arrangements with Meer Jaffier, in order to restore him to the musuud
      or throne of Bengal. Meer Jaffier not only confirmed the grants of
      territory made by Meer Cossim, but also granted an exemption to the
      company's servants from all search, and from all duties, except upon salt,
      and engaged to pay to the company thirty lacs of rupees for the expenses
      of the war, and to maintain an army of 24,000 men at his own charge.
      Having done this Meer Jaffier issued his mandates to the chiefs, and to
      the cities of the three provinces, and then joined the English, who were
      advancing upon Moorshedabad. In their route they were met by three of Meer
      Cossim's generals, whom they defeated, and arriving at Moorshedabad they
      took possession of it without opposition. Another battle was soon after
      fought with the troops of Meer Cossim, on the plain of Geriah, when Meer
      Jaffier and his English allies were again victorious. Those of Meer
      Cossim's troops, who escaped the slaughter, fled to an intrenched camp at
      Odowa, which, after three weeks, was carried, and then the whole army of
      the nabob was scattered. Meer Cossim fled with a few troops towards Patna,
      and the English laid siege to and captured Monghir, recently made his
      capital in preference to Moorshedabad, the old residence of the nabobs of
      Bengal. On hearing of the capture of Monghir, Meer Cossim ordered the
      execution of all the English who had been taken at Patna, and one hundred
      and fifty, with Mr. Ellis their chief, were massacred in cold blood. Patna
      was soon after taken by the English, and in the meantime Meer Cossim had
      taken refuge at Allahabad, with Soujah Dowla, the powerful ruler of Oude.
      On his arrival at Allahabad, Shah Alum was with his vizier, and the three
      Indian rulers marched with a large army to Benares, and encamped not many
      miles from the English. Major Carnac, who had by this time arrived to take
      the command, thought it prudent to retreat to Patna; the more so, because
      a mutiny had broken out in his own camp. The major was attacked under the
      walls of Patna by the confederated Indians; but after a severe contest, he
      defeated his assailants with great loss. Soujah Dowla now opened a
      correspondence with Meer Jaffier, and offered to support him in Bengal and
      Orissa, if he would cede the country of Bahar to Oude; and about the same
      time Shah Alum offered to abandon both Soujah Dowla and Meer Cossim, for
      English protection and alliance. These negociations, however, were broken
      off; and in the month of October, 1764, Major Munro, who had recently
      assumed the command of the army at Patna, led his forces against the
      enemy, which entirely broke the power of Soujah Dowla, the only Indian
      ruler that the English had to fear. Major Munro was now empowered to treat
      with Shah Alum; and a treaty was concluded with him, by which it was
      agreed that the English should be put into the possession of the country
      of Gazzipore, with all the rest of the territory of Bui want Sing, and
      that Shah Alum should be put into possession of the city of Allahabad, and
      the whole of the dominions of Soujah Dowla. Thus deserted by the emperor,
      Soujah Dowla applied to Ghazee-u-Deen, vizier and murderer of Shah Alum's
      father, and this chief descended into Oude with a great army of Mahratta
      horse. A battle was fought in the month of May, 1765, near Corah, when
      Major, now General Carnac, who again commanded the English forces, gained
      a great victory over the confederate army, and chased them across the
      river Jumna.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the very day that General Carnac gained this victory, Clive arrived at
      Calcutta, with full powers to settle all disputes. Meer Jaffier had
      recently died, and one difficulty in the way was thereby removed. Clive
      set about his work in right good earnest. A few days after Soujah Dowla's
      defeat at Corah, that nabob having announced his intention of throwing
      himself upon the mercy of the English, repaired to the camp of General
      Carnac, by whom he was received with much distinction. On hearing of these
      events, Clive set off for Allahabad, to settle all disputes; and when he
      arrived, he decided that Shah Alum should rest satisfied with the
      possession of Allahabad and Corah, and that all the rest of Oude should be
      restored to Soujah Dowla, on conditions that he should oppose the
      Mahrattas and defend the frontiers of Bengal. On his part, Shah Alum, for
      the possession of Allahabad and Corah, granted the collection of the
      revenues in Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa to the English, in return for which
      he was to receive twenty-six lacs of rupees per annum, in addition to the
      revenues of Allahabad and Corah. The young emperor, moreover, confirmed
      the right of the company to all the territory which they possessed in any
      other part of India.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the death of Meer Jaffier, the supreme council at Calcutta conferred
      the sovereignty on his youthful son, Nujeem-ul-Dowlah; at the same time
      appointing Mohammed Reza Khan, a naib subah, or sub-nabob, to manage the
      revenues and all other matters of government. On his arrival, however,
      Clive decided that Nujeem was not fit to rule, and he was soon compelled
      to retire on a pension of thirty-two lacs of rupees per annum. Having
      restored peace, Clive turned his attention to the correction of abuses;
      and for which he had full powers given him by the court of directors
      before he left England. But this was no easy task. Most of the members of
      the council at Calcutta had been partakers in the spoils and profits of
      the nefarious system which had been adopted in India; many of those
      servants who had been most oppressive and rapacious, were strong in their
      patronage in Leadenhall-street; and nearly every European in the country
      looked to India as prey, which they were to make the most of for
      themselves, without regarding the interests of those who should come after
      them, or of the company by whom they were employed. On commencing his
      reforms, many of the company's agents threatened and protested; and
      several, confident in their patronage at home, refused to act with or
      under him. But none of these things daunted Clive. He declared that if he
      could not find support at Calcutta, he would procure it elsewhere; and he
      actually sent for some civil servants from Madras, and turned the
      refractory out of their offices. Seeing his resolution, recourse was next
      had to flattery, entreaty, persuasion, and arguments, but all this failed
      to turn him aside from his purpose. By one fell stroke he put down the
      private trade and dangerous privileges of the company's servants, and he
      prohibited the extorting or receiving presents from the natives. At the
      same time Clive adopted measures, which might give the servants of the
      company a proper maintenance, and also an opportunity of acquiring
      fortunes by application and perseverance. The pay of the company's
      servants being miserably low, and altogether insufficient for their proper
      maintenance&mdash;a circumstance which doubtless had the effect of
      increasing their rapacity&mdash;as the monopoly of salt was now, by the
      pensioning off the young nabob, in the hands of the company, he
      appropriated it to the proper pay and support of the servants of all
      kinds, carefully dividing the proceeds according to a scale; and thus gave
      every British functionary employed in the East the means of slowly but
      surely acquiring a competence. Having disposed of the affairs of the civil
      servants, Clive turned his attention to those of the military, his old
      companions in arms. And here he had greater difficulties than ever to
      contend with, for they were men who held the power of the sword in their
      hands.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding, the reduction of military expenses, which were rapidly
      absorbing the whole revenue of the country, required his attention, and he
      gave it without fear of the consequences. As long as the troops were
      employed by Meer Jaffier and Meer Cossim, these potentates, in order to
      cherish the goodwill of the officers, allowed them "double batta," or
      double pay. The court of directors had long ago issued that "double batta"
      should be abolished, but Vansittart and his council had listened to the
      remonstrances of the army, and the order was left unregarded. But Clive
      was a bolder man than Vansittart, and he resolved that "double batta"
      should cease forthwith, except at Allahabad, where the troops were
      considered as being actually in the field. An order was issued to this
      effect, and the troops in Bengal were put upon the same footing as the
      troops on the Coromandel Coast, by whom no batta was drawn, except when
      actually marching or serving on the field of battle. The officers
      remonstrated, but it was to no purpose: the order was given, and it must
      be obeyed. On the appointed day the reduction took place, and, enraged
      thereby, two hundred English officers engaged in a conspiracy, binding
      themselves by an oath to secrecy, and to preserve, at the hazard of their
      lives, the life of any comrade that might be condemned by a court-martial.
      These officers, indeed, each bound themselves in a bond of £500 to throw
      up their commissions, unless "double batta" were restored; and finding
      that Clive was inexorable, they resigned. To increase the danger this
      conspiracy was formed at a time when the country was threatened with a new
      invasion by a Mahratta army. The officers, doubtless, supposed that Clive
      would be frightened out of his resolution, but they soon found that they
      had mistaken the force of his character. On hearing of the conspiracy, he
      exclaimed, "Such a spirit must, at all hazards, be suppressed at the
      birth," and he wrote to the council, desiring them to write to Madras, in
      order that every officer and cadet that could be spared from that
      presidency should be held in readiness to embark for Bengal; and directing
      them to acquaint the presidency of Fort St. George with the mutiny, and
      with the approach of the Mahrattas. In his letter to the council he stated
      that the committee at Calcutta must adopt a resolution, that no officer
      now resigning should ever again hold a commission in the company's
      service. At the same time, Clive sent directions to the commanding
      officers of all the divisions to find, if possible, the leaders; to arrest
      those who appeared most dangerous; and above all to secure the obedience
      of the sepoys and native commanders. He also gave commissions to several
      young men in the mercantile service; and when informed that a large sum of
      money was subscribed for the mutinous officers by gentlemen at Calcutta,
      in the civil service, he requested the council to take immediate steps for
      discovering and punishing those gentlemen. Having taken these preliminary
      steps, Clive quitted Moorshedabad, where he had been arranging matters of
      trade and finance, and fearlessly advanced with a small escort to Monghir,
      the scene of the mutiny. Before his arrival, the council had resolved that
      all resignations tendered should be accepted, and the officers tendering
      them immediately sent down to Calcutta. Clive was the more incensed
      against them because he had recently given up £70,000 to form a fund for
      their invalids and widows; a gift which showed him to be their friend. He
      arrived at Monghir full of wrath against them, and having secured the
      attachment of the sepoys, by ordering them double pay for two months, in a
      short time the ringleaders were all arrested, tried, and cashiered. In the
      first heat of his passion he had threatened to have them all shot, but as
      legal doubts were entertained as to the powers granted by the Mutiny Act
      for the company's service, not one was sentenced to death. After they had
      been cashiered, nearly all who had joined in the conspiracy, begged with
      tears in their eyes, to be permitted to re-enter the service, and some
      were restored on condition of signing a contract to serve the company on
      its own terms for three years, and to give a year's notice of any
      intention to quit the service. The young officers were treated with great
      lenity, and when his indignation was cooled and the danger over, he
      scorned to take any revenge for personal wrongs and insults. The main
      cause of the mutiny was the gambling and dissipation which prevailed among
      the English officers, and Clive adopted several wise regulations to check
      these evils, and to restore the strictest discipline and subordination.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Clive having completed his work of reformation, and restored peace to
      India, in January, 1767, left Calcutta for England. On accepting his
      commission he had declared that he wanted no more money, and that all he
      wished for was a thorough reform; which in the end would prove equally
      beneficial to the oppressed and the oppressor. And, notwithstanding the
      temptations to enrich himself, by which he was surrounded, Clive adhered
      to this resolution of self-abnegation. The servants of the company would
      have enabled him to treble his wealth, if he would have consented to
      connive at their misdoings; and the princes of India offered him money,
      and jewels, and diamonds in abundance, as the price of his assistance on
      their behalf; but, steady to his purpose, he refused the tempting offers.
      He returned a poorer man than when he went to India. And yet,
      notwithstanding his integrity of purpose, and although on his arrival he
      was hailed with acclamations by the court of directors, and was received
      with unusual regard by George III. and his consort Queen Charlotte, at a
      subsequent date, he was charged in the house of commons with
      mal-administration; and when this failed, his enemies brought him to trial
      before that tribunal for the events and deeds of his early life. So
      persecuted was he, and so maligned, that, though finally acquitted by the
      commons, his spirits sunk under it, and he died by his own hand in the
      forty-ninth year of his age.
    </p>
    <p>
      The court of directors had left the abolition or confirmation of the
      select committee to Lord Clive's discretion, and before he returned to
      England he declared for its continuance; naming as members, Mr. Verelst,
      Mr. Cartier, Colonel Smyth, Mr. Sykes, and Mr. Beecher. Shortly after his
      return the court of directors resolved to send out to Calcutta three
      supervisors, to complete the work of reformation, and to put the revenues
      of Bengal under better management. These supervisors were Messrs.
      Vansittart, and Scrafton, and Colonel Forde, who took their departure in
      the Aurora, which is supposed to have foundered at sea with every soul on
      board, for it was never heard of after leaving the Cape of Good Hope.
      Subsequently the government of Bengal was left in the hands of Mr.
      Cartier; but in less than two years it was notified, by the court of
      directors, to Mr. Warren Hastings, who had long been rising in their
      estimation, that he was nominated to the second council at Calcutta, and
      that as soon as Mr. Cartier retired, it was their wish that he should take
      upon himself the charge of the government of that presidency.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the flames of war had been rekindled in the Carnatic by
      Hyder Ali, who became one of the most formidable opponents of the English
      in all India. Since his expedition to the neighbourhood of Pondicherry, as
      the ally of Mr. Lally, Hyder Ali had greatly increased his army. He had,
      in fact, deposed his benefactor and nominal master, the Rajah of Mysore,
      and had established himself on his throne. Moreover, Hyder Ali had
      conquered the rajahs and polygars of Sera, Balapoor, Gooty, Harponelly,
      Chitteldroog, Bednore, and Soonda, with other districts, and had extended
      his dominion almost to the banks of Kistna. At this point of his conquests
      Hyder Ali was checked by Madhoo Row, the Peishwa of the Mahrattas, who
      crossed the Kistna with an immense body of cavalry, and not only deprived
      him of some of his recent acquisitions, but compelled him to pay thirty
      two lacs of rupees. But Ilyder Ali, though checked, was not destroyed. At
      a subsequent date he undertook and achieved the conquest of Malabar; and
      he kept that country quiet by cutting off all the Hindoo chiefs. His
      conquests induced the English, the Mahrattas, and Nizam Ali, the ruler of
      Deccan, to form a league against him. The Peishwa of the Mahrattas was the
      first to take the field against him; and he was subsequently followed by
      Colonel Smith at the head of a small English corps, and a large army of
      the Nabob of the Carnatic, and by another large army under the Nizam of
      the Deccan. Before Colonel Smith and the nizam, however, could join their
      forces to those of the peishwa, he had consented, on the payment of
      thirty-five lacs of rupees, to retire from the confederacy, and to quit
      Mysore. The nizam himself was soon after discovered to be negociating a
      treaty with Hyder Ali, the chief end of which was to expel the company
      from the Carnatic; and Colonel Smith separated from him, and hastened to
      take possession of the passes which led into that country. He was joined
      by some reinforcements from Mohammed Ali, the Nabob of the Carnatic; but
      he was soon compelled to retreat for Changama, a town about sixty miles
      from Madras. In his route he was attacked by the three armies of Hyder
      Ali, the peishwa, and the nizam, whom he bravely repulsed; but want of
      provisions compelled him to continue his retreat till he reached
      Trinomalee. He was still followed by the enemy, who plundered, burned, and
      destroyed all the open country through which they passed. While at
      Trinomalee, Colonel Smith made an unsuccessful attempt to stop the ravages
      of the enemy; an attempt which chiefly failed from want of cavalry. In the
      meantime, Hyder Ali sent his son Tippoo, with five thousand horse, to
      Madras; and the fortress only escaped his ravages. Grown bold by success,
      the allies resolved upon a pitched battle with Colonel Smith; and a
      conflict took place near Trinomalee, in which they were routed. The nizam
      now again changed sides, and came over to the English; and in the month of
      December, Colonel Smith once more defeated Hyder Ali and the Peishwa, who
      fled to Caverypatum, on the river Panaur. On hearing of his successes, the
      presidency at Madras resolved to carry the war into the very heart of
      Hyder Ali's dominions; and Colonel Smith received orders to march upon
      Bangalore, while Colonel Wood, who was detached from Smith's force, was
      directed to operate on the frontiers. As the territory around Bangalore
      was barren, Colonel Smith represented to the presidency that his army
      could not subsist in that country; but his representation was unheeded,
      and he was compelled to set forward on his march. This proved a fatal
      step. Colonel Smith arrived in the neighbourhood of Bangalore, and Colonel
      Wood overran the fruitful country on the frontiers; but Hyder Ali, flushed
      with a recent victory which he had gained over some English troops, which
      the presidency of Bombay had sent into Malabar and Canara, returned to
      Mysore, and by the end of the year 1768 recovered every inch of territory
      he had lost. Early in the year following Hyder Ali again poured down into
      the Carnatic; and so irresistible were his movements that the presidency
      of Madras proposed terms of peace. Hyder Ali could not hope to conquer the
      English, and he readily listened to the proposal; and a treaty was
      concluded, by which it was agreed that a mutual restitution of territory
      should take place, and that there should be a mutual co-operation against
      all enemies. But this treaty was not kept in good faith by the English;
      for soon after, when Hyder Ali applied to the presidency of Madras for
      assistance against the Peishwa of the Mahrattas, who again invaded Mysore,
      and swept everything before him, it was refused, on the plea that Hyder
      had brought the war upon himself, by leaguing with some Mahratta chiefs.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the year 1770 the English ministry sent out Sir John Lindsay, with some
      frigates, to protect the company's settlements and affairs. Soon after his
      arrival., the Peishwa of the Mahrattas, who had long boldly defied the
      English, courted a new alliance with them, and intimated to the Nabob of
      the Carnatic, that his country should be swept by his cavalry from end to
      end if a treaty was not agreed upon. The nabob and Sir John Lindsay were
      of opinion that the peishwa's wishes should be gratified; but the
      presidency of Madras refused the alliance, and left the Mahrattas and the
      Mysoreans to fight their own battles. Hyder Ali was defeated in several
      encounters, and Seringapatam, his capital, was besieged. Such was his
      situation when Sir Robert Hariand arrived to supersede Sir John Lindsay in
      the command; he being removed on the complaints of the presidency of
      Madras and the directors in Leadenhall-street. Sir Robert followed the
      plans and notions of his predecessor, strongly insisting that the
      presidency ought to conclude the alliance which the peishwa demanded. The
      presidency of Madras, however, supported by the other presidencies,
      refused to take part in the war, either for or against Hyder Ali; and at
      the same time sent some forces to protect the Carnatic from the Mahrattas.
      The peishwa at length became fearful that if he entered the Carnatic he
      should bring the English upon him; and being distressed for want of
      provisions in the country of the Mysore, which he had overrun, he listened
      to the voice of Mohammed Ali, accepted some money from him, and agreed to
      make peace with Ilyder Ali. A treaty was concluded in 1772, by which the
      Mahratta chief obtained a large portion of the more northern and inland
      provinces of Mysore, together with thirty lacs of rupees.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this war between Hyder Ali and the Mahrattas, the Rajah of Tanjore
      attempted to seize upon some territory belonging to the Nabob of the
      Carnatic. Mohammed Ali called upon his English allies for assistance, but
      after inducing them to make some hostile demonstrations near the Tanjore
      frontier, he became apprehensive that they might conquer it for
      themselves, and not for him. To avoid this he had recourse to intrigue,
      and finally signed a peace with the Rajah of Tanjore, who engaged to
      surrender all the disputed districts to the nabob, pay him a large sum of
      money, defray all the expenses of the expedition, and to aid the nabob
      with his troops in all future wars. Enraged thereat, the presidency of
      Madras sent orders to the troops not to evacuate the fortress of Vellum,
      which they had captured, or withdraw their batteries from Tanjore, which
      they had invested, until the rajah should have made good one of his
      promised payments. This money was not forthcoming, and to prevent further
      hostilities, the rajah consented to give up the fort of Vellum to the
      English, and to cede to them two districts in the neighbourhood of
      Mandura. But this did not prevent the ravages of the English. In the year
      1772 another army was sent to reduce the poly-gars of the Mara wars, who
      paid the Rajah of Tanjore a doubtful alliance, and the whole of the
      Marawars were put into the possession of the Nabob of the Carnatic. Nor
      did this satisfy the rapacity of Mohammed Ali and the English. Before this
      war was finished, the Nabob of the Carnatic complained to the presidency
      of Madras that the Rajah of Tanjore had violated the recent treaty, by
      delaying payment of money, and by seeking the aid of the Mahrattas and
      Hyder Ali, and although the company, by a treaty in 1762, had given the
      rajah security for his throne, he was hunted down by the English, taken
      prisoner with all his family, and his territories were annexed to the
      dominions of the Nabob of the Carnatic.
    </p>
    <p>
      In this foul act the presidency of Madras had acted upon their own
      responsibility, without any reference to the court of directors in
      Leadenhall-street. Their act seemed, however, to meet with the approval of
      these directors; but in the year 1775 Lord Pigot was nominated Governor of
      Madras, and had full powers given him to reform the presidency of Madras,
      and to restore the rajah to his throne. Lord Pigot arrived at Madras, at
      the close of the year, and he immediately repaired to Tanjore, when the
      rajah was re-proclaimed in his capital. Fierce quarrels now arose among
      the civil authorities at Madras, and the council went so far as to arrest
      Lord Pigot, and place him in confinement. These proceedings excited great
      indignation in England, and though some of the directors in
      Leadenhall-street approved of them, or at least disapproved of Lord
      Pigot's policy, he was restored to his office, and the members of the
      council were recalled. At the same time Lord Pigot was ordered to return
      home, and his old opponent, a Mr. Rumbold, was nominated his successor.
      Mr. Rumbold arrived at Madras early in the year 1773, when he found that
      Lord Pigot had been brought to his grave by the violence offered to his
      person. At that time Hyder Ali, who had formed an alliance with the
      French, again threatened the Carnatic, but before narrating his operations
      it is necessary to notice some important proceedings in other parts of
      India.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the government of Bengal was left in the hands of
      Mr. Cartier, and that it was notified by the court of directors to Mr.
      Warren Hastings, that it was their wish he should take upon himself the
      charge of the government on Mr. Cartier's retirement. During Cartier's
      administration, in the year 1770, a dreadful famine occurred in the
      province of Bengal; a famine which swept away the Hindu population by
      thousands. About the same time Syef-al-Dowla, the son and successor of
      Meer Jaffier, died of the smallpox, and his brother, Muharek-al-Dowla, was
      appointed musnud. Muharek-al-Dowla was a mere boy, and as soon as the
      court of directors heard of his appointment, they issued orders that the
      annual stipend of the young nabob should be reduced to sixteen lacs of
      rupees. When these orders arrived in India, Warren Hastings, who had now
      succeeded Mr. Cartier, immediately put them into execution: an act for
      which he was afterwards condemned, as though it had originated with
      himself. The reduction was made in order to effect a saving in the
      government, but it had no visible effect on the treasury at Calcutta. The
      exchequer was empty, debt was daily increasing, and every ship brought
      orders from the court of directors for money. In the midst of this
      dilemma, the Hindu Nuncomar, the rival of Mohammed Reza Khan, who had been
      appointed by English influence to administer both the civil list of the
      nabob and the revenues of Bengal, industriously propagated stories of the
      minister's corruptibility. Mohammed Reza Khan was accused of acquiring
      enormous wealth; of having increased the calamities of the famine, by
      monoply of rice and other necessaries of life; and of entertaining an idea
      of turning his power against the English. These rumours, first spread in
      India, were at length carried to the ears of the magnates in
      Leadenhall-street, by the agency of one of Nuncomar's creatures, and
      inflamed with cupidity, they resolved upon the minister's ruin. A letter
      was sent to Hastings, directing him to take measures, and to issue his
      "private orders" for securing the person of Mohammed Reza Khan, together
      with his whole family, partizans, and adherents. Hastings had no choice
      left him, but implicit obedience to these commands, or dismissal from
      office; and unfortunately for his honour&mdash;for he was aware of the
      innocence of Mohammed Reza Khan&mdash;he chose to obey them. Mohammed Reza
      Khan was brought without delay to Calcutta, where he was placed in
      confinement, and the Rajah Shitab Roy, who had exercised in Bahar the same
      authority as Mohammed Reza Khan had exercised in Bengal, shared the same
      fate. Before giving directions for these arrests, the company had come to
      the determination, that, whether innocent or guilty, there should be no
      more in their offices, and that the departments of revenue and finance,
      together with the department of law and justice, should be placed in the
      hands of their own English servants. Accordingly, Hastings swept the
      treasury, and the courts of law clean of their old occupants, and the
      secondary direction of affairs was placed in the hands of men who were
      enemies to Mohammed Reza Khan, and creatures attached to his rival,
      Nuncomar. The clearance extended to the young nabob's household, which was
      completely revolutionised and changed. Ahteram-ul-Dowlah, his uncle, and
      the eldest existing male of the family, petitioned to become his naib, or
      guardian, but this office was conferred on the nabob's mother, Minnee
      Begum, who was originally a dancing-girl, and who had been Meer Jaffier's
      concubine. At the same time, Rajah Goordass, son of Nuncomar, was
      appointed dewan to the nabob, whose duties were strictly to be confined to
      the household, and who was to have nothing to do with the public business
      or public revenues of Bengal. All these changes were effected without
      tumult, and the board of directors expressed their entire approbation of
      all the appointments which Hastings had made. After he had completed his
      reformation, Mohammed Reza Khan and the Rajah Shitab Roy were brought to
      trial in Calcutta, and although the court was of Hastings' own forming,
      and extraordinary means had been adopted to prove their guilt, they were
      both honourably acquitted: a proof that the motives of the board of
      directors in ordering the arrest of Mohammed Reza Khan, and sanctioning
      that of the Rajah Shitab Roy, were to get the whole power and the
      government of the province into their own hands. From this time, indeed,
      the public treasury and the superior courts of justice were placed under
      English management, and the Nabob of Bengal was no longer nabob, except in
      name. He resided at Moorshedabad, where he lived upon his annual stipend,
      but the government of Bengal was conducted at Calcutta, which Hastings
      considered now to be the capital of the province.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his treaty with the Emperor Shah Alum, Clive had guaranteed that
      potentate the quiet possession of Allahabad and Corah, with the annual
      stipend of twenty-six lacs of rupees. This sum from the first was not
      punctually paid, and for the last two years it had been withheld
      altogether. The ostensible reason for this was as follows: In the year
      17713 Shah Alum, at the instigation it is said of Sujah Dowla, Vizier and
      Nabob of Oude, who wished to recover possession of Allahabad and Corah,
      threw himself into the arms of the Mahrattas. Towards the close of the
      year 1771 the Mahratta chief carried the poor Mogul in triumph to Delhi,
      and soon after he was hurried by them into the field of battle. Supported
      by them he invaded Rohilcund, a country which was equally coveted by the
      Nabob of Oude, to whom the Rohillas applied for assistance. Sujah Dowla
      not only promised to assist them himself, but likewise to gain for them
      the more potent co-operation of the company. Accordingly he intimated to
      Sir Robert Barker, the general who commanded the company's forces, and to
      the governor and council at Calcutta, that to allow Shah Alum any stipend
      would be only furnishing the means of war to the rapacious and turbulent
      Mahrattas. Previous to this the payment of the stipend had been suspended
      upon various pleas, but this afforded ground for stopping it altogether.
      Shah Alum and the English were therefore brought into direct collision. At
      this moment Major John Morrison, who had previously resigned his
      commission in the company's service, repaired to Allahabad to try his
      fortune with Shah Alum. Morrison was at once raised to the rank of
      general, and he soon persuaded the Great Mogul to appoint him his
      ambassador and plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty, George III.,
      under the promise of obtaining him a larger sum from the King of England
      than that which the company had withheld from him. Morrison was furnished
      with proposals, the chief of which were these:&mdash;"The Great Mogul,
      Shah Alum, as undoubted lord and sovereign of Hindustan, &amp;c, and as
      having full right so to do, would transfer to his Britannic majesty,
      Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, with all that the company possessed in those
      parts, and which was all forfeited by them, upon condition that his
      Britannic majesty would pay the pecuniary homage of thirty-two lacs, and
      aid the Great Mogul with troops and arms." At this time the British
      parliament were calling the territorial rights of the company in question,
      and was even meditating the taking those rights to itself, and the
      reduction of the company to a mere trading body. Had Morrison, indeed,
      arrived in England with these offers, it is probable that parliament would
      have taken such a step. Hastings seems to have been under this impression,
      for when the adventurous officer arrived at the Dutch settlement of
      Chinchura, on the Hooghly, and demanded a passage to England in one of the
      company's ships, he wrote in reply, that he would not allow him a passage
      in any ship sailing from the port of Calcutta. Nor did his opposition end
      here. Having heard that the major had engaged a passage in a Danish ship,
      he successfully exerted his influence to prevent it; and as no other ship
      sailed for Europe that season, Morrison's diplomatic career was brought to
      a premature close. Shortly after, indeed, Shah Alum ceded both Corah and
      Allahabad to the Mahrattas, which was considered as equivalent to a
      complete discharge from all the obligations of Clive's treaty. The
      Mahrattas signified their intention of taking immediate possession of
      Allahabad and Corah, and the Nabob of Oude claimed the assistance of the
      English against them, and a garrison was placed in Allahabad for its
      protection. This, for a brief season, checked the rapacious Mahrattas; and
      the attention of Hastings was next directed to the inroads which the
      Bootans had made in Cooch-Bahar, and the devastations of the Senassie
      fakeers in the country round Bengal. Both the Bootans and Senassies were
      checked, and soon after Hastings set out on a visit to the Nabob of Oude,
      who had solicited a personal conference at Benares, in order to arrange
      new bargains and treaties with the English. This conference had reference
      chiefly to the annexation of the Rohilla country, which was threatened by
      the Mahrattas, to the province of Oude, which was at first agreed upon,
      but subsequently postponed; the nabob fearing that the price he had agreed
      to pay for it was beyond his present ability, and Hastings conceiving that
      such an enterprise would be open to severe animadversion in England.
      During this conference, however, Hastings committed as glaring an act of
      injustice as the conquest of Rohilcund would have been. This was the sale
      of Allahabad and Corah, to Sujah Dowla, for fifty lacs of rupees&mdash;twenty
      of which were paid down on the spot, and the other of which were to be
      paid in two years. By this act Shah Alum was deprived of his rightful
      patrimony.
    </p>
    <p>
      The negociations between Hastings and the Nabob of Oude occupied three
      weeks, and on his return to Calcutta, Hastings applied himself to the
      administration of the province of Bengal. His chief attention was directed
      to the establishment of a police; to the posting detachments so as to
      prevent the incursions of the Senassie fakeers, and other marauders; to
      the formation of local courts throughout the province; to the regulation
      of taxes and collection of the revenue; to the removal of impolitic taxes,
      duties, and fees upon native marriages; to the suppression of the
      peculation and rapacity of the company's servants; and to other important
      objects, too numerous for detail. Although some of the means employed by
      Hastings were not of the purest kind, and others were inconsistent with
      more modern notions of political economy and justice, yet it is certain
      that his measures were productive of much benefit to the country, and that
      all classes of the community of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa were satisfied
      with their results, and were led to look upon him in the light of a
      benefactor. It seems to have been to this period that he alluded, when, in
      after years, nearly all England was accusing him of cruelty and
      oppression, he remarked:&mdash;"I could have gone from Calcutta to
      Moorshedabad, and from Moorshedabad to Patna and Benares, without a guard,
      without a sepoy, without any protection but what was to be found in the
      goodwill and affection of the natives."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Nabob of Oude was earnest in his desire to annex the Rohilcund country
      to his own, and early in the year 1774 he applied to Hastings for the
      troops with which he had engaged to furnish him for the enterprise.
      Hastings was somewhat disconcerted at his request, but as the nabob had on
      his part engaged to pay 210,000 rupees per month for their services, and
      he wanted money, a brigade, under the command of Colonel Champion,
      received orders to march into the country of Oude, with the declared
      purpose of invading Rohilcund. Operations commenced in April, and Colonel
      Champion gained a great victory over the Rohilla chiefs, on the side of
      Babul Nulla, which placed the whole country at the mercy of the
      conquerors. The Nabob of Oude made a cruel use of the victory, by
      plundering and burning towns and villages which belonged to the quiet
      Hindu inhabitants; and who, so far from making common cause with the
      Rohillas, were ready to render all the services they were capable of
      rendering against them. In this destruction, neither Colonel Champion nor
      Hastings participated, but as it was by their means that the conquest of
      the country was effected they shared in the odium of the enterprise. That
      Hastings did not concur in the nabob's cruelties is clear from the
      directions which he wrote to Colonel Champion with reference to the
      captive family of Hafez Ramet, one of the Rohilla chiefs. He remarked:&mdash;"Tell
      the vizier that the English manners are abhorrent of every species of
      inhumanity and oppression, and enjoin the gentlest treatment of a
      vanquished enemy. Require and entreat his observance of this principle
      towards the family of Hafez. Tell him my instructions to you generally;
      but urgently enforce the same maxims; and that no part of his conduct will
      operate so powerfully in winning the affections of the English as
      instances of benevolence and feeling for others. If these arguments do not
      prevail, you may inform him directly that you have my orders to insist
      upon a proper treatment of the family of Hafez Ramet; since in our
      alliance with him, our national character is involved in every act which
      subjects his own to reproach; that I shall publicly exculpate this
      government from the imputation of assenting to such a procedure, and shall
      reserve it as an objection to any future engagements with him when the
      present service shall have been accomplished." There can be no doubt that
      Colonel Champion complied with these directions, for during the war a
      strife was kindled between him and the nabob, partly on account of the
      nabob's non-assistance in the battle at Babul Nulla, and partly because he
      resolutely kept all the plunder to himself. Still nothing can justify this
      war with the Rohillas, and the annexation of the Rohilcund to the country
      of Oude. It is the more unjustifiable, because money was evidently the
      chief motive which induced Hastings to assist the rapacious nabob in his
      enterprise. By it the Afghan race was almost rooted out of the country,
      for while a few chiefs lingered on the frontiers, the majority, with their
      followers, sought new settlements in other countries. The Hindu population
      remained under the rule of the Nabob of Oude.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after this Rohilla war was concluded, the new constitution, as framed
      by parliament, came into operation. The new council appointed at Calcutta
      were General Clavering, and Messrs. Monson, Francis, and Barwell; and
      Hastings was at their head with the rank of Governor-general of Bengal. At
      the first meeting of this new council a letter was read from the court of
      directors, which inculcated unanimity and concord among its members;
      required them to do all in their power to preserve peace in India;
      committed to Hastings the charge of carrying on all correspondence with
      the native powers, the council at the same time being privileged to peruse
      all letters; recommended a careful revision of all the company's affairs,
      alliances, connexions, &amp;c, with the Indian states in the neighbourhood
      of the three presidencies; and exhorted them to be careful and cautious in
      the extreme in committing themselves by any alliances or compacts with
      either the Indians or the European settlers. This council was composed of
      such discordant materials that the injunction to preserve unanimity and
      concord had no weight on its members. From the first, indeed, Francis,
      Clavering, and Monson seem to have been resolved to gain all power in
      India for themselves. Their design was soon made manifest. In his
      political negociations, Hastings had assumed a high and almost single
      authority; and in conformity with this plan, at the close of the Rohilla
      war, he had appointed his friend Middleton to be resident and agent at the
      court of the Nabob of Oude, giving him instructions to confer with him
      alone on all matters of importance. This gave offence to Francis,
      Clavering, and Monson, who demanded that the correspondence of Middleton,
      from first to last, should be laid before the council. Hastings objected
      to this, on the ground that much of it related to merely private matters
      and opinions; upon which they hinted that his war with the Rohillas arose
      from sordid motives, and that his whole connexion with the Nabob of Oude
      had been a series of bad actions, fraud, and selfishness. This language
      was as unjustifiable as the Rohilla war, for Hastings had not profited in
      the least by his connexion with the nabob, and was at the time, in fact, a
      poorer man than when he quitted his inferior employment at Madras: he had
      sought money, it is true, but it was for the company, and not for himself.
      This charge was followed by action, equally unjust. As Francis, Clavering,
      and Monson constituted the majority in the council, they voted the
      immediate recall of Middleton; regardless of the remonstrance of Hastings,
      who declared that such a measure would be attended with pernicious
      consequences, inasmuch as the natives would be taught by such an act that
      the English authorities were disunited in sentiment, and that the
      government of Calcutta was falling into a state of revolution. The power
      of Hastings was, by the confederation of these three members against him,
      almost annihilated; and towards the close of the year he wrote to the
      board of directors, complaining of their precipitancy and violence, and to
      the English premier, vindicating his own conduct. Hastings, however, was
      subject to the control of this trio, until the 25th of September, 1776,
      when the majority was reduced to an equality by the death of Colonel
      Monson, By this event, indeed, Hastings by his casting-vote as
      governor-general, obtained the superiority, and he at once re-assumed his
      ancient authority, despite the protestations of Clavering and Francis. On
      the recall of Middleton the trio had sent Mr. Bristow to reside at Oude,
      but no sooner had Hastings regained power than he reinstated his friend
      Middleton in his office. The use which he made of his power seems to have
      given offence to the board of directors, for while they reprimanded him by
      letter, they supplied Colonel Monson's place by Mr. Wheler, who took the
      part of Francis and Clavering. Before this party, however, could act
      offensively, it was again reduced to a minority by the death of General
      Clavering, so that Hastings once more ruled dominant.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was time that all the divisions in the council of Calcutta were brought
      to a close; for at this period, 1777, danger was gathering round the Anglo
      Indian government on various sides. During the period of the control of
      Francis, Monson, and Clavering in the council of Calcutta, the presidency
      of Bombay dispatched some troops, under Colonel Keating, to aid Ragoba&mdash;who
      set himself up for the Peishwa of the Mahrattas&mdash;against the
      confederated Mahratta chiefs, with whom he was at war. The presidency of
      Bombay were induced to take part in this war by the grant which Ragoba
      made them of Salsette, Bassein, and other places in the territory of the
      Mahrattas. At first, Colonel Keating was successful in his war with the
      Mahratta confederacy; but subsequently his movements were impeded by the
      discontents of the peishwa's troops, who refused to cross the Nerbuddah
      until they should be paid their arrears. Ragoba, however, found means not
      only to pay his troops, but to buy off some of the chiefs of the hostile
      confederacy; and then he and his English allies marched upon Poona, which
      was a kind of Mahratta capital. But the assistance which the presidency of
      Bombay had given displeased the supreme council of Calcutta; and at this
      point they issued orders for the recall of the troops from Poona. After
      this the council of Calcutta sent an agent of their own, Colonel Upton, to
      undertake treaties, and to pursue a different line of policy to that which
      the presidency of Bombay had adopted&mdash;he being instructed to treat,
      not with Ragoba, but with the chiefs of the Mahratta confederacy. A treaty
      was concluded, by which the Mahratta chiefs agreed to yield Salsette and
      the small islands near it to the supreme council at Calcutta, upon
      condition that aid should be afforded them against Ragoba. This treaty,
      for a time, put an end to war; for Ragoba, being deprived of English
      assistance, had no power to withstand his enemies; and therefore he was
      compelled to lay down his arms and flee for his life. By the year 1778,
      however, the Mahratta chiefs who had been parties to the treaty with
      Colonel Upton became weary of their bargain. Fresh intrigues were formed
      at Poona; intrigues which were supported by French influence, agents from
      that nation being at this period at work in India, as well as in America,
      to sap the foundation of the English power. As the presidency of Bombay
      were nearest to this scene of Mahratta intrigue, and were likely to be the
      most affected by it, they wrote letters to the supreme council at
      Calcutta, recommending a new alliance with Ragoba, in order to anticipate
      the designs of the French and the Mahratta chiefs. Soon after Hastings
      received this letter, he heard that a fresh quarrel had arisen among the
      Mahratta chiefs at Poona, and that Baboo, at the head of a powerful
      faction, had declared for Ragoba, and had applied to the presidency of
      Bombay for assistance. Hastings, conceiving that if the faction opposed to
      Baboo and Ragoba should prevail, the territories of Bombay would be in
      danger, proposed in council that every assistance should be given, and
      that an army should be forthwith sent from Calcutta and Bombay. He was the
      more induced to make this proposition because he always had disapproved of
      the treaty, and because he was of opinion that great danger would arise to
      the Anglo-Indian government from a union of the French with Mahrattas, if
      not checked on the instant. Hastings carried his proposition by means of
      his casting vote; and orders were issued for assembling an army at Culpee,
      on the east of the Hooghly river, and about thirty-three miles below
      Calcutta. The command of this army was given to Colonel Leslie, and it
      began its march in the month of June, almost simultaneously with the
      receipt of a letter, containing the information that war had been declared
      between England and France. This news quickened the operations of
      Hastings. It was represented by his opponents, Francis and Wheler, that
      the army should be recalled, as Bengal was as likely to be attacked as
      Bombay; but Hastings insisted that the army should proceed, as Bengal
      could be well defended without it. Hastings then commenced a series of
      measures of defence against French aggression. He seized Chandernagore and
      all the French factories in Bengal; sent orders to the presidency of
      Madras to occupy Pondicherry; threw up strong works near Calcutta;
      collected a vast number of vessels of all kinds, and improvised a regular
      marine establishment; and raised nine new battalions of sepoys, and a
      numerous corps of native artillery. In the meantime the army under Colonel
      Leslie was marching towards the acme of action. In his progress he was
      directed to conciliate and captivate the goodwill of the rulers and people
      in every district through which his line of inarch lay; but at the same
      time he was to fight his way where he could not win it by conciliation.
      Leslie had to engage with a Mahratta chief, called Ballajee, and with the
      young Rajah of Bondilcund; but these were overcome without great
      difficulty; and having reached Rajaghur, a principal city of Bondilcund,
      on the 17th of August, he halted there, for the purpose of entering into
      private negociations with the pretenders and chiefs of that country.
      Colonel Leslie remained so long at Rajaghur, that Hastings thought it
      necessary to recall him to Bengal, and to confide the command of the army
      to Lieutenant-Colonel Goddard; at the same time declaring by letters to
      the Rajah of Bondilcund and his competitors, that all Leslie's treaties
      and agreements were invalid. Goddard proved to be a much more active
      officer than his predecessor. On receiving his command he quitted
      Bondilcund, and crossing the Nerbudda came to the city of Nagpoor, where
      he established a friendly relation with the Mahrattas of Berar, and where
      he received dispatches from Bombay, acquainting him that the presidency
      had put an army in motion for Poona, under the command of Colonel Egerton,
      and that the two armies were to meet in the neighbourhood of that city.
      Egerton arrived at the destined point first; and disastrous consequences
      ensued to his army. In his camp were two civil commissioners, whom the
      Bombay government had sent to share the authority and direct the movements
      of Egerton. These civilians, seeing a large body of Mahratta horse before
      them, overcome by fear, ordered a retreat; and the Mahrattas following
      them, cut to pieces nearly four hundred men, and carried away the greater
      part of their baggage and provisions. Alarmed at their position, the
      civilians now sent a deputation to the Mahrattas, to know upon what terras
      they would permit them to march back to Bombay without molestation. The
      Mahrattas demanded that Ragoba should be delivered to them; and Ragoba was
      forthwith sent to their camp. But this weak compliance had the effect of
      emboldening the Mahratta chiefs. They demanded a second price for
      permitting the retreat; and this price was a treaty by which the English
      should agree to give up all the acquisitions they had made in that part of
      India since 1756, and send orders to Colonel Goddard to return to Bengal.
      A treaty was signed to this effect; and having delivered up two hostages
      as sureties for its fulfilment, the dishonoured army was permitted to
      march back to Bombay. When Colonel Goddard heard of these reverses he was
      at Boorhampoor, the ancient capital of Candeish, and nearly a thousand
      miles, by the route he had taken, from Calcutta. He had been detained in
      this city by perplexing letters and advices from the field-commissioners;
      and on receiving the intelligence, he resolved to march to Surat on the
      western coast, where he would be in an English settlement, with the sea
      open to Bombay, and ready to act as occasion might require or orders from
      Calcutta might direct. Favoured by the natives, whose goodwill he had
      gained by the strict discipline which he maintained among his troops
      during his march from Rajaghur to Boorhampoor, he reached Surat, a
      distance of two hundred and fifty miles, in nineteen days. On his arrival
      Goddard was promoted to the rank of general; and shortly after he received
      the commands of the supreme council at Calcutta, to take upon himself all
      future wars or negociations with the Mahrattas. He proposed an amicable
      treaty with the Mahratta confederated chiefs, on condition that they would
      annul the recent treaty with Colonel Egerton, and give up all connexion
      with the French. At the time he proposed this treaty, Ragoba, who had
      escaped from Poona, was at Surat; and the chiefs replied that they would
      listen to no negociation until he was given up, and until Salsette was
      restored to them. Goddard now took the field; and in a few days the
      fortress of Dubhoy was reduced, and the city of Ahmedabad, the capital of
      Guzerat, carried by storm. His progress was arrested by the intelligence
      that a large Mahratta army, under the chiefs Scindia and Holkar, was
      marching upon Surat. Goddard resolved to attack that army, and he marched
      back for that purpose. At first he was prevented by a desire which the
      chiefs expressed for peace, and negociations were entered into; but it was
      soon found that they were not sincere, and that their chief motive was to
      delay the time until the setting in of the rains should interrupt the
      campaign. Négociations were broken off, and the chiefs hastily retreated;
      but Goddard followed them, surprised and defeated them in their very camp;
      and by that victory obtained possession of all the country between the
      mountains and the sea. The Mahrattas fled in all directions; and Goddard
      having taken possession of all the towns, put his army into cantonments.
    </p>
    <p>
      During these events Hastings had formed an alliance with the Ranna of
      Gohud, who ruled over a hilly country between the territories of Scindia
      the Mahratta chief, and those of the Nabob of Oude. At the time this
      alliance was made the territories of the Ranna of Gohud were invaded by
      the Mahrattas, and Captain Popham was sent to assist him in repelling the
      invaders. Popham not only drove out the Mahrattas from the dominions of
      the Ranna, but followed them into their own territories, where he stormed
      the fortress of Labor, and took that of Gualior, winch the natives deemed
      impregnable, by escalade. Gualior was not more than fifty miles from Agra,
      which was Scindia's capital; and alarmed at his progress, the Mahrattas
      abandoned all the neighbouring country, and took refuge in that city. The
      Mahratta war, as conducted by Goddard and Popham, promised a complete
      triumph; but the victors were stopped at this point by another Mysorean
      war, which threatened to ruin the English power and possessions on the
      Coromandel coast.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although nominally at peace with the English, Hyder Ali held them in utter
      abhorrence. During the last seven years, indeed, he had been concerting
      schemes with the French at Pondicherry, and improving and increasing his
      army, with a design of overturning the Anglo-Indian government at Madras,
      if not in all India. To enable him to raise forces, he had recourse to a
      system of extortion from his subjects, and plunder from his neighbours, by
      which means the treasury of Mysore was full even to overflowing. The
      Madras government was warned of its danger by Mohammed Ali, the Nabob of
      the Carnatic; but his voice was disregarded, and no preparations were made
      to ward off the blow. But the presidency of Madras were soon aroused from
      their slumbers. In the summer of 1780 Hyder Ali suddenly quitted
      Seringapatam, with one of the finest armies ever seen in Southern India.
      This army consisted of 30,000 cavalry, 15.,000 drilled infantry, 40,000
      irregular troops, 2000 artillery and rocket men, and 400 Europeans, many
      of whom were Frenchmen. With this force Hyder poured through the ghauts or
      passes, and burst like a mountain-torrent into the Carnatic. His arms were
      irresistible. Porto Novo, on the coast, and Conjeveram, close to
      Trichinopoly, were captured and plundered; almost every fortress opened
      their gates at his approach; and the whole country north of the Coleroon
      submitted to his sway. At his approach the people fled in all directions
      from the fire and the sword towards the English presidency; and the flames
      kindled by him were seen at night from the top of Mount St. Thomas, which
      was only nine miles distant from Madras. Alarmed at his progress, the
      presidency was at first unnerved; but fear having subsided, orders were
      given to secure some of the strong places held by Mohammed Ali's troops,
      on whom no reliance could be placed. Two were thus preserved; but the rest
      fell into the hands of the victor. The next object of the presidency was
      to call in a strong force of 3000 men, under Colonel Baillie, from the
      Northern Circars; and Sir Hector Munro, the commander-in-chief, undertook
      to meet them at Conjeveram, about fifty miles from the capital. In his
      route Colonel Baillie was attacked by Hyder Ali's eldest son, Tippoo, with
      a large detachment; while Hyder himself interposed his main force between
      the two divisions of the English forces. Colonel Baillie defeated Tippoo;
      and soon after he was joined by a reinforcement under Colonel Fletcher and
      Captain Baird, which raised his corps to 3700 men. Against these Hyder now
      turned his chief attention; and he succeeded in surrounding them near
      Conjeveram with his whole host, and upwards of sixty cannon. A dreadful
      battle took place; and the English, and the sepoys who fought with them,
      struggled so manfully, that, after a contest of three hours, victory began
      to declare on their side. Hyder Ali was about to give orders for a
      retreat, and the French officers, who commanded the artillery, began to
      draw off their guns; but at that instant, by some accident, the tumbrils
      containing the ammunition blew up in the centre of the British, lines, and
      their artillery was rendered useless. This accident changed the fortune of
      the day; and the conquerors were left at the mercy of the vanquished.
      Still they long kept their ground; and it was not till all the sepoys were
      broken and cut to pieces that the British gave way. Even then they rallied
      for one more desperate effort; and under fire of the enemy's cannon they
      gained the ridge of a hill, in which position they formed a square, and
      defended themselves against thirteen successive attacks; the soldiers
      fighting with their bayonets, and the officers with their swords. The
      troops would still have resisted the enemy, had not Colonel Baillie
      directed them to lay down their arms, and stepping forward, asked for
      quarter. It is said that even then many would not lay down their arms, and
      continued to fight under the legs of the elephants and horses. But the
      struggle was now of no avail; one half of the survivors were cowardly
      butchered, and the rest were made prisoners, and reserved for a horrible
      captivity. In this conflict four thousand sepoys and six hundred Europeans
      were slain, among whom was Colonel Fletcher.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the time when this battle took place, Sir Hector Munro, who commanded
      the other main division of the Madras army, was within a short distance of
      Hyder's rear, and on discovering the catastrophe, he abandoned his tents
      and baggage, threw his heavier guns into a tank, and fled to Madras. The
      country was now at the mercy of Hyder; and Wandewash, Chingleput, Vellore,
      and Arcot were in a short time either captured or closely besieged. Had it
      not been for Hastings, the power of the British would have been broken,
      not only in the Carnatic, but also in the northern Circars. On first
      discovering the irruption of Hyder Ali, the presidency of Madras
      despatched a fast-sailing ship to Calcutta, with letters and agents,
      urging him to send them aid in men and money. The treasury of Calcutta was
      empty, but Hastings procured fifteen lacs of rupees, which were sent off
      to Madras as a present supply for the army, and the governor-general
      immediately set to work to obtain more. Missives and agents were soon seen
      flying through the country to procure supplies; and Moorshedabad, Patna,
      Lucknow, and Benares, with all other places where Hastings could put in a
      claim, whether real or fictitious, were called upon for their
      contributions. But money would have been of little service in this war
      without active measures on the part of Hastings. This he saw, and he
      immediately concluded a peace with Scindia, recalled Popham from the
      Jumna, and adjusted amicable arrangements with the other Mahratta powers,
      under the guarantee of the Rajah of Berar He also recalled the inept
      Governor of Madras, and invited Sir Eyre Coote to take the command of Fort
      St. George, and the entire management cf the war with Hyder Ali. Sir Eyre
      Coote had recently returned to India, as commander-in-chief of the Bengal
      forces, and a member of the supreme council; and although he did not
      always agree with Hastings at the council-table, he readily fell hi with
      his plans, and undertook the command. Coote set sail with five hundred
      choice British troops, and six hundred Lascars, with between forty and
      fifty gentlemen volunteers; and soon after his arrival at Madras, he
      commenced operations, with 1700 Europeans, and about 5000 native troops,
      by marching to recover Wandewash, the scene of his great exploit in a
      previous year. Wandewash was recaptured, and Hyder Ali, terrified at his
      name, abandoned other sieges, and seemed inclined to fly from, or to treat
      with the conqueror. At this juncture, however, a French fleet appeared off
      the coast; and encouraged by it, and also by a repulse which Coote shortly
      after sustained at the fortified pagoda of Chillambram, he intrenched his
      army in a strong position, near Cuddalore, where he determined to risk a
      battle rather than permit the British commander to advance upon
      Trinchinopoly and Tanjore. His post was exceedingly strong; but Sir Eyre
      Coote, who had recently been reinforced by some sepoys, sent by Hastings,
      under the command of Colonel Pearse, advanced from Porto Novo, attacked
      him in his lines, and completely defeated him. It is said that Hyder Ali
      now bitterly regretted having allowed himself to be drawn into war by
      French counsels, and that he as bitterly complained of having been amused
      by the promises of the assistance of a great French force from Europe.
      Notwithstanding he risked another battle for the defence of Arcot, on the
      very spot where Colonel Baillie had suffered his defeat, but where he was
      this time defeated. Hyder retreated to, and took up his position at,
      Sholingur; and though Sir Eyre Coote had suffered severe loss in his
      recent battle, he resolved to seek the enemy, and he pushed forward with
      such vigour that he nearly sus-prised the Indians before they could form
      their ranks. Hyder was again routed, with terrible loss, and Coote was
      enabled by this victory to march on the fortress of Vellore, one of the
      keys of the Carnatic, which was besieged by Hyder's troops, and which he
      relieved and saved. After this, Coote recovered Chittore, Palipett, and
      other places, and then, as the rains, the monsoons, and the rising of the
      rivers put an end to further extensive operations, he went into
      cantonments.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Lord Macartney arrived from England as Governor of Madras,
      His lordship brought intelligence of the declaration of war between
      England and Holland, and his first care was to make himself master of all
      the Dutch factories on that coast. Sadras surrendered upon summons;
      Poulicat submitted on his approach, at the head of some gentlemen
      volunteers and Madras militia-men; Negapatam was captured; all the other
      Dutch settlements on the same coast fell into the hands of the British;
      and Trin-comalee, their principal station in Ceylon, was taken by storm.
    </p>
    <p>
      Colonel Braithwaite had assisted in the reduction of Negapatam, and when
      this was effected he marched into Tanjore, with the view of recovering
      some of the fortresses of that country, which had been captured by Hyder
      and his son Tippoo. Braithwaite was deceived and misled by the Tanjoreans,
      and while encamped on the left bank of the river Cavery, on the 18th of
      February, 1782, he was surprised by Tippoo and a French corps; and after
      maintaining an unequal contest from sunrise to sunset, his whole force
      were either killed or taken prisoners. This blow was almost immediately
      followed by the arrival off the coast of Admiral de Suffrein, with 2000
      French and 1000 Caffres on board, to aid Hyder Ali in his struggle. De
      Suffrein had been encountered in his voyage by the squadron of Commodore
      Johnstone, and had been pursued by Admiral Hughes; but he had escaped all
      dangers, and he now succeeded in landing the forces which he brought with
      him at Porto Novo. These forces were under the command of M. Bussy, and
      they united with the army of Tippoo, and besieged and took Cuddalore,
      after which they advanced against Wandewash. Coote marched rapidly to the
      relief of that place, and on the 24th of April he encamped on the very
      spot where he had defeated Lally and Bussy twenty-two years before. Bussy
      and Tippoo retreated before Coote, and-he then threatened the strong fort
      of Arnee, where Hyder had deposited plunder and provisions. Hyder advanced
      in person for the defence of this place, and while he engaged in a loose,
      irregular battle, Tippoo succeeded in carrying off his stores from Arnee.
      Bussy now retreated towards Cuddalore and Pondicherry; Hyder put himself
      in quarters near the coast; and Tippoo, with some strong French
      detachments, hastened to Calicut, to quell a rebellion which had
      manifested itself among his father's oppressed subjects&mdash;the Nairs,
      or Hindu chiefs of the Malabar coast. At the same time Sir Eyre Coote
      threw supplies into Vellore, and undertook an expedition against
      Cuddalore, which failed for want of co-operation.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time Hyder Ali was thrown into dismay by learning that Hastings
      had concluded a treaty with the Mahrattas. He expected that the Mahratta
      confederacy would invade the country of Mysore, and he intimated his
      intention of returning for its defence. Bussy, however, persuaded him that
      the war in the Carnatic was not altogether hopeless, and that means might
      be found to counteract the negociations of the Governor-general of Bengal,
      and to win back the Mahrattas, not merely to a neutrality, but to a close
      alliance. Accordingly he resolved to remain in the Carnatic, and he
      prepared to co-operate with Bussy in an attack upon Negapatam; at the same
      time amusing-Sir Eyre Coote, with an intimation that he might become a
      party to the treaty with the Mahrattas, by which Coote was rendered
      inactive.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this summer Madras suffered under accumulated evils. The ravages of
      Hyder Ali had driven crowds from all quarters to seek refuge in the
      capital, and multitudes daily perished for want. Ships of rice were sent
      in October for their sustenance while in this condition; but the monsoon
      arose, and the whole were lost. An absolute famine now ensued, and it is
      said that ten thousand perished before any relief could be afforded from
      Bengal and other parts. The roads that led to the town, and the streets of
      the town itself, were strewed with the dead and the dying; and nothing-was
      heard but cries, and moans, and unavailing prayers for assistance.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime success attended the British arms on the Malabar coast.
      Colonel Mackenzie, who was aided by the Nairs, or Hindu chiefs, was
      preparing for the siege of Palagatcherry, not many marches from
      Seringapatam, when Tippoo arrived in that country. As Tippoo had an army
      of more than 20,000 men, Mackenzie was constrained to retreat towards the
      coast; but he halted at Paniany, a sea-port town about thirty-five miles
      from Calicut, where he resolved to make a stand against the enemy, who
      were pressing on his rear. Tippoo attacked him, but after a severe
      struggle he was compelled to withdraw, leaving behind him a great number
      dead and wounded. Whether Tippoo would have ventured another battle is
      very doubtful; but at this juncture he received intelligence of his
      father's death, and as he had brothers and cousins, it was his interest to
      look after the throne and the treasures of Mysore. Accordingly Tippoo left
      the Malabar coast, and hastened to the camp of Plyder Ali, when, after the
      usual distribution of pay and donatives, he was recognised as commander of
      the army and sovereign of Mysore. It seems probable that had Hyder lived a
      few months longer, he would have made peace with the English; for he had
      long had his suspicions of the fidelity and the just designs of the
      French. Tippoo, however, scorned all overtures of peace with the English,
      and on the 4th of January, 1783, General Stuart, who succeeded Sir Eyre
      Coote in command, took the field against him. Tippoo was surrounded by
      dangers; for after his retirement from the Malabar coast, Colonel
      Mackenzie marched his sepoys by land, and sent his Highlanders and other
      British by sea, northward to the coast of Canara, to co-operate with a
      part of the army from Bombay in reducing some of the richest provinces of
      Mysore. The junction of these forces was effected in January, when General
      Mathews, who had arrived at Bombay with some royal troops, took the
      command of the whole. Mathews took the fort of Onore by storm, and having
      scaled the range of rocks which runs between the coast and Bednore, and
      cleared the passes at the point of the bayonet, he came upon the rich
      capital of Bednore, which surrendered to him without firing a gun. Other
      forts also surrendered at or before a summons, and Ananpore and Mangalore
      were carried by storm. Thus assailed before and behind, Tippoo recalled
      his garrison from Arcot and other places, and evacuated the Carnatic in
      order to defend Mysore. On his arrival in his own dominions he found that
      Mathews had scattered his army all over the country, in contemptible mud
      forts and open towns, and had fixed his head-quarters in the city of
      Bednore. Mathews had been further weakened by desertion. He had quarrelled
      with Colonel Mackenzie, Colonel Mac Leod, and Major Shaw, and these
      officers had repaired to Bombay to lay their complaints before that
      presidency. Tippoo saw that he was his prey, and he hastened to Bednore to
      seize him. Mathews threw himself into the fort of Bednore, but resistance
      was hopeless, and Tippoo, having offered very honourable terms, he
      capitulated. According to the terms of this capitulation, the general and
      his troops were to be allowed to withdraw to the coast; but instead of
      this, they were bound with chains and ropes, and thrown into horrible
      dungeons. After this success Tippoo passed the Ghauts, and went down to
      the sea-port town of Mangalore, into which the 42nd regiment, which
      Mathews had previously sent down to the coast, with some fragments of the
      army who had escaped, had thrown themselves. Tippoo and his French allies
      invested Mangalore, and counted on a short and easy conquest; but they
      were detained before its walls for months, and were thereby prevented from
      engaging in more important operations.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the departure of Tippoo from the Carnatic, General Stuart had only the
      French and some sepoys to contend with, and these were posted behind their
      fortified lines at Cuddalore. Against these he directed his operations,
      while Admiral Hughes was to co-operate with him, and to prevent Admiral de
      Suffrein from aiding in the contest. Several encounters took place both by
      sea and land, but nothing decisive had occurred, when news reached Madras
      that a treaty of peace had been concluded between France and England. On
      receiving this intelligence a flag of truce was dispatched to M. Bussey,
      who agreed to a cessation of hostilities by sea and land, and also to
      invite Tippoo to be a party in these pacific arrangements. Tippoo was
      alarmed at the prospect of being left alone in the war, but at the same
      time he did not show himself to be anxious for peace. In his reply, he
      intimated, by his vakeels, that everything the English had taken from him
      must be restored, while he made scarcely any mention of restitutions to
      the English. At the same time he continued the siege of Mangalore, and
      made desperate efforts to get possession of it. Nor were military
      operations suspended by the English ^ for while Lord Macartney sent three
      commissioners with Tippoo's vakeels to Seringapatam to treat there, a
      series of operations were carried on by the British troops in the very
      heart of the obdurate nabob's dominions.
    </p>
    <p>
      While General Stuart was carrying on operations against the French at
      Cuddalore, Colonel Fullarton, who had arrived from England with some of
      the reinforcements at the end of the preceding year, was making a rapid
      progress in the country beyond Tanjore. Fullarton had taken the fortress
      of Dindigul by storm, and had captured the fortress of Daraporam, in the
      province of Coimbntoor, which opened one of the roads to Soringapatam, and
      was only about one hundred and forty miles from that city. At this point
      he was recalled to the aid of General Stuart at Cuddalore; but when the
      news of peace between France and England arrived, and when it was found
      Tippoo showed no signs of a desire for a cessation of arms, Lord Macartney
      reinforced him with 1000 sepoys, and directed him to resume his campaign.
      Fullarton first turned his arms against the numerous polygars of
      Tinevelly, who had thrown off all allegiance to the company at the
      commencement of Hyder's invasion; and having reduced them to complete
      submission, he continued his march to Dindigul and Daraporam. He had
      neither money nor supplies with him; but his wants were well supplied by
      the Rajah of Travancore, and by other rajahs on the Malabar coast, who
      were all interested in the overthrow of Tippoo. On arriving in the
      neighbourhood of Daraporam, Fullarton halted for a short period, in order
      to receive intelligence from the three commissioners sent to Seringapatam.
      On the receipt of a letter, however, from the residency of Tellichery,
      informing him that Tippoo had recommenced hostilities at Mangalore,
      Fullarton took immediate measures to resent the insult. His first
      operations were against the fortress of Palagatcherry, which was
      considered one of the strongest in all India. This fortress was captured,
      and the English found therein 50,000 pagodas in money, together with a
      large supply of grain, ammunition, and military stores. Fullarton next
      directed his operations against the fort of Coimbatoor, which likewise
      fell into his hands. All the strongest fortresses in the country were now
      captured, and another ten days of march would have brought him before the
      walls of Seringapatam. This would have been accomplished without any
      difficulty, for there was no Mysorean army in the neighbourhood capable of
      withstanding his forces; and every rajah bordering on the territories of
      Mysore was favourable to his cause. It is evident, indeed, that the power
      of the British might have been established in the whole of Southern India,
      and Fullarton rejoiced in the bright prospect. Just as he was setting
      forwards on his inarch to Seringapatam, however, to secure the golden
      prize, he received orders from the government of Madras to restore his
      recent conquests. At Tippoo's request, two English commissioners had been
      sent to his camp to treat for peace, and this unqualified restitution was
      enjoined by the commissioners as the preliminary of negociation with the
      artful nabob. Yet all the while Tippoo continued the siege of Mangalore,
      and while Fullarton was retracing his steps towards Tanjore and
      Trichino-poly, that fortress, after sustaining a siege of nine months, was
      captured; Colonel Campbell, who had bravely defended it, being allowed to
      march with his troops unmolested to Tellicherry. The continued siege of
      Mangalore and its capture exhibited the bad faith of Tippoo; and it was
      scarcely evacuated when Fullarton, who had not reached the old boundaries,
      received orders from Madras to renew operations, and to regain, if
      possible, the possession of Palagatcherry. Fullarton again advanced with
      the main body of his army, and was again flattering himself with the hope
      of being the conqueror of Seringapatam, when he received fresh orders to
      return. Preliminaries of a peace had been exchanged between the
      commissioners, and he was directed to restore the forts and countries of
      Carroor and Daraporam, but to keep possession of Dindigul, and station a
      garrison there till all the English prisoners in Mysore should be
      liberated from their horrible captivity. The treaty between the English
      and Tippoo was finally concluded on the 11th of March, upon the condition
      of a restitution by both parties of all that they had gained during the
      war. All the prisoners in Mysore, who had survived their horrible
      captivity, were released; and the tales told by them excited such horror
      and indignation, that it became evident peace would not be of long
      continuance. Peace, indeed, was not wholly restored in India by this
      treaty; for, unfortunately, no stipulation had been made in favour of the
      native chiefs, who had favoured the English cause, although the bloodshed
      and devastation which awaited them must have been foreseen On the return
      of Tippoo's army, therefore, its services were employed in scourging the
      wretched Hindu population of Coorg, Canara, and Mysore, thousands of whom
      he compelled to embrace the faith of Islamism. Nor was it against the
      natives alone that he turned his arms; for one of the first acts by which
      the tyrant signalised his reign, was the deportation, and forcible
      conversion to Islamism of 30,000 Christians, from Portuguese settlements
      on the coast of Canara. Soon after his return to Seringapatam his name was
      changed, from Tippoo Sultaun, to that of Shah Allum, and he also assumed
      the regal title of Padisha, and ordered his court to observe all the forms
      and ceremonies which were in use at Delhi.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Tippoo was a gainer by this untoward treaty, yet the grand result
      of the war was, that our Indian empire was saved. The expenses of this
      war, however, had been great; and as the greater part of the money could
      only come from Bengal, Hastings had, during its progress, been carrying on
      a system of exaction, which reflects no honour on the English name. The
      only excuse that can be offered on his behalf, is, that he felt that the
      Carnatic must be rescued and India saved, be the cost what it might. It
      was known to Hastings that many of the neighbouring princes, who owed
      their political existence to the power of the English arms, and were
      dependent upon the government of Calcutta, possessed hidden treasures of
      vast amount; and as he had no other means of obtaining the requisite
      supplies for the maintenance of the war, he determined that they should
      disgorge. Cheyte Sing, the Rajah of Benares, was the first to whom he
      applied the pressure. Demand after demand was made and supplied; and when
      no more could be obtained, the rajah, who was one of the most faithful
      allies of the English in all India, was driven from his throne. A nephew
      of Cheyte Sing was selected to fill his post; but every vestige of
      sovereignty was taken from him and placed under the control of the
      company's resident at Benares. By this revolution an addition of £200,000
      was made to the revenues of the company; but as there was no more ready
      money in Benares, and as this was a <i>sine qua non</i>, Hastings
      determined to apply the screw on other chiefs. His next victim was
      Asoff-ul-Dowla, Nabob of Oude, and master of Rohilcund, one of the most
      extravagant and debauched of all the Indian princes. Asoff-ul-Dowla proved
      to demonstration that he had no money, and that he could not even defend
      himself against the Mahrattas and the Rohillas, or even against the
      discontents and insurrections of his own subjects, if he was not supported
      by the company's servants. But if the Nabob of Oude had no money, his
      mother and grandmother had; for Sujah Dowla had left a considerable part
      of the treasures which he had in hand to these two ladies, and had
      bequeathed them, in addition, certain jaghires. In an interview,
      therefore, with Asoff-ul-Dowla, in the fortress of Chunar, Hastings
      consented that some of the company's troops should remain in Oude for his
      defence against his enemies; but only on this condition, that he should
      rob his mother and grandmother. The undutiful nabob had before endeavoured
      to gain their treasures for himself, and had, in fact, obtained large
      contributions from their purses; but though he showed himself a true
      robber, yet when he found that the money was to go into the hands of the
      company, he was reluctant to rob any more. He consented, indeed, to seize
      the treasures for the use of the company, on condition that he should
      possess the ladies' jaghires himself; but when he returned to Lucknow his
      heart misgave him. Hastings, however, was not to be disappointed. On
      discovering the nabob's reluctance, he wrote to him and to Middleton, the
      British agent at that place, urging him to fulfil his agreement, and
      ordering Middleton to do the work himself if Asoff-ul-Dowla still delayed.
      To save his authority the nabob now seized the jaghires, but he still
      spared the treasures; and Middleton took this work into his own hands, or,
      at least, acted in conjunction with the nabob. The victims lived at
      Fyzabad; or, the "Beautiful Residence," about eighty miles to the east of
      Lucknow; and the robbers, accompanied by some sepoys, repaired thither;
      and by throwing two old eunuchs in the palace, who had been the
      confidential servants of Sujah Dowla, into a dungeon, they succeeded in
      extorting from the ladies treasures to the amount of more than £500,000
      sterling. But this was not sufficient for the support of the ruinous war
      in the Carnatic; and Hastings laid claim to the revenues of the jaghires
      which the nabob had seized as his portion of the robbery. But Hastings, in
      his transactions with the Nabob of Oude, did not seek money for the
      company alone; for, during the conferences at Chunar, he accepted a
      present of £100,000, which, on the part of the governor-general, was
      altogether illegal, and therefore subjected him to the charge of venality
      In the conferences of Chunar, it was agreed that the Nabob of Oude should,
      "when time should suit," take possession of the territories of Fyzoola
      Khan, the last of the great Rohilla chiefs that remained in Rohilcund,
      under pretence that by his independence he caused alarm to Asoff-ul-Dowla.
      The chief design of Hastings, however, was to extort money from Fyzoola
      Khan; and when he found that there was no money in the country, he put his
      interdict on any hostile proceedings by the Nabob of Oude; poverty
      therefore was his protection.
    </p>
    <p>
      It must not be supposed, however, that Hastings ventured to rob the palace
      of Fyzabad as a robber of the Robin Hood order. Up to the time of his
      wanting money for the Carnatic war, he had protected the mother and wife
      of Sujah Dowla, and had even written to Middleton, commanding him to take
      active measures for preventing Asoff-ul-Dowla from plundering them;
      asserting that they were entitled to English protection. But now, when it
      was determined to despoil them of their jaghires and their money, it was
      thought expedient to devise some means of colouring over the transaction,
      so as to save his honour and reputation. Doubts were now thrown out as to
      the validity of Sujah Dowla's testamentary bequests; and the ladies were
      represented as dangerous rebels and traitors to the company. His violence
      to Cheyte Sing had created an insurrection at Benares, which could only be
      quelled by bloodshed; and this was followed by some slight disturbances in
      the province of Oude. Nothing, however, could be further from the truth
      than that these old ladies had taken any part in the tumult. They were,
      indeed, too fond of their money to spend it in exciting insurrection.
      Nevertheless, this was made the plea for robbing them; and to carry out
      the farce, after they had been plundered of their wealth, they were tried
      for the imputed offence at Lucknow, by the chief-justice, Sir Elijah
      Impey, an old schoolfellow and bosom-friend of the govern or-general.
      Impey had not the slightest authority at Oude; but it was thought that the
      presence of the head of the supreme court at Calcutta would impart a
      dignity to the proceedings, and give a fair colouring to the act. It was
      not difficult in India to obtain a conviction; for men who would perjure
      themselves by giving false witness were to be met with on every hand. A
      host of such were brought forward, therefore, with affidavits ready drawn
      in their hands, to testify against the victims. The result was certain: a
      partial judge and false swearing convicted the accused, and by their
      deaths justified the deed which stripped them of their jaghires and money.
      The services which Sir Elijah Impey rendered Hastings, in this and many
      other transactions in India, were rewarded by his appointment to the
      office of judge of the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, or Court of Appeal, which
      Hastings separated from the supreme council at Calcutta for that purpose.
      This new office added £7800 a year to the £8000 which he already enjoyed,
      as king's chief justice. This, in effect, made him a servant of the
      company; and subsequently some of his juniors received company's places or
      gratifications: as Sir Robert Chambers, who was made company's judge at
      Chinchura. But this was contrary to the spirit, if not to the letter of
      the regulating act of 1773; and in a committee of the house of commons on
      Indian affairs, it was declared that the power conferred upon Sir Elijah
      Impey in his new capacity was exorbitant, dangerous, irregular, and
      illegal, and a bargain between Hastings and him not to be permitted: that
      by selling his independence to the governor-general, he sold the
      administration of justice and vitiated his tribunal. This was during Lord
      North's administration; and soon after, on the 20th of March, 1782, the
      Shelbourne and Rockingham administration was formed. Reform under this
      shortlived government became the order of the day; and on the 3rd of May,
      an address was carried in the house of Commons, by a large majority, for
      the recall of Sir Elijah Impey, to answer to the charge of having
      "accepted an office not agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the
      act 13 George III." About the same time Hastings himself had a narrow
      chance of being recalled as a criminal, to answer for his conduct at
      Benares; but as the danger of India was at its height when the last news
      arrived, and as it was supposed that he alone was capable of protecting
      the British interests in that country, he was permitted at present to go
      unscathed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Hastings retained his station till February, 1785, when, without any
      previous notice, he resolved to quit his government and return to England.
      The last years of his administration had been marked by judicious
      measures; measures by which India was restored to a state of tranquillity,
      which had not been known for ages. He had also made some atonement for the
      crime committed against the wife and mother of Sujah Dowla by ordering the
      jaghires&mdash;not the money, for that was all spent&mdash;which had been
      unjustly seized, to be restored to Asoff-ul-Dowla. His last actions seemed
      to have wiped out the remembrance of the deeds for which he had been
      loudly condemned, for on his arrival in England, the board of directors
      voted him thanks for his long and meritorious services, and Mr. Dundas,
      who had moved for his recall in 1782, and who had declared, that "he could
      scarcely leave the walls of Calcutta, that his steps were not followed by
      the deposition of some prince, the desertion of some ally, or the
      depopulation of some country," now asserted in the house of commons, that
      had he been one of the directors, he would have concurred in their vote,
      and that he was glad that the resolution, which he himself had moved for
      his recall, had not been carried into effect. At court also Hastings was
      received with favour and treated with distinction, and though on his
      arrival, Burke had menaced him with impeachment, yet, months rolled on, in
      which he was left undisturbed; and he was still unmolested when the
      parliament reassembled in January, 1786. But this calm was only the
      prelude to a storm, which suddenly broke over the head of Hastings, and
      disturbed his peace.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
    <p>
      This storm arose at the bidding of one of the ex-governor's private
      friends. On the first day of the meeting of parliament, Major John Scott,
      whom Hastings had indiscreetly chosen to be his champion in parliament,
      and his advocate by the press, stood up in the house of commons, and
      demanded of Burke, whether he intended to produce his charges against the
      late Governor-general of India. It is probable that neither Burke nor his
      friends would have troubled their heads any more about the matter, but
      being thus braved, he could do no other than accept the challenge, and his
      whole party were bound to give him their support. Accordingly, on the 17th
      of February, Burke commenced operations, by making a call for papers and
      correspondence deposited in the India house. As a notion had got abroad
      that the king, his court, and his ministers were all devoted to Hastings,
      Burke opened his speech by desiring that two of the resolutions which had
      been moved and carried in the month of May, 1782, by Mr. Dundas, and which
      contained an unmitigated censure on the conduct of Hastings, should be
      read. This being done, Burke expressed his deep regret that the solemn and
      important business of the day had not been brought forward, in the
      plenitude and weight of efficiency, by the original mover of these
      resolutions. The task, he said, would better have become ministers, as the
      authors of those extreme resolutions against the governor-general, and
      that it would particularly become Dundas, who had now all the powers and
      resources necessary for a complete examination, as an influential member
      of the board of control. Burke then uttered a terrible philippic against
      men whose notions of right and wrong varied according to circumstances,
      and depended on their being out of, or in office&mdash;men who could find
      every thing wrong in India in 1782, when they wanted places, but who would
      make no attempt to punish or correct those whom they then condemned, in
      1784, when they had obtained what they wanted. Acting under their
      sanction, however, he asserted a claim to their protection, and after
      giving a detailed historical account of parliamentary proceedings with
      regard to British India, he remarked that there were three species of
      inquisition which might be adopted against a state culprit; the house
      might order a prosecution by the attorney-general; or it might proceed by
      a bill of pains and penalties; or it might act upon the ancient and
      constitutional mode of impeachment. As the attorney-general was evidently
      unfriendly to the prosecution, and as he considered that to proceed by a
      bill of pains and penalties would be unjust towards the accused, inasmuch
      as it would compel him to anticipate his defence, and impose on the house
      the twofold character of accuser and judge, he would advise the house to
      proceed by impeachment, being careful at the same time to do so with all
      possible caution and prudence. The first-step in such a proceeding was, he
      said, a general review of the evidence, in order that they might determine
      whether the person charged, ought to be impeached or not. To this end he
      proposed that the house should resolve itself into a committee, and that
      such papers as were necessary for substantiating the guilt of Mr.
      Hastings, if he was guilty, should be laid before that committee. Then, he
      said, if the charges should appear to be what he believed them to be,
      charges of the blackest nature, and supported by competent evidence, the
      house might proceed with confidence and dignity to the bar of the lords.
      Burke concluded by justifying his motives, in taking on himself the duties
      of a public accuser, and by expressing his conviction that Hastings had
      been guilty of gross corruption, and that his administration had been
      marked by violence, oppression, and cruelty.
    </p>
    <p>
      In reply, Dundas acknowledged that he had suggested and moved the
      resolutions which had been read; and that he entertained the same
      sentiments respecting Hastings now, as he did when he moved them in the
      house; but these resolutions, he said, only went to recall, and not to
      impeach him. Yet, though he thus virtually condemned Hastings in the
      opening of his speech, before he concluded he applauded his
      administration. The more, he said, he examined the conduct of the late
      governor-general, the more difficult he found it to fix any criminal
      intention, or to separate it from the conduct of the directors at home,
      who had expressly commanded or urged him on in so many particulars. Mutual
      recrimination between Fox and Pitt followed this speech of Dundas, in
      which the deadly sin of the coalition was used with great effect. The
      papers which Burke called for, however, were not opposed until the
      following day, when he asked for those relating to Oude, in the latter
      part of the administration, of the accused governor-general, the part
      which ministers maintained was without spot, and blameless. Pitt said that
      this would be producing new and endless matter, and that the inquiry for
      the present ought to be confined to the period embraced in the reports of
      1781. Major Scott, however, said that the Oude papers would establish the
      reputation of Hastings, and that they ought to be produced; whence the
      motion was carried. Subsequently motions were made for papers relating to
      the Mahratta peace, to the negociations which Hastings had carried on at
      Lucknow with the son of the Great Mogul, and to the mission of Major Brown
      to Delhi. These papers were all refused, and Burke having got all he
      could, on the 3rd of April, proposed calling to the bar some of the
      gentlemen who had been ordered to attend as witnesses. In this he was
      opposed by all the crown lawyers, who represented that he ought to produce
      his charges first, and that no proofs ought to be admitted, except such as
      were applicable to the charges; a mode of proceeding adopted in the courts
      of law, and which, they contended, ought to regulate the proceedings of
      the house of commons. Burke and his friends argued, in reply, that the
      house had already-sanctioned a different mode of proceeding, by gran ting
      the power of taking evidence, by forming itself into a committee, to
      receive evidence, and by summoning the witnesses who were in attendance.
      The lawyers, however, carried their point, and Burke was compelled to
      bring forward specific charges against the accused. On the 4th of April,
      therefore, Burke rose to charge Warren Hastings, Esq., late
      Governor-general of Bengal, with high crimes and misdemeanors in the
      execution of his office. On this occasion he laid on the table nine
      distinct articles of accusation, and in the course of the following week,
      he added thirteen others to the list. The principal charges related to the
      affairs of Benares; the Rohilla war; the various transactions in Oude; the
      Mahratta war, and the Mahratta peace; the depriving the Mogul of Corah and
      Allahabad; the hard treatment of Mohammed Reza Khan; the death of
      Nuncomar, who had been tried and executed for forgery; the treatment of
      Fyzoola Khan, the Rohilla chief; disobedience of orders; extravagant
      expenditure; the enriching of dependents and favourites; and the
      acceptance of presents, or bribes, by the governor-general himself. Before
      the whole of these articles were laid on the table, Hastings had
      petitioned the house to be heard at its bar, and to be allowed a copy of
      the several charges. These requests were opposed by opposition, but were
      granted; and on the 1st of May Hastings came to the house to make his
      defence. He was no orator, and having been supplied with copies of the
      articles, he brought with him a written defence, which he was allowed to
      read like a dry sermon. In it, he first referred to the vote of thanks
      which he had received from the court of directors, his employers,
      expressing astonishment that any one else should venture to prefer
      accusations against him. After this, he took a general view of the
      accusations, and began to read answers, separately to each of the charges.
      His defence occupied two or three days in the reading, and when it was
      closed, Hastings requested that it should be laid on the table, and
      printed for the use of the members, which was ordered. The examination of
      witnesses now took place, which lasted three weeks; and when all had been
      examined, on the 1st of June, Burke brought forward the first charge, that
      of the Rohilla war. Burke commenced his speech by a solemn invocation to
      British justice, and disclaiming any personal motive or private
      malevolence. After this he drew a vivid, but overwrought picture of the
      character and condition of the Rohillas, both before and after the
      invasion of their territories, by the troops of the Nabob of Oude and the
      company. This question was debated two nights, and when a division took
      place, Burke's motion, declaring that there was ground for charging Warren
      Hastings with high crimes and misdemeanors, on the matter of the Rohilla
      war was negatived by a majority of one hundred and nineteen, to
      sixty-seven. The friends of Hastings hailed this result on the first
      charge as a triumph; expecting that the next would undergo a like defeat,
      and that then, Burke would give up the prosecution in despair. But the
      prospects of the late governor-general were soon overclouded. The second
      charge was brought forward by Fox on the 13th of June, which charge
      related to the treatment of Cheyte Sing, Zemindar of Benares. On the
      previous occasion, Pitt had given a silent vote in favour of Hastings, and
      it was anticipated that he would act in the same maimer on the present.
      Popular opinion, however, was with Burke, and the minister seems to have
      had an idea that he should incur popular odium, if he persevered in
      crushing all his charges. After Fox, and Francis, the old enemy of
      Hastings, had spoken, therefore, he rose to state his views on the
      subject. In his speech, Burke, Fox, and Francis, all came in for a share
      of his reprobation; he accusing the two former of oratorical exaggeration
      and party misrepresentation, and the latter, with whom Hastings had fought
      a duel before their return to England, in which, Francis was dangerously
      wounded, of dishonesty and malignancy. This would seem to have indicated
      that Pitt would still take the side of Hastings, and the more so, because
      in the opening of his speech Pitt had declared that the late
      governor-general was justified in calling on Cheyte Sing for aid, both in
      money and men; that he was equally justified in fining him for his
      contumacy; and that his whole conduct during the insurrection at Benares
      called for the highest admiration and praise. So far, all was well; but he
      went on to say, that he thought the fines imposed were too great in
      amount, and that the conduct of Hastings had been too severe; and he
      concluded by asserting broadly, that the fine imposed on Cheyte Sing was
      exorbitant, unjust, and tyrannical, and that, therefore, he should agree
      to the motion before the house; although he did not thence consider
      himself pledged to a final vote of impeachment. Not one on the
      treasury-benches knew when Pitt commenced, how he would vote, or what
      sentiments he would deliver, but they had fully expected that he would put
      his negative upon the motion, and were prepared to follow the same course.
      Mur-murings and whisperings were heard in some parts of the ministerial
      benches, and Mr. William Grenville, his bosom friend, Arden, the
      attorney-general, and Lord Mulgrave, ventured openly to differ from him;
      stating, that they could not, as honest men, think Hastings deserving of
      impeachment on this charge, or concur in the vote. Other members, however,
      were more pliant than these, and were prepared "to follow the great
      bell-wether," lead he where he might, through flowery meads, or thickets
      and brakes. Even the amiable Wilberforce, who had hitherto thought that
      the conduct of Hastings was in part justifiable, and in part excusable;
      and Dundas, who had recently asserted that it was highly meritorious, and
      deserving the thanks of the court of Directors, now voted against him; and
      the motion was carried by one hundred and nineteen against seventy-nine.
      At this point, the prosecution of Hastings was stopped by the prorogation
      of parliament; it being found impracticable to go through the rest of the
      charges during the session.
    </p>
    <p>
      As might be expected, the motives of the accuser of Hastings were
      canvassed by a discerning public; some condemning them as unjust, and
      others applauding them as immaculate. There is every reason to believe,
      however, that though Burke over-coloured his picture of the guilt of the
      arraigned governor-general, yet his motives were honest and pure. From the
      stories related of him, Burke had been led to believe that Hastings was
      little better than an incarnate fiend; and he seemed to fancy that he had
      a mission from heaven to redress the wrongs, and prevent the miseries of a
      large, but weak and oppressed portion of his fellow-creatures. The motives
      of Pitt, also, in voting against Hastings, on the second charge, were
      brought before the bar of the public. By the friends of the late
      governor-general, both in and out of the house, he was accused of a
      jealousy and fear of him, although it does not appear what he had to fear,
      or of what he had to be jealous, except it was of his official
      prerogative: Thurlow, the advocate of Hastings, having indiscreetly stated
      that he might have a peerage without the minister's interference. But it
      would rather seem that Pitt was influenced in his conduct by
      apprehensions, that, if he supported Hastings indiscriminately, he should
      forfeit the popular favour, the general voice being against the accused.
      Nor did his majesty escape public censure on this occasion. While the
      Rohilla charge was pending, a packet arrived from India, which brought
      Hastings a diamond of great size and value, as a present from the Nizam of
      the Decean, who had acted a neutral part during the last war in the
      Carnatic, but who, as the company were victorious, was now anxious for
      British friendship. This diamond was presented to the king at a levee on
      the 14th of June, which was the very day after the decision of the house
      on the charge relative to the imposition of the fine on Cheyte Sing. This
      presentation was made at an unlucky moment, for it was interpreted by the
      public as a bribe to check the "impending vote." Two nights after, when
      Major Scott called the attention of the house to some alarming
      intelligence which had been reported concerning Benares, and to some
      suspicious preparations which the French were making in the Mauritius, the
      witty Sheridan said that the only extraordinary news that had come to his
      ears, was the arrival of an extraordinary large diamond, which diamond was
      said to have been presented to his majesty at an extraordinary period;
      and, which was also extraordinary, presented by an individual charged, by
      that house with high crimes and misdemeanors! The story of the diamond
      soon got abroad, and it formed the subject not only of public
      conversation, but of songs, pamphlets, epigrams, and caricatures. In one
      caricature, the king was represented with crown and sceptre huddled in a
      wheelbarrow, and Hastings wheeling him about, with a label from his mouth,
      saying, "What a man buys he may sell;" while in another the king was
      depicted on his knees, with his mouth wide open, and Hastings pitching
      diamonds into it. It seems to have been very generally believed at the
      time that there was no end to the diamonds possessed by Hastings, and that
      his majesty showed him favour for what he could obtain. And this belief
      was further strengthened by the fact that the queen, notwithstanding her
      known severity towards ladies whose virtue would not bear the test of
      examination, had yet received Mrs. Hastings&mdash;who had lived with the
      late governor-general before her marriage with him, and had been divorced
      from her former husband in consequence&mdash;at court most graciously. To
      account for this phenomenon, people fancied that the wife or the accused
      was a "congeries of diamonds and jewels:" and in truth Queen Charlotte did
      receive from her hands some few diamonds, and a splendid ivory bedstead,
      which seemed to justify their explanation of her conduct. Yet, after all,
      Hastings was no Sindbad: he did not roll in diamonds. On his return to
      England he did not bring home with him more than £130,000 sterling; a sum
      much less than the fortunes which had been made by other members of the
      council, and even by the patriotic Francis himself! Moreover, it is said,
      that he would not have had what he did in reality possess, had his wife
      not accepted presents which he refused, and saved money unknown to him,
      which he would have spent in the public service, or in support of his
      almost regal establishment.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2H_4_0377" id="link2H_4_0377">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      ATTEMPT ON THE KING'S LIFE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of August, an incident occurred which for a short time
      engrossed the attention of the public. As the king was alighting from his
      chariot at the garden-entrance of St. James's palace, a decently dressed
      woman presented a paper to his majesty, and while he was in the act of
      receiving it, she struck at his breast with a knife. The king avoided the
      blow by drawing back, and as she was preparing to make a second thrust one
      of the yeomen arrested her, and wrenched the weapon from her hand. His
      majesty on recovering from his alarm, humanely remarked:&mdash;"I am not
      injured; take care of the poor woman, and do not hurt her." On examination
      before the privy-council, it immediately appeared that she was insane.
      Being asked where she had lately resided, she answered in a frantic manner
      that "she had been all abroad since the matter of the crown broke out;"
      and when interrogated, What matter? she replied, "that the crown was hers,
      and that if she had not her right, England would be deluged in blood for a
      thousand generations." The poor woman's name was Margaret Nicholson, and
      ten days before she had presented a petition which was full of incoherent
      nonsense; and from which, if it had been read, the person of the
      petitioner would probably have been secured. The idea of prosecution was
      of course abandoned, and she was consigned to Bethlehem Hospital for life.
      But though it was evident that the woman was a maniac, her attempt led to
      a display of the affection which the nation entertained towards his
      majesty. A public thanksgiving was ordered, and addresses of
      congratulation flowed in from all parts of the kingdom. His majesty felt
      this so deeply that he distributed the honour of knighthood, on the
      presentation of these addresses, with such a liberal hand, as to give rise
      to the bye-word of a "A knight of Peg Nicholson's order!"
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1786-1787
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATIES WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of September his majesty appointed a new committee of
      council, for the consideration of all matters relating to trade and
      plantations, of which board Mr. Charles Jenkinson, now created Lord
      Hawkesbury, was appointed president. Under the auspices of this
      commission, a treaty of commerce was signed between the courts of England
      and France, on the 29 th of September, on the principle of admitting the
      commodities of each country to be freely exported and imported at a low <i>ad
      valorem</i> duty. The chief negociator of this treaty was Mr. Eden,
      afterwards Baron Auckland, who, under the coalition administration, had
      filled the office of vice-treasurer of Ireland. This was the first
      memorable defection from that inauspicious alliance, and it was considered
      the more so because Mr. Eden was considered its original projector.
    </p>
    <p>
      About the same time a convention was signed with Spain, which terminated
      the long-subsisting disputes respecting the British settlements on the
      Mosquito shore and the Bay of Honduras. By this treaty the Mosquito
      settlements were formally relinquished; and, in return, the boundaries of
      those on the coast and Bay of Honduras were somewhat extended. In a
      political point of view this convention answered a valuable purpose, by
      removing a source of national disputes; but it is to be regretted that the
      claims of humanity and justice were overlooked. The Mosquito settlers, who
      amounted to many hundred families, and who had from time immemorial
      occupied their lands, under British protection, were ordered to evacuate
      the country in eighteen months; nothing further being stipulated in their
      favour, than that the king of Spain should "order his governors to grant
      to the said settlers all possible facilities for their removal to the
      settlements agreed on by the present convention." In all measures for the
      public good, the rights of private individuals should be regarded, but, by
      this treaty, they were manifestly sacrificed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the affairs of the Prince of Wales attracted much notice.
      At its commencement he had formed an acquaintance with a widow lady of the
      name of Fitzherbert: a lady several years older than himself, but still
      possessing many personal attractions. They resided together at Brighton,
      and it was first supposed, and then asserted, that they were married
      according to the Romish ritual, and the story gained sufficient credence
      as to be subsequently noticed in the house of commons. The money spent in
      her support, and in orgies, and gambling, rendered the income which he
      possessed from the civil list, and the Duchy of Cornwall revenues, &amp;c,
      amounting to £64,000 per annum, wholly inadequate to meet his expenditure,
      and the consequence was, that he had contracted debts to the amount of
      more than £100,000, beside £50,000 expended on Carleton-house. The young
      prince had long incurred his majesty's displeasure for the countenance
      which he gave to the leaders of opposition, and to the Whigs in general;
      and this displeasure was deepened by his connexion with Mrs. Fitzherbert,
      and his extravagances. His majesty, indeed, was deeply afflicted by the
      conduct of the heir apparent, and his orgies were more particularly
      distressing to him, from the circumstance that they were carried on at a
      period when, at the prayer of Mr. Wilberforce and other pious gentlemen,
      he had issued a royal proclamation against vice and immorality, and all
      kinds of Swearing, drunkenness, and licentiousness. It is said that both
      the king and queen had many conversations with him on his dissipated
      conduct, and that the latter exerted a mother's influence to detach him
      from the Whigs, and especially from Fox, who stood the highest in his
      favour. All their exertions, however, were unavailing: he still drank and
      gambled, and still retained his connexion with Mrs. Fitzherbert and the
      Whigs. It is probable that had he listened to the advice and remonstrances
      of their majesties, that provision would have been made for the payment of
      his debts; but when it was found that he resolved to follow his own
      course, the king resolved that no assistance should be afforded him,
      either out of his own private purse, or by a vote in parliament. In the
      preceding session, when Pitt called the attention of the house to the
      civil list, Sheridan, who was the most constant companion of the prince,
      and was wont by his wit to set his table in a roar, took an opportunity of
      mentioning his patron's embarrassments, and Pitt replied that he had
      received no commands from his majesty on the subject, and therefore could
      not interfere. This was of bad omen to any application that might be made
      to his majesty on the subject, for Pitt doubtless knew that his majesty
      had resolved not to recommend its attention to the members of parliament.
      Nevertheless, though the prince knew of his father's estrangement from
      him, he afterwards sent Lord Southampton, his groom of the stole, to lay
      the state of his affairs before his majesty. Lord Southampton was
      graciously received; but the schedule of his royal highness's debts was
      too long to admit of a prompt reply, and he did not obtain any definite
      answer to his application. A month elapsed, and then the king informed his
      son by letter, that he could sanction neither a motion in the commons for
      the increase of his income, nor a motion for a grant to discharge his
      debts. For some time a plan had been recommended by his friends, the
      Whigs, for the dismissal of the officers of his court, and the reduction
      of the establishment of his household to that of a private gentleman; and
      this the prince now resolved to carry into effect. Coach-horses,
      race-horses, and saddle-horses were all sold; a stop was put to the works
      at Carleton-house; the state-apartments were shut up; the prince dismissed
      his officers; and he descended so low as to live like a private gentleman.
      By this step his estimated savings were £40,000 per annum; and this was to
      be set apart, and vested in trustees, for the payment of his debts. The
      act was a noble one if the motive was pure; but that demands a doubt. His
      majesty had before been declaimed against as parsimonious and harsh; and
      he was now represented as an unnatural parent and a merciless miser, who
      was hording up millions, which he had neither the taste nor the spirit to
      employ; while, on the other hand, the prince was held up as a living
      miracle of honour, and a martyr to his high principles and delicate
      feelings. The advisers of the young prince, doubtless, foresaw that this
      would be the consequence if he was compelled to make the sacrifice; and
      the prince himself could scarcely be a stranger to their expectations. But
      though, for the honour of natural affection, he may be acquitted of the
      charge of wishing to bring his father into contempt, yet it seems clear he
      had an idea that by sinking into obscurity, and, by consequence, lowering
      the dignity of the high rank to which he belonged, he should obtain both
      an increase of income and a grant for the payment of his debts. But the
      event did not justify such an anticipation. All the members of his
      father's court attributed his act to childish spite and spleen, or to a
      malicious design of injuring the popularity of his majesty and his
      ministers; and when he wrote to the king, explaining his motives, it was
      replied, that if he chose to take a rash step, he must likewise take the
      consequences. His conduct, indeed, seems to have increased the distance
      which had too long subsisted between the prince and his father; for when
      he hastened to Windsor, on occasion of his majesty's escape from the
      attempt made upon his life by Margaret Nicholson, although he was received
      by the queen, the king refused to see him. But this may have arisen
      chiefly from his profligate connexions, which must have been exceedingly
      offensive to a mind of such moral and religious mould as his majesty
      possessed: a sacrifice made for the payment of debts could scarcely thus
      have acted upon honourable feelings, unless, indeed, the king looked upon
      it in connexion with his dissipated and gambling habits. This subject,
      however, in the dearth of more important, together with that of the
      impeachment of Hastings, formed the staple of public and private
      discussion; some taking part with the king, and some with the prince, as
      best suited their respective views or passions. It would appear that both
      Fox and Sheridan assured the prince that his popularity was so great, as
      to hold out a certain hope that a money-vote might be carried, despite his
      father and the chancellor of the exchequer; and that having gained his
      assent to the plan, great exertions were made to gain the support of the
      independent members of parliament, although they lacked the means of
      purchasing the votes of these said "independent members." In the meantime
      the Duke of Orleans, Philippe Egalité, who was one of the most intimate
      friends of the Prince of Wales, and had betted large sums of money with
      him this year at Newmarket and Epsom, offered to relieve his necessities
      by a loan of French money. The prince appears to have been inclined to
      accept the offer; but his Whig friends discovered it, and convinced him of
      its impropriety, as it had a perilous tendency of placing the future
      sovereign of England in a state of dependence on the House of Bourbon. But
      the Whigs in thus advising the prince, had a care for their own honour as
      well as his future interests: had they allowed him to take the money, no
      matter upon what conditions, an ill savour would have been brought upon
      their names as a party; a savour more odious than that which attaches
      itself to the memory of those patriots, in the days of Charles II., who
      touched the gold of Louis XIV.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1787-1789
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the Treaty of Commerce
     between England and France..... Pitt's Plan of Financial
     Reform..... Motion for the Repeal of the Corporation and
     Test Acts..... Affairs of the Prince of Wales..... Motion
     for Inquiry into the Abuses of the Post-Office.....
     Impeachment of Warren Hastings..... Parliament
     Prorogued..... Continental Affairs..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Dispute between Government and the  East
     India Company..... Pitt's  Financial  Measures&mdash;Additions
     made  to   the Bill for trying Controverted Elections.....
     Claims of the American Royalists, &amp;c..... The Slave-Trade
     Question..... Charge against Sir Elijah Impey.....
     Impeachment of Warren Hastings..... Parliament
     Prorogued..... Continental Alliances..... Derangement of His
     Majesty..... Meeting of Parliament..... Debates on the
     regency
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1787
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 23rd of January. During the preceding year Fredrick
      the Great passed off the stage of life, having previously involved the
      French and English governments in disagreements, concerning the troubles
      which still existed in the Netherlands. No mention was made of these
      disagreements and troubles in the king's speech; but his majesty dwelt
      much upon the treaty of navigation and commerce which, as before related,
      had been concluded with the French monarch. Against this treaty and its
      negociator, Mr. Eden, who had quitted their ranks, and now supported Pitt,
      the Whig opposition had a rooted aversion; and in the debate upon the
      address, Fox, whose professions of friendship towards the French were
      proverbial, not only censured the arrangements, but sounded the old
      trumpet of war and national hatred. He denounced Louis XVI. as a dangerous
      monarch; dwelt on the ambitious designs and encroaching spirit of France;
      blamed ministers for laying aside all jealousy of that power; and asserted
      that the court of Versailles was at that very moment labouring to
      counteract Pitt's diplomatists. But though Fox censured the French treaty,
      which formed the leading topic of the king's speech, he voted for the
      address, a circumstance for which he received a little banter from the
      lips of the minister. Pitt remarked:&mdash;"I am happy that,
      notwithstanding the vehemence with which the right honourable gentleman
      has argued against the address, he is ready to vote for it. I hope he will
      continue the same line of conduct throughout the session; for, if he makes
      a practice of voting in direct opposition to his own speeches and
      arguments, we may look for a greater degree of unanimity than could
      otherwise be expected."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE TREATY OF COMMERCE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In his speech his majesty promised that a copy of the treaty of commerce
      between England and France should be laid before the two houses; and
      recommended the members to take measures for carrying it into effect. In
      accordance with this promise and recommendation, on the 5th of February,
      Pitt moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee, to take
      into consideration that part of his majesty's speech which related to this
      treaty. This motion was carried; and on the 12th Pitt brought the subject
      before the house, and moved these three resolutions:&mdash;That all
      articles not enumerated and specified in the tariff should be importable
      into this country, on terms as favourable to France as to the most
      favoured of all other nations; that if any future treaty should be made
      with any other foreign power, in any articles either mentioned or not
      mentioned in the present treaty, France should be permitted to enjoy the
      same terms as that power; and that all the articles specified in the
      tariff should be admitted into this country on payment of the duties, and
      with the stipulations stated in the treaty. In moving these resolutions
      Pitt entered into an eloquent vindication of the measure, enforcing its
      object, spirit, and provisions. He expressed his abhorrence of the maxim,
      that any nation was destined to be the natural and unalterable enemy of
      the other; it was a libel on the constitution of political societies, and
      supposed the existence of infernal malignity in human nature. In most of
      our wars, he said, France had been the aggressor; but her assurances and
      frankness in the present negociations were such as to entitle her to a
      return of confidence. Even from the recent American war Pitt deduced
      arguments in favour of the treaty with France; reflecting that though she
      had gained her object in dismembering our empire, she had done it at an
      expense which had sunk herself in extreme embarrassment, he thought that
      she was sincere in her wish for the benefits of a mutual connexion. These
      benefits were represented by opposition to preponderate on the side of
      France; but Pitt endeavoured to show that if the scales were held with an
      even hand, the weightiest would be on our side. He remarked, "It would be
      ridiculous to imagine that the French would consent to yield advantages
      without any idea of compensation. The treaty would undoubtedly benefit
      them, but it would be still more profitable to us. France might gain, for
      her wines and other articles, a large and opulent market; but we should
      procure the same to a much greater extent for our manufactures. Both
      nations are prepared and disposed for such a connexion. France, by the
      peculiar dispensation of Providence, was gifted, perhaps, more than any
      country on earth, with what made life desirable, in point of soil,
      climate, and natural productions: Britain, on the contrary, possessing
      these advantages in a less degree, had, from the happy freedom of its
      constitution and the equal security of its laws, risen to a state of great
      commercial grandeur, and acquired the ability of supplying France with the
      artificial conveniences of life in return for her natural luxuries." Many
      objections were brought against this treaty by the opposition; Fox
      distinguishing himself on this occasion by his hostility to its several
      provisions. In his speech Fox re-asserted that France was the natural and
      unalterable enemy of England; and that she ought to be considered, not
      only as a rival, but as a nation with whom there ought never to be any
      political or commercial connexion whatever. Fox, also, again spoke of the
      restless ambition of France, and denounced the character of the French
      monarch with great bitterness. Like Pitt, he alluded to the American war;
      but it was only to heap coals of fire on the heads of Louis XVI. and his
      subjects. He accused them of treachery and duplicity; pointed out the mean
      way in which they had taken advantage of our difficulties, and to revive
      the national animosity existing between the two nations; and he
      re-affirmed that no doubt could be left on the mind of any thinking man,
      but that the French nation was actuated by a regular, fixed, and
      systematic enmity to this country: she might have changed her policy, but
      there was no proof that she had changed her sentiments. But though some
      plausible objections were suggested by members of opposition against this
      measure, the only topic on which they insisted with any advantage, and, in
      truth, the only real difficulty respecting the execution of the treaty,
      arose from its inconsistency with the celebrated Methuen treaty, concluded
      between Great Britain and Portugal, by which the duties of Portuguese
      wines imported into England were in future to be only two-thirds of those
      imported from France or any other country. This point, however, was
      conceded by France during the progress of the measure, the duty on French
      wines being lowered to that existing on the wines of Portugal, which
      latter it became necessary to reduce. After several discussions, in which
      some young members distinguished themselves, the measure received the
      concurrence and sanction of parliament. On the 8th of March both houses
      presented a joint address to his majesty, for concluding a treaty
      calculated to promote a beneficial intercourse between the two countries,
      as well as the permanent blessings of peace. On the whole, the measure
      tended to increase Pitt's popularity; many great commercial towns, which
      had hitherto been hostile to him, declared their entire approval of the
      treaty, and expressed a conviction that he was seeking the good of his
      country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S PLAN OF FINANCIAL REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Encouraged by his success and increased popularity, on the 26th of
      February, Pitt introduced a plan for consolidating the various duties upon
      articles in the customs and excise, so as to convert them into single
      duties upon each article, and thereby get rid of multiplied grievances to
      the people, and of a perplexing confusion of accounts, and wasting
      expenses of collection to the government, an operation by which the
      revenue would gain about £20,000 per annum. At the same time Pitt proposed
      to lower the duties on foreign spirits, with a view of annihilating the
      smuggling trade, which he stated amounted to 4,000,000 of gallons
      annually; whilst that which was legally imported and paid duty did not
      exceed the sixth part of that quantity. The whole of Pitt's plan obtained
      a large majority in both houses; the leading members of opposition
      expressing their approbation of it, as well as the clearness and
      perspicuity with which it had been unfolded. On a subsequent day, the 29th
      of April, when Pitt opened his budget, he informed the house that the
      state of the revenue would enable him to provide for all services of the
      current year, and apply the stated surplus to a sinking-fund, without the
      necessity of any loan or new tax. Fox and Sheridan contended that the
      finances were not in so prosperous a condition as he had represented; and
      after specifying certain supposed errors and fallacies, they called on the
      minister to supply the alleged deficiency by the imposition of new taxes.
      Pitt, however, defended his own estimates; contending that it was his duty
      to render, by every possible means, the taxes already established more
      productive, rather than increase the burdens of the people. In following
      out this judicious line of policy, he afterwards proposed a measure for
      enabling the board of treasury to divide the country into districts, and
      to farm the duty on post-horses, the greater part of which was now lost to
      the exchequer by collusion between innkeepers and collectors. To make it
      certain that the revenue would not suffer by this experiment, he suggested
      that the tax for each district should be put up at the highest point it
      had ever reached. This was opposed as contrary to the principles of the
      constitution, and as tending to oppression, like that exercised in France,
      where the taxes were generally farmed. Pitt, however, defended the measure
      by the analogy of turnpike-tolls and cross-posts, and by showing that the
      oppression alluded to arose, not from the system of farming, but from an
      arbitrary form of government, which naturally led to oppressive modes of
      collection. The bill passed the commons by a large majority, and was
      carried in the upper house without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE CORPORATION AND TEST ACTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Great exertions had recently been made by the Protestant dissenters, to
      show the public the injustice of that policy which restricted eligibility
      to office by a religious test. Pamphlets had been written by able pens,
      and when it was found that they had produced their intended effect,
      delegates were appointed to arrange a plan, and it was determined to bring
      the subject before parliament. The dissenters, moreover, thought the
      present a favourable opportunity for seeking relief from their
      disabilities, because in the late general election they had, as a body,
      warmly espoused the ministerial cause. On the 28th of March, therefore,
      Mr. Beaufoy, member for Great Yarmouth, himself a dissenter, and a friend
      of the minister, made a motion for taking into consideration the repeal of
      the Corporation and Test Acts, as things grievous to a large and
      respectable portion of Society. His general arguments, with those of Fox,
      who ably supported the motion, were, that the Test Act was not originally
      intended to operate against Protestant Dissenters, but to prevent the
      intrigues and influence of the popish party; that the dissenters deserved
      well of the nation, and especially of his majesty's family, of whom from
      the Revolution, they had been the most zealous supporters; that every man
      having a right to judge for himself in matters of religion, he ought not,
      on account of the exercise of that right, to incur any punishment, or be
      branded with any marks of infamy; and that the exclusion from military
      service and civil trusts was both a punishment and an opprobrious
      distinction. The house, however, was not disposed to take a liberal view
      of this great question. Lord North and Pitt, who took the lead in opposing
      the motion, argued, that the acts in question were meant to include both
      Papist and Protestant dissenters, and that the Corporation Act in
      particular was professedly made against dissenters, and not against
      Papists, though it eventually included both. The preservation of the
      Corporation and Test Acts, they further argued, was essential to the
      preservation of the constitution. Yet, by a strange anomaly of sentiment,
      Pitt declared, in flattering and explicit terms, the esteem and regard
      which he felt for the Protestant dissenters, who had ever approved
      themselves genuine and zealous friends of constitutional liberty, of which
      their conduct during the late political conflicts had given a memorable
      proof. Pitt, however, was resolved to preserve the union, of church and
      state inviolate, and it was on this ground chiefly that he opposed the
      motion, which was lost on a division, by one hundred and seventy-eight
      against one hundred. The dissenters were much disappointed and chagrined
      at the conduct of Pitt on this occasion, for it was generally supposed by
      them, that if he did not support them, he at least would not have
      discountenanced their efforts. It is probable, however, that Pitt himself
      was in reality in their favour, but at court a conscientious, and
      therefore insuperable hostility existed against such a measure, and a
      determination on his part to force it through parliament, would doubtless
      have led to his dismissal. Moreover, as there were many important
      interests involved in his administration, he may have been led to conclude
      that the time was not yet arrived for so bold an enactment.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of April, Alderman Newnham rose to ask the chancellor of the
      exchequer whether he intended to bring forward any proposition, for
      extricating the Prince of Wales from his embarrassing situation; and
      having received a reply in the negative, he gave notice of his intention
      to bring the subject before the house on the 4th of May. On a subsequent
      evening, Pitt requested the alderman to inform the house more particularly
      of the nature of the motion he intended to make; at the same time holding
      out a threat, apparently with the object of preventing it being brought
      forward. Nothing daunted, however, on the 27th of April, Alderman Newnham
      stated, that the motion he intended to make would be to this effect:&mdash;"That
      an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying him to take into
      consideration the present embarrassed state of the affairs of the Prince
      of Wales, and to grant him such relief as his royal wisdom should think
      fit, and that the house would make good the same." An interesting
      conversation followed this announcement, in which Alderman Newnham was
      entreated to withdraw his motion, as being pregnant with inconvenience and
      mischief. Pitt observed, that by his perseverance he should be driven to
      the disclosure of circumstances which he should have otherwise thought it
      his duty to conceal; and Mr. Rolle, member for Devonshire, asserted that
      the investigation of the question involved matter by which the
      constitution both in church and state might be essentially affected. Fox,
      Sheridan, and other members in the confidence of the prince, declared that
      he wished for a full and impartial investigation of his conduct, and Mr.
      Rolle was called upon to explain the extraordinary language he had used.
      Rolle was silent on this occasion; and on the 30th of the month, when
      Alderman Newnham again brought the subject before the house, by stating
      that his royal highness wished him to persevere in his design, Fox called
      the attention of the members to his mysterious declaration. Looking Rolle
      full in the face, he said that he wished he had spoken more explicitly;
      but he supposed he alluded to a certain low and malicious rumour, a
      supposed marriage; a thing which not only had not happened, but which was
      even impossible. Rolle acknowledged that his allusions had reference to
      this rumour, and Fox then contradicted the report in the most unqualified
      language: the fact, he said, not only never could have happened legally,
      but never did happen in any way whatsoever, and had, from the beginning,
      been a base and malicious falsehood. Fox said, that he had direct
      authority from his royal highness for his declaration; and then another of
      the prince's friends called upon Rolle to declare to the house that he was
      satisfied with these explanations. This he refused to do, and Sheridan
      rose and observed, that such a line of conduct was neither candid nor
      manly, and that the house ought to come to a resolution, that it was
      seditious and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the character of
      the Prince of Wales. At this point Pitt interposed, by declaring that
      Sheridan's, and not Rolle's conduct was unparliamentary: adding, that
      those who exhibited such warmth ought rather to acknowledge their
      obligation to a gentleman who suggested a question which produced such an
      explicit declaration on such an interesting subject; a declaration which
      must give entire satisfaction not only to him, but to the whole house.
      Alderman Newnham still persisted in his intention to bring forward his
      motion, but Pitt seems to have considered that after such a declaration he
      had no further pretext for refusing the relief which the prince required.
      The result was, that an interview took place at Carlton-house between the
      premier and the prince, and the motion was withdrawn. Subsequently a
      message was delivered from the king to the house on the subject, which was
      followed by an addition to his annual income of £10,000 out of the civil
      list; an issue of £161,000 from the same source, for the payment of his
      debts; and £20,000 more on account of the works at Carlton-house. In
      making the declaration, however, which led to this result, Fox appears to
      have gone beyond the strict limits of his commission. Mrs. Fitzherbert
      continued to live with the prince, and she alleged, and her friends also
      alleged for her, that he knew that there had been a private marriage that
      was good and binding, <i>in foro conscientiæ</i>, whatever it might be by
      act of parliament. The lady would never speak to Fox again, and it is
      said, that she was only reconciled to the prince by his assurance that
      something should be done or said in parliament to save her reputation, by
      those very friends who had emphatically denied the marriage. Something was
      said by Sheridan, but he did not venture to unsay what had been said, or
      to affirm more than that another person who had been alluded to was
      without reproach, and was entitled to the truest and most general respect.
      With this Mrs. Fitzherbert seems to have been satisfied; and the society
      in which she moved, which was composed of persons that had great influence
      and almost absolute dominion over the world of fashion, seems to have
      considered her character and reputation as spotless as they were before.
      But thus much is certain, that, if the prince and Mrs. Fitzherbert were
      married, it was not legally. It is said that a ceremony was performed <i>more
      Catholico</i> in the town-house of her uncle, Lord Sefton; but if this
      report is true, such a marriage was expressly declared to be null and void
      by the law of the country. The terms of the Royal Marriage Act, moreover,
      "is explicit against such a marriage, and it is a matter of wonder how
      Mrs. Fitzherbert, who was not an inexperienced boarding-school girl, but a
      woman of experience, having been twice married before ever she met the
      prince, could have been led into the belief that her union with the prince
      was legal. Neither a Catholic priest, nor a Protestant clergyman, nor the
      functionary at Gretna Green, could make such a union binding, for the laws
      of the country could not be thus set aside. Conscience may have been
      satisfied, but after all, the marriage&mdash;if marriage there was&mdash;was
      both irregular and illegal.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE ABUSES OF THE POST-OFFICE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of May, Mr. Grey called the attention of the house to certain
      abuses and corrupt practices in the post-office, which, he said, had come
      to his knowledge, in consequence of the dismissal of his noble relative,
      the Earl of Tankerville, from the office of joint-postmaster-general.
      After stating some very extraordinary circumstances which had been brought
      to light by this dismissal, and charging Lord Carteret, the present
      postmaster-general, the Earl of Tankerville's late colleague in office,
      with sanctioning the abuses which existed, and refusing to reform them,
      Grey moved, "that a committee be appointed to inquire into certain abuses
      in the post-office." Pitt gave his assent to this motion, which was
      carried without a division: a committee was appointed, and a report was
      brought up from that committee on the 23rd of May. The report contained
      some startling matter, and it was ordered to be taken into consideration
      on the 28th of the above month. On that day Mr. Grey accordingly
      introduced the consideration of the report, in doing which he strongly
      reprobated the conduct of Lord Carteret, and blamed Pitt himself. He
      concluded his speech with moving, '"That it appears to this house that
      great abuses have prevailed in the post-office, and that, the same being
      made known to his majesty's ministers, it is their duty, without loss of
      time, to make use of such measures as are in their power to reform them."
      The post-office was defended by Pitt and Lord Maitland, the latter of whom
      moved, first, the previous question, and then that the report should be
      put off for three months, both of which motions were carried without a
      division. The debate on this question was not only remarkable for the
      awkward disclosures concerning the practices in the post-office which were
      thereby elicited, but for the personalities in which honourable members
      indulged; especially Pitt, Fox, Grey, and Sheridan. The effect produced
      out of doors by it were very prejudicial to Pitt and his party, for the
      report of the committee went to show that great abuses existed, and yet
      all inquiry was nipped in the bud by a ministerial majority. To have
      sustained his character as a reformer of abuses, Pitt ought, certainly, to
      have acted firmly in the matter; but instead of this he chose to attribute
      the part which Mr. Grey had taken to his youth and inexperience. Pitt
      himself was only twenty-eight years of age, and after he sat down,
      Sheridan rose, and in a merry mood ridiculed the gravity with which an
      unmerited reproof had been bestowed upon his friend, by "the veteran
      statesman of four years' experience; the Nestor of twenty-eight!"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the previous debates, Burke had not been idle with his impeachment
      of Hastings. On the first day of the session he gave notice that he should
      resume proceedings on the 1st of February. It was not, however, till the
      7th of that month that any other direct charge was entered into; and then
      Sheridan brought forward that which related to the resumption of the
      jaghires, and the confiscation of the treasures of the Begums, or
      Princesses of Oude, the mother and grandmother of the reigning nabob.
      Imperfect records of the brilliant speech which Sheridan uttered on this
      occasion, and which occupied five hours in the delivery, now remain, but
      of its force some faint idea may be formed, by the following brief
      extract. The orator remarked:&mdash;"The conduct of Mr. Hastings,
      respecting the Nabob and Begums of Oude, comprehends in it every species
      of human offence. He has been guilty of rapacity, at once violent and
      insatiable; of treachery, cool and premeditated; of oppression,
      unprovoked; off barbarity, wanton and unmanly. So long since as the year
      1775, the Begum princess, wife of Sujah-ul-Dowla, wrote to him in the
      following terms:&mdash;'If it be your pleasure that the mother of the late
      nabob, that myself, his other women, and his infant children, should be
      reduced to a state of dishonour and distress, we must submit: but if, on
      the contrary, you call to mind the friendship of the late blessed nabob,
      you will exert yourself effectually in favour of us, who are helpless.'
      But inflamed by disappointment at Benares, he hastened to the fortress of
      Chanar, to put in execution the atrocious design of instigating the nabob,
      son of this princess, to matricide and plunder. No sooner had Mr. Hastings
      determined to invade the substance of justice than he resolved to avail
      himself of her judicial forms, and despatched a messenger for the
      chief-justice of India to assist him in perpetrating the violence which he
      meditated. Without a moment's pause, or the shadow of process instituted,
      sentence was pronounced; and thus at the same time, when the sword of
      government was converted into an assassin's dagger, the pure ermine of
      justice was stained and soiled with the basest contamination. It was clear
      to demonstration that the Begums were not concerned in the insurrection of
      Benares. No: their treasures were their treason. If the mind of Mr.
      Hastings were susceptible of superstition, he might image the proud spirit
      of Sujah-ul-Dowla looking down on the ruin and devastation of his family;
      beholding the palace which he had adorned with the spoils of the devoted
      Rohillas, plundered by his base and perfidious ally; and viewing the man
      whom on his death-bed he had constituted the guardian of his wife, his
      mother, and his family, forcibly exposing those dear relations, the
      objects of his solemn trust, to the rigour of the merciless seasons, or
      the violence of the more merciless soldiery. Such were the awful
      dispensations of retributive justice. It was not given to that house to
      witness the tremulous joys of the millions whom the vote of that night
      would save from the cruelty of corrupted power. But the blessing of the
      people thus delivered would not be dissipated in empty air. No: they would
      lift up their prayers to heaven, in gratitude to the power, which, by
      stretching its mighty arm across the deep, bad saved them from ruin and
      destruction." This subject was peculiarly favourable to a display of that
      impassioned eloquence in which the orators of antiquity so much excelled,
      when acting as public accusers; and it is universally agreed that
      Sheridan's speech was incomparably the best of its class that had ever
      been delivered in the British senate. Its power was seen in its effects.
      When the orator sat down, all, or nearly all in the house, both members,
      peers, and strangers, joined in a tumult of applause, and clapped their
      hands as though they were in a theatre. This was exceedingly irregular and
      indecorous, but it shows that Sheridan had enlisted the feelings of his
      audience on his side. So manifest were the effects which it produced, that
      Sir William Dolben, a friend of Hastings, foreseeing a conviction if the
      house divided in the midst of such excitement, moved that there should be
      an adjournment. Pitt was in favour of this motion; but Fox, who wished for
      a division as much as Sir William Dolben feared it, objected, and reminded
      gentlemen that it was still "only midnight." He remarked:&mdash;"It is
      obvious that the speech just delivered has made no ordinary impression;
      and I see no reason why we may not come to the question. If any friend of
      Mr. Hastings should wish to attempt effacing the impression, this appears
      to be the proper time for doing it." Major Scott, in reply, stated that he
      conld convict Sheridan of gross misrepresentation of facts, and professed
      his willingness to proceed if it was the pleasure of the house; but Pitt
      interposed, and an adjournment took place at one o'clock in the morning.
      The debate was resumed on the morrow by Francis, the most bitter enemy
      Hastings had in the house, and who heightened the picture which Sheridan
      had so forcibly drawn. Major Scott replied, and used some powerful
      arguments on behalf of the accused. The most powerful was that with which
      he concluded his speech. He observed:&mdash;"One fact no man can doubt;
      namely, that the sum procured from the princesses of Oude could not have
      been raised from any other source. And, without that supply, we might now
      have been debating here how Mr. Hastings should be impeached&mdash;not for
      saving, but for losing India." Scott's speech made some impression on the
      house, but it was of no avail, inasmuch as Sheridan had succeeded in
      convincing Pitt that Hastings was guilty. Pitt said that he had compared
      the charge minutely with the evidence; that he was ready to concur with
      the motion; and that he thought himself bound to vote with Sheridan. The
      conduct of Hastings in authorising the resumption of the jaghires, and
      seizure of the treasures of the princesses was, in his opinion,
      unjustifiable; and the crime was aggravated by making the son the
      instrument of robbing his mother, and by refusing to revise his
      proceedings, in obedience to the orders of the directors. Pitt's explicit
      declarations made conviction certain, and though some members of
      administration looked blank and disappointed, upon a division Sheridan's
      proposition was carried by one hundred and seventy-five against
      sixty-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some days were again employed in the examination of witnesses touching
      affairs with the Nabob of Ferruckabad; after which, on the 2nd of March,
      this fourth charge was opened by Mr. Pelham. In it Hastings was accused of
      withdrawing his protection from that prince, in consequence of having
      received a present of £100,000 from the Vizier of Oude; and of being the
      primary cause of that cruel oppression, which the nabob for many years had
      suffered from the vizier, under whom he held his dominion. The debate on
      this subject was very dry, but it was rendered remarkable by a new
      advocate of the accused, in the person of the veteran sailor, Admiral
      Hood, who had maintained the honour of the British flag in the late war.
      Hood argued that great allowance ought to be made for persons in high and
      responsible situations; they frequently finding themselves compelled to
      act in a manner not strictly consonant with the rules of equity and
      justice. With honest simplicity Hood illustrated his argument by his own
      delinquency. When in the West Indies, he said, his fleet was in extreme
      distress for want of bread, and he obtained a supply by resorting to means
      which the law did not authorize. "Those acts," he continued, "were
      indispensable to the preservation of my ships and my men; yet, if the
      government had not stood between me and legal prosecutions, I should in
      all probability have been condemned to linger out the remainder of my days
      in prison." Hood said that he considered the eminent services and merits
      of Hastings outweighed his errors and delinquencies, and expressed his
      fears lest any censure or punishment of him, might operate as a check on
      the exertions of future governors and commanders. He added:&mdash;"I am an
      old man: at my time of life I can entertain no expectation of being again
      employed on active foreign service; but I speak for those who come after
      me. My regard for my country makes me anxious to prevent a precedent by
      which all her services for the future would be greatly impeded; this I am
      confident will be the effect of punishing any harsh and severe, but
      perhaps necessary, stretches of power, which the saviour of India may have
      been found to have committed." It was thought that if Hood had advocated
      the cause of Hastings at on earlier stage of the proceedings, he might
      have stopped them with such arguments altogether; but, as it was, it only
      served to draw declarations from Pitt which left Hastings no other hope
      than that of an acquittal in Westminster-hall. Pitt said that he should
      have given a silent vote on the question before the house, but he felt
      himself called upon to answer the argument used, lest the weight of his
      lordship's authority on such subjects might mislead the judgment of the
      committee. For himself he must ever prefer what was right to what was
      expedient. At the same time Pitt admitted, that if a servant of the public
      should carry his exertions beyond the strict line of right, or even of
      necessity, all due merit should be allowed him, and the abundance of his
      zeal should be allowed as an atonement for the irregularity of his actions
      and the error of his judgment. But, he asked, was the conduct of Hastings
      correspondent to such a principle? Was the crime that day alleged against
      him justified by necessity? Was it of such a size and complexion as could
      be justified by any necessity? Wherever a departure was made from justice
      and right, it was not sufficient to say that such a step was necessary;
      the party must prove the necessity, and this, in his opinion, had not been
      done. With regard to the merits of Hastings, he confessed, there had been
      a period in which such an argument might have been urged with effect. At
      the commencement of the proceedings, the house might have weighed his
      crimes against his virtues, and considered whether the latter were of
      sufficient excellence to counterbalance the former. Such a consideration,
      however, could not with any propriety be entertained after the inquiry had
      once been instituted: the committee were not then required to determine on
      a general view of facts, the general merits or demerits of the accused,
      but on the investigation of a particular transaction, on the criminality
      or innocence of that single transaction. Still Pitt admitted that there
      remained a stage, in which the merits of the accused might and ought to be
      weighed against his failings; which time, he said, was, when in case of
      conviction on the charges alleged against him, he came to receive
      sentence. Pitt concluded by saying, that, with respect to the particular
      charge under discussion, Hastings had clearly convicted himself of
      criminality, and by contending that the deed admitted of no plea of
      necessity. Upon a division the motion was carried by a majority of one
      hundred and twelve against fifty.
    </p>
    <p>
      The charge relating to abuses, for selfish purposes, in contracts and
      salaries, was opened on the 15th of March, by Sir James Erskine, who
      endeavoured to show that Hastings had made both corrupt and improvident
      bargains for providing bullocks, elephants, &amp;c.; that he had grossly
      favoured individuals that were devoted to his will, and useful in his
      designs, at the expense of the company; and that he had been guilty of
      abuses in the opium contracts. As usual, Major Scott defended the accused,
      and entered with great minuteness into the particulars of the charge; but
      on a division the motion was carried by sixty against twenty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      The affair relative to Fyzoola Khan, the Rohilla chief, who retained
      possession of Rampore in Rohilicund, was brought forward on the 22nd of
      March, by Mr. Wyndham. The eloquence and nice metaphysics of Wyndham's
      speech were much admired, but he evidently misstated some of the facts and
      bearings of the case. Major Scott proved this to demonstration; but on a
      division, the motion was carried by ninety-six against thirty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      The seventh charge, relating to the corrupt receiving of bribes and
      presents, was opened by Mr. Sheridan on the 2nd of April. It was clear
      that Hastings had been singularly indifferent as to riches for his own use
      yet the orator imputed to him the grossest corruption and most ravenous
      greed for money. He remarked:&mdash;"He is changeable in every thing but
      corruption; there, and only there he is systematic, methodical, immutable.
      His revenge is furious as a tempest, or a tornado; but his corruption is a
      monsoon; a trade-wind, blowing uniformly from one point of the compass,
      and wafting the wealth of India to the same port, in one certain
      direction." In his speech, however, in indulging his wit and irony,
      Sheridan gave vent to some sallies, which showed that he was convinced
      that Hastings had not received the presents for himself, but for his
      employers. Describing the accommodating morality of the court of
      directors, and their correspondence with the governor-general, he remarked
      that it might be thus condensed:&mdash;"Forasmuch as you have accepted
      presents, we highly disapprove of your conduct; but inasmuch as you have
      applied them to the credit side of our account, we exceedingly approve
      your conduct." Major Scott again defended Hastings; but on this occasion
      Lord Mulgrave and Mr. William Grenvilie, who had before differed from
      Pitt, spoke very strongly against the accused, and condemned his conduct
      as highly criminal, and Scott himself conld not deny the facts alleged
      against him. Many members, indeed, who had supported Hastings on the other
      charges, voted against him in this, and on a division the motion was
      carried by one hundred and sixty-five against fifty-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      Though two charges remained to be discussed, the house now resumed, and
      the report of the committee was brought up by the chairman. It was moved
      that the report "be now read the first time;" but it was suggested by Pitt
      that the charges considered should be referred to a committee, in order
      that they might select the criminal matter out of them, and frame it into
      articles of impeachment. Pitt suggested this plan, that he, with other
      members, might be left to deliver their votes freely on the grand
      question. He wished it to be understood, he said, that he only went to a
      certain length, and that he could not join in a vote of impeachment, which
      might seem to countenance the whole of each several accusation. After some
      objections on the part of Fox, this suggestion was agreed to, and the
      report was then turned over to a committee, for the purpose which Pitt
      proposed. In the meantime, on the 19th of April, Francis opened the eighth
      charge, which related to the management of the revenues of Bengal. Much
      had been recently said of the personal hostility which Francis entertained
      towards Hastings, and he commenced his speech by disclaiming such a
      feeling, and by asserting that his animosities were all of a public, and
      not of a private nature; after which he entered into an elaborate
      discussion of the charge, enumerating the different modes which Hastings
      had adopted of managing the revenues in question. Major Scott replied to
      Francis, and on this occasion Pitt defended the accused; but upon a
      division the motion was carried by seventy-one against fifty-five. The
      committee appointed to frame articles of impeachment from the first seven
      resolutions of the house were...... Burke, Fox, Sheridan, Sir James
      Erskine, T. Pelliam, Wyndham, St. John, J. Ansturther, Welbore Ellis,
      Michael Angelo Taylor, W. Adam, Sir Grey Cooper, Philip Francis, F.
      Montague, Mr. Grey, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Dudley Long, Lord Maitland,
      Colonel North, and General Burgoyne. On the 25th of April, Burke, as
      chairman of this committe, presented six articles of impeachment, which
      were forthwith read for the first time, and ordered to be printed, and to
      be taken into consideration on the 9th of May. On that day, accordingly,
      it was moved that the articles of impeachment should be read a second
      time, which motion gave rise to a long debate. Hastings was again warmly
      defended by Lord Hood, who went over his previous arguments, and implored
      the house to recollect that whatever errors the accused had committed, he
      had, notwithstanding, saved the most valuable possessions of the British
      empire. On this occasion, also, Hastings was defended by Wilkes, who had
      almost veered round to the opposite point of the political compass from
      that at which he had started in early life, and who made one of the most
      effective speeches that had been delivered on the subject. Wilkes moved an
      amendment that the report should be read a second time that day three
      months; and he was followed and supported by Nathaniel Smith, chief
      secretary to the court of directors, Alderman Thompson, and Islay
      Campbell, lord advocate, the latter of whom reviewed the whole subject,
      both as a lawyer and a statesman. Other members, also, expressed their
      dissent to an impeachment; and Mr. Burgess produced an address, just
      received from the British officers now commanding in India, in which they
      all bore testimony to the excellent character, high abilities, and
      important services of the late governor-general. All the exertions of the
      friends of Hastings, however, proved unavailing. At a late hour Pitt
      delivered his authoritative opinion; and he having declared that it was
      impossible for him to vote against the motion, and that the house could no
      otherwise consult its own honour, its duty to the country, and the ends of
      public justice than by sending the impeachment to the lords; the motion
      was carried by a majority of one hundred and seventy-five to eighty-nine.
      The first article was then read, and agreed to without a division, and the
      rest were all passed with some trifling amendments on the following day.
      Burke then rose and moved, "that Warren Hastings, Esq., be impeached of
      high crimes and misdemeanors upon the said articles." This, after some
      observations made by Mr. Sumner&mdash;who had been in the company's
      service in India&mdash;complaining of the virulence with which the house
      prosecuted Hastings, was carried without a division; and Mr. F. Montague,
      one of the committee of managers, next moved, "that Mr. Burke, in the name
      of the house of commons, and of all the commons of Great Britain, do go to
      the bar of the house of lords, and impeach Warren Hastings, Esq., late
      Governor-general of Bengal, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and do
      acquaint the lords that the commons will, with all convenient speed,
      exhibit articles against him, and make good the same." This motion was
      also agreed to without a division, and Burke forthwith performed his
      commission; and on the next day, the 11th of May, he reported to the house
      what he had done, and proposed that Messrs. Wallis and Troward should be
      retained, to act as solicitors for the impeachment on the part of the
      commons. Nothing further was done till the 14th of May, when Burke brought
      forward the last charge, in which he accused Hastings of being the cause
      of all the distresses which had afflicted the province of Oude, a charge
      that was voted unanimously. It was expected that Burke would rest here for
      the present session; but on the 21st he moved, "that Warren Hastings,
      Esq., be taken into the custody of the sergeant-at-arms of this house."
      This was agreed to and done; and the sergeant-at-arms delivered him into
      the custody of the gentleman-usher of the black rod, by whom he was
      conducted to the bar of the lords. On the motion of the lord chancellor,
      however, he was admitted to bail&mdash;himself in £20,000, and two
      sureties, Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Sumner, in £10,000 each&mdash;and he was
      ordered to deliver in an answer to the articles of impeachment in one
      month from that time, or upon the second day of the next session of
      parliament. On the same day, the seventh article of impeachment being
      presented to the house by Burke, was ordered to be carried up to the
      lords; and on the 23rd, thirteen more articles were presented to the
      commons, which were subsequently carried to the upper house.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1787-1789
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session was closed on the 30th of May, when the king, in his speech,
      commended the measures taken by parliament respecting the reduction of the
      national debt, and the treaty of navigation and commerce with the most
      christian king. His majesty spoke of the general tranquillity of Europe;
      but lamented the unhappy dissensions which prevailed in the United
      Provinces.
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time the attention of government was particularly called to the
      troubled state of Holland. The dissensions which had long subsisted
      between the stadtholder and the states had arisen to an alarming height,
      and demanded the interposition of foreign powers. The French were
      favourable to the States of Holland; but, on the other hand, the cause of
      the stadtholder was warmly espoused by the King of Prussia in conjunction
      with Great Britain. Frequent skirmishes took place between the Orangists
      and the democrats ef Utrecht; and in the midst of these contests, the
      Princess of Orange, who had more courage than her husband, the
      stadtholder, set eff from Nimeguen for the Hague, accompanied by only a
      few domestics, with a view of negociating with the States-general. It is
      thought that the King of Prussia recommended this journey, with a view of
      drawing from it some plausible ground of interfering in behalf of the
      House of Orange, and if he did, it fully answered his purpose. The
      princess, who was of the royal house of Prussia, advanced as far as
      Schoonhoven where she was surrounded by a party of armed burghers, who
      conducted her to a small town, there to await the further will of those
      who governed the democrats. Commissioners soon arrived from head-quarters;
      and they not only refused her permission to proceed to the Hague, but
      conducted her back to Schoonhoven as a prisoner. She remained there two
      nights and a day, when, after experiencing insolent treatment from the
      soldiers who had her in custody, she was directed to return to Nimeguen.
      While a prisoner the princess had written letters to her brother, the King
      of Prussia; and on hearing of the insult offered to her, his rage knew no
      bounds. He insisted that immediate satisfaction should be made, and
      exemplary punishment inflicted on those who had committed the outrage;
      declaring at the same time, in some public manifestoes, that this cause
      was in itself sufficient to justify an armed intervention. The States of
      Holland, however, cherishing a hope that the French, who had led them on,
      would not abandon their cause, passed a resolution, justifying and
      approving the conduct of their commissioners in the arrest of the Princess
      of Orange; and plainly told Frederic William, in their reply to his
      demand, that the object of the princess in going to the Hague was to
      create a civil war, and that there had not been any real insult or injury.
      At the same time the States-general acknowledged the justice of the King
      of Prussia's complaint, and stated that they had made repeated
      applications to the States of Holland upon the subject, but which had been
      disregarded. Still determined upon obtaining satisfaction, Fredric
      William, by his ambassador at the Hague, now demanded that the States of
      Holland should write a letter of apology to the princess; should punish,
      at her requisition, those who had been guilty of the offences offered to
      her august person; should declare that their suspicions about her object
      in going to the Hague were unfounded; should revoke the resolutions which
      they had voted; and should accompany this revocation of the resolutions
      with an invitation of her royal highness to come to the Hague, for the
      purpose of entering into negociations in the name of the stadtholder, her
      husband, for the adjustment of all differences. The States of Holland were
      not in a condition to withstand a Prussian army, but still hoping for aid
      from the court of Versailles, they refused to accede to these humiliating
      terms, and issued their orders for laying the country under water, so soon
      as any Prussian troops should make their appearance on the frontiers. Thus
      braved, the king of Prussia issued his mandate for war with the refractory
      states. And in this he was countenanced by the English government.
      Although nothing at this time could have been less agreeable to Pitt than
      the prospect of a war, his heart being set on economical reforms and
      financial arrangements, yet the reduction of the United Provinces to a
      state of dependence on France, as was menaced by the French court, was not
      to be endured, and he therefore entered cordially into the policy of the
      Prussian monarch. As the friends of the house of Orange were in want of
      money, Pitt supplied them with a loan, without the authority of
      parliament; and he offered to the States-general, through our ambassador
      at the Hague, the mediation of the British government, for the restoration
      of their legitimate government under the authority of the stadtholder. But
      Pitt's offers of mediation were rejected, and the oligarchical party
      applied for assistance to France. The court of Versailles made a regular
      notification to that of St. James's of its intention to aid the
      States-general, and the British minister replied that in such a case
      England would take an active part in favour of the stadtholder. Pitt,
      indeed, engaged the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel to furnish 12,000 troops, if
      they should be required, and at the same time sent dispatches, both by sea
      and land, to Bengal and Madras, directing the governors of those
      provinces, in case of war, to attack the French possessions in India and
      to seize the Dutch settlements in the name of the stadtholder. His prompt
      measures had the effect of overawing the court of Versailles, and being
      likewise distracted by its own financial embarrassments, it was under the
      mortifying necessity of abandoning those designs on the United Provinces,
      which had long been among its most cherished projects. In the meantime, on
      the 13th of September, the Duke of Brunswick, who commanded the Prussian
      forces in the contiguous duchy of Cleves, entered Holland at the head of
      20,000 troops. The Dutch had boldly defied the King of Prussia, but their
      consternation at this event was extreme, and the country seemed everywhere
      unprepared for resistance. Utrecht surrendered to the Duke almost as soon
      as summoned; Gorcum, Dordt, Schoonhoven, and other towns in his route,
      tamely submitted to him; and Amsterdam, which alone made any show of
      resistance, after a fortnight's siege, was captured. So rapid were his
      successes, that the proud republic of Holland, which had maintained a
      contest of eighty years against the power of Spain, and which repulsed the
      attacks of Louis XIV., when in the zenith of his glory, was in the course
      of one month overrun by the troops of the conqueror. The result was, that
      the stadtholder was not only reinstated in his former privileges, but
      gratified with new, and that the ancient forms of government were
      re-established. Tranquillity being restored, the Duke of Brunswick
      withdrew the main body of his forces from Holland, leaving 4,000 only for
      the security of peace, and the protection of the stadtholder. About the
      same time an amicable arrangement was effected between the courts of
      England and France, by which it was agreed to discontinue warlike
      preparations on both sides, and to place the navy of each kingdom on the
      peace establishment. War, therefore, was averted; Pitt was left to pursue
      his measures of reform undisturbed, and the court of Versailles to
      consider its financial embarrassments. But in Holland this triumph of the
      Orangists did not put an end to the disaffection that prevailed throughout
      the country; on the contrary, it facilitated the conquest of the United
      Provinces by the revolutionary army of France.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the affairs on the continent were brought to a happy
      termination, it was deemed expedient to re-assemble parliament much
      earlier than had been usual for some months past. It met on the 27th of
      November, and the speech from the throne expressed great satisfaction that
      the disputes in the United Provinces, which not only threatened their
      constitution but affected the security and interests of the British
      dominions, had been so happily arranged. His majesty entered into a detail
      of the negociations which had taken place; after which he made some
      remarks on the flourishing state of the revenue, and the advantages that
      might be expected from the continuance of peace. The addresses were agreed
      to <i>nem. con.</i>, in both houses. Fox acknowledged that if it were
      possible for him on the present occasion to refuse his concurrence with
      the sentiments conveyed by his majesty's speech, or to oppose the motion,
      he should commit an outrage against all those principles and opinions by
      which his political career had been uniformly marked. Fox also expressed
      his warmest approbation of the energetic conduct of ministers in
      preventing France from interfering in the affairs of Holland, and said,
      that it was his unalterable opinion, that this country ought, whenever
      occasion required, to take a vigorous part in preserving the balance of
      power in Europe. Yet, though Fox might be sincere when he uttered these
      sentiments, he soon showed that he was still as hostile as ever to
      ministers. Two nights after he moved for an address to his majesty, that
      he would direct copies, or extracts from any notification made by the
      court of France of the intention of the most Christian king to interfere
      in the affairs of Holland, to be laid before the house; and he now
      contended that ministers had incurred unnecessary expenses, as the King of
      France never had any intention of an armed interference. This motion was
      negatived without a division, but on the 5th of December, when Pitt moved
      that a sum not exceeding £36,093 should be granted to the Prince of Hesse
      Cassel for the year 1788, Fox again cavilled, by insisting that further
      information was necessary, and that it was essential to show how these
      Hessian troops were to be employed. Burke showed himself more noble than
      his friend Fox on this occasion, for though he expressed a hope that no
      notion was entertained of introducing foreign troops into this island, he
      made no strong objection to the subsidy proposed, and he warmly commended
      the measures which had been pursued with respect to Holland, and
      congratulated ministers on their having renewed our connexions with that
      country. Pitt's motion was agreed to unanimously. On the 10th of December
      a long debate took place on the subject of an augmentation of forces,
      which was proposed by the secretary-at-war, but the views of ministers
      were adopted by a large majority, and 3064 additional land-troops were
      voted. Money was also voted for erecting fortifications in some of the
      West Indian islands, which had seriously felt the want of them during the
      late war. These measures were followed by a debate on the numerous
      promotions which had recently been made in the navy. Sixteen captains had
      been created admirals during the summer, while a much greater number had
      been passed over in silence and neglect. This excited great discontent,
      and opposition endeavoured to show that great partiality had been
      displayed, and a motion was made in the house of commons, "That the house
      should resolve itself into a committee to inquire into the conduct of the
      admiralty in the business of the promotion." This motion was negatived;
      but subsequently, after the Christmas recess, the subject was renewed in
      both houses, in the course of the debates on which the conduct of Lord
      Howe, the first lord of the admiralty, became the subject of severe
      censure, and he resigned in disgust both with ministers and parliament. He
      was succeeded by Pitt's elder brother, the Earl of Chatham.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES BETWEEN GOVERNMENT, AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1788
    </p>
    <p>
      During the late disputes, when a rupture with. France was anticipated,
      government had dispatched four regiments of soldiers for the protection of
      our East India territories; and when the disputes were settled, it was
      determined to render this addition to the military establishment a
      permanent measure. The court of directors had acceded to the proposal when
      originally made by the board of control, and had consented that the troops
      should be conveyed in their ships and maintained at their expense. When,
      however, an amicable arrangement had taken place with France, and all
      danger was over, the directors changed their sentiments, and contended
      that unless they themselves made the requisition, they were by Lord
      North's bill of 1781, relieved from the obligation-of maintaining any
      troops that might be sent to India. In this opinion several eminent
      lawyers, whom they had consulted, appeared to coincide. On the other hand,
      Pitt, supported by the crown lawyers, asserted that the act of 1784
      transferred to the board of control all powers formerly vested in the
      court of directors, relative to military and political concerns, as well
      as the collection and application of the revenues. It was contended on the
      part of government, indeed, that those parts of the act of 1781 which were
      inconsistent with those of the act of 1784, were, by the latter,
      virtually, if not actually repealed. Inconsequence of these disputes, on
      the 25th of February Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for removing
      the doubts in question, and for declaring that the intention of the
      legislature, in the act of 1784, was agreeable to the construction put
      upon it by the board of control. In support of his motion Pitt said, that
      "in his mind nothing could be more clear than that there was no one step
      that could have been taken previous to passing the act of 1784, by the
      court of directors, touching the military and political concerns of India,
      and also the collection, management, and application of thes revenues of
      the territorial possessions, that the commissioners of the board of
      control had not now a right to take, by virtue of the powers and authority
      vested in them by the act of 1784." Dundas went even further than Pitt in
      support of the motion, for he declared, that the board of control might,
      if it chose, devote the whole revenue of India to the purpose of its
      defence, without leaving the company a single rupee. Leave was given to
      bring in the bill, without a division, but in all its stages, when
      introduced, it met with a formidable opposition. Among the objections
      raised against it, it was stated, that if passed, an army might be
      established in India without the knowledge or con« sent of parliament. In
      order to obviate this, Pitt proposed to add a clause, limiting the number
      of troops for the payment of which the board of control were empowered to
      issue orders. It was further urged as an objection, that the board might
      apply the revenues of India for the creation of undue influence, to the
      prejudice of the company's interests, by the increase of salaries or
      perquisites, to prevent which Pitt proposed two other clauses, prohibiting
      gratuities, unless recommended by the directors; and stopping all increase
      of salary, unless proposed by the directors, and submitted to parliament.
      Pitt added a fourth clause, directing that the directors should lay
      annually before Parliament an account of the produce of all their
      revenues, and of all their disbursements. By these clauses every real
      objection to the bill was obviated; but resistance was still made to it,
      and the third reading was only carried by a majority of fifty-four, which,
      at this period, was considered a very small majority. The bill encountered
      a violent opposition in the house of lords, also; but it was finally
      carried by a majority of seventy-one against twenty-eight. Sixteen peers
      signed a long and powerfully-expressed protest, representing the bill as
      friendly to corrupt intrigue and cabal, hostile to all good government,
      and abhorrent to the principles of our constitution.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Pitt proposed his budget for the year, on the 6th of May. In doing so he
      expressed great satisfaction at the flourishing state of our finances;
      stating, that although some extraordinary expenses had been incurred by
      the events of last year, yet, such was the improved condition of the
      revenue, that it afforded means of providing for all the services which
      had been voted, without any loan or new taxes, and without the slightest
      interruption to the action of the sinking-fund. This he proved by a
      statement of figures, and although Sheridan attempted to controvert his
      statements, they could not be proved fallacious. Of all men in the house,
      indeed, Sheridan was the most unfit to enter into financial computations,
      for his genius rather lay in rhetoric than in figures. In the supplies,
      18,000 seamen were voted, and about 29,000 land-forces, beside those that
      were on foreign service.
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    <h2>
      ADDITIONS MADE TO THE BILL FOR TRYING CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Grenville proposed and carried certain amendments
      and additions to his father's hill, for better regulating the trial of
      controverted elections. The principal of these related to the interruption
      of public business, by frivolous petitions, to obviate which the election
      committee were empowered to adjudge that a party prosecuting or supporting
      any such petition should pay reasonable costs. By these amendments, also,
      a rule was laid down for re-establishing the rights of election, and
      rendering them immutable.
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    <h2>
      CLAIMS OF THE AMERICAN ROYALISTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the conclusion of peace, commissioners had been appointed to inquire
      into the losses of the American loyalists, and during this session Pitt
      submitted to the house a plan of liquidation. The loyalists were divided
      by him into three classes: those who resided in America at the beginning
      of the war, and from motives of duty to their sovereign had abandoned
      their estates and property; those who at the commencement of the war had
      been resident in England, and consequently had not been driven from
      America; and those who having enjoyed places or exercised professions in
      America, were compelled to leave that country by the war. Pitt rested
      their claims on the ground of national generosity and compassion, rather
      than of strict justice; and he proposed to pay to the two first classes
      the whole of their claims, if they did not exceed £10,000 and beyond that
      sum, to deduct from them a <i>per centage</i>, greater in the case of the
      second class than in the first; and to the third class he proposed to
      allow pensions, proportionate to the incomes which they had relinquished;
      those whose incomes had not exceeded four hundred pounds, receiving one
      half, by way of annuity. A sum amounting to about £1,340,000 was voted for
      this purpose. Pitt also, with the entire concurrence of the house, settled
      the case of the East Florida claimants, who had been obliged to quit their
      habitations and property, when their country was ceded to Spain. As their
      losses had arisen from the voluntary act of government, Pitt thought that
      they should be indemnified for their losses, and the sum of £113,952 was
      voted to them. Another measure of mercy was a bill for granting to the
      Earl of Newburgh, grandson of Charles Radcliffe, beheaded in 1746, for his
      share in the rebellion of 1715, a clear rent-charge of £2,500 out of the
      estates forfeited by the said Charles Radcliffe, and his brother James,
      third Earl of Derwentwater, who forfeited his life on the same account in
      1710, which estates had been settled upon Greenwich Hospital. This bill
      afforded great relief to an amiable and deserving nobleman.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the present reign several petitions had been presented to
      parliament on the subject of the slave-trade; some praying for its total
      abolition, and others for a more humane treatment of the African slaves in
      the West Indian islands. The honour of first taking up this cause of
      humanity in England, as well as in America, belongs to the Society of
      Friends, a society which is ever ready to exert its influence for the good
      of mankind. By degrees, however, the subject was taken up by men of all
      creeds and classes; orators, poets, and prose writers exposed the iniquity
      of trafficking in the bones and sinews of men, and by this time a general
      feeling existed in favour of the oppressed sons of Africa. A society was
      now formed, indeed, and a considerable sum of money raised, with a view to
      collect information on the subject, and to support the expense of an
      application to parliament for the total abolition of the slave-trade;
      great exertions being necessary to insure success, because it was foreseen
      that self-interest would oppose a powerful barrier to the proposed
      emancipation. Among those who exerted themselves in this holy cause were
      Mr. Thomas Clarkson, Mr. Ramsy, Mr. Thornton, Mr. Granville Sharpe, Lady
      Middleton, and Mrs. Bouverie, the two former as writers on the subject,
      and the remainder as labourers in procuring converts and subscriptions in
      the principal towns of England. The great champion of the cause, however,
      was the philanthropic and warm-hearted Wilberforce, the bosom-friend of
      the premier. Mr. Wilberforce seems to have been impressed with the idea
      that this work, with the reformation of manners, were the two great
      objects of his life; and to the suppression of the slave-trade he resolved
      to devote his whole parliamentary career. As might be expected,
      Wilberforce endeavoured to bring Pitt over to his cause; and he so far
      succeeded&mdash;his persuasions also being aided by thirty petitions which
      had, during this session, been laid on the table&mdash;as to induce the
      minister to issue a summons to certain members of the privy-council, to
      examine, as a board of trade, the state of our commercial intercourse with
      Africa. This privy-council was soon engaged in hearing witnesses; some on
      the part of the African merchants, who endeavoured to prove the necessity
      and humanity of the slave-trade; and others on the part of the London
      committee, who as earnestly laboured to show its abomination and iniquity.
      In the meantime Mr. Wilberforce undertook to bring forward a motion in the
      house of commons on the subject; and as he was a member for one of the
      greatest counties in the kingdom (Yorkshire) and an admirable speaker, his
      party were sanguine as to his success. Before Wilberforce could carry out
      his intentions, however, he fell ill, and was obliged to retire to Bath.
      The question stood thus; when, on the 9th of May, Pitt, being solicited by
      his friends, and by Granville Sharpe, and the London committe, moved the
      following resolution:&mdash;"That this house will, early in the next
      session of parliament, proceed to take into consideration the
      circumstances of the slave-trade complained of in the petitions presented
      to the house, and what may be fit to be done thereupon." Pitt added, that
      before the next session the inquiry instituted by the privy-council would
      be brought to a conclusion, the result of which might facilitate their
      investigation; and he pledged himself to submit the question to the house,
      if his friend should still be unable to undertake the task. Burke and Fox,
      in reply, expressed great concern at the delay, and severely reprobated
      the inquiry carried on before the privy-council, contending that it ought
      to have taken place before the house, whose duty it was rather to advise
      the king than to ask or wait for his advice. Both declared that they were
      willing and prepared to have taken up the question themselves; and stated
      that they had given way to Wilberforce from deference to his abilities and
      known humanity, and on account of the influence he possessed with Pitt and
      the rest of the ministry. Pitt's motion was carried unanimously; but Sir
      William Dolben, in the course of the debate, urged that the sufferings of
      slaves on their voyage from Africa to the West Indies required immediate
      attention; and on the 21st of May he moved for leave to bring in a bill
      for the better regulation of their transportation. The picture which Sir
      William Dolben drew of the sufferings of the slaves on ship-board forcibly
      exhibited the horrid nature of the traffic. He represented them as chained
      together hand and foot, with only a space of five feet and a half in
      length, and sixteen inches in breadth, allotted for each slave; and being
      thus crammed together, putrid disorders and other dangerous diseases were
      generated, so that when the overseers came in the morning to examine the
      freight of human misery, he had to unchain the carcases of the dead from
      the living. To prevent this, Sir William proposed that no ship should be
      allowed to carry more than one slave to each ton of her burthen or
      register, or that a ship of three hundred tons should carry as many slaves
      and no more. This was, in point of fact, legislating for the slave-owners,
      inasmuch as the regulations would have the effect of decreasing the rate
      of mortality; yet as blind to their own interest as they were hardened in
      cruelty, petitions were presented against the proposed measure by the
      merchants of Liverpool, Bristol, and London, who stated that it would
      inflict upon themselves great injuries. They prayed to be heard at the bar
      of the house, which prayer was granted; but the facts reluctantly drawn
      from those who were brought forward in support of the present system, were
      so decisive against it, that the friends of the bill declined calling any
      counter-evidence. Indignant at the disclosures which were made, indeed.
      Pitt proposed a clause, rendering every slave-ship which had already
      sailed from England, subject to the regulations of the bill; and stated
      that he should think it proper to despatch a quick-sailing vessel, with
      copies of the act, to the coast of Africa, that they might not have a plea
      of ignorance to offer for the infringement of its rules. At the same time
      Pitt said, he trusted the house would make compensation to the merchants
      who might receive any pecuniary loss by the bill; an object which he
      thought was of no consideration when the interests of humanity were so
      intimately concerned. Pitt also proposed another clause, granting certain
      bounties to owners and surgeons of ships in which the mortality should not
      exceed two or three during the voyage; a clause which was intended to
      excite greater attention to the preservation of the slaves. With these
      additions the bill was carried through the commons in all its stages by
      considerable majorities. It also passed the lords; but it was there
      strenuously opposed by Admiral Lord Rodney, Lord Chancellor Thurlow, Lord
      Sidney, and the Duke of Chandos. The bill, which was to continue in force
      till August, 1783, by which time it was hoped something more would be done
      in favour of the slaves, received the royal assent on the 11th of July.
      The triumph served as an encouragement to the philanthropists to persevere
      in the cause of humanity; and from this time the number of their converts
      and their means daily increased.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1787-1789
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHARGE AGAINST SIR ELIJAH IMPEY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session it was determined to impeach Sir Elijah Impey,
      chief-justice of the supreme court established at Calcutta, by the
      Regulating Act of 1773, Six articles of impeachment were accordingly
      exhibited to the house by Sir Gilbert Elliot, who supported them by a long
      and impressive speech, in which he professed to describe the career of the
      accused from his first arrival at Calcutta, down to his recall by a
      resolution of the house of commons. The articles which he produced related
      to the trial and execution of Nuncomar; to the conduct of Impey in a cause
      called the Patna cause; to an extension of jurisdiction, illegally and
      oppressively, beyond the intention of the act and charter; to the
      Cossijurah cause, in which this extension of jurisdiction had been carried
      out with great violence; to the acceptance of the office of judge of the
      Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, which was affirmed to be contrary to law,
      repugnant to the spirit and act of the charter, and subversive of all its
      material purposes; and to the affairs in Oude and Benares, where it was
      declared the chief-justice became the agent and tool of Hastings. At the
      suggestion of Pitt, these charges were ordered to be printed, and then
      referred to a committee of the whole house; which committee was to take
      them into consideration on the 4th of February. When that day arrived, a
      petition was presented from Sir Elijah Impey, praying to be heard in
      answer to the charges, before the house proceeded any further; and the
      prayer being granted, he was called to the bar for that purpose. His
      defence was very long and conducted with great ability, embracing every
      point on which he was charged. It produced a deep and lasting impression
      on the house, and Pitt was heard to declare that had he been placed in the
      same situation, he could not say but that he should have acted precisely
      as the accused had done. It was evident that the prosecution would soon be
      dropped, and it was rendered still more clear by the evidence taken at the
      bar of the house. This evidence was all taken by the 28th of April, on
      which clay Sir Gilbert Elliot began his reply to the defence, which was
      not finished before the 9th of May. Sir Gilbert moved, in conclusion, a
      resolution importing that the first charge had been made good, which was
      supported by Fox, Burke, and Colonel Fuliarton, and controverted by Sir
      Richard Sutton, Mr. D. Pulteney, the attorney and solicitor-general, and
      the chancellor of the exchequer. Upon a division, the motion was lost by a
      majority of seventy-three against fifty-five; and on the 27th of May, the
      day appointed for the committee to sit again, upon the usual motion that
      the speaker do now leave the chair, it was opposed by the
      attorney-general, and negatived without a division; and the further
      consideration of the charges was adjourned to that day three months. The
      prosecution of Sir Elijah Impey was now closed, for the other charges were
      never taken into consideration.
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the meantime the impeachment of Hastings had been carried on with great
      activity. In the early part of this session the commons had appointed a
      committee of management for his impeachment, and on the 13th of February
      his trial commenced with every solemnity that the forms of official
      dignity could impart. The trial took place in Westminster-hall, which was
      fitted up with great magnificence for the occasion; benches, stages, and
      boxes were erected, and the old grey walls were hung with scarlet. All the
      magnates of the land were assembled at this trial; either to take part in
      the proceedings, or to act as mere spectators.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first two days of the trial were occupied in the arrangement of
      ceremonials. When all were seated the sergeant-at-arms made proclamation,
      and called upon Warren Hastings, Esquire, to appear in court. Hastings
      advanced, accompanied by his two bail, Sullivan and Sumner, and the
      sergeant-at-arms again made proclamation, that whereas charges of high
      crimes and misdemeanors had been exhibited by the house of commons, in the
      name of themselves, and of all the commons of Great Britain, against
      Warren Hastings, Esq., all persons were to take notice that he now stood
      upon his trial, that they might come forth and make good the said charges.
      Hastings was then addressed by the Lord Chancellor Thurlow in the
      following terms:&mdash;"Warren Hastings, you stand at the bar of this
      court charged with high crimes and misdemeanors, a copy of which has been
      delivered to you: you have been allowed counsel, and a long time has been
      given you for your defence; but this is not to be considered as a
      particular indulgence to you, as it arose from the necessity of the case;
      the crimes with which you are charged being stated to have been committed
      in a distant place. These charges contain the most weighty allegations,
      and they come from the highest authority. This circumstance, however,
      though it carries with it the most serious importance, is not to prevent
      you from making your defence in a firm and collected manner, in the
      confidence that, as a British subject, you are entitled to, and will
      receive full justice from a British court." To this address Hastings
      replied:&mdash;"My lords, I am come to this high tribunal equally
      impressed with a confidence in my own integrity and in the justice of the
      court before which I stand." After this the clerks of the court proceeded
      to read the charges and answers, which occupied the remainder of this day
      and the whole of the next; and when this was completed, Burke, on the 15th
      of February, as the head of the committee of managers, opened the
      impeachment by a speech which lasted four days. He commenced by the
      following observations:&mdash;"My lords, the gentlemen who have it in
      command to support this impeachment of Mr. Hastings, have directed me to
      open the cause with a general view of the grounds on which the commons
      have proceeded in their charge against him. They have directed me to
      accompany this with another general view of the extent, the magnitude, the
      nature, and the effect of the crimes which they allege to have been
      committed. They have also directed me to give an explanation of such
      circumstances preceding those crimes, or concomitant with them, as may
      tend to elucidate whatever is obscure in the articles. To those they have
      wished me to add a few illustrative remarks on the laws, customs,
      opinions, and manners of the people who are the objects of the crimes
      which we charge on Mr. Hastings." In following out the course prescribed
      him, Burke in turns charmed, excited, and terrified his audience, and
      produced all the effects attributed to the most successful orators in the
      days of antiquity. His appeals to the feelings and passions of his
      auditory were much too frequent, especially as those parts of his speech
      were derived from the tales of the enemies of Hastings; tales that were
      amplified and exaggerated, either by private malevolence or by oriental
      hyperbole. Apart from this grand error, however, Burke's speech was one of
      the finest that was ever delivered in the English language. Parts of it
      were "soberly sublime," exhibiting a wonderful range of knowledge, a high
      statesman-like philosophy, and a fine spirit of Christian philanthropy.
      His arguments were enforced with great acuteness, and were so powerful as
      almost to convince Hastings himself that he was a guilty man. "For half an
      hour," said the accused, "I looked up at the orator in a reverie of
      wonder; and, during that space, I actually felt myself the most culpable
      man on earth; but I recurred to my own bosom, and there found a
      consciousness that consoled me under all I heard and all I suffered." The
      excitement which was produced by Burke's speech operated upon all that
      heard him; ladies fainted in the galleries, and the inflexible face of the
      Lord Chancellor Thurlow was several times seen to quiver with emotion. In
      pronouncing his preoration on the fourth day, the orator raised his voice
      to such a pitch as seemed to shake the walls and roof of Westminster Hall.
      He exclaimed,&mdash;"Therefore it is with confidence that, ordered by the
      commons, I impeach Warren Hastings Esq., of high crimes and misdemeanors.
      I impeach him in the name of the commons of Great Britain, in parliament
      assembled, whose trust he has betrayed. I impeach him in the name of all
      the commons of Great Britain, whose national character he has dishonoured.
      I impeach him in the name of the people of India, whose laws, rights, and
      liberties he has subverted, whose properties he has destroyed, whose
      country he has laid waste and desolate. I impeach him in the name of human
      nature itself, which he has cruelly outraged, injured, and oppressed in
      both sexes, in every age, rank, situation, and condition of life. And I
      conjure this high and sacred court to let not these pleadings be heard in
      vain." As soon as the agitation, which Burke's speech and accusation gave
      rise to, had subsided, a debate ensued respecting the manner in which the
      defence should be conducted. It was finally decided, in opposition to the
      wish of the managing committee and the opinions of their counsel, that,
      according to the usual practice in trials, the prosecutor should complete
      his case before the accused commenced his defence. Accordingly, Fox, after
      making some complaints against this decision, opened the Benares charge
      down to the expulsion of Cheyte Sing, which was followed up and completed
      by Mr. Gray. After this the evidence was brought forward, and the whole
      was summed up by Mr. Anstruther on the 11th of April. The court did not
      meet again till the 15th of April; when Mr. Adam opened the next charge,
      relating to the Begums of Oude, which was continued and completed by Mr.
      Pelham. The evidence on this charge was summed up by Sheridan; on which
      occasion he made another grand display, though, it is said, not equal to
      that which he made on the same subject in the house of commons. As on the
      former occasion, his speech abounded with tropes and figures; and his
      performance attracted a fuller audience than had yet assembled in the
      hall. It lasted three whole days; but only a few fragments of his speech
      are extant, and scarcely any one of those in existence convey any notion
      of the fascination which, it is said, that his oratory exercised over
      those who heard him. One of the most beautiful portions of his speech
      related to the correspondence of the governor and his agent. It reads
      thus:&mdash;"When Ï see in many of these letters the infirmities of age
      made a subject of mockery and ridicule; when I see the feelings of a son
      treated by Mr. Middleton as puerile and contemptible; when I see an order
      given from Mr. Hastings to harden that son's heart, and to choke the
      struggles of nature in his bosom; when I see them pointing to the son's
      name and to his standard, while marching to oppress the mother, as to a
      banner that gives dignity&mdash;that gives a holy sanction and reverence
      to their enterprise; when I see and hear these things done; when I hear
      them brought into three deliberate defences set up against the charges of
      the commons, my lords, I own I grow puzzled and confounded, and almost
      begin to doubt whether, where such a defence can be offered, it may not be
      tolerated. And yet, my lords, how can I support the claim of filial love
      by argument? much less the affections of a son to a mother, where love
      loses its awe, and veneration is mixed with tenderness. What can I say on
      such a subject? What can I do but repeat the ready truths which, with the
      quick impulse of the mind, must spring to the lips of every man on such a
      theme? Filial love! the moral of instinct, the sacrament of nature and
      duty, or rather let me say, it is miscalled a duty, for it flows from the
      heart without effort, and is its delight, its indulgence, its enjoyment.
      It is guided, not by the slow dictates of reason; it awaits not
      encouragement from reflection or from thought; it asks no aid of memory;
      it is an innate, but active consciousness of having been the object of a
      thousand tender solicitudes, a thousand waking, watchful cares of meek
      anxiety and patient sacrifices, unremarked and unrequited by the object;
      it is a gratitude founded on a conviction of obligations, not remembered,
      but more binding because not remembered&mdash;because conferred before the
      tender reason could acknowledge, or the infant memory record them; a
      gratitude and affection which no circumstances should subdue, and which
      few can strengthen; a gratitude in which injury from the object, though it
      may blend regret, should never breed resentment; an affection which can be
      in creased only by the decay of those to whom we owe it, and which is then
      most fervent, when the tremulous voice of age, resistless in its
      feebleness, inquires for the natural protector of its cold decline. If
      these are the general sentiments of man, what must be their depravity&mdash;what
      must be their degeneracy&mdash;who can blot out and erase from the bosom
      the virtue that is most deeply rooted in the human heart, and twined,
      within the cords of life itself? Aliens from nature! Apostates from
      humanity! And yet, if there be a crime more fell, more foul; if there be
      anything worse than a wilful persecutor of his mother, it is that of a
      deliberate instigator and abettor to the deed; this it is that shocks,
      disgusts, and appals the mind more than the other; to view, not a wilful
      parricide, but a parricide by compulsion; a miserable wretch, not actuated
      by the stubborn evils of his own worthless heart, not driven by the fury
      of his own distracted brain, but lending his sacrilegious hand, without
      any malice of his own, to answer the abandoned purposes of the human
      fiends that have subdued his will. To condemn crimes like these we need
      not talk of laws or of human rules; their foulness, their deformity does
      not depend on local constitutions, on human institutes, or religious
      creeds; they are crimes, and the persons who perpetrate them are monsters,
      who violate the primitive condition on which the earth was given to man;
      they are guilty by the general verdict of human-kind." Sheridan concluded
      his speech by an appeal to British justice, which, as it is preserved to
      us, is a mere sonorous roll of words, with a common-place meaning; after
      which he acted a stage-trick; as if fainting, he fell back into the arms
      of his friend Burke.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was the last charge against Hastings that came before the court in
      Westminster Hall during the present session. In the house of commons,
      however, there was much discussion concerning the money issued from the
      exchequer, for the discharge of the expenses incurred in the impeachment.
      Mr. Burgess moved that an account of all the money expended should be laid
      before the house; and, though opposed by the managing committee, who said
      they considered the motion as made merely as an attempt by the friends of
      Hastings to vex and impede the committee in the prosecution, it was
      carried, and an account of the expenses was laid upon the table. But this
      account was incomplete; and Mr. Burgess had to make three other motions
      before the particulars of the expenditure were clearly brought before the
      house. In all these motions he was supported by Pitt, who declared he
      thought it necessary that the house should know how the money was spent,
      and have the power of checking the expenditure if they thought it in any
      case unnecessary. It seems to have been suspected that many men were
      making a profitable affair of the impeachment; and it must be confessed
      that the conduct of the managers, in resisting the inquiries, seemed to
      justify that suspicion. Their grand argument against the motion was, that
      such a measure as giving an account of the expenditure, was unprecedented,
      and had never been attempted nor dreamed of in any great prosecution. They
      stated that the charges already incurred in employing counsel were
      remarkably moderate, and that the fees were, in fact, inadequate to the
      services performed. They even argued, that if more money had been spent,
      more good would have been done, as they could then have procured "secret
      services," which they thought very necessary in such a case. These were
      unfortunate arguments, as they left an impression on the minds of many,
      that some, at least, engaged in the prosecution for what they could get by
      it. On the other hand, it is possible that some members wished to impede
      the operations of the committee, and to favour Hastings by cutting off,
      or, at least, greatly reducing their resources. Even after all his motions
      were carried, Mr. Burgess expressed a doubt whether the house had really
      authorised the managers to employ counsel; whether there was any precedent
      for it; and whether the assistance of counsel was necessary. Pitt did not
      go thus far; but he questioned whether two civilians, besides ordinary
      counsel, were required. The whole debate, indeed, seems to show that there
      was an anxiety among certain members in the house to benefit Hastings, by
      encouraging doubts and insinuations against his prosecutors; which doubts
      and insinuations were the more regarded, because two of them, at least&mdash;Fox
      and Sheridan&mdash;did not enjoy any high reputation as regards money
      matters. It would have been very ungracious of the house, however, if,
      after giving the managing committee a commission to conduct the
      prosecution, it had left them to pay the expenses of that prosecution out
      of their own pockets. This was not done; but the discussions which took
      place on the subject of the expenditure had the effect of keeping down the
      growth of the law expenses, by drawing public attention to them, and by
      establishing the rule, that the solicitors should continue to present,
      from time to time, an account of all money spent in the prosecution. Had
      this rule not been laid down, the cost of this prosecution would probably
      have been enormous; and, as it was, they must have been great, for the
      expenses already amounted to £4300, exclusive of the erections in and
      decorations of Westminster Hall. The expenses which Hastings had incurred
      was much greater; and yet of twenty charges only two had been heard; and
      he then had to make his defence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July, by a speech from the throne,
      in which his majesty complimented the two houses on their attention and
      liberality. The king mentioned that the Emperor of Germany had joined the
      Empress of Russia in a war against the sultan; and he referred to treaties
      into which he had entered with the King of Prussia and with the
      States-general of the United Provinces, which he trusted would be
      productive of the happiest results both to England and to all Europe.
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL ALLIANCES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The treaties to which his majesty alluded had been concluded early in this
      year. That between England and Holland embraced a mutual guarantee of
      dominions; a security for the existing form of government in the United
      Provinces; and regulations by which the commerce of each country was
      placed on the footing of the most favoured nations. The treaty between the
      kings of Great Britain and Prussia was one of defensive alliance; in
      which, besides the usual articles of mutual agreement, the contracting
      parties bound themselves to act at all times in concert, for the
      maintenance of the security, independence, and government of the United
      Provinces. The object of these treaties was not so much to preserve the
      balance of power in Holland against the influence of France, as to secure
      that country from any attempts which might be made against it by the
      Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, whose forces were now banded
      together. It was supposed that the object of the alliance of the Austrian
      and Russian courts was conquest and aggrandizement; a supposition which
      seemed confirmed by their known characters, and by the war which they were
      carrying on against the Ottoman empire. From France, at this period, there
      was now nothing to fear, for it was a house divided against itself, and
      was, therefore, incapable of either disturbing the peace of her
      neighbours, or of rendering them any assistance in case of attack from any
      other quarter. But out of the weakness of France arose the necessity of
      opposing a barrier against the dangerous alliance which had been formed
      between the two imperial courts; for it was imagined, that if successful
      in their war with the sultan, they would afterwards direct their hostile
      and ambitious views to other parts of Europe.
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    <h2>
      DERANGEMENT OF HIS MAJESTY: DEBATES ON THE REGENCY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the king prorogued parliament he appeared to be in his usual good
      state of health, but shortly after he became indisposed, and was advised
      by his physicians to try the mineral waters of Cheltenham. During his
      residence at Cheltenham his health greatly improved, but in the month of
      August, when he returned to Windsor, his disorder took an unfortunate
      turn, for symptoms of mental derangement appeared, which gradually
      increased, till he was no longer capable of attending to public business.
      His madness was also accompanied by a bilious fever, from which, for
      several days, his life was despaired of, as well as his reason. This event
      affected all classes, and caused great consternation at court and in the
      cabinet; it also gave rise to intrigue and strife among contending
      parties.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament stood prorogued to the 20th of November, and six days before,
      circular letters were issued, requesting the attendance of members on that
      day. The peers and members being assembled, the state of the king's health
      was formally notified to them, in the upper house by the lord chancellor,
      and in the commons by Pitt. In both houses a motion of adjournment to the
      4th of December was made, in order to see whether his majesty's disorder
      was likely to be of long continuance, which motion was carried <i>nem.
      con.</i>
    </p>
    <p>
      In the mean time the leaders of both parties busied themselves in intrigue
      and deliberation. Neither party, however, were yet clear as to the steps
      they should pursue, for the varying opinions of the physicians were
      calculated to perplex their minds, rather than to serve as a guide to
      their conduct. It was necessary that some decisive information should be
      obtained before the meeting of parliament, and therefore, on the 3rd of
      December, a privy-council was held at Whitehall, for the purpose of
      examining the physicians. The result of the opinion of the physicians was,
      that his majesty was incapable of attending to business; that, judging
      from experience in similar cases, there was a fair prospect of his
      recovery; but that the time when that event would take place was
      uncertain. Parliament re-assembled on the following day, when this report
      was presented to the lords by Earl Camden, and to the commons by Pitt. In
      both houses it was represented by ministers that the functions of
      government were suspended; that in this dismembered state of the
      legislature the right devolved on the two houses of parliament, to make
      such provision as should be adequate to meet the case; but that it was
      necessary, before any step could be taken in such a delicate business,
      that the extent of the deficiency should be fully ascertained. It was
      moved by Lord Camden in the lords, and by Pitt in the commons, that the
      report should be taken into consideration on Monday, the 8th of December,
      which was agreed to; but doubts were expressed in the commons, whether the
      house could proceed upon a mere report, and whether they ought not rather
      to examine the physicians themselves at their own bar, or by means of a
      committee. Pitt replied, that the case required great delicacy, and that
      the report of the physicians was made upon oath, which the house of
      commons had not the power to administer. Fox agreed with Pitt, in the
      propriety of proceeding with delicacy; but, he added, "if delicacy and
      duty should happen to clash, the latter ought not to be sacrificed to the
      former." Nothing further, however, was said at this time on the subject,
      and after deciding that the speaker was competent to issue writs for new
      elections, to supply the places of some members who had died during the
      recess, the house adjourned to the time above mentioned.
    </p>
    <p>
      About this time the royal family removed to Kew, for the greater
      convenience of the king's medical attendants, and as the malady continued
      without abatement, the Rev. Dr. Willis, who had quitted his clerical
      functions, and devoted himself with great success to the cure of insanity,
      was called in to undertake the principal and constant charge of his
      majesty. When parliament re-assembled on the 8th of December, Pitt related
      these circumstances, and conceiving that it would materially serve his
      cause, he himself now moved for a committee to examine the physicians who
      had attended the king during his illness. This motion was carried without
      a division, and a committee of twenty-one was appointed, Pitt, himself,
      being their chairman. A similar motion was made and carried in the upper
      house, and a committee of peers was appointed for the same purpose. The
      report of the committee was presented by Pitt in the commons on the 10th
      of December, which was favourable to the king's ultimate recovery; and
      after it was ordered to be printed, the premier, whose object it was to
      delay decision on the subject of the regency, moved that another committee
      should be appointed, to inspect the journals for precedents of such
      proceedings as had been adopted in former instances, when the sovereign
      authority was suspended by sickness, infirmity, or any other cause. This
      called forth the opposition of Fox, who objected to the motion as nugatory
      and productive of unnecessary delay. Pitt knew well, he said, that there
      were no precedents which applied to the present case. He contended that
      all that was requisite for their decision had been done by the report just
      laid on the table; a report by which the incapacity of the sovereign had
      been fully ascertained. Fox then advanced, as a proposition deducible from
      the principles of the constitution and the laws of hereditary succession,
      that whenever the sovereign was incapable of exercising the functions of
      his high office, the heir-apparent, if arrived at maturity, had as
      indisputable a claim to the exercise of the executive authority, in the
      name and on the behalf of the sovereign, during his incapacity, as in the
      case of his natural demise. In advancing such a proposition as this Fox
      committed a great blunder, for by it he became the advocate of
      prerogative, in opposition to the rights of the people. Pitt instantly
      perceived his error, and he took the utmost advantage of it, by taking up
      the cause which Fox had suddenly deserted. With an appearance of patriotic
      indignation, Pitt declared that the assertion which Fox had made was
      little short of treason against the constitution; insisted that the
      heir-apparent had no more right, in the case alleged, to the exercise of
      the executive power than any other person in the realm; and asserted that
      it belonged to the two remaining branches of the legislature to make such
      provision for supplying the temporary deficiency as they should think
      proper. He asked, when the regular exercise of the powers of government
      was from any cause suspended, to whom could the right of providing a
      remedy for the existing defect devolve, but to the people, from whom the
      powers of government originated? Kings and princes, he said, derived their
      power from the people; and to the people alone, by means of their
      representatives, did it belong to decide in cases for which the
      constitution had made no specific provisions. On these grounds Pitt
      insisted that the Prince of Wales had no more right to supply the existing
      deficiency than any other subject, though he admitted that it was
      expedient for parliament to offer him the regency. Fox and Burke replied
      to Pitt, but they were unable to refute his arguments, and his motion was
      carried without a division, and a committee of twenty-one was appointed to
      look for precedents, which all men knew were not to be found. On the
      following day Lord Camden made a similar motion in the lords, in doing
      which he strongly condemned the doctrine which Fox had advanced, and
      contended, with Pitt, that the light and duty of naming the regent, and
      limiting his power, belonged exclusively to the houses of parliament. The
      motion of Fox was supported by Lords Loughborough, Stormont, and
      Porchester, and controverted by Lord Stanhope and the lord chancellor, the
      latter of whom declared that the doctrine was a new one to him. Thurlow
      seems to have been induced to speak on this occasion, in order to throw
      discredit on his rival, Lord Loughborough, who was a friend of the Prince
      of Wales, and was looking for the chancellorship. Recently the lord
      chancellor had been silent as a statue on the subject in question, and
      from his conduct it appeared evident that he was waiting to see how the
      malady of the monarch terminated, before he decided upon what part he
      should take. It was more than suspected, indeed, that Thurlow had, from
      the commencement of his majesty's illness, been in correspondence with the
      prince and his friends, while at the council-table, and on the woolsack,
      he seemed to agree with his colleagues in office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The report of the committee appointed to search for precedents was brought
      up and ordered to be printed, on the 12th of December. On this occasion
      Fox, aware that his doctrine was repudiated by the house, and by the
      nation at large, relinquished the idea of pressing the claims of the
      prince as a right, and only expressed his anxiety to procure for him a
      full enjoyment of royalty, under the appointment of the two houses. He was
      still ready, he said, to maintain, that while parliament had the right to
      determine on the incapacity, the heir-apparent, after such a
      determination, had the right of government, so long as that incapacity
      existed; but at the same time he remarked, as Pitt agreed with him that
      under present circumstances the prince was the person who ought to be
      invested with the regency, he thought it would be better to abstain from
      any discussion of such nice and subtle distinctions. Fox concluded, by
      expressing a hope that the chancellor of the exchequer would inform the
      house what course he meant to pursue, and by suggesting that a declaration
      or address should be sent to the prince from parliament, stating the fact
      of his majesty's present incapacity, and investing his royal highness,
      during that incapacity, with the full exercise of regal powers. In reply,
      Pitt declared that he still differed as much as ever from Fox on the
      question of right: the Prince of Wales, he said, had no right whatever to
      the regency. Upon this point they were at issue, nor would he move a step
      further till the question was decided. Fox pressed him to state what
      proposition he meant to make respecting the regency, but he declared that
      he would not offer any point for discussion, until the house knew whether
      they were sitting as judges, merely to pronounce on the king's incapacity,
      or as an assembly possessing a power of deliberation, and capable of
      exercising their own discretion&mdash;whether that which should be vested
      in the prince was a matter of adjudication on their part, or a trust on
      behalf, and in the name of his majesty. An attempt was made in the house
      of lords to turn Pitt aside from his purpose, by recommending that all
      discussions on the rights of the Prince of Wales should be avoided, but
      Pitt, aware that a great constitutional question was involved in the
      subject, still persevered in his determination. On the 16th of December,
      therefore, he moved three resolutions, the object of which was to declare
      that his majesty being-prevented by indisposition from public business, it
      was the right and duty of the lords, spiritual and temporal, and commons
      of Great Britain, to provide the means of supplying the defect of the
      personal exercise of the royal authority. In the debates which followed
      these resolutions both parties put forth their whole strength. There was a
      motive for this on either side. The Whigs knew, that if their adversaries
      triumphed, such restrictions would be laid on the power and patronage of
      the regent, as would render it impossible for them to carry on the
      administration, and would render all the business of government
      unprofitable and uncertain; while, on the other hand, the Tories knew that
      by their success they should secure the favour of the king more firmly
      than ever, if he should be able to resume his functions. The contest was a
      curious one, because parties had completely changed opinions: the Whigs,
      those staunch advocates for the rights of the parliament and the people,
      now clamoured for prerogative and the hereditary rights of princes; and
      the Tories, those old sticklers for prerogative and hereditary rights, now
      as loudly clamoured for the rights of the parliament and the people. Pitt
      was endeavouring to show that the assertion of the inherent rights of the
      Prince of Wales, was one of those exploded ideas of indefeasible right
      which had fallen into contempt, and Fox had to persuade the house that the
      primary axioms of government and the abstract rights of the people were
      things unworthy their notice. The propositions moved by Pitt were warmly
      supported by the master of the rolls, the lord advocate of Scotland, the
      attorney and solicitor general, and the solicitor general to the queen.
      They were opposed by Lord North and Fox, the latter of whom combated the
      arguments of his opponents with an earnestness worthy of a better cause:
      fighting like a man whose very existence depended on the issue of the
      debate. Fox himself seems to have felt that his cause was not a good one,
      for after replying to the arguments adduced in favour of the propositions,
      by Pitt and his supporters, and vindicating himself from the notion of
      being influenced in his opinion by the favour of the prince, he made a
      personal attack on the minister, accusing him with sacrificing the
      principles of the constitution to his lust of power. Pitt replied to this
      attack, and enforced his former arguments; after which a motion made by
      Lord North for the speaker to leave the chair, was negatived by a majority
      of two hundred and sixty-eight against two hundred and four, and then the
      resolutions passed without a division. They were reported on the 19th,
      when another stormy debate took place, and in the end two amendments&mdash;one
      moved by Mr. Powys and one by Mr. Dempster&mdash;were negatived without a
      division, and the two first resolutions were received. Dempster moved an
      amendment on the third resolution, but as the house was exhausted, the
      consideration of it was deferred till the 22nd of December, when it was
      negatived by two hundred and fifty-one against one hundred and
      seventy-eight. The three resolutions were now received, and ordered to be
      communicated to the lords at a conference, wherein the commons were to
      desire their lordships' concurrence in them. This conference took place on
      the 23rd of December, and the lords agreed to the resolutions, after two
      long debates and one division, in which there was a majority of
      ninety-nine against sixty-six. Among the lords no one more heartily
      concurred in these resolutions than Thurlow, who seems to have been
      convinced at this time that it was his interest to take a decided part
      with his colleagues. He had, in fact, been recently assured by Willis and
      others of the king's physicians, that his majesty's malady could not be of
      long duration, and that the king's temperate mode of living gave promise
      of health and long life. Thurlow also seems to have been convinced that if
      the king did not recover, he could place no permanent reliance on the
      Whigs, who were bound to prefer his rival, Loughborough. Hence, my lord
      chancellor had broken off all correspondence with the enemy, and when the
      questions involved in the three resolutions were taken into consideration,
      he defended them with all his might. As before stated, the resolutions
      were agreed to: a committee was also appointed to acquaint the commons at
      a conference that they concurred with them. A strong protest was entered
      and signed by forty-eight peers, among whom were the Dukes of York and
      Cumberland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1789-1791
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Election of Speaker..... The  Question of the Regency
     resumed..... Recovery of his  Majesty..... Adoption of a
     Plan for fortifying the West India Islands..... Bill for the
     Commemoration of the People's Rights, etc...... Shop Tax
     repealed,  etc...... Motion respecting the Corporation and
     Test Acts, etc..... Slave-trade Question..... Election of
     Speaker..... Pitt's financial Measures..... Impeachment of
     Warren Hastings..... Parliament prorogued..... Continental
     Affairs..... State of   Parties   in  England..... Meeting
     of Parliament..... Debates on the Test and Corporation
     Acts..... Mr.  Flood's Motion for Reform in Parliament.....
     East India Affairs..... Pitt's financial Statement,
     etc...... The Slave-Trade Question..... Disputes with
     Spain..... Impeachment of Warren Hastings..... Parliament
     prorogued and dissolved..... Settlement of Disputes with
     Spain..... Continental Affairs..... Progress of
     revolutionary Principles in England..... War in India.....
     Meeting of Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1789
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ELECTION OF SPEAKER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Cornwall, the speaker of the house, having expired on the 2nd of
      January, business received a temporary interruption. On the 5th of that
      month William Wyndham Grenville was proposed as his successor by the
      friends of administration, and Sir Gilbert Elliot, by the Whigs. The
      former was chosen by a majority of two hundred and fifteen against one
      hundred and forty-four.
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF THE REGENCY RESUMED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the day that the election of speaker took place, Pitt gave notice that
      he should, on the morrow, lay before the house the restrictions which he
      considered necessary to be annexed to the regency. Hitherto Fox had
      complained of Pitt's tardiness in proposing a regency, but he now seemed
      resolved to impede the progress of the minister. He was well aware that
      Pitt was averse to bring the royal physicians to the bar of the house to
      give evidence, yet notwithstanding he resolved that they should be again
      there examined. On the very day that Pitt was to introduce the subject of
      the restrictions, therefore, urged by Fox, the member for Abingdon, Mr.
      Loveden, made a motion to that effect. In support of his motion, Mr.
      Loveden said, that before the house proceeded any further, they ought to
      know how the case now stood; what was the present state of his majesty's
      health, what the degrees of alteration it had undergone since the
      physicians were last examined, and whether the probability of recovery was
      increasing or diminishing. This was the more necessary he said, because
      contradictory reports were in circulation, which were said to be supported
      by the different royal physicians. The reports unfavourable to the king's
      recovery had been put forth by, or at least was imputed to Dr. Warren,
      whom Pitt, in reply, treated as a violent Whig and party man, whose wishes
      suggested his predictions. Pitt also plainly intimated that he conceived
      gentlemen on the opposite side, who were to form the new administration
      under the regency, wished the doctor's opinion to be true. This
      insinuation was repelled by the opposition as unjust and illiberal, but in
      the same breath they acted as unjustly and illiberally, by falling upon
      Willis, the Tory doctor, and accusing him with uttering false oracles and
      predictions of amendment, which were merely meant to serve the purposes of
      Pitt and his party. But though Pitt at first opposed this measure, he
      ultimately acquiesced in its course, and a new committee of the house was
      appointed to re-examine all the physicians. This examination, which ought
      to have been brief, was prolonged by the frivolous questions of opposition
      members, and by frequent altercations, so that the report was not brought
      up before the 13th of January. As the committee had not examined into the
      grounds of the different opinions held by the physicians, Burke moved that
      the report should be re-committed; but this was negatived without a
      division, and it was ordered that it should be printed, and be taken into
      consideration, in a committee of the whole house, on the 16th of the
      month. On that day Pitt introduced his plan of a restricted regency. On
      the 30th of December Pitt had, in a letter, submitted to the Prince of
      Wales the heads of a plan arranged by the cabinet, and though the prince,
      acting under the influence of his advisers, had expressed his entire
      disapprobation of the plan, he nevertheless consented to undertake the
      regency with the proposed restrictions. What these restrictions were, Pitt
      now explained to the house. After expressing his great satisfaction at
      having consented to the re-examination of the physicians, the event of
      which had justified his sanguine expectations of the king's recovery, he
      observed, that under these circumstances, what parliament had to provide
      for was, a deficiency in the executive government for an interval which he
      trusted would be brief, and against any embarrassment in the resumption of
      the royal authority, when his majesty should be able to resume that
      authority. This was all that was required, he said, for the present; but
      if contrary to expectations his majesty's illness should be protracted,
      then a more permanent plan of government might be arranged. He moved,
      therefore, that the Prince of Wales should be invested with the whole
      regal authority, subject to certain necessary limitations. These
      limitations were, that his authority should not extend to the creation of
      new peers; that he should not grant any pension or place for life, other
      than such place as, from its nature, must by law be held for life, or
      during good behaviour: that he should not have any power over the personal
      property of the king; and that he should have nothing to do with his
      majesty's person or household, which were to be left entirely to the
      guardianship of the queen. Pitt proposed that the queen should be assisted
      in the discharge of her duties by a council, which council were to have no
      power of control, but only that of giving advice, and satisfying
      themselves daily of the state of the king's health. Pitt also proposed
      that they, the said council, or some others, should be appointed to manage
      the real and personal estate of the king, being bound at the same time not
      to alienate or dispose or any part of it, except by lease. These
      propositions were warmly advocated by Pitt and others on the same side of
      the house, and as warmly opposed by members on the opposite benches. Mr.
      Powys, after condemning the whole of Pitt's plan, as tending to mutilate
      the constitutional authority, and after asserting that the heir-apparent
      ought to be invested with the full powers and prerogatives of the crown,
      moved an amendment to the first resolution, by which his royal highness
      would be appointed regent, "subject to such limitations and exceptions as
      might be provided." This motion was seconded by Lord North, who
      endeavoured to show that the bestowing of the whole power and patronage of
      the household upon the queen, would be setting up a party at court in
      opposition to the administration of the regent. Sheridan followed on the
      same side, and was both witty and severe upon the abstraction of the
      household patronage from the regency, and endeavoured to show that Pitt
      wanted it for himself, when he could no longer hold his present high
      office! Colonel Fullarton also argued against the mutilation of the
      executive government, and not only attacked Pitt, but the queen herself.
      Pitt's resolutions, however, were ably defended by the new speaker,
      Grenville, and on a division the amendment moved by Powys was lost by a
      majority of two hundred and twenty-seven against one hundred and
      fifty-four. All the resolutions were now carried except the last, and
      this, which referred to the care of the king's person and household, was
      debated on the 19th of January, with, if possible, increased animosity.
      Two amendments were moved&mdash;one by Lord North and the other by Mr.
      Bouverie&mdash;but both were negatived by considerable majorities, and on
      the 22nd the resolutions were taken into consideration by the lords. The
      contest in the lords was even more obstinate than it had been in the
      commons, but an amendment, moved by Lord Sandwich, for limiting the time
      during which the regent should be restrained from creating peers, and
      another moved by Viscount Stormont, on the restriction placed upon the
      regent in regard to the granting of places, were negatived, and then all
      opposition ceased. A protest was signed by fifty-seven peers, among whom
      the Dukes of York and Cumberland were again numbered. But the storm was
      not yet over. Both the prince and his friends were irritated in the
      highest degree by the restrictions which Pitt imposed upon the regency;
      and though the former had privately expressed his acceptation of, or
      submission to the limitations, yet the latter were still resolutely bent
      upon opposing the premier. On the 27th of January, after recapitulating
      all the steps which had been taken, Pitt suggested that it would be
      respectful to the Prince of Wales, and expedient in the order of their
      proceedings, to know parliamentarily, whether he was willing to accept the
      regency upon the terms imposed by that house. Pitt moved that a committee
      should be appointed to wait upon his royal highness for that purpose, with
      the resolutions to which both lords and commons had agreed. On this
      occasion, the minister was accused by Mr. Gray and Burke, with treating
      the prince with marked disrespect; and the latter likewise taxed him with
      the design of converting the monarchy into a republic, with a regent,
      annually elected, nominally at its head. Against the regency bill he burst
      into a paroxysm of rage. He exclaimed, "It is a mere mummery, a piece of
      masquerade buffoonery, formed to burlesque every species of government. A
      hideous spectre, to which, with Macbeth, we may exclaim,&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     'Avaunt and quit my sight!
     Let the earth hide thee.
     Thy bones are marrowless, thy blood is cold:
     Thou hast no speculation in those eyes
     That thou dost glare withal.'
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      "So it is with this ministerial, political spectre. 'Its bones are
      marrowless, its blood is cold, and it has no speculation in its eyes.' I
      reprobate it as a chimera, a monster summoned up from the depth of hell!"
      But all the arguments, and accusations, and rage of the opposition proved
      fruitless: Pitt's motion was carried without a division, and ordered to be
      sent up to the lords for their concurrence. Pitt also moved for a similar
      committee to wait upon the queen, in order to ascertain whether her
      majesty would undertake the care of his majesty's person, and the
      management and control of the household; and this likewise was carried <i>nem.
      con.</i>, and ordered to be carried to the lords. The motion for the
      concurrence of their lordships to these resolutions was made by Lord
      Camden; and this being voted, committees were forthwith appointed for the
      purposes therein specified. One of the joint committees of lords and
      commons waited upon the Prince of Wales, at Carlton-house, on the 30th of
      January, the anniversary of the execution of Charles I., a day on which
      parliament never met for the despatch of business, but which was not
      considered too sacred for the execution of such an important commission.
      The reply of the prince was brief, and to the point. He thanked the lords
      and gentlemen for the communication of the resolutions agreed upon, and
      requested them to assure their respective houses, that his duty to the
      king, his father, and his concern for the safety and interests of the
      people, together with his respect for the united desires of the two
      houses, outweighed in his mind every other consideration, and determined
      him upon undertaking the weighty and important trust proposed to him. At
      the same time, while he accepted this trust, his royal highness took care
      to record what his opinions were respecting the restrictions imposed upon
      his regency. He remarked:&mdash;"I am sensible of the difficulties that
      must attend the execution of this trust, in the peculiar circumstances in
      which it is committed to my charge, of which, as I am acquainted with no
      former example, my hopes of a successful administration cannot be founded
      on any past experience. But confiding that the limitations on the exercise
      of the royal authority, deemed necessary for the present, have been
      approved by the two houses only as a temporary measure, founded on the
      loyal hope, in which I ardently anticipate, that his majesty's disorder
      may not be of long duration; and trusting, in the meanwhile, that I shall
      receive a zealous and united support in the two houses and in the nation,
      proportioned to the difficulty attending the discharge of my trust; in the
      interval, I will entertain the pleasing hope that my faithful endeavours
      to preserve the interests of the king, his crown, and people, may be
      successful." On the same day, a joint committee of lords and commons
      waited upon the queen at Kew Palace, and were assured by her majesty, that
      out of her duty and gratitude to the king, and from a sense of the great
      obligations she owed to this country, she would accept of the trust
      proposed to her by parliament, together with the council to aid her in the
      discharge of an office with which was connected, not only her own
      happiness, but also the happiness of a great, loyal, and affectionate
      people. The answers received from the Prince of Wales and the queen were
      read in the house of lords on the 31st; and after they were ordered to be
      printed, Lord Camden moved, in a committee of the house on the state of
      the nation, that letters patent should be issued, under the great seal,
      empowering certain commissioners to open and hold the king's parliament at
      Westminister. Among the commissioners proposed by ministers were the names
      of the Prince of Wales, his brother, the Duke of York, and his uncles, the
      Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester. The duke of York, however, whose views
      entirely coincided with those of opposition, rose and said, that from want
      of knowledge, he had been unable to take any steps to prevent his
      nomination; and that, as he could not sanction such unconstitutional and
      illegal proceedings with his name, he desired that it might be omitted: he
      added, "and I am requested to make the same request on the part of my
      brother, the Prince of Wales." The Duke of Cumberland, also, on the same
      grounds, desired that his own name, and the name of his brother, the Duke
      of Gloucester, should be struck out of the commission. A debate took place
      on the proper mode of withdrawing the names of these four personages, so
      as to convey no disrespect either to the house or to their royal
      highnesses; but it was finally settled that the names should still stand
      on the transcript, and that when the resolution was reported to the house,
      an amendment should be moved, to make it appear on the journals, that it
      was at the express desire of the several princes that their names were
      omitted. Camden's motion was now passed without a division; and the
      resolution being communicated to the commons, at a conference on the 2nd
      of February, Pitt moved the concurrence of the house therein. Another
      stormy debate took place, in which Lord North and Burke strongly insisted
      on the right of the Prince of Wales to the regency, and in which Pitt as
      strongly denied that right; but no division took place, and the resolution
      of the lords was therefore carried. The session was now opened on the 3rd
      of February, and the bill founded on the propositions already agreed upon
      was brought in, and by the 13th of February passed the house. Every
      article of it was warmly contested on the same grounds as when the
      resolutions were discussed, and some amendments and variations were
      introduced; the peerage clause, in particular, being limited to three
      years. Thus altered, the bill was sent up to the lords; and on the 17th,
      their lordships, in committee, made two important additions to it: one
      placing all the palaces, parks, houses, gardens, &amp;c, under the control
      and management of the queen; and the other committing to her the care of
      all the royal offspring under the age of twenty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RECOVERY OF HIS MAJESTY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The hopes of power and place which opposition had formed, and for the
      realization of which they had so stoutly contended, were suddenly dashed
      to the ground. While thus contending, it had been rumoured abroad that his
      majesty was fast recovering. This was essentially true; and Pitt had for
      some days been halting between two opinions, namely: whether he should
      proceed with, the regency-bill, or whether he should stop the proceedings.
      His opponents also had been perplexed as to the proper mode of procedure;
      whether to let the bill pass at once without opposition, and accept
      office, or to wait a little longer, and see whether there was any chance
      of retaining it. At length, however, all the perplexities by which both
      parties were surrounded were clean swept away. On the very day that the
      lords committed the bill, as sent up to them by the commons, it was
      publicly declared that the king was convalescent. This, no doubt, was a
      grievous disappointment to the Whig leaders, for it brought all their
      hopes and designs to a sudden termination. They had, however, only
      themselves to blame for this disappointment, inasmuch as they might, but
      for their opposition, have taken the reins of government into their hands
      two months ago. But hope now fled, and desire failed. On the 19th of
      February, Lord Chancellor Thurlow announced from the woolsack, in his
      peculiar sonorous tone of voice, that from the reports of the physicians,
      his majesty had been for some time in a state of convalescence; that the
      accounts just received conveyed the happy news that the improvement in his
      health was still progressive; and that, therefore, it would be indecorous
      to proceed in the present measures, he had no doubt, he said, that the
      house, participating in the general happiness of every man in the kingdom,
      would consider it necessary to wait a few days before they went further
      with the bill; and he therefore moved that their lordships should
      immediately adjourn to Tuesday next. In reply to Thurlow, the Duke of York
      remarked,&mdash;"I trust your lordships will do me the justice to believe
      that no person in the house could feel equal pleasure with myself from the
      favourable account which the noble lord on the woolsack has given, and the
      motion he has made to the house, in which I heartily concur. I should have
      had great satisfaction in making the same communication to the house, if I
      had been able to do it from certain information. I thought it my duty
      yesterday, upon the favourable reports given to the public, to request to
      be admitted to his majesty's presence. From reasons very justifiable, no
      doubt, it was not thought proper that I should have that satisfaction.
      From the knowledge I have of my brother's sentiments, though I have had no
      immediate communication with him upon the subject of this motion, I am
      convinced he will feel equal, if not greater, pleasure than myself at the
      hopes of his majesty's recovery, as it must relieve him from the
      embarrassment of the situation in which this bill would have placed him,
      which nothing but a strong sense of his duty to the public would have
      induced him to undertake." Thurlow's proposed adjournment was agreed to,
      and the regency bill there stopped.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of the Irish parliament in this matter formed a striking
      contrast to that of the English. On receiving the intelligence of his
      majesty's illness, a motion was made in the commons for presenting to the
      Prince of Wales an address, requesting him to assume the government of
      Ireland during the king's incapacity, with the full powers of the
      executive branch. This motion, which was moved by Mr. Conolly and
      supported by Grattan, passed without a division, and was confirmed by the
      lords. The lord-lieutenant, the Marquess of Buckingham, late Earl Temple,
      refused to transmit this address to England; and commissioners were
      therefore appointed by both houses to present it in person to the Prince
      of Wales. These delegates arrived in England on the 25th of February, and
      on the following day they presented their address to the prince at
      Carlton-house. The recovery of his majesty, however, rendered the object
      of their commission nugatory: the prince returned his warmest thanks to
      the delegates, but acquainted them with the change which had taken place
      in the king's health, and which, he said, he hoped, within a few days,
      would enable his majesty to resume the government. All that the
      commissioners, therefore, obtained for their pains and their loyalty were
      thanks and a splendid entertainment, at which the leaders of the prince's
      party were present. Entertainments had, indeed, from the commencement of
      his majesty's illness, been the order of the day at Carlton-house; the
      Saturday and Sunday of every week being set aside for that purpose; a mode
      of proceeding which brought great scandal on the prince and his party. The
      Whigs, by their recent conduct, in fact, rendered themselves unpopular in
      the eyes of the soberer part of the nation; and it may be questioned
      whether, if they had gained office under the regency-bill, they could have
      retained it for any lengthened period, even if his majesty had still been
      confined to Kew Palace as a maniac. The very city of London, which had
      once been the centre of opposition, was now on the side of Pitt and the
      king, and the feeling was universal throughout all England.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the regency-bill had not passed, it was not deemed necessary to adhere
      to the method prescribed by it for announcing the king's recovery and
      restoration to his royal capacity; the declaration in parliament, the
      bulletins of the physicians, and the suspension of those bulletins by
      royal order, were considered sufficient ground to enable his majesty to
      resume the functions of his office. Several adjournments of both houses
      took place subsequent to Lord Chancellor Thurlow's announcement of his
      majesty's recovery; but at length, on the 10th of March, a commission,
      under the great seal, was read to lords and commons, authorising the
      commissioners, previously appointed by letters patent for opening the
      parliament, to declare certain additional causes for holding the same.
      After the commission had been read, the lord chancellor observed, that his
      majesty being, by the blessing of Providence, recovered from his malady,
      had commanded the commissioners to convey to them his warmest
      acknowledgments for the proofs they had given of affection to his person,
      of zeal for the honour of his crown, and concern for the security and good
      government of his dominions. The commissioners were also ordered, he said,
      to acquaint the two houses that, since the close of the last session, his
      majesty had concluded a treaty of defensive alliance with the King of
      Prussia, and that he had endeavoured, during the last summer, to prevent
      the extension of hostilities in Europe. The house of commons was further
      informed, that the estimates of the current year would be forthwith laid
      before them. Addresses of congratulation were then passed both to the king
      and queen without a dissentient voice. On that night all London seemed one
      blaze of light; an illumination took place, such as that great capital had
      never witnessed before. This scene was renewed on the 23rd of April, which
      was appointed to be held as a day of public thanksgiving throughout the
      kingdom; and when his majesty went in grand procession to St. Paul's
      Church, to return thanks to almighty God for his recovery. His majesty was
      attended on this occasion by the queen and royal family, the two houses of
      parliament, and all the great officers of state, judges, and foreign
      ambassadors. The procession entered the cathedral amidst the peal of
      organs and the voices of five thousand children of the city charity
      schools, who were placed between the pillars on both sides, and singing
      that old melody, the hundredth psalm. The king was much affected; and
      turning to the dean, near whom he was walking, he said with great emotion,
      "I now feel that I have been ill." His emotion almost overpowered him; but
      recovering himself be proceeded to the chair, where the humility with
      which he at first knelt down, and the fervour with which he appeared to
      pour forth the feelings of a grateful heart, made a deep impression on all
      within the cathedral. By this affliction the personal popularity of the
      king greatly increased. It became the fashion to call him "the good old
      king," and men loved to dwell upon his morals and his virtues. It would be
      difficult, indeed, to point out any period in the annals of English
      history when any monarch was so universally revered by his subjects. Nor
      did the steady, consistent, and constitutional conduct of the
      prime-minister remain unacknowledged. While his opponents, by the
      sentiments which they had uttered in the heat of debate on the
      regency-bill, had given great offence to the people at large, Pitt had
      risen greatly in their estimation. He had, also, the warmest approbation
      of his majesty for the part he had taken; for on more than one occasion he
      expressed the highest satisfaction of his conduct, and that of the
      majority in parliament, in regard to the regency question. His majesty
      also remarked, that his illness had eventually become a source of
      happiness to him, inasmuch as it proved how nobly the people would support
      him when he was in trouble.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ADOPTION OF A PLAN OF FORTIFYING THE WEST INDIAN ISLANDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first subject that engaged the attention of parliament after his
      majesty's recovery, was a plan, formed by the master-general of the
      ordnance, for the fortification of the West Indian Islands. This scheme
      was condemned by General Burgoyne, Sheridan, and other members of
      opposition; but on the 18th of March £218,000 was granted for that
      purpose.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE COMMEMORATION OF THE PEOPLE'S RIGHTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 24th of March Mr. Beaufoy moved for leave to bring in a bill "to
      establish a perpetual anniversary thanksgiving to Almighty God, for
      having, by the glorious revolution, delivered this nation from arbitrary
      power, and to commemorate annually the confirmation of the people's
      rights." It was argued in opposition to this bill, that the event was
      sufficiently commemorated in the form of prayer appointed for the 5th of
      November; but the house seemed to think otherwise, for the bill was not
      only brought in, but carried through all its stages, and sent up to the
      lords. In the lords, however, it met with a more successful opposition;
      for, on the motion of Bishop Bangor, who pointed out the several parts of
      the service of the 5th of November, which had been added and altered, for
      the purpose of commemorating the revolution, the bill was thrown out
      without being once read; a ceremony to which a bill proposed by a peer is
      considered as a matter of right, and which is usually accorded to any
      measure sent up to the lords by the commons, as a matter of courtesy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SHOP-TAX REPEALED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of April Fox renewed the attempts he had made, in several
      successive years, for the repeal of the shop-tax; and as Pitt did not now
      oppose him he was this time successful. Mr. Dempster also proposed and
      carried the abolition of the additional tax and restrictions which had
      been laid upon the hawkers and pedlars.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1789-1791
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION RESPECTING THE CORPORATION AND TEST ACTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 8th of May Mr. Beaufoy again moved the repeal of the corporation
      and test acts; being prompted thereto, he said, by the confidence which
      the dissenters reposed in the disposition of the house to do justice to
      the injured, and to afford relief to the oppressed. This motion was warmly
      supported by Fox, who laid it down as an axiom of policy, that no human
      government had any jurisdiction over opinions as such, and more especially
      over religious opinions. Fox supported this view by weighty arguments; but
      the motion was opposed by Pitt on the same ground as before; and on a
      division it was lost by one hundred and twenty-two against one hundred and
      two. On a subsequent clay, Lord Stanhope introduced a bill into the house
      of peers for relieving all nonconformists from the operation of the penal
      laws, and allowing them free exercise of their faith in preaching and
      writing; papists only being excepted on account of their persecuting
      spirit. Lord Stanhope denounced these penal laws as a disgrace to our
      statute-books; but the motion was opposed by Dr. Moore, Archbishop of
      Canterbury, and the whole bench of bishops, as tending to unloose the
      bonds of society, by substituting fanaticism for religious order and
      subordination, by opening a door to licentiousness and contempt of
      Christianity, under pretence of religious liberty; and as destructive to
      the Church of England and the constitution, of which that church was a
      firm support. The bill was rejected on the second reading; and another,
      which was shortly after brought in by the same noble lord, to prevent
      suits in the ecclesiastical courts for the recovery of tithes, shared the
      same fate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Since the last session the privy-council had been employed in
      investigating facts concerning the slave-trade; and on the 12th of May an
      elaborate report was laid upon the table of the house of commons, together
      with petitions for and against that traffic. Mr. Wil-berforce had
      recovered from his illness; and on his motion it was voted that the
      report, with the petitions, should immediately be taken into consideration
      by a committee of the whole house. In committee, Wil-berforce moved twelve
      resolutions, condemnatory of the traffic and the barbarous treatment of
      the African slaves, which he enforced by a long and excellent speech; in
      which he considered the subject, first, on the question of humanity, and
      next, on that of policy. From the evidence before the council, it appeared
      that the number of slaves carried away annually from Africa, on an average
      of four years, amounted 38,000. These were chiefly brought from the
      interior of the country; and they consisted of four classes: prisoners
      taken in war; persons seized for debt or imputed crimes; domestic slaves,
      sold for the emolument of their masters; and persons seized by violence or
      fraud. Mr. Wilberforce showed that the trade thus carried on had a natural
      tendency to cause frequent and cruel wars; to produce unjust convictions
      and aggravated punishments for pretended crimes; to encourage fraud and
      oppression; and to obstruct the natural course of civilization and
      improvement. He also showed that an extensive commerce in articles
      peculiar to Africa and important to our manufactures, might be substituted
      for this inhuman traffic; a commerce which would at once equal the profits
      of the slave-trade, and would probably increase with the civilization that
      would follow its abolition. The orator dwelt very forcibly on the grievous
      sufferings which the slaves endured on the passage from Africa to the West
      Indies, and the horrid treatment they received on their arrival. He also
      dwelt emphatically on the dissoluteness and other causes which prevailed
      among them in the West Indies, and which prevented the natural increase of
      population among them; arguing, that if the causes which had hitherto
      obstructed the natural increase of negroes in our plantations, and if good
      regulations were established among them, there would be no need of an
      annual importation from Africa. At all events, he said, a trade founded in
      iniquity, and carried on with so many circumstances of horror, must be
      abolished, let its policy be what it will. The wickedness of the trade was
      so enormous, so dreadful, and irremediable; that he could stop at no
      alternative short of its abolition. His mind had been harassed with the
      objections of the West India planters, who had asserted that the ruin of
      their property would be involved in such a step; but he could not help
      distrusting their arguments; he could not believe that the Almighty, who
      forbade the practice of rapine and blood, had made rapine and blood
      necessary to any part of his creation. He felt a confidence in that
      persuasion; he took the resolution to act on it, and light soon broke in
      upon his mind; his suspicion was daily confirmed by increasing
      information; and the evidence he had now to offer on this point was
      decisive and complete. He was prepared to prove that the number of negroes
      in our colonies might be kept up without the introduction of slaves from
      Africa. He added, in a fine spirit of Christian philanthropy:&mdash;"Let
      us then make such amends as we can for the mischief we have clone to that
      unhappy continent; let us put an end at once to this inhuman traffic, and
      stop this effusion of human blood. The true way to virtue is to avoid
      temptation; let us, therefore, withdraw from these wretched Africans those
      temptations to fraud, violence, cruelty, and injustice which the
      slave-trade furnishes. Wherever the sun shines let us go round the world
      with him, diffusing our beneficence; but let us not traffic only that we
      may set kings against their subjects, and subjects against their kings,
      sowing discord in every village, fear and terror in every family, urging
      millions of our fellow-creatures to hunt each other for slaves, creating
      fairs and markets for human flesh through one whole continent of the
      world, and, under the name of policy, concealing from ourselves all the
      base iniquity of such a traffic." Mr. Pitt expressed his warm approbation
      of the manner in which the subject had been brought before the house, and
      confessed that the slave-trade must be abolished: and he consented that
      the resolutions should be entered on the journals; conceiving that such a
      step might produce the effect of causing foreign nations to concur with
      England in the proposed abolition. Fox and Burke also applauded the
      orator; the latter declaring that not only England, but all Europe was
      indebted to him for exposing the iniquity of a trade "which began with
      savage war, was prosecuted with unheard-of cruelty, continued, during the
      middle passage, with the most loathsome imprisonment, and ended in
      perpetual exile and unremitting slavery." The feeling of the house and the
      nation at large was so manifestly, at this period, in favour of the
      abolition of the slave-trade, that Lord Penryn, one of its advocates,
      asserted that, to his knowledge, the planters were now willing to assent
      to any regulation of the trade short of its abolition; to which remark Fox
      replied, with much animation, that he knew nothing of such a thing as a
      regulation of robbery and restriction of murder; there was no medium; the
      legislature must either abolish the trade, or plead guilty to all the
      iniquity with which it was attended. Finally, Pitt conceded, with the
      consent of Mr. Wilberforce, to the examination of witnesses on the part of
      the slave-merchants and planters, trusting that unnecessary delays would
      not be introduced, as he could not submit to the ultimate procrastination
      of so important a measure. Evidence was heard at the bar for several
      successive weeks; and the session being far advanced, the friends of
      abolition consented, on the 23rd of June, to an adjournment of the
      question to the succeeding session of parliament. Before this session was
      closed, however, the temporary regulation act of Sir William Dolben was
      renewed till August, 1790.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ELECTION OF SPEAKER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in June Lord Sidney resigned the office of secretary of state for
      the home department; and Mr. Grenville, who had so recently been nominated
      speaker of the house of commons, obtained the appointment. Sir Gilbert
      Elliot again became a candidate for the vacant chair; but the ministerial
      nominee, Mr. Henry Addington, was elected by a majority of two hundred and
      fifteen against one hundred and forty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITTS FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of June, Pitt opened his financial scheme for the year. In
      doing so, he congratulated the house and the country on the fact, that his
      hopes of the efficacy of the sinking-fund, etc. had been well founded. The
      permanent income declared necessary by the committee of 1786 to defray the
      annual demands, was £15,500,000; and for the last two years it had
      exceeded that sum by £78,000. As, however, there had been several
      extraordinary expenses, such as paying the debts of the Prince of Wales,
      fitting out the armament of the summer of 1787, &amp;c, he stated that it
      was necessary to raise one million by loan, and to increase some taxes or
      duties to pay the interest of this loan. The new duties which he proposed
      were laid upon newspapers, advertisements, cards, dice, probates of wills,
      and horses and carriages, none of which, he conceived, would press at all
      on the poor, or heavily upon the rich. To increase the revenue by further
      prevention of fraud, Pitt introduced and carried a bill for transferring
      the duties on tobacco from the customs to the excise; it having appeared,
      on inquiry, that one half of this article, which would have produced »
      revenue of nearly £300,000, was obtained by smuggling. Sheridan again
      controverted the statements of Pitt; and on the 10th of July he moved,
      "that a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the public
      income and expenditure; into the progress actually made in the reduction
      of the national debt since the year 1786; and into the grounds on which a
      reduction of the same may be expected in future, and to report the same,
      with their observations thereon, to the house." Sheridan pledged himself
      to prove that the report of the committee of 1786 was not founded in fact;
      and that for the last three years the expenditure had increased to the
      amount of £200,000. A long debate took place on this motion; but it was
      negatived without a division, as was also a motion to the same effect,
      moved in the upper house by Lord Rawdon.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Warren Hastings was revived early in this session; but from
      the occupation produced by the regency-bill and by the recovery of the
      king, it proceeded but slowly. It was, in fact, the 20th of April before
      their lordships resumed their sitting in the hall; and from the nature of
      the business which subsequently occupied their attention, they could then
      only sit seventeen days. The third article was opened on the 21st by
      Burke, which article related to the corrupt receipt of money. In his
      speech Burke alluded to Nuncomar, and indiscreetly said, that Hastings had
      murdered him by the hands of Sir Elijah Impey. As Impey had been acquitted
      by the house of commons, and as the transaction respecting Nuncomar made
      no part of the charges contained in the articles, Hastings thought proper
      to present a petition to the commons, in which he entreated them either to
      cause this, and similar allegations made by his accuser, to be prosecuted
      in distinct articles, or to afford him such redress as they should think
      proper. This petition was strongly supported by Major Scott, who presented
      it, and who accused Burke of being guilty of cool, deliberate, systematic,
      and intentional misrepresentation, and of imputing to Hastings crimes of
      which he knew him to be innocent. In reply, Burke called Major Scott the
      systematic libeller of the house of commons; and he, with his friends,
      endeavoured to prevent the petition from being received; contending that
      it was irregular and unprecedented, and that if every expression, not
      agreeable to the feelings of the party accused, were not fit to be used in
      a criminal prosecution, there must be an end to such prosecution. Pitt, on
      the other hand, gave his cordial support to the petition, as far as
      regarded the business of Nuncomar; and after a long debate, the house
      resolved "that no authority had been given by the house for the purpose of
      making any criminal charge respecting Nuncomar; and that the words
      complained of ought not to have been spoken." Subsequently, a resolution
      of censure on the conduct of Burke was moved by the Marquess Of Graham;
      and, though strenuously opposed by Fox and the other managers, it was
      carried by a majority of one hundred and thirty-live against sixty-six. In
      the meantime the trial went on languidly. Legal doubts and difficulties
      were constantly suggested by the counsel for the prisoner, and time was
      frittered away in their consideration by the peers; and before this single
      charge could be settled, their lordships decided to postpone the trial to
      the first Tuesday in the next session of parliament. These delays caused
      great vexation both to the accused and the accusers. Hastings, indeed,
      declared that if he had foreseen such an interminable process, he would
      rather have pleaded guilty at the commencement of the process; and that,
      if he had done so, he should have been a gainer as regards money. Early in
      the session, in fact, Hastings had presented a petition to the lords,
      complaining of the great hardship to which the duration of the trial
      subjected him; mentioning the death of several of his judges, the long
      detention of witnesses necessary for his defence, the probability of his
      being deprived of many of them by various accidents; and reminding their
      lordships of the shattered state of his own health, and that his cost had
      been so great, that, even if his life should be spared to the end of the
      trial, he might become destitute of the means of defence, and thereby run
      the fearful chance of having his character blasted by unrefuted
      criminations; there being no hope of defending himself effectually without
      money. On the other hand, Burke and the managers complained of the delays
      as tending to favour the accused. On one occasion, when their lordships,
      after long consideration in their own chamber&mdash;whither they almost
      invariably retired to solve all doubt and difficulties&mdash;decided that
      certain evidence taken out of the minutes at Calcutta should not be
      admitted, he exclaimed, with impassioned vehemence:&mdash;"Plunder on; the
      laws intended to restrain you are mere scarecrows. Accumulate wealth by
      any means, however illegal, profligate, infamous. You are sure of
      impunity; for the natives of India are, by their religion, debarred from
      appearing against you out of their own country; and circumstantial
      evidence will not be received." But neither the complaints of the accused
      nor the accusers quickened the proceedings of the peers. They still walked
      leisurely from the hall to their chamber, and from their chamber to the
      hall, whence it was jocosely said by Lord Stanhope, that "the judges
      walked, but the trial stood still."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by commission&mdash;the king-having gone to
      Weymouth for his health&mdash;on the 11th of August. The speech was
      delivered by the lord chancellor, in his majesty's name; and in it his
      lordship observed, that, although the good offices of the king and his
      allies had not been effectual for the restoration of general tranquillity,
      yet the situation of affairs abroad continued to promise to this country
      the uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessing of peace. But this view of the
      state of Europe was superficial: in reality it promised nothing but strife
      and bloodshed. This will be manifested in the next section.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period war and anarchy were disturbing a large portion of the
      continent. In the preceding year, Gustavus, King of Sweden, offended at
      the intrigues of Russian emissaries; jealous of the extended power of the
      Czarina Catherine; and anxious to recover the territories which had been
      wrested from his predecessors, had commenced a war with Russia. Gustavus
      was aided by a subsidy from the Turkish Sultan, who was at war with
      Russia, and he entertained hopes of assistance from Great Britain and
      Prussia. The Danes were engaged by treaty to assist the Russians, and
      fearing the result of this alliance, the courts of Great Britain and
      Prussia, without engaging directly in the contest, encouraged diversions
      both in Poland and Sweden. But Gustavus had enemies in his own dominions.
      His nobles had never forgiven him for overthrowing their unbounded power,
      in 1772, and the war against Russia, which he began without the assent of
      the states, was the signal for revolt. Many of these nobles were superior
      officers in the Swedish army, and they conspired against the king; and,
      declaring that the war undertaken was contrary to the constitution, they
      sent deputies to St. Petersburgh, in order to negociate an armistice,
      which was effected. At the same time a Danish army invaded Sweden and
      menaced Gothenburg. The situation of Gustavus was a critical one, but he
      was delivered from all danger by his high courage, and the good offices of
      the courts of England and Prussia. These courts, having in vain offered
      their mediation between those of Petersburg and Stockholm, so effectually
      intimidated the Prince of Denmark, who governed the state for his
      incapable father, that he promised to abstain from all hostilities.
      Gustavus now convoked a diet at Stockholm, in which an act of union and
      security was proposed and adopted by the three lower orders of the
      assembly; which act gave him unlimited power, and invested him with the
      right of waging war without the consent of the states; made all classes of
      society equal in rights of property and security, and all places and
      offices accessible to the citizens; and established colleges of
      government, responsible to the king, instead of the senate of the kingdom,
      whose authority had been independent. The aristocratic senate of
      Stockholm, which had been abridged of its powers in the revolution of
      1772, was now entirely suppressed, and while many of the members were
      arrested and thrown into prison, others fled to St. Petersburgh, where
      they lived under the protection of the czarina. Gustavus now hastened back
      to his banners on the Russian boundary, and in the course of this year,
      1789, several severe and bloody actions took place, in most of which he
      was victorious. Towards the close of the campaign, however, while in
      Russian Finland, his galley-fleet, which moved along shore and co-operated
      with his army, was defeated by a more numerous galley-fleet belonging to
      the czarina, and having lost many of his best troops, he was compelled to
      evacuate the Russian territories and retreat across his own frontier.
      After this both armies went into winter-quarters.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime, notwithstanding the exertions made both by England and
      Prussia to restore peace, war continued between the imperial courts of
      Austria, Russia, and the Porte. Early in this year's campaign, the
      Austrians overran the greater part of Wallachia, and Moldavia, and the
      Prince of Saxe Cobourg, who commanded them, being joined by the Russians
      under Suvaroff, gained a great victory over the grand army of the Turks at
      Martinitzi. Subsequently, Belgrade was captured by the Austrians, and on
      the northern frontier the Russian General Potemkin defeated another
      Turkish army, at a place called Tabac, not far from the town of Bender.
      Flushed with victory Potemkin sat down before Bender, but though the
      garrison was a small one, and the fortifications contemptible, it was not
      captured till its walls were utterly demolished. Before winter set in the
      Russians captured several places on the shores of the Black Sea, and
      others on the Dniester and the Danube. They had, indeed, reduced almost
      every important place between the Danube and the Bog and Dnieper. On the
      other hand, the Turkish fleet defeated the czarina's flotilla or
      flotillas, on the Black Sea, and successfully checked the Austrians, who
      after the reduction of Belgrade, undertook the siege of Orsova.
    </p>
    <p>
      Commotions every where prevailed. While the Austrian emperor was
      prosecuting victories and conquests from which he could not hope to derive
      any permanent advantages, he contrived to alienate from himself the
      affections of the people of the Netherlands. This people consisted of
      independent states, resembling each other in manner, character, and
      constitution of government; their polity being composed of three orders,
      clergy, nobles, and people, under the limited principality of one
      personage, denominated Count. The Netherlander had shown an heroic
      devotion to his mother, Maria Theresa, and were warmly attached to his own
      person. Animated, however, by a restless spirit of innovation, he dared to
      interfere with their ancient privileges and religion&mdash;two objects of
      which they were particularly tenacious&mdash;and thus created a spirit of
      disaffection throughout all the Low Countries. Under the plea of reform he
      made innovations in their ecclesiastical establishments; suppressed the
      most venerated judicial institutions; appointed new and despotic
      tribunals; subverted the legislature, by abrogating the power of the
      assembly of states, and instituted a general government, with a court
      minister at its head; and finally attacked the clerical order, by
      overthrowing those institutions which were the very nursery of its
      priesthood. These sacrilegious acts roused the choler of the people; open
      rebellion was the natural result; and the people were victorious. The
      imperial troops committed many excesses throughout the Low Countries, and
      dyed their swords in blood; but the Netherlander, strong in the justice of
      their cause, finally triumphed. By the close of this year the Flemings,
      the States of Brabant, and all the other provinces, with the exception of
      Luxembourg, completely established their independence.
    </p>
    <p>
      It seems clear that the revolt of the Netherlander did not arise from that
      democratic spirit which everywhere prevailed at this period, but from the
      rapacity and usurpations of the Austrian emperor. It is dangerous to touch
      ancient constitutions, and still more dangerous to lay violent hands upon
      venerated religious establishments. But while the Netherlander may be
      acquitted of being inflamed with the fierce passions of democracy in their
      struggle with the Emperor of Austria, as much cannot be said of other
      people and nations. At this time, indeed, a party existed in most
      countries, whose aim was to overturn the existing order of things, of
      which the efforts at revolution in several small states, such as
      Aix-la-Chapelle and Geneva may be cited as examples. These were so many
      instances of the democratic spirit which now prevailed; but they sink into
      insignificance when compared with the commotion which had commenced in
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      Incidental mention has been made of the financial embarrassments of the
      court of France; embarrassments which were in a great measure induced by
      the impolitic interference of that court in the dispute between England
      and her American colonies. Such was the deplorable condition of the French
      treasury in 1780, that a national bankruptcy was only avoided by the issue
      of paper money, which by a royal edict was enforced on the people, who
      were enjoined to receive it as gold or silver. Added to this a scarcity
      was threatened, and many of the people were actually perishing for want of
      bread. The prime minister, Necker, who was at the head of the French
      government during the American war, had incurred the hatred of the court
      party, and had been compelled, in 1781, to leave the kingdom. His
      successors were first Calonne, and then Brienne, both of whom failed to
      deliver the nation from its distresses. In 1788, therefore, Necker was
      recalled, and placed anew at the head of the finances, and also admitted
      to the council of state. Necker was at this time the hope of the nation,
      but there was no man in existence who could effect its salvation. Urged by
      the people, one of the first measures of Necker was to procure an order of
      council for the assembling of the States-general, which it was thought,
      could alone rescue the nation from impending ruin. The meeting of the
      States-general would probably have been attended with no ill effects, had
      it been constituted as in ancient times. Instead, however, of there being
      an equal number of nobles, clergy, and commons convoked, Necker
      unfortunately prevailed upon the king to summon six hundred of the
      commons, making that body numerically equal to the other two estates, and
      therefore capable of successfully opposing their measures. This was fatal
      to the peace of the nation, for the mass of the people of France, from
      among whom the commons were convoked, were rampant for a change in the
      existing order of things&mdash;were revolutionists at heart. The factious
      spirit which prevailed among them was discovered at the very opening of
      the States-general, which took place on the 5th of May, 1789, at
      Versailles. After the king had delivered a speech, in which he expressed a
      hope that it would communicate new vigour to the nation, re-establish
      public credit, and open additional sources of happiness, a question arose,
      "Should votes be taken by order, as heretofore, or by head?" This provoked
      the parties to combat, and the commons prevailed: the votes were to be
      taken by head. This clearly gave the preponderance to the commons, or
      third estate, since their number was equal to that of the nobles and
      clergy and they might expect some adherents from both those parties.
      Within six weeks, indeed, the third estate being strengthened by a part of
      the lower clergy, upon the motion of the Abbé Sieyes, declared themselves
      the national assembly. This was a great step, and the first imposing
      phenomenon of the new order of things. It caused great joy among the
      people, great movements among the nobility and the clergy, and great
      consternation at court.
    </p>
    <p>
      To stem the onward tide of revolution which threatened to overwhelm the
      nation, the king, by a herald at arms, declared that the debates of the
      assembly were suspended, and that it was his majesty's intention to hold a
      royal session. The hall of the states was now closed, but the deputies,
      under their first president, Bailly, assembled at one time in the Tennis
      Court, and at another in the Church of St. Louis, and took an oath to
      remain united until the regeneration of the state was accomplished. The
      royal session took place on the 23rd of June, and the king having
      pronounced the previous resolutions of the assembly to be illegal, ordered
      the estates to leave the hall, and withdraw each to their chamber, to
      deliberate there upon certain subjects which he laid before them. He would
      consider himself, and himself alone, he said, as the representative of the
      nation, and threatened to take all necessary measures into his own hands,
      if the national assembly acted contrary to his wishes. But the words of
      the monarch fell upon the ears of men who hated royalty, and who were
      resolved upon stripping the diadem from his brow. Being by this time
      joined by the greater part of the clergy, who seem to have considered that
      their interests were blended with those of the people, the commons
      resolved not to stir from the hall. The command of the king was repeated
      by a royal messenger, and then was seen the determined hostility which
      prevailed in the assembly towards the courts. "Only the force of
      bayonets," said Mirabeau, "can drive the deputies of the people from their
      seats." The assembly, therefore, still remained, and on the following day
      was reinforced by some members of the nobility, with the Duke of Orleans
      at their head. The king was perplexed; but hoping still to counteract
      their measures, he ordered the majority of the nobles, and the minority of
      the clergy to unite with the third estate, whereby the national assembly
      was finally completed. But there was still no reconciliation. Thirty
      thousand armed men, foreigners, were assembled in the vicinity of the
      capital, under the command of Marshal de Broglio, and these hostile
      preparations excited the people to revolt, engaged the representatives of
      the nation in a struggle between opposite duties, and alarmed the friends
      of liberty. All Paris&mdash;all France, became agitated and excited to
      action. Patriotic societies were formed as guides of the wild-fermenting
      masses of the people, and means of resistance were debated upon and
      adopted. In the midst of the commotion, a report was spread that Necker
      and Montmarin, the two popular ministers, had been dismissed and banished
      the kingdom, and that they and their colleagues were succeeded in office
      by men who were decided advocates of the ancient <i>régime</i>. Now
      commenced insurrection. On the 14th of July the people rose <i>en masse</i>,
      and being joined by the French guards, they stormed and captured the
      Bastille. Alarmed at these proceedings the king discharged his new
      ministers; recalled Necker; sent away the foreign troops, and threw
      himself into the arms of the nation. Joy and acclamation succeeded, and a
      festival of reconciliation was celebrated at Paris, between king and
      people, which seemed to presage the return of harmony. But there were two
      parties in the state who were far from being satisfied with the
      reconciliation thus brought about&mdash;the aristocrats and the democrats.
      The former saw their downfall therein, and rather than submit to such a
      state of things, great numbers went into voluntary exile. By their
      departure, the king was left without defence and counsel in the midst of
      the roaring storm&mdash;was left to the mercy of men who were in heart his
      most deadly enemies. He assumed the tri-coloured cockade, and sanctioned
      the decrees of the assembly, which aimed at the overthrow of the old, and
      the establishment of a new government; but still, though he complied with
      their every wish, it was evident, to all men of discernment, that he had
      not the affections of his subjects, and that his life was not safe in
      their hands. After his apparent reconciliation with the Parisians, Louis
      hastened to Versailles, where he hoped to remain in peace. But it was
      scarcely to be expected that a people, and especially the people of a
      corrupt capital, after they had broken the bonds of obedience, would
      immediately return to social order. Despite the exertions of Bailly, the
      recently elected mayor of Paris, and of Lafayette, the head of the newly
      created citizen militia, tumults were the order of the day. Famine raged
      in the city, and urged by it, as well as by a desire of revenge, many fell
      victims to the fury of the multitude. Thus Foulon, counsellor of state,
      and thus Berthier, his son-in-law, hitherto intendant of Paris, perished.
      Accumulated murders were committed in the capital, and similar scenes
      occurred in the provinces. Several cities followed the example of Paris,
      and in the country the peasants armed themselves against the nobles: the
      times of King John seemed to return. These crimes are in a great measure
      to be imputed to some members of the national assembly; but in the month
      of August the better part got a resolution passed, whereby the disturbers
      of the tranquillity were reminded of their duty, and the national guards,
      which were promptly raised in the whole kingdom, charged with the
      maintenance of order and security. But resolutions and decrees, and even
      the sword, were still impotent to allay the rash fury of the populace. It
      was suspected by them that the higher orders were not sincere in the
      sacrifices to which they had assented, and a rumour was industriously
      spread abroad that preparations were making for the retreat of the king to
      Metz, in Lorraine, where the royal standard was to be raised in opposition
      to the national assembly. Nor does it appear that the king was sincere in
      the concessions which had been wrung from him, or that he intended their
      perpetuation. At all events, if the king himself was sincere, it is
      certain that the queen and her counsellors turned their thoughts towards
      the restoration of the monarchy. Full of warlike sentiments, the court
      brought the regiment of Flanders to Versailles, and surrounded itself with
      soldiers, whence not only the populace suspected its movements, but the
      municipality of Paris became alarmed, and Lafayette himself spoke openly
      of a plot against liberty. A fresh insurrection now took place. Urged in
      part by famine, in part by wild cannibal passions, and in part by objects
      of treason and ambition, on the 5th of October, several thousand furious
      women, intermixed with a number of men of the most abandoned characters,
      assembled together, and after having committed some outrages, set up a
      long and hideous cry "To Versailles!" And the cry was not long confined to
      them. It resounded also among the citizen-militia, and among the great
      mass of the population of Paris, and Lafayette placed himself at the head
      of the insurrection. On the night of the 6th of October the palace of
      Versailles was attacked; many of its defenders were slain; and the king
      and the royal family, being rescued from the hands of the infuriated mob
      by Lafayette at the head of the national guard, were carried in triumph to
      Paris. The heads of the unfortunate defenders of the monarch, fixed on
      pikes, adorned the procession as it passed through the streets of the
      city. This new triumph of the populace occasioned another change in the
      constitution by the national assembly: the king being compelled to accede
      to every thing which they chose to establish. But France was not yet
      tranquil. The king and the people&mdash;except the factionists&mdash;became
      again, in appearance, if not in reality, reconciled; but there was still
      an under-current of mischief at work, which finally involved the monarch
      in ruin, Paris in bloodshed, and all Europe in war!
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1789-1791
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The events which had taken place in France during this year, naturally
      attracted the anxious notice of other European states. In England many
      persons read of them with pleasure, others with suspicion and jealousy,
      and others with anxiety and alarm. The general opinion was favourable to
      the revolution, arising from the natural abhorrence with which Englishmen
      look upon despotism under every possible form and shape. Even Fox and Pitt
      at first united in a tribute of admiration of the great movement; they,
      with others, overlooking its most criminal excesses, on the presumption
      that it would tend to establish the liberty and the happiness of the
      French people. All parties, indeed, agreed in believing, or at least
      hoping, that the states being properly modelled would by degrees effect
      the most important reforms, and produce the most valuable results, not
      only to the French themselves, but to all the world. Poets sang the
      destruction of the Bastille; orators applauded the asserters of liberty;
      statesmen contemplated the revolution with pleasure; and even divines from
      their pulpits did not blush to extol the character of the French
      regenerators. Among the most ardent admirers of the French revolution was
      an assemblage of persons, with Lord Stanhope at their head, who had
      associated for many years for the purpose of commemorating the British
      revolution of 1888. These revolutions were totally different in character,
      but losing sight of this, the society even went so far as to offer a
      formal address of "congratulation to the national assembly on the event of
      the late glorious revolution in France." It must be in charity supposed,
      that a great deal of ignorance existed as to the real character of the
      movement in France, otherwise it could only be concluded that a similar
      spirit existed in England as in that country. It must not be disguised,
      however, that England contained a certain class of discontented
      speculative men, who considered their own country deficient in the liberty
      which, they imagined as agreeable to man's natural rights; and who
      therefore looked upon the French revolution as the precursor to a similar
      movement among ourselves: men who, from a revolutionary ardour and a
      fondness for innovation, looked on all resistance to power as commendable,
      confounded revolt with liberty, and identified conspiracy with patriotism.
      But this section of the community happily was not extensive: the many who
      admired the French revolution did so from a generous sympathy, and while
      they lamented the excesses committed, they attributed it to the old
      tyranny, which had brutalized the people, and which they considered as not
      likely to continue. They concluded, erroneously indeed, that a change from
      the old system of despotism must be an improvement, and fondly hoped that
      the alterations would produce a government in France, similar to that
      which they themselves enjoyed. Others there were, however, who viewed the
      new politics of France with horror. Looking from the present to the
      future, they foresaw that the events which had taken place in that
      country, instead of producing such a change in the condition of the French
      people as every friend to rational and well-regulated freedom must desire,
      would only produce the most lamentable consequences&mdash;would either
      terminate in anarchy, or in the establishment of despotism. Of the great
      public men of the day, Burke was perhaps the first to discern the true
      character of this movement in France. The letters which he wrote during
      its progress all show that he looked upon it with the utmost suspicion:
      arguing from the bloody deeds with which it was consummated, deeds still
      more bloody and fearful. But the keen insight into the French character
      which Burke possessed was not common to the public at large, or even to
      his own party and the friends of his bosom: the general impression was,
      that the French people, after the first ebullitions of vengeance, would
      return to their senses; and that then they would build up a fabric of
      freedom on the ruins of tyranny, which might serve for a model to all
      Europe: a bulwark of liberty which the iron foot of despotism should never
      be able to throw down.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "But history, time's slavish scribe, will tell
     How rapidly the zealots of the cause
     Disbanded&mdash;or in hostile ranks appeared:
     Some, tired of honest service; these outdone,
     Disgusted, therefore, or appalled, by aims
     Of fiercer zealots&mdash;so confusion reigned,
     And the more faithful were compelled to exclaim,
     As Brutus did to virtue: 'Liberty,
     I worshipped thee, and find thee but a shade.'"
                                &mdash;Wordsworth.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1790
    </p>
    <p>
      The British parliament met on the 21st of January. The king, who had now
      recovered from his malady, attended in person, and in his speech he
      slightly glanced at the affairs of the continent, by observing that they
      had engaged his most serious attention; paid an appropriate tribute to the
      excellence of the British constitution; and congratulated the country on
      the increase of the public revenue, the extension of commerce and
      manufactures, and the general prosperity. The addresses in both houses
      were voted without opposition or division. In moving that in the commons,
      Lord Valletort took occasion to contrast the tranquil and prosperous
      situation of England with the anarchy and licentiousness prevailing in
      France, and to stigmatize the revolution as an event the most disastrous
      and the most fatal that had ever taken place since the foundation of the
      French monarchy. Nearly all who followed Lord Valletort coincided in his
      sentiments, attributing the prosperity and tranquillity of England to the
      superior excellence of its constitution, and to the prudent administration
      of the executive government. The subject was resumed in the debates which
      took place on the 5th and 9th of February, in both of which Fox spoke in a
      laudatory manner of the French military, and in the latter of which he
      extended his eulogiums to the French revolution itself. It has been seen
      before that Burke's sentiments on this subject were foreign to those of
      his party, and notwithstanding his political connection <i>with</i>, and
      friendship <i>for</i> Fox, he rose from his seat greatly agitated, and
      denounced the revolution as "an irrational, unprincipled, proscribing,
      confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody, tyrannical democracy." In his
      speech, Burke, after paying some high compliments to the genius and
      character of Fox, and adverting to the danger of his opinions as
      sanctioned by the authority of so great a name, entered at large into the
      subject. He remarked:&mdash;"The French have shown themselves the ablest
      architects of ruin that have hitherto appeared in the world. In one short
      summer they have completely pulled down their monarchy, their church,
      their nobility, their law, their army, and their revenue. Were we absolute
      conquerors, with France prostrate at our feet, we should blush to impose
      on them terms so destructive to their national consequence, as the durance
      they have imposed on themselves. Our present clanger is that of being led,
      from admiration, to imitate the excesses of a people whose government is
      anarchy, and whose religion is atheism." Burke expressed his concern at
      hearing this strange thing called a revolution in France, compared with
      the glorious event called the revolution in England. He instituted a
      parallel between the two, and showed how widely they differed from each
      other, and how Great Britain had risen beyond the standard of her former
      self, because she had commenced with reparation, and not with ruin. The
      French, he said, had made their way through the destruction of their
      country to a bad constitution, when they were absolutely in possession of
      a good one. Instead of redressing grievances and improving the fabric of
      their state, to which they were called by their monarch and sent by their
      country, they had first destroyed all the balances and counterpoises which
      served to fix the state and to give it a steady direction, melting down
      the whole into one incongruous, ill-connected mass; and then, with the
      most atrocious perfidy and breach of all faith, they laid the axe to the
      root of all property, and consequently of all national prosperity, by the
      principles they established and the example they set in confiscating all
      the possessions of the church. They had made and recorded a sort of
      institute and digest of anarchy, called "A Declaration of the Rights of
      Man;" thus systematically destroying every hold of authority by opinion,
      religious or civil, on the minds of the people. By this mad declaration
      they had subverted the state, and brought on such calamities as no
      country, without a long war, had been known to suffer. Burke expressed
      himself astonished and troubled at the movements in France beyond measure,
      and denounced it as so far from being worthy of imitation, that it ought
      to have our utter abhorrence He would spend the last drop of his blood&mdash;would
      quit his best friends, and join his bitterest enemies, to oppose the least
      influence of such a spirit in England. Burke concluded his noble harangue
      by saying that he was now near the end of his natural, and probably still
      nearer the end of his political, career; that he was weak and weary, and
      wished for rest; that at his time of life, if he could not do something by
      weight of opinion, it would be useless to attempt anything by mere
      struggle; and that, with respect to the British constitution, he wished
      but few alterations in it, adding, that he should be happy if he left it
      not the worse for any share he had taken in its service. This speech, so
      full of patriotism and unanswerable argument, gave rise to a grand schism
      among the Whigs. As soon as Burke had concluded, Fox rose and declared his
      total dissent from opinions "so hostile to the general principles of
      liberty," and which, he said, he was grieved to hear from the lips of a
      man whom he loved and revered; a man by whose precepts he had been taught,
      and from whom he had learned more than from all the men with whom he had
      ever conversed. His speech on that day, he remarked, some arguments and
      observations excepted, was among the wisest and most brilliant that had
      ever been delivered in the house; but still, with all these admissions,
      his opinion on the general subject remained unaltered. Fox entered into a
      vindication of the conduct of the French army, in refusing to act against
      their fellow-citizens, and excused the scenes of bloodshed and cruelty
      which had been committed by the citizens, on the ground of their
      long-suffering from tyranny. At the same time Fox declared, that he never
      would lend himself to support any cabal or scheme to introduce any
      dangerous innovation into our excellent constitution; and that Burke might
      rest assured they could never differ in principles, although they might
      disagree in the application of principles. Burke rejoined, and expressed
      himself satisfied with the explanation of his right-honourable friend; and
      the discussion might have ended for the present, had it not been for
      Sheridan, who wished to make a speech on this grand subject. Sheridan, in
      rising, said, that he felt it his duty to declare that he differed from
      Burke in almost every word respecting the French revolution. In his
      opinion it was as just as our own, proceeding upon as sound a principle,
      and a greater provocation. Sheridan then eulogised Lafayette, Bailly, and
      other patriots of that stamp, and vehemently defended the general views
      and conduct of the national assembly. He concluded his harangue by
      charging Burke with being an advocate for despotism, and with having
      spoken of the national assembly with an unwarrantable freedom of speech.
      Burke instantly rose to reply; and in doing so he expressed his
      indignation at the language which Sheridan had used, and declared that
      henceforth his honourable friend and he were separated in politics.
      Sheridan's language, he said, was not new, since it was only a repetition
      of what was to be heard at the reforming clubs and societies with which
      the honourable gentleman had recently become entangled, and for whose
      plaudits he had chosen to sacrifice his friends. He added, that his
      argument was chiefly an argument <i>ad invidiam</i>, and that all the
      applause he could hope for from clubs was scarcely worth the sacrifice
      which he had chosen to make. The Whig party were alarmed at this breach in
      their camp; and attempts were instantly made to bring about a
      reconciliation by means of mutual explanations. But these attempts were
      fruitless; the bond of union was for ever broken. The Whig party were
      rendered still more uneasy by the conduct of Pitt, who declared that Burke
      had that day conferred a great obligation upon the country, and warmly
      applauded the zealous and seasonable attachment which he had displayed to
      the principles of the British constitution. No man, in truth, rendered
      more service to the cause of constitutional liberty than did Burke at this
      period. This was but the first of a series of splendid harangues which he
      uttered upon the subject of the French revolution, and which were as the
      sound of a trumpet to the hearts of the English people. The contagion of
      its principles were also arrested by the weighty productions of his pen;
      in which productions "his fancy laid all nature under tribute, collecting
      treasures from scenes of creation, and from every walk of art to adorn his
      pages." His sentiments had the more weight because they proceeded from a
      mind which had ever been active in the great business of reform; some
      traces of which activity were manifest in the statute-book. But the
      reforms which Burke had ever advocated were founded in justice; those
      which the French regenerators had adopted were subversive of all order,
      and tended only to anarchy and desolation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Since the decision of the last session relative to the test and
      corporation acts, the Protestant dissenters had not relaxed in their
      efforts to increase the number of their friends in the house of commons.
      Moreover, they had held provincial meetings in all parts of the kingdom,
      and by their public resolutions, in contemplation of a general election,
      earnestly recommended the friends of equal and universal liberty to the
      choice of electors. Unfortunately at these meetings, in their speeches and
      resolutions, they warmly applauded the principles of the French
      revolution; and they appear to have thought that this season of change was
      favourable for pressing their old claims upon parliament. Under this
      impression they resolved to bring the subject before the commons; and
      instead of Mr. Beaufoy, the friend of Pitt, Fox, the tried friend of
      liberty, was requested by them to become their advocate. Fox moved for the
      repeal of the two acts in question, and supported his motion by a long and
      able speech, in which he showed himself anxious to prove that the
      application of his clients had nothing whatever to do with the principles
      of the French revolution. It certainly did not emanate from that movement,
      for the first application had been made three years ago, when the keenest
      sagacity could not have formed anything like a conjecture of the events
      which had taken place in France. It is most certain, however, that the
      Protestant Dissenters, in seeking their claims, had uttered language which
      savoured of a spirit of innovation. It may have been only out of generous
      sympathy, but they had been among the warmest approvers of the French
      revolution; and this gave offence in high places. Hitherto, Pitt, although
      he opposed the repeal of the corporation and test acts, had done so with
      temper and moderation; but now, in opposing the motion, he spoke of their
      conduct with the utmost indignation. At the very moment, he said, when
      they were reprobating the test laws, they discovered their intention of
      forming associations to impose a test on members of the house of commons.
      Pitt also vindicated the necessity of a church establishment for the good
      of the state; and endeavoured to show that such an institution could not
      exist if toleration were extended to equality of privileges. Burke was
      more emphatic in his opposition to the motion than Pitt. A wild spirit of
      innovation was abroad, he said, which required not indulgence, but
      restraint; and he asserted that the avowed leaders of the dissenters had,
      in their speeches, resolutions, writings, and sermons, given countenance
      to the revolutionary spirit which everywhere prevailed. Burke read some
      extracts from dissenting divines in proof of his assertions; and he
      adjured the house to let the events which had taken place in France, and
      the sudden downfall of the church in that kingdom, awaken their zeal for
      the preservation of our own establishment. Fox rejoined, and urged the
      injustice of deciding a general question of right upon the conduct of a
      few individuals; but the motion was rejected by a majority of two hundred
      and ninety-four against one hundred and five. This decided hostility to
      the measure chiefly arose from the time at which it was brought forward,
      and the means which had been employed to ensure success. Many members, and
      among them the amiable Wilberforce, who had before voted for the repeal of
      these laws, now voted against it, from a conviction that it would give an
      impetus to the innovating spirit which so universally prevailed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FLOOD'S MOTION FOR REFORM OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 4th of March, Mr. Flood, a celebrated Irish orator, moved for leave
      to bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people in
      parliament. This bill proposed to add one hundred members to the present
      house of commons, in a proportionate ratio to the population of each
      county, to be elected by resident householders. In his speech Mr. Flood
      boldly asserted that the members who sat in the house were not the
      adequate representatives of the people. He would not deny that they were
      the legal representatives, and he acknowledged that they were a useful and
      honourable council; but, to the honour of the British constitution, we
      were entitled to something better. Although Mr. Flood avowed that he was
      no friend to revolutions, and that he considered them an evil, yet it was
      evident that his motion arose from an innovating spirit; and as such it
      was opposed. Mr. Wyndham, member for Norwich, and the professed admirer of
      Burke, said, that if he had approved of the measure, he should still have
      objected to its being brought forward or adopted at the present time.
      Where was the man, he asked, who would advise them to repair their house
      in the hurricane season? Speculatists and visionaries were at work in a
      neighbouring country, and that, he thought, was sufficient. There was
      project against project, theory against theory, <i>frontibus adversis
      pug-nantia</i>. He entreated the house to wait for the event, and to guard
      with all possible care against catching the French infection. Pitt
      followed Wyndham, and he declared, "that if the motion before them were
      the precise resolution which he himself had formerly proposed, he should
      now vote against it, from a thorough conviction of its impropriety." He
      recommended its withdrawal, promising, on some future day, to make the
      subject of parliamentary reform a ministerial measure. Fox rose to support
      the motion; and he affirmed, in the course of his speech, "that no season
      could be more proper for the commencement of repairs than when a hurricane
      was near and ready to burst forth." At the same time he acknowledged that
      he felt convinced the opinion which he supported was neither that of the
      majority of the house nor of the people. Burke combated the whole scheme
      and all the arguments that had been adduced in support of it; and asserted
      that these attempts at parliamentary reform were not countenanced by the
      people. Other members, as Wilberforce, Granville, and Powys, spoke on the
      same side, and the motion was at length withdrawn. These were the only
      great political questions which engaged the attention of the commons
      during this session. All change met with such an unyielding and decided
      opposition, that its advocates deemed it their wisdom to remain silent. In
      this line of conduct they were confirmed by the good temper of the people,
      who wisely exhibited a disposition to submit to any little wrongs they
      might be called upon to endure, rather than by a refractory spirit to run
      the risk of incurring greater.
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 31st of March Mr. Dundas presented to the house an account of the
      financial state of India. He announced a great increase of revenue in
      Bengal; which he looked upon as the strongest proof of the prosperity and
      good government of the country. Dundas said, that in a few years he
      trusted the company would be enabled to pay off the whole of their
      arrears, and that the British possessions in India would be more
      flourishing in wealth, commerce, and manufactures, than any other part of
      Hindustan. In the present state of things, he remarked, we had nothing to
      fear from any European nation: Holland was our ally, and France was in no
      condition to disturb our foreign possessions. Tippoo Saib, he
      acknowledged, was an enemy; but without European auxiliaries, and the
      support of other native powers, he could never become formidable to the
      British empire. Dundas, indeed, indulged himself in the pleasing vision
      that this country was likely long to enjoy an undisturbed peace at home
      and abroad.
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Pitt opened the budget for the year on the 15th of April; and in doing so
      he congratulated the house upon the prosperous state of the finances. He
      regarded the increase of revenue as progressive, and spoke with triumph of
      the growing greatness of England. Like Dundas, he spoke of the continuance
      of peace as certain; and he concluded his speech with an encomium upon the
      British constitution, to which, under Providence, the prosperity of the
      nation was to be ascribed. About the same time that the budget was opened,
      the house voted several sums as a recompense for services or
      indemnification for losses in the cause of the country. Thus an annuity of
      £1000 per annum was granted to the Rev. Dr. Willis, who had been
      instrumental in restoring his majesty's intellects; the speakers salary
      was increased from £3000 to £6000; and the family of Penn had a perpetual
      grant of £4000 per annum bestowed upon them out of the consolidated fund,
      for the losses they had sustained during the revolt of the American
      colonies.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session, Mr. Wilberforce, who had continued to devote time,
      life, fortune, and talent to the great subject of the slave-trade, moved
      that the house would resolve itself into a committee of the whole house,
      to take that trade into consideration. This motion was agreed to; aud on a
      subsequent day he moved and carried the appointment of a special committee
      for the examination of witnesses. Wilberforce was himself one of the most
      active members of this special committee; but nothing further was done
      during this session beyond hearing of evidence; every mode of
      procrastination being resorted to on the part of the slave-merchants and
      planters. The bill of Sir William Dolben, for limiting the number of
      slaves to be transported in each slave-ship, was renewed for another year;
      and the further consideration of the subject was adjourned till next
      session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although both Pitt and Dundas had so recently spoken confidently of the
      long continuance of peace, yet, on the 5th of May, a royal message was
      delivered, announcing circumstances which indicated the approach of war.
      The circumstances from whence this message originated were briefly these:&mdash;In
      his last voyage of discovery, the celebrated navigator, Captain Cook, had
      touched at Nootka, or Prince William, on the Western coast of North
      America, where his crew purchased some valuable furs, which they disposed
      of to great advantage in China. In consequence of the recommendation of
      Captain King, who published the last volume of "Cook's Voyages,"' some
      mercantile adventurers from the East Indies, with the consent of the
      governor-general, undertook to supply the Chinese with fur from these
      regions. For this purpose they fitted out two small vessels; and the trade
      proved so advantageous, that, in 1788, the adventurers resolved to form a
      permanent settlement. A spot of ground was accordingly procured from the
      natives at Nootka Sound, and a regular establishment was formed, which was
      defended by a slight fortification. This was, however, regarded by the
      Spaniards as an encroachment of their exclusive right of sovereignty; and
      two Spanish ships of war arrived in the sound, seized two English vessels
      with the crews, and then took possession of the settlement. The British
      flag was removed; the Spanish commandant declaring, that the whole line of
      coast from Cape Horn to the 60th degree of north latitude, belonged to the
      King of Spain. These incidents were notified to the court of Great Britain
      by the Spanish ambassador; who, at the same time, requested that measures
      might be taken for preventing his Britannic majesty's subjects from
      frequenting those coasts, and from carrying on their fisheries in the seas
      contiguous to the Spanish continent, they being, it was stated, the rights
      of the Spanish crown. The claims of Spain, in reference to her right of
      dominion and sovereignty in America, were wholly chimerical; and the
      notification and request of the Spanish ambassador, therefore, were met by
      a demand of satisfaction for the insults offered to the British nation,
      and reparation to the individuals who had suffered in property and person.
      This satisfaction had not been given; and intelligence having also been
      received that armaments were fitting out in the Spanish ports, his
      Britannic majesty judged it right to prepare on his side for supporting
      the rights and interests of his kingdom. Such were the circumstances
      related in his majesty's message to the house of commons; and he requested
      that they would enable him to make such an augmentation of force as
      necessity seemed to require. At the same time the king expressed an
      earnest wish that the satisfaction due might yet be given, and that the
      affair might terminate without recourse to arms, or any interruption of
      the friendship and harmony which subsisted between the two nations. The
      message being taken into consideration, the commons unanimously voted an
      address to the king, assuring his majesty of their determination to afford
      the most zealous and effectual support in maintaining the dignity of his
      crown, and the essential interests of his dominions. This was followed by
      a vote of credit for £1,000,000, for the purpose of making the necessary
      warlike preparations. Fox gave his warm support to the address and vote of
      credit, but he blamed ministers for their exultation on the prospect of
      peace, when a war with Spain had so long been threatened: though from
      Pitt's explanation it did not appear that they knew anything of the
      preparations in the Spanish ports till a very few days since.
      Subsequently, motions were made in both houses, by opposition, for the
      production of papers to illustrate the grounds of this dispute; but these
      were successfully resisted, on an established rule of policy, prohibiting
      all documents relating to a negociation with a foreign power from being
      produced while such negociation was still pending.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1789-1791
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Warren Hastings re-commenced on the 10th of February, on
      which day Mr. Anstruther went through the charge relating to the corrupt
      receipt of presents. Disputes instantly arose about the evidence proper to
      be admitted, and their lordships took another walk to their chamber in
      order to debate and consult. Fresh objections were then made by the
      counsel acting for Hastings, who said that the matter which, the managers
      brought forward was neither set down nor made a charge of in the articles
      of impeachment. On this their lordships adjourned again, and after long
      consultation, the objections made on the part of the defendant were held
      to be valid. The managers and the public by this time seemed to consider
      that the trial would never be finished, and Burke, on the 11th of May,
      called the attention of the house of commons to its protracted
      continuance; and moved the two following resolutions:&mdash;1. "That this
      house, taking into consideration the interruptions occasioned by the
      occupations of the judges and the house of lords, as also the impediments
      which have occurred, or may occur, in the course of the trial of the
      impeachment of Warren Hastings, Esq., doth, without meaning to abandon the
      truth or importance of the charges, authorize the managers of their said
      impeachment, to insist only upon such and so many of the said charges as
      shall appear to them the most conducive to the obtaining speedy and
      effectual justice against the said Warren Hastings. 2. That the commons of
      Great Britain in parliament assembled, from a regard to their own honour,
      and from the duty which they owe to all the commons of Great Britain, in
      whose name, as well as in their own, they act in the public prosecutions
      by them carried on before the house of lords, are bound to persevere in
      their impeachment against Warren Hastings, Esq., late governor-general of
      Bengal, until judgment may be obtained upon the most important articles in
      the same." The first of these resolutions was adopted, but the latter was
      dropped as unnecessary. In supporting them the managers attributed the
      delay to Hastings himself, to his counsel, and to the house of lords. A
      day or two after, however, Major Scott, published a letter containing a
      review of the trial, and strictures upon the managers, whom he accused of
      being guilty of a great crime in instituting the prosecution, and of a
      still greater crime in not having brought it to a close long ago. Long and
      angry debates took place on the publication of this document, the result
      of which was that Major Scott was reprimanded, sitting in his place, for
      the violation of his duty as a member of the house of commons. In the
      meantime the impeachment still went but slowly forward. The court of peers
      only sat thirteen days during the session, and did not get beyond the
      charge which Anstruther had opened. After Fox had summed up and commented
      upon the evidence, on the 9th of June their lordships agreed to postpone
      the trial till the first sitting in the next session of parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED, AND DISSOLVED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of June his majesty closed the session by a speech from the
      throne, in which he informed the two houses of his intention of dissolving
      the present and calling a new parliament. In his speech the king said that
      he had as yet received no satisfactory answer from the court of Madrid,
      and that he was therefore under the necessity of continuing his
      preparations for war. He acknowledged their affectionate and unshaken
      loyalty to his person; their uniform and zealous regard for the true
      principles of the constitution; and their unremitting attention to the
      happiness and prosperity of his people. His majesty then dwelt upon the
      rapid increase of manufactures, commerce, and navigation; the security
      given to our most distant possessions; and the improvement of the public
      revenue. He added, after thus enumerating the salutary effects of their
      counsels:&mdash;"The loyalty and public spirit, the industry and
      enterprise of my subjects have well seconded your exertions. On their
      sense of the advantages which they at present experience, and their
      uniform attachment to my person and government, I rely for a continuance
      of that harmony and confidence, which must at all times afford the surest
      means of meeting the exigencies of war, or of cultivating with increasing
      benefit the blessing of peace." On the next day parliament was dissolved
      by proclamation: it had existed seven sessions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British government, desirous of avoiding hostilities, dispatched Mr.
      Fitzherbert to Madrid, with full powers to settle all disputes between the
      two nations. At first the Spanish court showed itself adverse to
      negociation, and applied to that of France for aid. The court of France,
      however, though willing to support the Bourbon compact, had lost the
      power, for the people, by whom it was now kept in awe, were averse at this
      time to a war with England. Unable to contend with the British arms alone,
      Spain was therefore compelled to comply with the demand of restitution and
      indemnification: on the 2nd of October a convention was signed at the
      Escurial, by which every point in dispute was conceded. The settlement at
      Nootka-Sound was restored; the free navigation and right of fishery in the
      Southern Pacific were confirmed to Britain; and a full liberty of trade
      and even of settlement was granted to all the north-west coasts of
      America, beyond the most northerly of the Spanish territories, though
      unaccompanied by any formal renunciation of their right of sovereignty.
      Both nations were equally restricted from attempting to form any
      settlement nearer to Cape Horn than the most southerly plantations already
      established by Spain. It was also agreed, that, in case of any future
      complaint, no violence should be committed, but recourse had to an
      amicable adjustment between the respective courts. This convention was
      generally applauded in England, though £3,000,000 had been expended in
      warlike preparations.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this year the Emperor Joseph of Austria died, and was succeeded
      by his brother Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany. On his death-bed, Joseph,
      who had during his life shown himself an ambition &amp; warrior,
      recommended peace, and the first care of his successor was to free himself
      from the Turkish war. Under the mediation of England, Prussia, and
      Holland, negociations for peace were opened at Reichenbach, in Silesia, on
      the 4th of June, and a treaty of peace was settled on the <i>status quo</i>
      principle, that each party should retain what it possessed previous to the
      war, restoring all that it had conquered, and recovering all that it had
      lost. The Czarina of Russia was invited to be a party to this treaty, but
      she refused, and still carried on war with the Turks on the one side, and
      the Swedes on the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      The congress at Reichenbach interfered likewise in the affairs of the
      Netherlands: England, Prussia, and Holland guaranteed to the Emperor
      Leopold all the possessions of the House of Austria in Flanders, Brabant,
      &amp;c, on the condition that he acknowledged and re-established the
      ancient privileges and constitution of those provinces. On the accession
      of Leopold, and before the meeting at Reichenbach, or before any kind of
      measure was attempted, either diplomatically or otherwise, he had sent a
      memorial to the Nether-landers, in which he expressed sincere regret for
      the despotic proceedings of the Austrian government, and declared his
      anxiety to redress all grievances; at the same time vindicating his claim
      to the sovereignty, and announcing his resolution to maintain it with all
      his might. Although the Netherlanders had established their independence,
      there was still among them a strong loyal imperial party, and this address
      and the situation of Belgian affairs revived the spirits of these
      loyalists, and they soon began to declare themselves in favour of Leopold,
      and to wear the old cockade, instead of the new patriotic ribands. By
      degrees, great numbers of the populace, also, embraced their opinions, and
      the party soon acquired a very imposing force. Such was the situation of
      affairs when Leopold issued a second manifesto, after the meeting at
      Reichenbach, engaging himself, under an inaugural oath, and the guarantee
      of Great Britain, Prussia, and Holland, to govern the Belgic Netherlands
      according to the constitution that was in force under Maria Theresa, and
      offering an amnesty to all who should return to their duty before the 1st
      of November. The mediating powers notified to the Belgian states the
      approval of these terms, but that body, who had exercised sovereign
      authority ever since the revolt, were loth to relinquish it; and under
      these circumstances, Austrian troops entered their territory. Various
      engagements took place, but resistance was vain: the arms of the emperor
      were uniformly successful, and the people generally acknowledged the heir
      of their ancient rulers. The leading members of opposition now took refuge
      in flight, and in a convention, guaranteed by the defensive alliance and
      executed on the 10th of December, the constitution of Maria Theresa was
      restored to the Belgic provinces, with some additional rights and
      privileges.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the war between Russia and the Porte went on but slowly.
      Early in the year the czarina made some attempts to detach the Greek
      subjects of the sultan from their obedience, and a rebellion was fomented
      by her means in Albania, and an extensive plan was arranged by the Greeks
      for emancipating themselves from the Ottoman yoke. A memorial, offering
      the sovereignty of Greece to Constantine her son, was laid before the
      czarina, but before the plan could be matured she was induced to postpone
      her attempts upon Turkey. It was late in the autumn before Suvaroff
      received reinforcements, supplies, and positive orders to commence
      operations, and he then invested Ismael, which he captured; slaying 24,000
      Turkish soldiers, and destroying 7,000 of the inhabitants. The loss of the
      Russians themselves was estimated at 10,000 men, including a great number
      of officers, some of whom were of the highest rank.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Sweden opened the campaign early in this year, and penetrated
      within one hundred miles of St. Petersburg. Alarmed at the approach of her
      enemies, the czarina sent 10,000 Russians, under the command of General
      Ingelstrom, to obstruct their progress. Ingelstrom attacked the Swedes in
      their lines at Karnomkoksi, on the Saima Lake, but he was defeated with
      the loss of 2000 men. Gustavus still advanced, while his fleet, under the
      Duke of Suclermania, sailed up the Gulf of Finland, penetrated into the
      harbour of Revel, in the hope of demolishing that great naval arsenal, and
      a division of the Russian fleet which lay at anchor in that harbour. He
      was frustrated by a storm, and, subsequently, he was twice attacked by
      Russian squadrons, which on both occasions enclosed his fleet; but each
      time he extricated himself from danger, though with great loss cf ships
      and men. Having recruited his shattered forces, Gustavus took the command
      of the fleet himself, and having encountered a large Russian fleet, after
      a bloody battle, which lasted two days, he gained a decisive victory. This
      defeat alarmed the czarina, and being abandoned by Austria and threatened
      by England and Prussia, she entered into negociation with Gustavus, and by
      the month of August a treaty of peace was concluded between them. By this
      treaty those of Abo and Nystad were confirmed; each power was to retain
      what it possessed before the war; and Sweden renounced all claim to the
      possessions which had once belonged to it, and which it had overrun during
      the present war. Russia also granted permission to export grain from
      Livonia; and it was mutually agreed to appoint commissioners to settle in
      an amicable manner the line of frontier between the two countries: the two
      courts further promised themselves that they should strengthen their
      connexion by a close alliance, and agreed to forget what was past.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Paris, during this year, the national assembly pursued its legislative
      labours. All ecclesiastical possessions had, at the close of the preceding
      year, been declared national property, and the reformers soon after laid
      their hands on the domains of the crown: with the exception of some
      castles, which were to be left to the king, the rest were transferred to
      the state. To facilitate the sale of the possessions of the crown and the
      church, paper money was created, which was at first ordered to last only
      six years, but which was subsequently declared current money&mdash;as good
      as gold. These measures were followed by the suppression of all orders and
      cloisters; by the suppression of the parliaments; by an entire change of
      the judicial system; by the admission of Jews to the rights of citizens;
      by the abolition of all the titles of the noblesse, coats of arms, and
      decorations of the order of chivalry; by an order that the estates of
      Protestants who fled from France on the iniquitous repeal of the edict of
      Nantz, should be restored; by a division of France into eighty-three
      departments, subdivided into two hundred and forty-nine districts, each of
      which was composed of from three to five cantons; and by a change in the
      national representation, which was made to harmonize with this new
      division. To all these decrees the king, who had no alternative, gave his
      unqualified sanction, and in return the national assembly fixed the civil
      list of the king at 25,000,000 of livres, besides the possession of
      castles of pleasure. Harmony seemed to be restored, and to establish it a
      festival of confederation was ordained, which, on the first anniversary of
      the capture of the Bastille, was held in the field of Mars, when the king
      and 500,000 Frenchmen swore on the altar of the country to observe the new
      constitution. But notwithstanding all this show of harmony, a secret
      fermentation remained. The abolition of titles and the insignia of rank
      inflamed the anger of the aristocrats, and the manifestations of their
      wrath increased the hatred of the commons. A new emigration took place,
      and officers, as well as nobles, fled for their lives. The emigrants
      assembled in arms at Coblentz, Worms, and Ettenheim, from whence,
      maintaining a close connexion with their friends or dependants at home,
      they cast firebrands into the interior of the kingdom. Nor did the
      priesthood quietly submit to the civil constitution which the national
      assembly imposed upon them: they refused to take the oath, and stirred up
      many against public authority and the new constitution. The friends of
      liberty were alarmed and exasperated at the open and secret preparations
      of this twofold and implacable opposition. In this state of irritation all
      that was known was friend and enemy; and these relations effected the
      triumph of the fanatic and the fall of the moderate. One of the first who
      fell was Necker, to whose counsels the nation was indebted for most of the
      concessions of the king, and consequently for its success: Necker lost all
      his popularity, and fled from a country which he had contributed to ruin.
      The king, also, soon again declined in popular favour; the sentiments of
      his heart did not accord with his public declarations, and this becoming
      manifest, the popular party was disquieted and enraged. Mirabeau, whose
      ardour for revolution had begun to cool, and who now saw that the
      constitution was far too democratic for a monarchy, leagued secretly with
      the fallen court, and laboured with all the force of his popularity to
      raise it from its degraded state, and to recover for the crown a portion
      of strength necessary for its existence. But it was too late. Before this,
      clubs had been formed among the members of the national assembly, in order
      that better directed and more energetic efforts might be made in securing
      the objects of the revolution. Pre-eminent among these clubs was that of
      the deputies from Bretagne, which held its sessions in the suppressed
      cloister of the Jacobins, from which cloister the members of the club
      received the name of Jacobins; a name which finally obtained a bad
      celebrity in the world's history. Similar clubs were also formed in most
      of the important cities of the kingdom, which maintained, with that at
      Paris, the closest union of sentiments and efforts. The bonds of society
      in France were, in truth, loosened, and no human skill could restore them:
      the bridle had been taken from the mouth of the fiery steed, and no human
      arm could arrest his headlong course. Marat, Danton, and Robespierre-men
      of blood&mdash;with others of the same stamp, had already made their
      execrable names known in the clubs of the Cordeliers and Jacobins, which
      finally united, and these were the men who were, for a brief period, to
      rule the destinies of France.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROGRESS OF REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been well said that the season of hope and delusion ought now to
      have been over&mdash;that whatever right-hearted and right-headed
      Englishmen might have thought of the French revolution at the opening of
      the States-general in May, 1789, they ought not at the close of this year
      to have regarded it with any other sentiments than those of horror,
      disgust, and pity. But "rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft." Although
      it was as clear as the sun at noon-day, that the events which had taken
      place in France were but the precursors of some horrible catastrophe&mdash;that
      the French regenerators sought not wholesome and legitimate reformations,
      but the ruin of their country, yet it is a lamentable fact that their
      admirers in England were now greatly on the increase. On the very day that
      the festival of confederation took place in Paris, six hundred gentlemen
      in England assembled to celebrate the event which it commemorated. The
      chairman of this assembly was Earl Stanhope, who acted as president of the
      Revolution Society in London: a society which, after extending its
      ramifications throughout the country, entered into an active
      correspondence not only with the National Assembly, but with the societies
      in all parts of France, instituted for the promotion of revolutionary
      principles. Among the associates of this society were men of all ranks and
      professions&mdash;men who could lay no claim to a practical acquaintance
      with politics, or the working of governments, and who knew little or
      nothing of human nature. Happily for the country, however. Burke and other
      writers put forth all their strength to show the danger which lurked in
      the Revolution Societies of England, and government opposed a mighty
      barrier to the progress of their dangerous principles. These wrought the
      salvation of the country. The most powerful antagonist to these societies,
      who worked by means of the press, was Burke, who, toward the end of this
      year, published his great work on the subject, entitled "Reflections on
      the Revolution, &amp;c." a work which sounded the knell of the old Whig
      confederacy. Some of this party yielded at once to the force of his
      arguments, while others retreated as they saw the development of the
      principles against which they were directed. In fact, the result of this
      work was to make the old appellations of Whig and Tory assume a widely
      different meaning from that which had hitherto been attached to them: by
      the term Whig was now understood the favourers of such democratic
      principles as existed in France; by that of Tory, those who were alarmed
      at the progress of the French revolution. The bold and uncompromising
      stand which Burke made against these principles led to a final rupture
      between him and his old friend Fox, and consequently to the permanent
      separation of the great Whig party: from this time there was a division in
      the camp; a breach which could not be healed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR IN INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this state of affairs in Europe, a war which directly concerned
      England broke out in India. Tippoo Sultaun, whose hatred towards the
      English was mortal, in the year 1789 sent a secret messenger to France, to
      invite the French government to send six thousand of their best troops to
      the Carnatic, with which he engaged to drive the British forces out of
      every part of Hindustan. This messenger was favourably received by the
      people, and even some of the king's ministers were in favour of the
      project. Louis, however, had not forgotten the lesson he had been taught
      by interfering in the American war&mdash;an act for which he was still
      indeed suffering&mdash;and he turned a deaf ear to the plausible
      representations which were made to him in order to obtain his consent. But
      before Tippoo received an answer from the French monarch, he had commenced
      operations, by attacking the Rajah of Travancore, who had long been the
      close ally of the English. Before the end of the year 1789 Tippoo had
      overrun and took possession of the greater part of the rajah's dominions,
      and subsequently he defeated a detachment of the company's army, under
      Lieutenant-Colonel Floyd. His progress, however, was soon stopped. The
      Bengal government, having formed a close alliance with the Mahrattas, the
      Nizam of the Deccan, and other native powers, raised two armies; one in
      the Carnatic of 15,000 men, under General Medows, and another of 7,500
      men, in the presidency of Bombay, under General Abercrombie. Thus
      threatened, Tippoo evacuated the Travancore country, and retreated to his
      strong capital, Seringapatam. But he had provoked the war, and it was not
      to close with his retreat. In June, 1790, Medows, with the Carnatic army,
      marched towards Seringapatam, and took several important fortresses in his
      route. Medows, however, was obliged to retrace his steps by intelligence
      that Tippoo had again burst into the Carnatic, and was carrying fire and
      sword to the walls of Madras. Tippoo was soon obliged to retire beyond the
      mountains; and in the meantime General Abercrombie, with the Bombay army,
      landed at Telli-cherry, and reduced all the places which the enemy
      possessed on the Malabar coast, in which he was aided by the Nairs, and
      the other petty Hindu rajahs, who were glad of an opportunity of rescuing
      themselves from Tippoo Sultaun's rule. In the end the Rajah of Travancore
      was re-established in his dominions, and then the campaign closed: but the
      war was not yet over.
    </p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament assembled on the 25th of November. In his speech his
      majesty expressed great satisfaction at the amicable adjustment of the
      late disputes with Spain about Nootka Sound; observed that since the last
      session of Parliament a foundation had been laid for a pacification
      between Austria and the Porte, and that a separate peace had been
      concluded between Russia and Sweden; noticed the hostilities which had
      broken out in India; acquainted the house of commons that the expenses of
      the armament, together with the estimates for the ensuing year would be
      laid before them; and called particular attention to the state of the
      province of Quebec. The address was carried in both houses with large
      majorities; though ministers were censured by opposition, in the lords and
      in the commons, for the convention which they had made with Spain. On the
      3rd of December, when copies of this convention were laid before the two
      houses of parliament, it was urged in the commons that more papers ought
      to be produced, and on the 13th of the same month Mr. Grey made a motion
      for all that related to the affair of Nootka Sound. This motion was
      negatived by a majority of nearly two to one; and on the following day Mr.
      Duncombe, one of the members for Yorkshire, after mentioning that trade
      and manufactures had suffered but little during the late dispute with
      Spain, moved an address to his majesty on the late successful negociations
      with the court of Madrid, which was carried by a still larger majority. A
      similar address was moved in the lords by the Duke of Montrose, when the
      Marquess of Lansclowne took occasion to reprobate the convention in very
      strong language. The marquess contended that the Spanish nation had an
      indisputable right to the whole of the American coast on which Nootka
      Sound is situated; a right which was acknowledged in the reign of Queen
      Elizabeth. Overlooking the provocation which Spain had given, and her
      previously concerted plan to enter upon a war in conjunction with France,
      he said that ministers had, in the arrogance of power, insulted the
      present weakness of that country, and inflicted a wound which would rankle
      in the heart of the Spanish people. The marquess also argued that they had
      alienated and made enemies of Prance, Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, as well
      as of Spain. He also argued, that by the late treaty of France, which was
      an infringement of the old Methuen treaty with Portugal, ministers, had
      alienated the court of Lisbon, and that had war taken place, the
      Portuguese, Venetians, and Neapolitans, would have joined the Spaniards
      against England. Lord Rawdon spoke on the same side; hinting a suspicion
      that our fleet had been destined for the Baltic, while we were bullying
      Spain, which had not offered any insult to this country; and that this
      farce had been carried on until the King of Sweden had made peace with
      Russia. The convention was defended by Lord Grenville, and the address was
      carried by a majority of forty-three. Another debate took place on this
      subject on the 15th of December, when Pitt gave in, in a separate account,
      the expenses of the late armament; intimating at the same time that some
      of those expenses, which arose out of the engaging an additional number of
      seamen, must be continued, as these seamen could not be all disbanded at
      once. The expenses incurred by the late armament, and the funds necessary
      to keep up the additional number of seamen, he said, was £3,133,000, which
      he thought might be defrayed without entailing any permanent charge upon
      the revenue. He proposed to defray it by temporary taxes, assisted by
      £500,000, which he contemplated taking from the unclaimed dividends lying
      in the Bank of England, the total amount of which he estimated at
      £680,000. This latter proposition, however, excited such alarm in the
      great chartered companies and to the mercantile world in general, that
      Pitt was obliged to abandon it, and to accept of a loan of £500,000 from
      the Bank without interest, so long as a floating balance to that amount
      should remain in the hands of the cashier. The bulk of the money required
      was raised by an increase of the duties upon sugar, British and foreign
      spirits, malt, game licences, and by an increase of the assessed taxes,
      except the commutation and land-taxes, part of which were to continue for
      two years, and the rest for four only. Pitt also introduced, in aid of the
      expenses of the armament, a variety of new regulations, to prevent the
      evasions and frauds practised in the taxes upon receipts and bills of
      exchange: these were to be permanent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1791-1792
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Debate on the War in India..... Dispute with Russia.....
     Bill for the Regulation of Canada..... Slave-trade Abolition
     bill..... Catholic Relief Bill, etc...... Bill to amend the
     Law on  Libels..... Financial  Measures..... Impeachment of
     Warren Hastings..... Parliament prorogued..... Progress of
     the Revolution in France..... State of Public Opinion in
     England, etc.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1791
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE WAR IN INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after the Christmas recess, Mr. Francis, having first eulogised
      Tippoo Sultaun, and contended that it was both impolitic and unjust to
      think of extending our territories in Hindustan, moved thirteen
      resolutions for the purpose of censuring the origin and preventing the
      continuance of the war, which he represented as having been begun without
      provocation, as being ruinously expensive, and as not likely to be
      productive of any great advantage. Pitt and Dundas vindicated the war, and
      showed to demonstration that the war originated in Tippoo's restless
      ambition, hostility to the British, and long-premeditated design of
      subduing Travancore, which would open to him an easy entrance into the
      Carnatic, and thus enable him to attack Madras and all our possessions in
      that part of the East Indies. A war on our part, it was argued, was
      therefore necessary, unless we wished to sacrifice both our honour and
      interest, and to forfeit all respect among the native powers. The feelings
      of the house were with Pitt and Dundas, especially as great confidence was
      placed in the moderation and justice of Lord Cornwallis, the present
      Governor-general of India, and hence Francis let his thirteen resolutions
      drop without a division. Seconded by the feelings of the house, a few days
      after, Dundas moved three counter resolutions; namely, that it appeared to
      the house that the attacks made by Tippoo Sultaun on the lines of
      Travancore were unwarranted and unprovoked infractions of the treaty of
      Maugalore, concluded in 1784; that the conduct of the governor-general, in
      determining to prosecute the war against Tippoo for these attacks on
      Travancore, was highly meritorious; and that the treaties entered into
      with the Nizam and with the Mahrattas were calculated to add vigour to the
      operations of the war, and to promote the future tranquillity of India,
      and that the faith of the British nation stood pledged for the performance
      of the engagements contained in the said treaties. These resolutions were
      adopted by the house without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTE WITH RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In proposing to continue the additional number of seamen which had been
      engaged for the expected war with Spain, Pitt had said that there were
      circumstances in the present situation of Europe, which made it necessary
      to keep up a naval armament, for a time, of more than ordinary extent.
      This had reference to the warlike attitude of Russia. At the congress of
      Reichen-bach, the defensive alliance had proposed to the Czarina that she
      should accede to the peace which they were negociating with Austria, and
      that all conquests should be restored. This she flatly refused; but
      subsequently, being deprived of lier ally, and seeing that it was at
      present impossible for her to subjugate Turkey to her sway, she offered to
      restore all her acquisitions, except the city and dependencies of Oczakow,
      an important place, commanding the mouth of the Dnieper, at a distance of
      less than two hundred miles off the Turkish capital. As this offer
      exhibited an inclination on the part of the Czarina to re-commence the war
      at some future period, the allies projected a more effectual interference,
      and on the 28th of March Pitt delivered a message from the king on the
      subject. His majesty acquainted his faithful commons, that his endeavours,
      in conjunction with his allies, to accomplish a pacification with Russia
      and the Porte had proved abortive; and that the consequences which might
      arise from the continuance of the war being important to his own
      interests, as well as those of his allies and to Europe in general, he
      judged it requisite, in order to add weight to his representations, to
      augment his naval forces, relying on the zeal and affection of the house
      of commons to make good such expenses as might be incurred. After
      delivering this message, Pitt moved an address to the king, thanking him
      for it, and promising him the support of the house. In doing so the
      minister represented, that, if Russia should be allowed to gather any
      material strength at the expense of Turkey, the effect would be injurious
      to the interests of all Europe; and that the interference of England was
      indispensable for the preservation of that balance of power, which all
      statesmen and men of all parties held to be essential for the security of
      Europe. This doctrine was very ancient, and had long been the doctrine of
      both Whig and Tory, but it was now despised by the opposition, who, to a
      man, became the champions of the Czarina. It was argued that it would be
      folly to sacrifice all the advantages of our immense trade with Russia for
      the sake of a Turkish fortress; that neither wisdom nor policy could
      justify Great Britain in going to war to preserve a barbarian power, which
      for the sake of religion, justice, and humanity ought to be utterly
      extirpated; and that, as we had received no injury from Russia, all
      hostile interference on our part was wholly unnecessary. On the other
      hand, it was argued by ministers that the aggrandisement of Russia at the
      expense of Turkey would injure both our commercial and political
      interests; and that the possession of Oczakow would facilitate the
      acquisition, not only of Constantinople, but of Alexandria and Lower
      Egypt. The address was carried, and several resolutions afterwards moved
      against the armament were rejected by large majorities. The armament
      therefore continued, and the Czarina was soon compelled to give up Oczakow
      with all her other acquisitions in Turkey, acquisitions which had cost her
      many thousand men to obtain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE REGULATION OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When Canada became a British colony the king had promised its inhabitants
      the benefits of the British constitution. Since that time the French
      settlers in that country, and the Canadians, had been joined by many
      British subjects, and by loyal emigrants from America, who were anxious to
      secure the advantages which the royal promise held out to them. Ministers
      had for some time directed their attention to the subject, and on the 4th
      of March Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for regulating the
      government of Canada, and entered into a minute detail of every provision
      which he meant to propose. He proposed to divide Canada into two
      provinces, Upper and Lower, and to establish distinct legislatures; the
      division being meant to separate the parts which were chiefly inhabited by
      French Canadians, from those inhabited by more recent settlers. The
      legislature of each province was to consist of a council and house of
      assembly. The members of the council were to hold their seats for life,
      with a reservation of power to the crown for annexing to certain honours
      an hereditary right of sitting in the council; and the members of the
      assembly were to be chosen by freeholders possessing landed property to
      the amount of forty shillings, or occupiers of houses worth twenty pounds
      per annum. The <i>habeas corpus</i> act was to be rendered a permanent law
      of the colony; and a provision was to be made for the Protestant clergy by
      an allotment of lands. Appeals were to be made to the privy-council in the
      first instance, and from thence to the house of lords. The British
      government gave up the right of taxation, asserting only that of
      regulating external commerce: no taxes were to be imposed except such as
      were necessary for this regulation. This bill was read twice; it passed
      the committee, and the report was received by the house, before any
      disapprobation of it was expressed. On the second consideration of the
      report, however, Fox condemned its every principle. He observed, that the
      object of all popular assemblies was that the people should be fully and
      fairly represented, but as the assembly of one province was to consist of
      sixteen, and the other of thirty, the people were deluded by a mockery of
      representation. Fox also objected to the representatives being elected for
      the term of seven years, and contended that there should be annual, or at
      most triennial elections. Even in England, he said, where the frequent
      return of elections was attended with great inconvenience, the propriety
      of the septennial bill might justly be doubted. Fox further objected, that
      the legislative councils were unlimited as to numbers by any other
      restriction than the pleasure of the king, to whom a power was reserved of
      annexing to certain honorary and titular distinctions an hereditary right
      of sitting in council. As to hereditary honours, he remarked, as a general
      proposition, it was difficult to say whether they were good or not, but he
      saw no good in their being introduced into a country where they had
      hitherto been unknown. It might not be wise to destroy them where they
      existed, but it was unwise to create them where they did not exist. He
      could not account for this step, unless it was that Canada having formerly
      been a French colony, there might be an opportunity of reviving those
      distinctions, the loss of which some gentlemen so deplored, and to revive
      in the west that spirit of chivalry which had fallen into so much disgrace
      in a neighbouring country. In the course of his speech Fox made one
      unhappy allusion to the extinction of nobility in France, and its forced
      revival by us in Canada: "nobility," he said, "stunk in the nostrils of
      the people of America." At this time, indeed, Fox and his party embraced
      every opportunity of extolling the "glorious revolution" in France,
      whence, on the re-commitment of the bill, Burke again sounded the trumpet
      of alarm at that event. In enlarging upon the importance of the act which
      they were now about to perform, he said, "The first consideration was the
      competency of the house to such an act." "A body of rights," he continued,
      "commonly called the Rights of Man, had been lately imported from a
      neighbouring kingdom; the principle of which code was, that all men were,
      by nature, free and equal in respect of those rights. Now, if this code
      were admitted, he argued, the power of the house could extend no further
      than to call the Canadians together to choose a constitution for
      themselves. But the practical effects of such a system might be seen in
      St. Domingo and the other French islands. Until they heard of the Rights
      of Man they were flourishing and happy, but as soon as this system arrived
      among them, Pandora's box, replete with every mortal evil, seemed to fly
      open; hell itself to yawn; and every demon of mischief to overspread the
      country. Blacks rose against blacks, whites against blacks&mdash;and each
      against the other in murderous hostility: subordination was destroyed, the
      cords of society snapped asunder, and every man appeared to thirst for the
      blood of his neighbour. The mother country, France, not receiving any
      pleasure in contemplating this image of herself reflected in her child,
      sent out a body of troops to restore order and tranquillity. But these
      troops, well instructed in the new principles, immediately upon their
      arrival felt themselves bound to become parties in the universal
      rebellion; and, like most of their brethren at home, began the assertion
      of their freeborn rights by murdering their own general! Should such an
      example induce us to ship off for Canada a cargo of the Rights of Man?"
      Burke next proceeded to describe the deplorable condition of France
      itself, and to comment on the conduct of the national assembly towards
      their monarch. In the midst of his speech he was called to order by Mr.
      Baker, and a scene of indescribable confusion ensued, and much time was
      wasted in violent altercation: one side of the house contending that Burke
      was in order, and the other that he was out of order. In the midst of this
      discord Fox sarcastically said, that he conceived his honourable friend
      could hardly be said to be out of order, since it seemed to him that this
      was a day of privilege, upon which any gentleman might abuse any
      government he chose, whether it had any reference or not to the question
      before the house. Nobody had said a word about the French revolution, but
      nevertheless his right honourable friend had risen up and abused that
      event. Burke had certainly as much right to abase the revolution, as Fox
      and his party had to extol it; and he attempted to explain why he thought
      that he was in order, but the roar of voices which was raised from the
      opposition benches drowned his voice, so that he was compelled to sit
      down. Lord Sheffield now rose and moved, "That dissertations on the French
      constitution, and to read a narrative of transactions in France, are not
      regular or orderly on the question before the house." Fox seconded this
      motion, and this gave rise to the utter disruption of the friendship which
      had subsisted between him and Burke:&mdash;there had been heart-burnings
      before, arising from a difference of opinion on the subject of the French
      revolution, but now their political union was brought to a close. After
      Pitt had defended Burke, and declared that he should give his negative to
      the motion, Fox rose to defend his former sentiments respecting the French
      revolution, and repeated that he thought it, upon the whole, one of the
      most glorious events in the history of mankind. As for the Rights of Man,
      which his right honourable friend had ridiculed as visionary, he contended
      that they were the basis and foundation of every rational constitution.
      The rights of the people, he said, were recognized in our statute-book,
      and no prescription could supersede, no accident could remove or
      obliterate them. This at one time had been the doctrine of his friend, who
      had said, with great energy and emphasis, that he could not draw a bill of
      indictment against a whole people. He was sorry to find, however, that his
      right honourable friend had learned to draw such a bill of indictment, and
      moreover to crowd it with all the technical epithets which disgraced our
      statute-book: such as false, malicious, wicked, by the instigation of the
      devil, and the like. He added, that having been taught by his right
      honourable friend that no revolt of a nation was caused without
      provocation, he could not help rejoicing at the success of a revolution
      resting upon the same basis with our own&mdash;the Rights of Man: no book
      his friend could write, no words he could utter, could ever induce him to
      change or abandon his opinion; he must differ with his friend upon that
      subject <i>toto colo</i>. Throughout the whole of his speech Fox
      alternately rebuked and complimented Burke, and while he vindicated his
      own opinion he questioned the consistency of his friend. Fox even ventured
      to speak contemptuously of Burke's book on the subject of the French
      revolution, and to assert that he had written it in haste, and without due
      information. His whole speech, in fact was ungenerous in the highest
      degree, whence it is no wonder that when Burke rose to reply it was under
      the influence of strongly excited feelings. Having touched upon the main
      question, and vindicated his conduct in putting the country on its guard
      against the dangerous doctrines which prevailed in France, and which had
      found many advocates in England, he complained of being treated with
      harshness and malignity&mdash;of being personally attacked from a quarter
      where he least expected it, and that after a close intimacy of twenty-two
      years. His whole conduct, words, and writings, he said, had not only been
      misrepresented and arraigned in the severest terms, but confidential
      conversations had been brought forward in order to prove his political
      inconsistency. He had been accused of writing and speaking on the subject
      of the French revolution without due information, but nevertheless he was
      ready to meet Fox, hand to hand, and foot to foot, in a fair and temperate
      discussion relative to that event. It was his imperative duty, he
      exclaimed, to speak upon French affairs, and to point out the danger of
      extolling, upon all occasions, that preposterous edifice, the French
      constitution; an edifice which the right honourable gentleman had termed
      the most stupendous and glorious which had been erected on the foundation
      of human integrity in any time or country. Our own government, he
      continued, was in danger, for there were political clubs in every quarter,
      meeting and voting resolutions of an alarming tendency. Dangerous
      doctrines were also promulgated from the pulpit, and infamous libels on
      the British constitution were everywhere circulated. There might not,
      indeed, be any immediate clanger, since we had a king in full power,
      ministers responsible for their conduct, a country blessed with an
      opposition of great strength, and a common people that seemed to be united
      with the gentlemen; but, nevertheless, there was cause for circumspection,
      as in France there were 300,000 men up in arms, who would be glad to
      intermeddle, and as a season of scarcity might arrive, when the low
      intriguers and contemptible clubbists, which abounded on every hand, might
      rise in revolt against the government. Burke again adverted to the
      unkindness with which he had been treated by his old associate, and
      remarked, that though he had frequently differed with him there had still
      been no interruption of personal friendship. But, he added, although at
      his time of life it might not be discreet to provoke enemies or to lose
      friends, yet if his steady adherence to the British constitution placed
      him in such a dilemma, he would risk all, and, as public duty required,
      would exclaim with his last breath, "Fly from the French constitution!"
      Fox here whispered that there was no loss of friendship, but Burke
      rejoined&mdash;"Yes there is: I know the price of my conduct; I have done
      my duty at the price of my friend; our friendship is at an end!" Burke
      then addressing himself to the two great rivals, Pitt and Fox, expressed a
      hope that whether they hereafter moved in the political hemisphere, as two
      flaming antagonist meteors, or walked like brethren hand-in-hand, they
      would preserve and cherish the British constitution against innovation and
      new-fangled theories. Fox rose to reply, but the tears trickled down his
      cheeks, and emotion for some time impeded his utterance. He felt the loss
      of his friend: yet, on recovering himself, while he made an eloquent
      appeal to the remembrance of the past, and to the reciprocal affection
      which had subsisted between them, as dear as that between father and son,
      he still gave utterance to some bitter sarcasms, and repeated some of his
      objectionable remarks. Rejoinders on both sides followed, and the dispute
      was renewed on the 11th of May, the house being again in committee on the
      Quebec Bill, but no concessions were made on either side, and the
      connexion between these illustrious men were dissolved for ever.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     They stood aloof; the scars remaining&mdash;
     Like cliffs which had been rent asunder.
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      The Quebec Bill, which had given rise to this dispute, was finally carried
      through the house of commons, with some amendments, on the 18th of May;
      and it subsequently passed the lords, though not without much opposition,
      and obtained the royal assent at the close of the session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SLAVE-TRADE ABOLITION BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 18th of April, the evidence on the slave-trade being closed, Mr.
      Wilberforce moved "for a bill to prevent the further importation of
      African negroes into the British colonies." He introduced this motion with
      a copious and convincing display of arguments in its favour, grounded on
      the principles of justice, humanity, and Christianity, but though it was
      supported by Pitt and Fox, self-interest prevailed: the motion was
      negatived by one hundred and sixty-three against eighty-eight. The
      advocates of humanity, however, completed at this time the establishment
      of the Sierra Leone Company, by which they proposed to introduce free
      labour and Christianity into Africa. A bill was brought in for this
      purpose by the excellent Henry Thornton, and it passed through both houses
      without opposition.
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    <h2>
      CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Mitford moved for a committee of the whole house,
      to enable him to bring in "a bill to relieve, upon conditions, and under
      restrictions, persons called Protestant Catholic Dissenters, from certain
      penalties, to which Papists are by law subject." A reform in the penal
      statutes was at this time peculiarly called for, since a large body of
      Catholic Dissenters had recently formally protested against the temporal
      power of the pope, and his right to excommunicate princes, or to absolve
      subjects from their oath of allegiance; and had likewise disavowed the
      lawfulness of breaking faith with heretics, and the power claimed by their
      priests, of exempting men from moral obligations. The principles of the
      bill were generally approved, and it passed both houses without
      opposition: the bishops themselves expressing sentiments in its favour.
      Encouraged by this liberality of parliament, the church of Scotland
      transmitted from the general assembly a petition praying for the relief of
      the Test Act, as far as it applied to that country; and subsequently Sir
      Gilbert Elliot made a motion on the subject, but it was rejected by a
      large majority.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO AMEND THE LAW ON LIBELS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of May, Fox brought in a bill for empowering juries to try the
      question of law as well as fact, in prosecutions for libel. This subject
      was debated as a constitutional right, and not as a party question, and
      having obtained the support of Pitt, it passed the commons with very
      little opposition. In the lords, however, it was objected to as an
      innovation on the laws of the kingdom, and though warmly supported by
      Lords Camden, Grenville, and Loughborough, the motion for the second
      reading was negatived.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Previous to the introduction of his financial measures, Pitt proposed the
      appointment of a committee to inquire what had been the amount of the
      income and expenditure during the last five years, and what they might be
      expected to be in future; and also what alterations had occurred in the
      amount of the national debt since the 5th of January, 1786. This committee
      made its report on the 10th of May, when it appeared that the annual
      income had been £16,030,285, and the expenditure, including £1,000,000 for
      liquidating the national debt, £15,909,178, thereby leaving an excess of
      the income over the expenditure to the amount of £61,107. In his account
      of the state of finances on the 18th of May, Pitt referred to this report
      as a proof of their flourishing condition. Sheridan, however, still
      questioned the correctness of the figures; and on the 3rd of June he moved
      forty resolutions, calculated to discredit the management of the finances,
      and to show that he could have taken&mdash;spendthrift as he was&mdash;better
      care of the public money. These resolutions were all rejected; and
      ministers brought forward sixteen counter resolutions, which went to prove
      that the finances had never been so well managed before, and that there
      was every prospect, not only of keeping the expenditure within the limits
      of the income, but of reducing the national debt. This was visionary; but,
      at all events, Pitt was enabled to provide for the services of the year
      without a loan or any additional taxes. On a subsequent day, Dundas laid a
      flattering account of the finances in India before the commons; the
      revenues there, he stated, amounted to £7,000,000, and after defraying all
      expenses, there was left a clear surplus of nearly £1,500,000. His
      statement was questioned by Paul Benfield who had recently returned from
      India, and who asserted that he could prove it to be erroneous, but for
      the late period of the session.
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session a question arose, whether an impeachment by the
      house of commons did not remain <i>in statu quo</i>, notwithstanding the
      intervention of a dissolution of parliament. Upon the solution of this
      question it depended whether the present parliament could take up the
      proceedings against Hastings where they had been left by the last, or
      whether they must be commenced anew. Much discussion arose upon the
      question; lawyers and members of parliament alike being at issue upon it;
      but Burke finally succeeded in carrying this motion:&mdash;"That it
      appears that an impeachment by this house, &amp;c, against Warren
      Hastings, Esq., late Governor-general of Bengal, for sundry high crimes
      and misdemeanors, is now depending." The trial, therefore, was to be
      resumed at the point where it was left by the recent parliament; and in
      order to shorten it, on the 14th of February, Burke moved "that, in
      consideration of the length of time which has already elapsed since
      carrying up the impeachment against Warren Hastings, Esq., it appears to
      this house to be proper, for the purpose of obtaining substantial justice
      with as little delay as possible, to proceed to no other parts of the said
      impeachment than those on which the managers of the prosecution have
      already closed their evidence; excepting only such parts of the
      impeachment as relate to the contracts, pensions, and allowances." This
      motion was carried without a division; but the resolution of the commons,
      that an impeachment did not cease with the dissolution of parliament, was
      strongly contested in the house of lords; and it was not till the 16th of
      May that their lordships agreed to proceed with the trial. On that day
      Lord Porchester moved, "that their lordships do now proceed with the
      trial;" and this motion being carried by a large majority, a message was
      sent to the house of commons that they were ready to resume proceedings.
      The charge respecting contracts, pensions, allowances, frauds, and
      extortions, was opened by Mr. St. John on the 23rd of May, and was gone
      through in three days. The prosecution closed its evidence on the 30th of
      May; and when the court broke up, the managers proposed an address to the
      king, praying him not to prorogue parliament until the trial was finished.
      This was negatived; and Hastings seeing that he could not expect to bring
      his defence before the court during the present session, begged to be
      allowed one day for stating what he deemed of importance respecting the
      further progress of the trial. This request was readily granted; and on
      the 2nd of June he delivered a long and able discourse, vindicating his
      administration in India, and entering at large into the principles which
      had actuated his conduct. He finally appealed to his accusers in the
      following energetic peroration:&mdash;"To the commons of England, in whose
      name I am arraigned for desolating the provinces of their dominion in
      India, I dare to reply, that they are, and their representatives annually
      tell them so, the most flourishing of all the states in India. It was I
      who made them so! The valour of others acquired&mdash;I enlarged, giving
      shape and consistency to the dominion which you hold there. I preserved
      it. I sent forth its armies with an effectual but economical hand, through
      unknown and hostile regions, to the support of your other possessions; to
      the retrieval of one from dishonour and degradation, and of another from
      utter loss and subjection. I maintained the wars which were of your
      formation or that of others, not of mine. I won one member of the great
      Indian confederacy from it by an act of seasonable restitution; with
      another I maintained a secret intercourse, and converted him into a
      friend; a third I drew off by diversion and negociation, and employed him
      as an instrument of peace. When you cried out for peace, and your cries
      were heard by those who were the object of it, I resisted this and every
      other species of counteraction by rising in my demands, and accomplished a
      peace, a lasting and I hope an everlasting one, with one great state; and
      I, at least, afforded the efficient means by which a peace, if not so
      durable, more seasonable at least, was accomplished with another. I gave
      you all, and you have rewarded me with confiscation, disgrace, and a life
      of impeachment. I am, above all things, desirous that your lordships
      should come to an immediate decision upon the evidence before you. But if
      the shortness of time should prevent you from complying with this, my
      earnest desire, and the trial must, of necessity, and to my unspeakable
      sorrow, be prolonged to another session, then, my lords, I trust you will
      not consider me, by anything I have said, as precluded from adopting such
      means of defence as my counsel may judge most advisable for my interest. I
      am so confident of my own innocence, and have such a perfect reliance upon
      the honour of your lordships, that I am not afraid to submit to judgment
      upon the evidence which has been adduced on the part of the prosecution."
      After this plea of general merit, in extenuation of specific charges,
      their lordships passed a resolution to proceed with the trial on the first
      Tuesday in the next session of parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by the king in person on the 10th of June. His
      majesty expressed great satisfaction at the zeal with which the two houses
      had applied themselves to the consideration of the different objects which
      he had recommended to their attention; and said, that he regretted he was
      not yet able to inform them of the result of the steps which had been
      taken with a view to the re-establishment of peace between Russia and the
      Porte.
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    <h2>
      PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The notes of alarm sounded by Burke in the British house of commons at the
      progress of the French revolution, did not proceed from an overheated
      imagination; for, during this year, events transpired which showed in a
      clearer light than ever that there was cause for alarm. The audacity of
      the Jacobins daily increased; and in order to oppose a barrier to it, the
      wiser of the national assembly had recourse to royalty. Lafayette,
      Mirabeau, the two Lameths, and others, foreseeing the danger in which the
      new constitution was placed from their proceedings, acted thus, though it
      proved all to no purpose. In the midst of his exertions to stem the coming
      ruin of the country, Mirabeau, who was of all men in France the most able
      to effect such a work, died. It was proposed in the assembly, on the 28th
      of February, that the tide of emigration should be stopped, by entrusting
      the power of granting passports to a committee of three persons. Against
      this iniquitous measure Mirabeau loudly exclaimed; and his opposition to
      the measure raised such a clamour against him, that, in his exertions to
      silence their voices, he was so overcome, that he returned thence to a bed
      of sickness, from which he never arose. His last words were&mdash;"After
      my death the factions will soon tear the last shreds of the monarchy."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before Mirabeau had closed his mortal career, he had counselled the king
      to retire to Metz, beyond the power of the Parisians; and there, at the
      head of an independent force, to treat with the nation, if he could not
      with the assembly, and obtain a more equitable adjustment between the
      rights of the crown and those of the people. Exposed to daily renewed
      mortifications, Louis finally resolved upon flight; and a plan was
      concerted with the Marquis de Bouille, who formed a camp of some faithful
      regiments near Montmedy, for his escape thither. The king and his family
      left the Tuilleries and the capital on the night of the 20th of June, and
      arrived undisturbed as far as St. Menehauld; but here he was recognized by
      the postmaster Drouet, who, by taking prompt measures, had him arrested at
      Varennes. On the fifth day of his flight he was conducted back to Paris as
      a prisoner, surrounded by an angry populace and the national guards. He
      had left behind him, on his departure from the Tuilleries, a declaration,
      in which he protested against the decrees of the national assembly which
      he had sanctioned, and manifested his intention of overthrowing the new
      order of things. Had he succeeded, therefore, France was threatened with
      civil war and executors; and now that he had failed, vengeance was to fall
      upon his own head. On his return the national assembly suspended him
      provisionally from his functions, and appointed commissioners to
      interrogate him. Louis, however, supported by the moderate party, was
      silently reinstated in his authority, and the national assembly went on as
      before. But this only tended to increase the rage of the Jacobins. They
      wanted at once to proclaim the republic; and, being defeated in their
      designs, they turned to the people. They caused a petition to be prepared
      for dethroning the monarch, and made an attempt to lay it on "the altar of
      the country," in the field of Mars, for universal signature. A violent
      tumult ensued, which Lafayette quelled at the edge of the sword: much
      blood was shed. But this triumph of the assembly only served to render
      them unpopular. The people became as weary of them as of the monarch; so
      having collected their constitutional decrees into one code, and having
      presented this constitution to the king, and received his solemn
      acceptance of it, on the 30th of December the national assembly declared
      itself dissolved. This was a fatal step to both king and country. Before
      the dissolution of this assembly, on the motion of Robespierre, a measure
      was passed, declaring that none of the members should be capable of
      re-election. Now, although few among them were capable of legislating for
      a great country, as most of their acts had proved, yet it was manifest
      that the members, generally, were wiser, and even more moderate than the
      people at large. The consequence of this fatal step was, in fact, to sink
      the representation of the people into a still lower grade of society; to
      exalt the dregs of the people into the responsible office of legislators.
      This was soon made manifest; of seven hundred and fifty-eight members who
      were elected for the legislative assembly, which arose on the ruins of the
      national assembly, not more than fifty were possessed of one hundred
      pounds per annum. Those who were elected, indeed, were chiefly men whose
      zeal had distinguished them in the clubs; men whose sole aim was the
      subversion of all religion, and of that order which is so necessary to the
      well-being of a state. There were three classes of persons in this new
      assembly; the Feuillans, so called from the name of their club, who
      advocated a mitigated aristocracy; the Girondins, or professed
      republicans, who had a fixed aversion to even the shadow of royalty which
      had been preserved; and the Jacobins, whose aim was to sweep away rank,
      wealth, and talent from the land. The two former of these divisions
      represented the middle classes, and the latter the rabble; but the
      Girondins were the most powerful and popular. Such was the nature of this
      assembly. Compared with it the "rump parliament" of Oliver Cromwell was
      the perfection of wisdom and moderation. Ignorance, passion, and
      inexperience became united; and those who looked for great things at the
      hands of its members&mdash;and there were those even in England who looked
      for such things&mdash;must have been grossly infatuated with the
      principles of the revolution. What the monarch might expect from them was
      seen on the first meeting of the assembly, when they took an oath upon the
      constitutional act to live freemen or die. Their next measures were in
      accordance with this oath. At this time, the emigrants, who had greatly
      increased since the king had failed in his attempt at flight, had begun to
      arm foreign courts in their own favour and for the support of the
      tottering throne of France. Austria, Russia, and Prussia had definitely
      promised their aid; the King of Sweden, Gustavus III., had offered to be
      the commander of the allies; and other European courts, though they had
      not yet resolved to resort to arms, shared in their sentiments. At this
      time, also, the discontented priesthood, who were scattered through the
      realm, were stirring and preparing the peasantry universally to revolt.
      There was, in fact, a tempest gathering round the heads of the patriots;
      and alarmed at it, and in order to counteract the danger, during the
      months of October and November, the legislative assembly declared all
      emigrants who continued hostile on the frontiers beyond the month of
      January, 1792, civilly dead, and their properties confiscated; and similar
      rigorous measures were ordained against those priests who should refuse
      the oath binding them to the constitution, and continue to excite
      agitation. The king refused to sanction these decrees; and then was seen
      the absurd balance of power provided against the constitution. The rage of
      the revolutionists knew no bounds; and unable to attack the monarch
      directly, they turned their rage against the ministers and the
      constitutionalists from whose ranks they had been chosen. To effect their
      overthrow the Girondins and Jacobins united, and were successful. Such of
      the constitutionalists as were in the ministry were compelled to resign,
      and the whole party lost its influence in the senate. Nor had this party
      any power now in the municipality, for Bailly had been superseded in his
      mayoralty, and Lafayette had resigned his command of the national guard;
      and these important offices had fallen into the hands of the Jacobins, and
      by their influence democracy gained the ascendency in the capital, and, by
      a natural consequence, throughout the whole kingdom. The monarch was even
      compelled to choose his ministers out of the fiery Jacobin party; for
      neither royalist nor constitutionalist dared to sit in the council. At the
      close of this year it was manifest that the king was on the high-road to
      the scaffold. Red-caps were worn in public by the victorious Jacobins as a
      party badge, and as a declaration of war against all the moderate and all
      the friends of right; and the guillotine, beneath which thousands of
      victims were to bleed, was introduced. France had already assumed the
      aspect of an arena of wild beasts: Dan-ton, Robespierre, and Marat were
      already licking their jaws in anticipation of the prey.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1791-1792
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As every day manifested more and more that the principles of the
      revolution in France were fraught with mischief, and as great exertions
      were made by Burke and others to enlighten the public mind on their evil
      tendency, it might have been expected that Englishmen, who enjoyed a free
      constitution, although they had generously sympathised with the French
      people at the outset of their work of regeneration, from a conviction that
      it would tend to their benefit and happiness, would, by this year, have
      seen that they were in error, and would, therefore, have somewhat abated
      in their admiration of that work. This might have been the case to a
      certain extent; but, nevertheless, those who professed republican
      principles in England were still very numerous, and had become bolder in
      their advocacy of such principles. A fierce war was carried on by the
      newspapers of the day against Burke's "Reflections," and pamphlets and
      volumes of all sizes were published, in order to show that it was a mere
      flimsy piece of rhetoric and fine writing. The most conspicuous of these
      volumes were the "<i>Vindictæ Gallicæ</i>;" or "Defence of the French
      Revolution," written by Sir James Mackintosh; the "Rights of Man," written
      by that fierce democrat, Tom Paine; and "Letters to the Right Honourable
      Mr. Burke, on his Reflections on the Revolution of France," written by the
      celebrated Unitarian preacher, Dr. Priestley. Perhaps, the most popular of
      these books was the "Rights of Man," which, crude and undigested as the
      arguments it contained were, was extolled by the republican party in
      England as a master-piece of human intelligence and genius, and as a
      complete refutation of all the arguments of Burke's "Reflections." This
      may have arisen from the fact that Paine's doctrine was much more plain
      and intelligible to the common people: it was operatical and proposed
      immediate excision; that is, it advocated the total overthrow of monarchy,
      and the establishment of republicanism. To the honour of Sir James
      Mackintosh it must be mentioned, that he, subsequently, when he read of
      the massacres and atrocities committed in Paris, retracted the bold
      assertions he had made in the <i>Vindicio Gallico</i>, and, finally,
      declared that democracy was "the most monstrous of all governments,
      because it is impossible at once to act and to control; and, consequently,
      the sovereign power in such a constitution must be left without any check
      whatsoever." Sir James Mackintosh, indeed, lived to regret that he had
      written his essay; nor does it appear that when he wrote he had any idea
      of the fatal consequences that would result from the principles he
      defended: like many others he indulged the hope that the revolution would
      correct its own vices. His essay, like those of Paine's and Priestley's,
      however, had an evil tendency at this period of public excitement. At the
      same time the <i>Vindicio Gallicio</i> was not calculated to work such
      mischief as the "Rights of Man," and the "Letters to the Right Honourable
      Mr. Burke," since the one was addressed to the educated, and the others to
      the uneducated classes of the public. Cheap editions of the two latter
      works were, in truth, industriously circulated throughout the country, by
      the various clubs which abounded on every hand. But notwithstanding the
      exertions of the press to promulgate revolutionary principles, there was
      still a sound conservative principle abroad: the main body of the people
      were loyal to their king, and few comparatively among the upper ranks were
      found to countenance the efforts of sedition. This was manifested in an
      unequivocal manner at Birmingham, where Dr. Priestley acted as a Socinian
      or Unitarian minister: a manner, indeed, which must be condemned, inasmuch
      as it was unworthy of the friends of order, and as it set an example of
      ungovernable fury to those who were re-presented as the foes of all
      established institutions. In most of the large towns of England
      associations were formed for the celebration of the French revolution on
      the 14th of July, the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille. Such an
      association was formed at Birmingham, and a few days before the appointed
      feast a printed handbill was circulated throughout the town, which seemed
      to be intended as a direct challenge and defiance to the
      anti-revolutionists; to those who were advocates for church and state.
      This hand-bill was without signature, and it read thus:&mdash;"My
      countrymen, the second year of Gallic liberty is nearly expired. At the
      commencement of the third, on the 14th of this month, it is devoutly to be
      wished that every enemy to civil and religious despotism, would give his
      sanction to the majestic common cause by a public celebration of the
      anniversary. Remember that on the 14th of July the Bastille, that 'High
      Altar and Castle of Despotism,' fell! Remember the enthusaism peculiar to
      the cause of liberty with which it was attacked! Remember that generous
      humanity that taught the oppressed, groaning under the weight of insulted
      rights, to save the lives of oppressors! Extinguish the mean prejudices of
      nations, and let your numbers be collected and sent as a free-will
      offering to the national assembly! But is it possible to forget that your
      own parliament is venal? Your ministers hypocritical? Your clergy legal
      oppressors? The reigning family extravagant? The crown of a certain great
      personage becoming every day too weighty for the head that wears it? Too
      weighty for the people who gave it? Your taxes partial and excessive? Your
      representation a cruel insult upon the sacred rights of property,
      religion, and freedom? But on the 14th of this month prove to the
      political sycophants of the day that you reverence the Olive Branch; that
      you will sacrifice to public tranquillity till the majority shall exclaim
      'The peace of slavery is worse than the War of Freedom'! Of this moment
      let tyrants beware!" This paper occasioned a great ferment in the good
      town of Birmingham. It was considered generally by the people to have
      proceeded from the republicans that had appointed to feast at the tavern
      on the 14th of July; while, on the other hand, it was affirmed by the
      republicans that it had been written, printed, and distributed by the
      opposite party for the purpose of disturbing their convivial meeting. It
      was thought advisable to give up the feast, and notice was given to that
      effect; but mine host of the tavern represented that he had prepared the
      viands, and that they might feast without danger if they did not sit too
      long at the table, and so the company, to the number of eighty or ninety,
      met at the appointed time. One Keir, a man well known for his attainments
      in several branches of science, and a member of the Established Church,
      was in the chair; but the party had scarcely assembled, before the tavern
      was surrounded by a tumultous crowd, who shouted long and loudly, "Church
      and King!" "Church and King!" Strange rumours soon got abroad of the
      doings within the tavern. It was said that mine host had set three figures
      upon the table: one a medallion of the king encircled with glory; another
      an emblematical figure of British liberty; and a third an emblematical
      figure of Gallic slavery breaking its chains. It was likewise said, that
      the patriots within doors had cut off the king's head and placed it on the
      table! Finally it was reported that the very first toast of the assembly
      was, "Destruction to the present government, and the king's head upon a
      charger." This was too much for the feelings of the loyal people of
      Birmingham to endure. No sooner had this toast been made known, than
      loyalty "swift as lightning shot through their minds, and a kind of
      electrical patriotism animated them to instant vengeance." Before the
      second course was well on the table, they rushed into the tavern, broke
      windows and glasses, and compelled the carousers to take refuge in flight.
      So writes one authority; but another more authentic states, that it was
      some hours after, when most of the company had departed, that the mob
      broke in, and that the peculiar object of their search was Dr. Priestley,
      from whose wig they wanted to knock out the powder. Dr. Priestley had long
      been offensive to the townspeople of Birmingham for his bold advocacy of
      the principles of the French revolution; and now that their passions were
      excited, when they could not discover him at the tavern, and after they
      had smashed all the windows, they resolved to seek him elsewhere&mdash;at
      his dwelling-house on Fair Hill. Had they proceeded direct to his
      residence, they might have tried their skill in knocking the powder out of
      his wig, and, had they done nothing further, they would not have committed
      much mischief, inasmuch as the doctor could soon have had it re-powdered.
      A hint had been given them, however, that they had done sufficient
      mischief at the tavern, and that they had better go to the meetings. In a
      brief hour, therefore, the new meeting-house where Dr. Priestley preached
      was broken into, and set on fire; and in another brief hour the old
      meetinghouse sent up its flame towards heaven likewise. The mob now sought
      the doctor at his house on Fair Hill, but, timely warned, he and his
      family had taken refuge in flight. His house now shared the fate of the
      meeting-houses: together with the whole of his valuable library, his still
      more valuable apparatus for philosophical experiments, and the furniture;
      it was destroyed by fire. All this was done on the 14th of July, and it
      was hoped that the mob would go no further. But, unfortunately, they had
      in part been stimulated to these violences by strong drink, which had been
      given them by some of the more respectable loyalists of the town. On the
      morrow, therefore, the rabble of the town again sounded the cry of "Church
      and King," and being joined by the rabble of the mining and foundery
      districts in the neighbourhood, they resumed their dreadful avocation. On
      that day the houses of Messrs. John Ryland, Taylor, and Hutton, were
      destroyed; the magistrates making no effectual preparations to stop the
      ravages. It does not appear that the mob had been furnished with any drink
      on this day by the loyalist magnates of the town; but they had extorted
      whole hogsheads of ale from Mr. Hutton to save his house&mdash;though they
      afterwards destroyed it&mdash;and had moreover found plenty of good wine
      in the cellars, and this incited them again to action. On the following
      day no less than eight houses within the town, and in its vicinity, wore
      destroyed, exclusive of the residence of Mr. Coates, a Unitarian minister,
      which was plundered and damaged, but not demolished. The following clay
      was Sunday, but it was no day of rest for the rioters, except those who
      were too drunk to move; they went into the country, it is true, but it was
      only to destroy chapels, and to plunder, and burn clown houses. On this
      day, however, their work of destruction was stopped. By the evening of the
      day, probably not finding sufficient drink in the cellars of the
      Dissenters, they had begun to break open and to destroy the houses of
      churchmen. They were busy in breaking open the house of Dr. Withering, at
      some distance from the town, when the words "light horse" sounded in their
      ears, and the whole mob melted away as if by magic; when the light-horse
      appeared, not a shadow of them could be found. In fact, the mob of
      Birmingham was the very counterpart of that which had been engaged in Lord
      George Gordon's riots. Throughout their whole career they had not shown
      any disposition for fighting, except with fists and sticks, and on one
      occasion they fled when resisted by a single pistol. The riots had,
      doubtless, been raised by men of a better stamp than those engaged in it;
      but who, like the prime movers of the riots in London, kept in the
      back-ground. At the same time it manifested that the great body of the
      people of Birmingham had no fellow-feeling with those who advocated the
      principle of the French revolution. It was from this cause, perhaps, that
      government was backward in exhibiting sympathy for the sufferers, and a
      disposition for punishing the offenders. Troops were, indeed, sent to
      restore peace, but no proclamations were issued from the secretary of
      state's office until some days elapsed, and then the reward offered for
      discovering and apprehending a chief rioter was a mere bagatelle. In the
      whole, seventeen were arrested and tried, five of whom only were found
      guilty; three were executed. The losses sustained by the sufferers were
      made good by the hundred, in the way which the law directs; and Dr.
      Priestley at least was a gainer in point of money, for in addition to the
      compensation awarded by law, his friends and admirers opened their purses
      freely on his behalf. He gained by the event, also, in point of
      popularity, and more especially in France and America. Testimonials,
      condolences, and flattering compliments were sent to him from all
      quarters, and he was even compared to Galileo and Socrates! The event, in
      truth, had the effect of making him more bold in his advocacy of
      revolutionary principles. Both from the pulpit and the press he loudly
      denounced the bigotry of England, and as loudly applauded the enlightened
      toleration of France. In this he was encouraged by those who entertained
      similar views to his own, and who in their addresses extolled him as a
      martyr. On the other hand, those who supported "church and state," and
      various bodies of Dissenters, who could not tolerate either his extreme
      views of republicanism or his attacks on the mystery of the Trinity,
      assailed him in the most bitter manner. England, in fact, became too hot
      to hold him, for, in 1794, he expatriated to America. The national
      convention had nominated him a citizen of the French Republic, but by that
      time he had, doubtless, become convinced that there was no safety for him
      in France, whence he wisely forbore entering that wide arena of strife and
      bloodshed. So ended the Birmingham riot: it reflects no honour on our
      annals, but it shows that the mass of the population were satisfied with
      the English constitution, and it may serve as a warning to deter men from
      the exhibition of that malignant party-spirit which reflects disgrace on
      the best cause. "Let your moderation be known unto all men."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1792-1793
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Debates on the Russian
     Armament..... Debate on the Affairs of India..... Pitt's
     Financial Statement..... The Slave-Trade Question.....
     London Police Act..... Act to relieve the Scotch
     Episcopalians, &amp;c...... Sheridan's motion respecting the
     Royal Burghs of Scotland..... Debates on Parliamentary
     Reform,  &amp;c..... Trial of  Hastings, &amp;e...... Bill
     respecting  the New  Forest and Timber for the Navy.....
     Prorogation   of Parliament..... Changes in the
     Ministry..... East India Affairs..... Progress of the French
     Revolution..... Affairs of Poland..... State of the Public
     Mind  in England..... Meeting of Parliament..... The Alien
     Bill, &amp;c...... Execution of the French King.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1792
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament did not assemble until the 31st of January. The
      first topic mentioned in the king's speech was the marriage of his second
      son, the Duke of York, with the Princess Frederica, daughter of the King
      of Prussia. His majesty then informed the two houses that a treaty had
      been concluded, under his mediation and that of his allies, between the
      Emperor of Austria and the Porte, and that preliminaries had been agreed
      upon between the latter of those powers and Russia. The king next
      expressed his regret that he was not yet enabled to inform parliament of
      the termination of the war in India with Tippoo Sultaun, but the success
      which had already attended the British arms afforded, reasonable ground to
      hope that the war would speedily be concluded. Although events in Europe
      at this time cast their dark shadows before them, yet his majesty affirmed
      that the general state of affairs appeared to promise to Great Britain the
      continuance of her present tranquillity; and he even suggested that some
      immediate reduction might safely be made in our naval and military
      establishments. He concluded by recommending the house of commons to
      consider of such measures as the flourishing state of the funds and of
      public credit might render practicable and expedient, for a reduction in
      the rate of interest of such of the annuities as were now redeemable; by
      stating that he entertained the pleasing hope of their being enabled to
      enter upon a gradual reduction of taxes, giving at the same time
      additional efficacy to the plan for the reduction of the national debt;
      and by recommending a steady, zealous, and confirmed attachment to the
      British constitution.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debates on the address principally turned upon the line of policy
      pursued by the ministry in their interference in the quarrel between
      Turkey and Prussia, and in the hostility they had displayed towards the
      latter power. Ministers were loudly condemned for this interference by the
      opposition; Mr. Grey and Fox taking the most prominent part in the attack.
      Fox, as usual, introdued France and her revolution and constitution into
      his speech. The frequent eulogiums on the British constitution which had
      been introduced into parliament, he said, had been introduced in order to
      reproach him and his friends for their admiration of what had been done in
      France, and to suggest the suspicion that he and his friends were hostile
      to our own form of government. The French, he contended, had done
      perfectly right in overturning a constitution so radically bad as that of
      France; but that of Great Britain was so good, though not absolutely
      perfect, that it merited the efforts of all honest subjects to preserve
      it. It was hence most unjust to insinuate that those who approved of the
      destruction of despotism in France, would rejoice in the downfall of the
      British constitution. Fox concluded by condemning the Birmingham riots;
      asserting that the outrages had been committed through the laxity or tacit
      approbation of the magistrates. He remarked:&mdash;"It would have been
      well if his majesty in his speech had spoken of those riots in the terms
      they merited. They were not riots for bread; they were not riots in the
      cause of liberty, which, however highly to be reprobated, had yet some
      excuse in their principle; they were riots of men neither aggrieved nor
      complaining&mdash;of men who had set on foot an indiscriminate persecution
      of an entire description of their fellow-citizens, including persons as
      eminent for their ability, as blameless in their conduct, and as faithful
      in their allegiance as this or any other country could boast." In reply,
      Pitt said that the Birmingham riots had better be consigned to oblivion,
      especially as sufficient had been done for their atonement; and he broadly
      hinted that Fox revived the subject for party purposes. He warmly defended
      the conduct of the cabinet in the interference between Turkey and Russia;
      asserting that the object of it was to prevent the ruin of the Turkish
      empire, and to preserve that balance of power in Europe which was
      essential to the interests of Great Britain. Pitt concluded by adverting
      to the more pleasing topic of financial improvement; stating that the last
      year's revenue amounted to £16,790,000, which, after all the expenditure
      and the annual million devoted to the reduction of the national debt, left
      a surplus of £900,000; and that, encouraged by this prosperous condition
      of the finances, he contemplated taking off some of those taxes which
      pressed most heavily upon the poor.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE RUSSIAN ARMAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Papers relative to the apprehended rupture between Great Britain and
      Russia were laid before the house on the 6th of February. This gave rise
      to several debates, in which the spirit of party was strongly displayed.
      On the 13th of February Mr. Grey loudly complained that ministers had not
      produced the preliminaries said to have been adjusted between the Russian
      and Turkish negociators; and that large sums had been unnecessarily spent
      in fitting out the armament. A week later Mr. Grey moved for a more ample
      production of papers regarding various portions of the recent diplomacy of
      ministers; arguing that the whole of the correspondence was necessary, if
      they wished to justify the steps they had taken. Pitt resisted the demand,
      conceiving that sufficient had been disclosed to make the house master of
      all the essential parts of the business, and asserting that confidence was
      due to the administration, until their capacity or integrity was
      impeached. The motion was negatived, but on the 29th of February the
      subject was revived by Mr. Whitbread, who moved the following resolutions:&mdash;"That
      no arrangement respecting Oczakow and its district appears to have been
      capable of affecting the political or commercial interests of this
      country, so as to justify any hostile interference on the part of Great
      Britain between. Russia and the Porte: that the interference for the
      purpose of preventing the cession of the said fortress and its district to
      the Empress of Russia has been wholly unsuccessful; and that his majesty's
      ministers, in endeavouring, by means of an armed force, to compel the
      Empress of Russia to abandon her claim to Oczakow, and in continuing an
      armament after the object for which it was proposed had been relinquished,
      have been guilty of gross misconduct, tending to incur unnecessary
      expenses, and to diminish the influence of the British nation." Many
      members took part in the debate which followed this motion, but the most
      remarkable speeches were delivered by those two great rivals, Pitt and
      Fox. After reviewing our foreign policy from the time of our joining
      Prussia, in order to prevent Holland becoming the prey of France, Fox said
      that we were standing forward the principals of every quarrel, the
      Quixotes of every enterprise, and the agitators in all the plots and
      disturbances that were every day arising in Europe. He said, if Oczakow
      was a place of no importance, ministers ought to be censured for having
      armed and protracted war on its account; and if it was an important place,
      they ought to be censured for disarming without having obtained
      repossession of it from the Turks. Fox argued that the Empress of Russia
      weald have granted better terms \o the Turks if England had not
      interfered; and bitterly complained of Pitt's reserve and secrecy with
      parliament. On the latter subject he remarked:&mdash;"This is what puts
      our constitution in danger. That the pride, the folly, the presumption of
      a single person shall be able to involve a whole people in disgrace is
      more than philosophy can teach mortal patience to endure. Here are the
      true weapons of the enemies of our constitution! Here may we search for
      the source of the present outpourings of seditious writings, meant either
      to weaken our attachment to the constitution by depreciating its value, or
      that loudly tell us we have no constitution at all. We may blame, we may
      reprobate such doctrines; but while we furnish those who circulate them
      with argumenta such as these, while the example of this day shows us to
      what degree the fact is true, we must not wonder that the purposes the
      seditious writings are meant to answer be but too successful. They argue
      that a constitution cannot be right where such things are possible; much
      less so when they are practised without punishment. Against the vain
      theories of men who project fundamental alterations upon grounds of mere
      speculative objection I can easily defend the constitution; but when they
      recur to these facts, and show me how we may be doomed to all the horrors
      of war by the caprice of an individual, who will not even condescend to
      explain his reasons, I can only fly to this house, and exhort you to rouse
      from your lethargy of confidence, into the active mistrust and vigilant
      control which your duty and your office point out to you." But Fox had by
      his intrigues brought the country into danger from a war with Russia, more
      than Pitt had by his armament. Although the laws and constitution of this
      country entrust the exclusive right of treating with foreign potentates to
      the king, yet without the knowledge or participation of a single member in
      the house, Fox had sent an agent to St. Petersburgh to frustrate the
      objects for which a plenipotentiary from the crown was authorised to
      treat. And Fox succeeded in his design: it was through his influence that
      the czarina still obstinately refused to give up Oczakow, And yet Fox
      condemned ministers for not having succeeded in their negociations! On
      this subject Pitt's biographer, Tomline, writes:&mdash;"It is to be
      presumed that Mr. Fox never would have had recourse to such a measure, if
      he had not entertained a confident hope, that, having already succeeded in
      rendering the Russian armament unpopular, he should overset Mr. Pitt's
      administration, provided the empress could be prevailed on to persevere in
      her demands. That point he accomplished without difficulty, yet the result
      did not turn out as he expected&mdash;he defeated Mr. Pitt's plan, and
      brought a certain degree of discredit and danger on his country, by
      effecting the aggrandisment of an unfriendly and powerful court, but his
      own personal ambition remained ungratified." In his reply to Fox the
      minister exhibited a noble mind, in not making any use of his rival's
      unjustifiable conduct: conduct which was more unconstitutional than Pitt's
      rigid reserve, and which was to a certain extent, treasonable. In his
      reply Pitt defended his policy with great spirit. He asked whether any one
      conversant in politics could admit that the Turkish empire, being unable
      to defend itself against Russia and Austria, should be abandoned by the
      other European powers, every one of which was so visibly interested in the
      preservation of its independence: whether, if other European powers were
      indolent, or hindered by untoward circumstances from interfering. Great
      Britain could coolly leave Turkey to its fate? and whether a British
      ministry could look on with indifference, while her commerce in the Levant
      was threatened, and the maritime power of England, not only in the
      Mediterranean and Archipelago, but in every other sea, must receive a blow
      from the increase of shipping that would accrue to Russia and Austria,
      were they to become masters of European Turkey? The interest and honour of
      this country, he said, required us to pay vigilant attention to the
      political situation of the continental powers, lest the predominance of
      any one should destroy that equipoise which was essential to the safety of
      the whole. And it was evident, he remarked, that the ruin or depression of
      the Turkish empire would materially affect the balance of power in Europe.
      All the world knew that the object of Russia had long been to acquire
      exclusive authority in the Black Sea; and were the Russians to gain
      possession of its ports, a new naval power would arise, dangerous to all
      Europe, but especially so to Great Britain, whose safety and prosperity
      chiefly depended on the superiority of her fleets. It was certain, also,
      he said, that if Great Britain had not assumed a hostile disposition, the
      original demands of the court of Petersburgh would have been insisted on
      to the last, and Turkey would have been forced to submit to a
      dismemberment. As for Oczakow, he acknowledged that it was not a place of
      great importance, but as a fortress commanding the navigation of the
      Dniester, and a point to be gained by the empress in her system of
      ambition, it was worth some risks, and he conceived that he had done his
      duty by first attempting to secure this object to Turkey, and afterwards
      relinquishing it when it could only be obtained at the price of war. At
      the same time Pitt remarked, Oczakow might have been secured had it not
      been for the division and opposition in this kingdom; it was chiefly
      through Fox and his party that what had been done well, had not been done
      better. Party divisions in this country had encouraged the ambitious
      designs of Russia; and yet opposition now took merit to themselves for
      rendering negociations useless; which, but for their efforts, would have
      been attended with complete success. But he did not envy them their
      triumph: it was not a triumph over an enemy, but over the council of their
      king. Pitt concluded by a sarcastic reflection on Fox, which must have
      been keenly felt by him. In the summer of 1791, the czarina finding that
      the Whig party was averse to the Russian armament, directed her ambassador
      to request Fox to sit to Nollekens for a bust in white marble, in order
      that she might place it between the statues of Demosthenes and Cicero. In
      allusion to this Pitt said, that if he and his honourable friend Dundas
      were to go to St. Petersburg, he felt certain that neither of them should
      be found in any place of glory between two orators of antiquity! Fox
      replied, vindicating his conduct, and condemning the policy of ministers
      in the same unmeasured terms as before. But the sentiments of the house
      were against him and his party: Whitbread's resolutions were all rejected,
      either without a division or by very large majorities. During these
      debates the same question was agitated in the house of lords; but Lord
      Fitzwilliam, who moved a similar resolution to that of Mr. Grey in the
      commons, was outvoted by a majority of eighty-nine against nineteen.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was not on the subject of the Russian armament alone that opposition
      sought to bring ministers into contempt, and to overthrow their
      administration. In their plan of campaign they had determined to attack
      them on the subject of the Indian war, and accord-ingly, on the 9th of
      February, Major Maitland moved for all papers necessary to throw light
      upon the subject. It was the chief object of the opposition to prove that
      the war with Tippoo Sultaun was unnecessary, and that it had been
      conducted by Lord Cornwallis without spirit or talent. Such was the
      substance of the arguments employed by Colonel Maitland in support of his
      motion, and in which he was supported by Francis, the antagonist of
      Hastings and Tupey. The motion was on the whole agreed to; Dundas
      consenting to produce all the papers called for, except copys of any
      proposals of peace which had been made by Tippoo Sultaun. But this did not
      satisfy opposition. On the 15th of March Major Maitland moved various
      resolutions on the Indian war, all tending to reprobate it as
      unjustifiable, and as the result of a plan laid down by ministers for
      Tippoo's destruction. These resolutions were negatived; but on a
      subsequent day the major renewed the subject, declaring that the papers
      proved the correctness of his views&mdash;that a plan of conquest had been
      formed, and that the war had been sought for that purpose. In order to
      settle the matter, after showing the warlike character of Tippoo, and
      defending the honour of Lord Cornwallis, ministers moved a resolution
      declaring that the conduct of the governor-general accorded with the true
      spirit and intent of the rules of government established by the British
      parliament for the affairs of India, which resolution was adopted.
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house went into committee to consider the financial affairs of the
      country, on the 17th of February, when Pitt made a speech representing the
      country as in a nourishing condition, almost unprecedented. The revenue
      had increased so much, he said, that government would be enabled to take
      off taxes, bearing chiefly upon the poor, to the amount of £200,000, and
      to apply an equal sum more to increase the sinking-fund for paying off the
      national debt. He proposed to take off the additional duty on malt; the
      new duties on male and female servants; the duties upon waggons, wains,
      carts, and other such carriages; the taxes on houses containing less than
      seven windows; and a halfpenny in the pound of the duty upon all candles,
      except wax and spermaceti. These propositions were agreed to without a
      division. Sheridan only questioning the truth of Pitt's financial
      statement, which he did more from the force of habit, and by way of
      opposition, than from any just cause. On the same day, in a committee of
      supply, the house granted £400,000 to his majesty, to be issued and paid
      to the governor and company of the Bank of England, to be by them placed
      to the account of the commissioners for the reduction of the national
      debt. So far as Pitt's statements on this occasion related to the actual
      condition of the finances of the country they were doubtless correct; but
      his sentiments on the future were too soon proved to be fallacious. He
      remarked:&mdash;"From the result of the whole, I trust I am entitled to
      conclude that the scene which we are now contemplating, is not the
      transient effect of accident, not the short-lived prosperity of a day, but
      the general and natural result of regular and permanent causes. Though we
      may yet be subject to those fluctuations which often occur in the affairs
      of a mighty nation, and which it is impossible to calculate or foresee,
      yet, as far as reliance can be placed on human speculations, we have the
      best ground, from experience of the past, for looking with satisfaction on
      the present, and with confidence toward the future." Pitt, indeed,
      expressed his deep conviction that there never was a time when a durable
      peace might more reasonably be expected than at the present moment. And
      yet there never was a time when war was manifestly more imminent. England
      was, in truth, on the verge of a war which was to increase the national
      debt more than any in which she had been yet engaged. The nation was
      taught to entertain brilliant hopes at the opening of this year, but at
      its close those hopes were dashed to the ground. They were called upon to
      indulge in visions of a total release from national debt; but it was soon
      found that this debt was to increase by a sure and rapid process. Pitt
      himself soon discovered that he might be wrong; and hence, being
      apprehensive that in the case of a new and protracted war, requiring large
      additions to the public debt, the sinking fund might not operate with
      sufficient effect to prevent a national bankruptcy, he subsequently
      proposed, that, whenever a loan should be hereafter made, one per cent on
      the ne\v stock thus created, besides the dividends, should be raised and
      applied in the same manner, and under the same regulations as the original
      £1,000,000. This bill passed the commons without any particular
      opposition; but in the upper house it was violently reprobated by Lord
      Chancellor Thurlow as a provision likely to answer no good purpose, and as
      exhibiting an extraordinary degree of arrogance, by dictating to future
      parliaments, and prescribing to future ministers a mode of action to be
      adopted some thirty years hence. He remarked:&mdash;"None but a novice, a
      sycophant, a mere reptile of a minister, would allow this act to prevent
      him doing what, in his own judgment, circumstances might require at the
      time; and a change in the situation of the country might render that which
      is proper at one time inapplicable at another. In short, the scheme is
      nugatory and impracticable; the inaptness of the project is only equalled
      by the vanity of the attempt." This bill, however, passed into a law, and
      was adhered to in the numerous loans advanced during the whole of the
      revolutionary contest. About the same time Pitt brought another measure
      into the house, which indicated that his views were undergoing a change as
      to the long continuance of peace; this was a proposition to raise £812,500
      by means of a lottery. But in this he met with decided opposition. Great
      surprise was expressed that, in a time of profound peace, he should have
      recourse to a method of levying money so extremely injurious to the morals
      and habits of the people. Instances were adduced in which state-lotteries
      had led to robbery and suicide; and a petition was presented from the
      grand jury of Middlesex, earnestly praying the house to take the subject
      into consideration. These representations produced such an impression,
      that a motion was forthwith carried for a committee to inquire into the
      evils arising from lotteries.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1792-1793
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although defeated in his humane endeavours to effect the abolition of the
      slave-trade during the last session, yet Mr. Wilberforce resolved to
      persevere in the great cause which he had undertaken. And in this he was
      now supported by popular opinion; not less than five hundred and eight
      petitions having been presented, in the early part of the sessions,
      praying for the abolition of that abominable traffic. Thus encouraged, on
      the 2nd of April, Wilberforce moved, in a committee of the whole house,
      "that it is the opinion of this committee, that the trade carried on by
      British subjects, for the purpose of procuring slaves from Africa, ought
      to be entirely abolished." In his speech, which was very able and
      eloquent, the mover declared that he would never abandon this business
      till he had obtained his object; and he intimated that if he carried his
      present motion, he would follow it up by another to this effect:&mdash;"That
      the chairman be directed to move the house for leave to bring in a bill
      for the abolition of the slave-trade." Wilberforce was opposed by
      Jenkinson, Colonel Tarleton, and other members interested in the
      slave-trade, who endeavoured to show that our West India islands would be
      useless without such a traffic, and who treated the petitions on the table
      with contempt, as signed by raw youths, inexperienced persons, or needy
      individuals, who wrote their names for money. On the other hand, the
      motion was eloquently supported by Thornton, Montague, Whitbread, Pitt,
      and Fox. One of the most powerful speeches was that delivered by the
      prime-minister. The subject was not made a cabinet question; but every
      member of administration was left to follow that line of conduct which
      their own notions of policy, expediency, or right might dictate. Dundas,
      who had recently become secretary of state, by the resignation of the Duke
      of Leeds, was averse to instant abolition; and he recommended a middle
      course, which he thought might reconcile the interests of the West India
      islands with the eventual abolition of the trade; and he concluded by
      moving, that the word "gradual" should be inserted before the word
      "abolition." In reply, Pitt asked why injustice was to be suffered to
      remain for a single hour? "Reflect," said he, "on the eighty thousand
      persons annually torn from their native land; on the connexions which are
      broken; on the friendships, attachments, and relationships that are rent
      asunder! There is something in the horror of it that surpasses all the
      bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought
      upon that continent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse,
      even now, to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt
      of Britain! Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are suffered
      to intervene, than to delay the accomplishment of such a work? If we
      listen to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue this night the line of
      conduct which they prescribe, some of us may live to see the reverse of
      that picture from which we now turn our eyes with shame and regret. We may
      live to behold the natives of Africa engaged in the calm occupations of
      industry; in the pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We may behold
      the beams of science and philosophy breaking in upon their land, which, at
      some happy period, in still later times, may blaze with full lustre; and,
      joining their influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and
      invigorate the most distant extremities of that immense continent." It was
      argued by some of its supporters, that slavery was a necessary evil. On
      this argument Pitt remarked:&mdash;"The origin of the evil is indeed
      beyond the reach of human understanding; and the permission of it by the
      Supreme Being is a subject into which we are not concerned to inquire. But
      where the evil in question is a moral evil, which a man can scrutinise,
      and where that moral evil has its origin within ourselves, let us not
      imagine that we can clear our consciences by this general, not to say
      irreligious, way of putting aside the question." Pitt concluded by urging
      on the house the influence which their decision would produce in other
      countries, and that the divine blessing was to be expected on their own,
      by exertions in such a righteous cause. His speech was rapturously
      applauded, but he failed in obtaining total and immediate abolition; the
      amendment which Dundas proposed being adopted by one hundred and
      ninety-three against one hundred and twenty-five. Wilberforce was now
      asked whether he meant to bring in a gradual abolition bill; but he
      declared that he could not do any such thing; he could not sanction for a
      time that which ought not to endure for one moment longer. It was for
      Dundas, or some one of his supporters, he said, to bring in such a bill;
      and though Dundas exhibited much unwillingness to take up the matter, he
      felt called upon to do so; and on the 23rd of April, therefore, he
      produced twelve resolutions, to the effect that all that branch of the
      trade which did not refer to the supply of the British West India islands,
      should cease forthwith; that no male slaves above the age of twenty-five,
      or female slaves above the age of twenty, should henceforth be exported
      from Africa in British ships; that the tonnage employed in the slave-trade
      should be limited and strictly ascertained; that the duties on slaves
      imported into the colonies should be increased; that laws should be
      enacted against those who maltreated their slaves; that the colonial
      legislatures should be invited to concur in these measures; and that the
      trade should be finally abolished in the year 1800. Wilberforce, Pitt, and
      Fox warmly opposed these resolutions; and amendments were made, first,
      that the trade should cease in 1793, and then 1795, both of which were
      lost; but it was finally agreed, on the motion of Sir Edward Knatchbull,
      that the final abolition should take place on the 1st of January, 1796.
      The resolutions, as thus amended, were carried up to the lords on the 2nd
      of May; on which occasion Prince William, Duke of Clarence, who, in the
      course of his naval training, had visited the West India islands, and who,
      conceiving that the state of society there did not justify the pictures
      drawn of it by the abolitionists, opposed the abolition with great
      facility of elocution. The friends of immediate abolition were very few in
      the house of lords; and in order to retard the business, a committee for
      the hearing of evidence at the bar of the house was proposed. This was
      objected to by Lords Grenville, Porchester, Stanhope, and Rawdon, and by
      Bishop Beilby Porteus; but it was carried by a large majority. The
      examination of witnesses at the bar commenced forthwith; but little
      progress was made in it before the prorogation, so that the business was
      virtually postponed till the next session. Wilberforce complained that it
      was owing to the appeal made by Dundas to the gradual abolition of this
      horrid traffic, that he was defeated; but it may fairly be questioned
      whether he could have carried an immediate abolition at the present time,
      if this appeal had not been made; for, at this period, there were many
      circumstances which operated to the injury of his cause. Thus the
      abolitionists had recently determined to use no sugar which came from the
      West Indies; a determination that would materially interfere with the
      revenue. Then again, the massacres and burnings in the French division of
      the island of St. Domingo, where the negro slaves had been set free from
      their chains, gave rise to a fear that, if a total abolition took place,
      these troubles might extend to Jamaica and our other West India islands,
      and hence indisposed the king and many members of parliament to support
      the measure. Moreover, Clarkson, one of the most active abolitionists, and
      the bosom friend of Wilberforce, openly advocated the principles of the
      French revolution, whence occasion was offered of representing the friends
      of abolition as levellers. Finally, the knowledge that Brissot and the
      other friends of the blacks in France were fierce revolutionists, and that
      the redoubtable Tom Paine ranged on the side of Wilberforce in the cause
      of humanity, had the effect of depriving him of many votes. All these
      circumstances, combined with the powerful motive of self-interest, would,
      doubtless have ensured his defeat, had not Dundas interposed his scheme of
      gradual abolition. So the murderous traffic was to be continued
      unmitigated; and, as it proved, for another long twenty years.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LONDON POLICE ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Complaints had long been made of the disgraceful state of the police of
      the metropolis, and especially of the largest portion of it, not included
      in the jurisdiction of the city of London. Every one felt that the unpaid
      magistracy were altogether inadequate to the discharge of their onerous
      duties; and many rules and ordinances had been enacted at various periods,
      for the preservation of the public peace, which had been nullified by
      their want of power and incompetency. To rectify this defect, early in
      March a bill was introduced into the commons, with the countenance and
      approbation of government, the plan of which was to open five different
      police-offices in the metropolis, for the prompt administration of those
      parts of justice which were in the hands of magistrates. Hitherto
      magistrates, though nominally unpaid, had driven a handsome trade in fees;
      but by this bill three were to sit in each office, with a salary of three
      hundred pounds per annum, and all fees were to be applied to the
      disbursement of salaries and official expenses. The bill provided that
      constables should possess authority to apprehend persons who could not
      give a satisfactory account of themselves, and that magistrates should
      have the power of committing such persons as rogues and vagabonds. Strong
      objections were made against the bill; opposition arguing that the vesting
      the appointment of these new magistrates in the crown, would give an
      unconstitutional increase of strength to government; and that the summary
      arrest and commitment of any individual, was an infringement on the
      liberty of the subject, and contrary to the spirit of the constitution.
      The arguments of its opponents, however, were overruled, and it was passed
      by a considerable majority. The bill met with a warm opposition in the
      upper house, by lords Rawdon and Loughborough; but it passed there
      likewise, and became law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACT TO RELIEVE THE SCOTCH EPISCOPALIANS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, a bill was introduced in the lords for the relief of
      the Scottish Episcopalians, who had long been subject to heavy penalties,
      on the ground of disaffection to the revolution establishment. The bill
      was opposed by Lord Chancellor Thurlow, who ventured to intimate doubts
      whether bishops could exist in any Christian country not authorised by the
      state; but being assured by the bishop of St. David's, that Christian
      bishops existed three hundred years before the alliance between church and
      state took place under the Emperor Constantine, his lordship expressed
      himself satisfied, and the bill passed. Encouraged by this concession to
      the Scotch church, the Unitarians applied for a repeal of the statutes
      affecting them; but their recent advocacy of revolutionary principles made
      their cause more hopeless than ever: their application was rejected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SHERIDAN'S MOTION RESPECTING THE ROYAL BURGHS OF SCOTLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Petitions had recently been presented to parliament, setting forth the
      general mismanagement, misapplication of money, dilapidation of property,
      and various grievances sustained in consequence of the usurped authority
      of certain self-elected magistrates in the royal burgs of Scotland. On the
      18th of April Mr. Sheridan made a motion for an inquiry into the
      grievances thus complained of and petitioned against. The main grievance
      was considered to lie in the self-election of the magistrates; and
      Sheridan required that this practice should be abolished. He remarked, it
      was urged that abuses of a similar nature existed in England; but he did
      not consider that this was an argument to justify abuses in either
      country. Was justice, he asked, to be defeated by a community of
      oppression? As there was a dread of innovation at this period, Sheridan
      endeavoured to disarm this principle. Some persons, he observed, think
      that the French revolution should deter us from thinking of reform.
      Whatever might be the conduct of the parties engaged in it, with regard to
      the event itself, there could but be one feeling upon the subject;
      exultation and joy at the downfall of despotism in France, which had been
      the greatest enemy England ever had. Its ambitious, restless, and
      turbulent spirit, he said, had cost England thousands of subjects and
      millions of money; but now that which had long disturbed the happiness of
      the human race was completely destroyed. Could Sheridan have seen into
      futurity, he would not thus exult-ingly have triumphed over the downfall
      of the despotic government of France; for the revolution was to cost
      England much more blood and treasures than the monarchs of France had cost
      her at any period of history. Sheridan's speech had the very reverse
      effect of that which he intended; it rather exasperated than allayed the
      general fear. His motion was opposed by the Lord-advocate for Scotland,
      who defended the corporations and magistrates of the royal burghs from the
      charges brought against them; and asserted that the power of self-election
      had worked well, and was held in sufficient restraint by public opinion.
      Sheridan was ably supported by Fox; but his motion was lost by sixty-nine
      against twenty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The subject of parliamentary reform had many times been debated in the
      house of commons, though uniformly to very little purpose. The debates in
      parliament, however, on this subject, if void of any immediate result, had
      their effects. From them, and from the knowledge conveyed through the
      medium of the press, the nature of our representative system became well
      understood by the mass of the people, and about this period a society was
      instituted for the alleged purpose of effecting a reform in parliament, on
      the principles formerly advocated by the prime-minister. This society
      assumed the name of the "Friends of the People," and about thirty members
      of parliament, besides other persons of note, enrolled their names as
      members. Frequent meetings were held by the society, and the resolutions
      adopted on these occasions were uniformly published, together with the
      sentiments which were entertained by the members upon this subject. These
      resolutions and sentiments were often violent and unconstitutional, whence
      a strong feeling was created at court and in parliament against all
      parliamentary reform. This was seen on the 30th of April, when,
      conformably to the plan of the society, Mr. Gray rose to make a speech on
      the subject, and to give notice of his intention to move, in the course of
      the ensuing session, for an inquiry into the state of the representation.
      Mr. Grey said, that both Fox and Pitt had declared themselves to be
      parliamentary reformers, and that the majority of the nation were of an
      opinion that parliamentary reform was required. But Pitt at least had now
      altered his opinion upon this subject. In reply to Mr. Grey he remarked,
      that this was no time for. moving questions that involved the peace and
      safety, and endangered the constitution of the kingdom. He was, indeed, no
      enemy to reform if it could be obtained peaceably and by a general
      concurrence, but the present time was not proper for, and the national
      sentiment was decidedly hostile to any such attempt. The present was not a
      season for experiments, and he would resist every attempt of the nature to
      his last hour; if he was called on either to hazard our safety, or abandon
      all hopes of reform for ever, he would say that he had no hesitation in
      preferring the latter alternative. It was true, that at the conclusion of
      the American war he had thought a parliamentary reform necessary, in order
      to quiet the clamour and confusion which had arisen from the dread of an
      approaching bankruptcy; but however much he might in early life have
      promoted schemes of reform, experience had taught him the danger of
      tampering with the established forms of government. Pitt noticed the
      society of the "Friends of the People," and its advertisements, which
      invited the public to join the standard of reform: stating that he saw
      with concern the gentlemen to whom he alluded, united with others who
      professed not reform only, but direct hostility to the nature of our
      government, and who threatened the extinction of monarchy, hereditary
      succession, and everything which promoted order and subordination in a
      state. Against the whole class of revolutionary writers Pitt inveighed in
      the most bitter terms; asserting that they were labouring might and main
      to bring about an imitation of the revolution in France. Fox replied to
      Pitt, and in allusion to the applause which the minister's speech had
      gained, he observed that he felt additional difficulty in delivering his
      sentiments. He knew, he said, that the words "parliamentary reform" were
      very unpopular in the house of commons, but he believed that the public
      regarded them in a very different light, and that unless something were
      done to quiet the minds of the people there would be a difficulty in
      preserving the public tranquillity for any length of time. He had never,
      he continued, been so sanguine on the subject as the right honourable
      gentleman who had just spoken, but he was more consistent, for early in
      life he had formed an opinion of the necessity of some parliamentary
      reform, and he was still convinced of that necessity. The danger which
      then existed to the liberty of the people existed still, and the necessity
      for reform in Parliament, so far from diminishing had increased more than
      ever since the last session of parliament. Fox said that the opinions of
      that house were often at variance with those of the people; instancing, by
      way of illustration, the Russian armament, which had been carried by a
      ministerial majority, notwithstanding the public voice was hostile to such
      a measure. The people of England, he remarked, were at this moment paying
      the expenses of an armament for which they never gave their consent, and
      as far as that went, they were paying their money for not being
      represented in parliament. Fox, in conclusion, made some indefinite
      remarks on the books recently published upon principles of government;
      ridiculed the idea of danger from innovation in the constitution of
      England, and warmly applauded the principles of the French revolution,
      expressing his belief that the accounts received of the calamities of the
      French and of the defectiveness of their present form of government were
      maliciously exaggerated. Burke rose to reply to Fox, and in doing so he
      loudly declaimed against the political societies of the day. The object at
      which some of them aimed, he said, might not be altogether bad, and the
      motives of many individuals might be innocent, but the way they went to
      work was decidedly wrong. The sense of the people had not been taken on
      the subject, nor had any specific grievance been pointed out, or any
      specific remedy assigned, without which innovation might be made, but it
      would not be reform. The house of commons, he said, was not perfect, but
      he believed it was as perfect as human nature would permit it to be. He
      added:&mdash;"At any rate, while I can raise a voice or arm to prevent it,
      it shall never assimilate to the national assembly. In that body there are
      seven hundred members, four hundred of whom are lawyers, and three hundred
      out of no description that I could name: and, out of the whole, there are
      not a dozen who possess, in any way, one hundred pounds per annum.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Such might be the perfection of representation in the eyes of some, and I
      understand it to be the opinion of many of the new sect of politics; but I
      trust to the good sense of the people of England never to permit such a
      mob, nor any thing resembling it, to usurp the sacred office of their
      legislature." Windham, one of the most eloquent and accomplished men of
      the Whig party, warmly seconded Burke, and after a few words from Sheridan
      and Fox, the conversation dropped. The subject, however, was one of
      intense interest and not easily to be forgotten. Government by this time,
      indeed, had become alarmed at the proceedings of its opponents, which
      alarm was made manifest by a royal proclamation issued against seditious
      meetings and seditious writings; and exhorting the magistrates to
      vigilance, and the people to submission and obedience. This proclamation
      was laid before the house on the 2nth of May, when the master of the rolls
      moved an address of approbation and support to his majesty. Both in and
      out of the house opinions varied as to the propriety of this proclamation:
      some contending that public opinion was not to be directed by such a
      measure, and others arguing that it was a timely exertion of authority in
      a turbulent season, and which was indispensably requisite to restrain that
      lawless spirit which threatened to subvert the established government. The
      address was warmly opposed by Mr. Grey, who denounced the proclamation in
      severe terms, as an insidious and pernicious measure, and who moved a
      counter address, which declared that government was already vested with
      sufficient power to punish any open violation of the laws; that if
      seditious writings had been published, ministers had been guilty of
      neglect in not instituting prosecutions against the authors; that the
      proclamation was not necessary, and was calculated to create groundless
      alarms and suspicions; that the house of commons was ever ready to concur
      with his majesty in the suppression of all riots, tumults, or other
      disorders, on whatever pretexts they might be formed; that they deeply
      regretted the tumults and disorders which took place at Birmingham in the
      course of last summer, to the disgrace of all good government, etc.; and
      that the surest means of averting the like calamities would be to proceed
      with all the severity of the law against such persons as might have been
      instrumental in aiding and abetting those tumults and disorders, and
      particularly to prosecute and punish such magistrates as appeared to have
      been guilty of neglect in their duty. It was argued by Grey, and others of
      the opposition, as Fox, Francis, Whitbread, Lambton, and Lord John
      Russell, all of whom vehemently supported the counter address, that the
      diligent inquiry enjoined by the proclamation after the authors and
      distributors of wicked and seditious writings, tended to establish an
      odious system of espionage; a system which had made the old government of
      France an object of general detestation, and which was unworthy of the
      sovereign of a free people. Grey, and those who supported his amendment,
      uttered many bitter invectives against Pitt in their speeches, but he
      declared in reply that such language should not deter him from pursuing
      that line of conduct which he deemed most conducive to public
      tranquillity, and the preservation of constitutional freedom. Pitt
      expressed his high respect for many of the members of the society of "the
      Friends of the People," and said that they need not come&mdash;as the
      opposition had presumed they would&mdash;within the scope of the
      proclamation. It was, he remarked, directed against those daring and
      seditious principles that had been so insidiously propagated amongst the
      people, under the plausible and delusive appellation of "The Rights of
      Man." Pitt expressed his astonishment that the existence of a republican
      spirit in England had been denied, when it was openly avowed and
      industriously propagated, both by individuals and by societies. He charged
      Fox with being the only person who saw no danger in the writings and
      doctrines so widely promulgated; proclaimed him a friend, if not an
      advocate, of Paine and his doctrines; and asserted that such conduct could
      not be reconciled with any spark of patriotism. Fox indignantly rejoined,
      and disclaimed all sympathy with Paine. At the same time, he avowed that
      he saw no danger in his writings and doctrines, or of any other writer of
      his class, because the good sense and constitutional spirit of the people
      at large were a sure protection against them. Fox intimated that these
      were once the opinions of Pitt, and that he had only altered them when he
      saw, or thought he saw, the means of stirring up division among the
      friends of freedom. Whether a division in the camp of the Whigs was
      stirred up by Pitt or no, it is certain that such existed at the present
      time, for several opposition members, as the Marquess of Titchfield, Lord
      North, Windham, Grenville, with others, spoke in favour of the address;
      acknowledging their conviction that the doctrines promulgated by the
      press, and the conduct lately pursued by clubs and societies demanded the
      vigorous interposition of government, lest they should lead to the evils
      experienced in France. The address was carried without a division, and it
      was then communicated to the house of lords, and their lordships'
      concurrence requested, in order that it might be presented to the king as
      the address of both houses. At this time the Prince of Wales was as
      closely connected as ever with Fox and Sheridan, and it was supposed that
      he might share their opinions with reference to the French revolution. On
      this occasion, however, he put the public in possession of his sentiments
      upon this subject. As soon as the motion for an address was made and
      seconded, the prince rose for the first time, and said that he should be
      deficient in his duty as a member of their lordships' house, unmindful of
      the respect he owed to the constitution, and inattentive to the peace and
      welfare of the country, if he did not state openly what was his opinion
      upon a subject of such magnitude, as that on which their lordships were
      then deliberating. He continued:&mdash;"Having been educated in principles
      which taught me to revere that constitutional liberty of the people on
      which their happiness depends, to those principles I will give my firm and
      constant support. The matter at issue appears to be, whether the
      constitution was or was not to be maintained&mdash;whether the wild
      notions of untried theory are to conquer the wholesome maxims of
      established practice; and whether those laws, under which we have
      flourished for so long a series of years, are to be subverted by a
      pretended reform, which the people will not sanction. As a person nearly
      and dearly interested in the happiness of the people, I should feel it
      treason against my own principles if I did not declare my disapprobation
      of those seditious publications which have occasioned the present motion.
      On this great and solid basis I will vote for a concurrence with the
      commons in their wise and salutary address." In the course of the debate
      Lord Grenville observed that such sentiments as those delivered by the
      Prince of Wales must warm the breast of every Englishman who heard them,
      and would convey the greatest satisfaction to the people at large,
      inasmuch as they might expect a continuance of those essential blessings
      which they had enjoyed since the accession of the present illustrious
      family to the throne of these realms. The address was supported by several
      opposition peers, and an amendment moved by Lord Lauderdale and seconded
      by Lord Lansdowne was rejected without a division. Having received the
      concurrence of the lords, the address was presented in form to the throne,
      and it was followed by addresses from all parts of the kingdom. Encouraged
      by the public sentiment, the ministry commenced prosecutions against many
      offenders, amongst whom Paine, the author of the "The Rights of Man," was
      the most conspicuous. Paine was found guilty, but foreseeing the event, he
      eluded punishment by absconding to France, where he was elected member of
      the national convention. It is a question whether it was judicious to
      prosecute the demagogue, for his prosecution only served as an
      advertisement to his production, the sale of which became more rapid and
      more extensive than ever it had been before.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1792-1793
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF HASTINGS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the trial of Hastings occupied twenty-two days but no
      decision took place. Towards the close of the session the attention of
      parliament was also drawn to the situation of India. In presenting his
      annual statement of the income and expenditure of British India, Dundas
      drew a flattering picture of its happiness and prosperity; stating that
      the surplus of the Bengal revenue for the preceding year was more than one
      million pounds sterling. Francis denied every thing that Dundas said;
      asserted that one-third of the company's territory was inhabited only by
      wild beasts; and prognosticated nothing but disgrace, defeat, and ruin
      from the war which was still carried on against Tippoo. Francis said that
      the seizures for non-payment of the land-revenue were notorious, and that
      he held in his hand two advertisements, one of which announced the sale of
      seventeen, and the other of forty-two villages.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL RESPECTING THE NEW FOREST AND TIMBER FOR THE NAVY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session Pitt introduced a bill for encouraging the
      growth of timber for the navy, and improving the royal revenue raising out
      of the New Forest, by the sale of certain parts, and the enfranchisement
      of copyholds. This bill passed the commons without much opposition, but on
      the second reading in the upper house it was strenuously opposed by Lord
      Chancellor Thurlow. His lordship objected to the principle of the bill as
      favouring the alienation of the crown lands, and he asserted that it was
      essential to the safety of the constitution that his majesty should have
      his interests blended with those of the landed property in the country.
      Thurlow's arguments seem to have had great weight, for though the bill was
      committed by a majority of forty one against twenty-nine, it was postponed
      and never afterwards resumed.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 15th of June, when his majesty expressed
      great concern at the commencement of hostilities in Europe, and stated
      that his principal care would be to preserve to his people the blessings
      of peace. His majesty applauded the measures which had been adopted for
      the diminution of taxation, and the additional provision made for the
      reduction of the existing national debt; and for the prevention of the
      accumulation of debt in future. But no prudential measures could lessen
      the existing debt, or prevent its accumulation, for in a few months
      England was involved in the most expensive war that had ever called forth
      her energies.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      From the period of the king's malady, and the lord chancellor's
      double-dealing in the matter of the Regency Bill, a misunderstanding had
      existed between him and Pitt. Lord Thurlow, in fact, was the aggressor,
      and the more inclined to continue the quarrel, for on no occasion did Pitt
      exhibit his hostility, while my lord chancellor was continually
      manifesting it both in the council and in parliament. In private society
      also Thurlow was often heard to speak contemptuously of the chancellor of
      the exchequer, and no remonstrance on the part of their mutual friends
      could check his display of ill-feeling. In parliament, on some occasions
      when the assistance of Thurlow was necessary, he would-preserve a dogged
      silence; while at other times he would oppose measures to which Pitt
      attached the highest importance. At length his rough temper brought
      matters to a crisis. Early in this session Thurlow severely condemned
      Pitt's bill for liquidating future loans, and irritated thereby the
      chancellor of the exchequer wrote to the king stating the impossibility of
      his remaining in office with his lordship, and that it was necessary for
      his majesty to choose between them. In consequence of this communication,
      the king informed Thurlow that he must resign; but as a change was not
      desirable during the session, and as it was wished that the lord
      chancellor should terminate some chancery business, it was agreed that he
      should hold the seals until the prorogation of parliament, on which day
      the great seal was placed in the hands of three commissioners; an event
      which was not followed by a single resignation or change in any political
      or legal department. There is no doubt that Pitt knew, when he wrote to
      his majesty, that the choice of dismissal would fall on his rough-minded
      colleague, for the chancellor of the exchequer was well aware that he
      stood high in his royal master's favour. His majesty, indeed, had often
      expressed his high sense of his minister's services in words, and soon
      after this he testified it in a more tangible manner. By the death of Lord
      Guildford on the 5th of August, the wardenship of the cinque ports, worth
      about £3000 a-year, became vacant, and his majesty offered it to Pitt in
      such pressing terms, that even if he had been inclined to refuse the boon
      it would scarcely have been possible. The royal letter by which it was
      offered to him was in fact imperative, and Pitt had only to obey&mdash;no
      very difficult task, as the chancellor of the exchequer, though he could
      guide the helm of the state with a skilful hand, nevertheless could not
      manage his own affairs with sufficient skill to keep himself out of debt.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the war in India was brought to a close. The events of
      that war had been various. After the re-establishment of the Rajah of
      Travancore in his dominions, as recorded in a previous page, Lord
      Corn-wallis, the governor-general, took the command of the army upon
      himself, and laid siege to Bangalore. This important place was taken by
      storm, and his lordship then determined to penetrate into the heart of
      Mysore, to dictate his own terms of peace to Tippoo Sultaun at his
      capital. His army burned with impatience to revenge the cruelties which
      Tippoo had inflicted on their unfortunate countrymen who had fallen into
      his hands by the chances of war. Lord Cornwallis began his march early in
      May, 1731, and General Abercrornbie moved towards the same destination,
      though by a different line. The forces under his lordship reached Arikera,
      on the Cavery, and about nine miles from Seringapatam, on the 13th of May,
      and Tippoo having ventured to oppose him, the Mysorean army was defeated
      and obliged to seek shelter under the guns of the capital. The road to
      Seringapatam was now open to the English, and the prize seemed to be
      within their reach, but at this time General Abercrornbie had not arrived,
      and Lord Cornwallis convinced that his force was not sufficient to invest
      the city, his camp being half-filled with the sick and dying, was
      compelled to retreat. He sent orders to General Abercrornbie, who had
      reached Periapatam, about three marches from Seringapatam, to retire
      towards the coast, while he himself retreated towards Bangalore. He had
      scarcely left the scene of his victory, having first demolished his heavy
      artillery, when he was joined by the Mahratta army, under the command of
      Purseram Bhow, a celebrated Mahratta warrior, and Harry Punt, a Brahmin of
      the highest rank, who was likewise charged to act as minister
      plenipotentiary to the whole Mahratta league. Had these chiefs arrived
      before the recent battle, Tippoo Sultaun would have been besieged in his
      capital, but the swelling of the rivers, the sickly state of his soldiers,
      and the loss of his artillery forbade all thoughts of returning, and Lord
      Cornwallis therefore continued his march towards Bangalore. Tippoo boasted
      that he had gained a great victory, though at the same time he made some
      fruitless attempts at negociation. During the following autumn great
      preparations were made for renewing the war in Mysore. The ensuing
      campaign opened early in February, 1792, the forces under Lord Cornwallis
      and General Abercrornbie resuming their former plan of operations. This
      time both armies met under the walls of Seringapatam; while the forces of
      the Peishwa and of the Nizam encamped at a little distance from the city,
      and furnished to the British army a plentiful supply of stores and
      provisions. Tippoo's forces awaited the approach of Lord Cornwallis under
      the walls of his capital, but they were defeated, and Seringapatam was in
      consequence closely and completely invested. The first parallel, with a
      large redoubt in the rear, was finished by the 21st of February, and two
      days afterwards the second parallel was completed, and breaching-batteries
      were commenced and furnaces prepared for heating shot. In a few days
      Seringapatam would have been taken by storm, but Tippoo seeing his
      situation hopeless sent a <i>vakeel</i> to sue for peace. The treaty which
      Tippoo was forced to accept contained the following articles:&mdash;That
      he should cede one-half of his territories to the allies: that he should
      pay three crores and thirty lacs of rupees to indemnify them for the
      expenses of the war; that he should release all his prisoners; and that he
      should deliver two of his sons as hostages for the due execution of the
      treaty. The young princes were conducted to the camp of Lord Cornwallis
      with great ceremony on the 26th of February, and were received by him with
      all possible demonstrations of kindness and affection. But though Tippoo
      had delivered his sons into the hands of Lord Cornwallis as pledges of his
      good faith, he still reluctantly fulfilled the articles of the treaty. His
      chief objection was the cession of the principality of Coorg, nor would he
      consent to it until Lord Cornwallis had sent off his hostages in the
      direction of the Carnatic, ordered his guns to be replaced in the
      batteries, and made preparations for renewing the siege. Then, when he saw
      that there was no alternative, on the 19th of March Tippoo signed the
      definitive treaty which was delivered to Lord Cornwallis by the young
      princes, his hostages, with great solemnity. By this treaty the English
      obtained all the dominions of Tippoo on the coast of Malabar, a district
      surrounding Dindigul and some territory on the western frontier of the
      Carnatic; the Mahrattas recovered possession of the country as far as the
      river of Toombuddra, which had once been their frontier line; and the
      Nizam had for his share all the country from the river Kistna to the
      Pennar, including the forts of Gunjecottah and Cudapa. When the princes
      were delivered into the hands of Lord Cornwallis some of the money exacted
      from Tippoo was paid, but the whole not being forthcoming they remained
      under the safeguard of his lordship for sometime longer. Out of the money
      paid by Tippoo the commander-in-chief made a spontaneous gift to his
      troops, equal to six months batta, in order to soothe them for the
      disappointment of their expectations of booty in the storming of
      Seringapatam, and for their good conduct during the war. His lordship and
      General Meadows even resigned their own share, in order that the soldiers
      might have the more. Their conduct deserved reward, for though they burned
      with impatience to revenge the wrongs which their countrymen had received
      at the hands of Tippoo, yet when they found that Lord Cornwallis had
      agreed to a treaty of peace, they rendered all due obedience to his
      injunctions not to commit any violence, and to abstain from making use of
      any kind of insulting expression towards a fallen enemy. Even though fired
      upon by the Mysoreans after their own fire had been suspended, the troops
      obeyed his commands to the very letter: a proof of their admirable
      discipline, and their devotedness to their general. As for Tippoo Sultaun,
      although humbled, he still remained the same inveterate foe to the English
      as before. No act of kindness shown to himself, or his captive sons, by
      Lord Cornwallis, could soften his bitter resentment: every generous action
      shown towards him by the conqueror was considered rather as an insult than
      as a proof of friendship, and nothing in his conduct could justify the
      hope that peace would be permanent.
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    <h2>
      PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the principles of the French revolution were more clearly
      manifested to the world. Early in the year the state of foreign affairs
      assumed a more menacing aspect. Austria was collecting troops, and the
      only ultimatum on which the emperor would agree to discontinue
      preparations, was the re-establishment of the French constitution on the
      basis of the declaration of June, 1789; the restitution of their property
      to the clergy; and the cession of Alsace to the German princes, and of
      Avignon to the pope. But these terms were "like a summons directed to the
      torrent, or a command to the whirlwind:" the assembly replied to them by a
      declaration of war, to which Louis was compelled to assent. Nor was this
      the only effect produced by the demands of the Emperor of Austria. The
      assembly required of Louis that he should freely resign himself to the
      current of the revolution, or be dethroned. Influenced, however, by the
      queen and by Dumouriez, who finding himself in office broke with the
      Girondists as he had previously with the Constitutionalists, he fearlessly
      resisted their counsels. The friendship of Dumouriez raised the drooping
      spirits of the old royalist party, and Louis was once more induced to
      listen to their plans for the restoration of the former government. But
      this party was now a broken reed, on which no hope of support could be
      placed. Events on the frontiers conduced likewise to render the cause of
      Louis and the Royalists more hopeless. In their first action the
      revolutionary soldiers were defeated, and on the news of this reverse the
      populace turned their rage against the monarch. Orders were issued by the
      assembly for the disbanding of his guard, by which he was at all times
      exposed to the irruptions of the rabble; and two decrees were likewise
      issued in opposition to the royal will: one for the exile of the
      refractory priests, and another for the establishment of a camp of 20,000
      men under the walls of Paris. This was another crisis in the reign of
      Louis, and had he made proper use of it he might have prevented the
      supremacy of the populace. Aroused by a sense of danger from this federal
      camp, thousands of the national guards and of the respectable citizens
      petitioned against it; at the same time exhibiting an inclination to rally
      round the throne. Dumouriez advised the monarch to throw his whole
      influence into the scale of this party, and he was about to act upon this
      advice, when he was prevented by a deep laid stratagem of the Girondists.
      Being assured that he would resist the decree relative to the nonjuring
      and seditious priesthood, they sent it to him for the purpose of provoking
      his resistance, that the citizens might see his lack of cordiality towards
      the revolution. This scheme succeeded. Exasperated by the insults daily
      heaped upon him and his family, he defied the Girondists, and yet at the
      same time neglected to rally round him either the national guards or the
      citizens. The Girondist ministers were now dismissed, and both their
      decrees were rejected, all which tended to accelerate the fearful
      catastrophe which had been long hovering over the throne of France, and
      the nation at large. The new administration was chosen from among the
      Feuillants, but it possessed no weight either with their own party or the
      people. The Feuillants joined with the royalists to repress the growing
      spirit of insubordination, but all their exertions were vain. Lafayette
      also wrote an energetic letter to the assembly, denouncing the Jacobin
      faction, and demanding the dissolution of the clubs, but he only stirred
      up the rage of the populace against himself, without curbing their evil
      passions. The Girondists, moreover, became as dangerous a set of men as
      were the hot-headed and cold-blooded Jacobins. Chagrined at the loss of
      place and power, they allied themselves with the mob, and inflamed them by
      petitions and harangues. Nay more: by direction of the Girondists, a
      general insurrection was prepared in the fauxbourgs, and a body of ten
      thousand men organised in the quarter of St. Antoine. A pretext for arming
      was found in the non-success already mentioned, of the revolutionary
      forces on the frontier. Under the pretence of fear of the Austrians and
      Prussians, pikes were forged, and distributed among men who thirsted to
      commit outrage and wrong on their monarch and their fellow-citizens.
      Revolt broke out on the 20th of June: pikemen from the suburbs of St.
      Antoine and St. Marceau marched from the place of the Bastille towards the
      Tuilleries. At their head was the ferocious Santerre, a brewer, who proved
      himself to be the worthy hero of this horrible day. Their approach was
      made known by shouts of "Down with the Veto," and by the revolutionary
      chorus of <i>Caira</i>. The "Tree of Liberty," and the "Rights of Man"
      were borne before them as banners, and in this manner they forced an
      entrance into the palace. On discovering the monarch, some of them
      exclaimed that they had a petition, and Louis led the way to the largest
      saloon of the suite. The petition was not forthcoming, but placing the
      "Rights of Man" before the king they demanded his assent to the decrees
      for the federal camp and the transportation of the priests. Never did the
      unhappy Louis exhibit so much fortitude as on this trying occasion. He
      bore all their insults with calmness, and to their reiterated demands,
      merely replied; "This is neither the time nor the way to obtain them from
      me." This storm passed by: the Girondists, on hearing that the
      insurrection was likely to prove serious, persuaded the rabble to retire.
      All good citizens manifested abhorrence at the outrage committed, and
      indignation was exhibited in the provinces and among the armies. His
      admirable coolness extorted admiration even from his enemies. The Duke de
      la Rochefaucault, who commanded at Rouen, offered him an asylum there;
      Lafayette implored him to throw himself into the arms of the
      constitutional forces; and the national guard offered to protect his
      person. Louis, however, declined all these proposals, for he still hoped
      that the allied powers would deliver him from his rebellious subjects.
      Lafayette made a last effort to save the throne, by appearing in person
      before the legislative assembly, and demanding, in his own name and in
      that of the army, the rights of constitutional royalty; but the Jacobins
      threatened him with destruction, and Louis refused to be saved by a person
      whom he considered as the author of his misfortunes, and Lafayette
      returned to his troops with the loss of both influence and popularity. The
      situation of Louis became daily and hourly more critical. Emboldened by
      Lafayette's failure, the Girondists and Jacobins aimed at the monarch's
      dethronement. The minds of men were inflamed by the harangues of
      demagogues, and it was proclaimed that the country was in danger. The
      contest of parties was fierce in the extreme; their madness being
      heightened by the collection of formidable masses of hostile armies on the
      frontiers. The approach of a crisis became evident on the 14th of July,
      when a <i>fête</i> was held in commemoration of the destruction of the
      Bastille. On that day the king with the queen and dauphin went to the
      Champ de Mars, and it was with difficulty that the soldiers saved them
      from the rage of the rabble. The fermentation of the public mind received
      a fearful acceleration, when it was discovered that the Prussians and
      Austrians were advancing upon the capital, under the command of the Duke
      of Brunswick. All France was put in motion thereby, and thousands of
      hot-brained youth resorted to the capital to join the already overwhelming
      rabble there. Thus supported the legislative assembly determined on the
      deposition of the king, having first appointed a commission to examine
      what grounds could justify such a step, and whether such grounds existed.
      The blow was struck on the 10th of August. On the preceding day the
      popular excitement was extreme, and at midnight the tocsin for a scene of
      wild fury was sounded throughout Paris. Obeying its horrid summons, the
      self-called patriots poured into the fauxbourg Saint Antoine, the centre
      of the insurrection, from the different rallying points; and by the dawn
      of day their columns, which had been organized under the direction of the
      assembly, were ready for the work of destruction. The palace of the
      Tuilleries was in vain defended by some Swiss and royalist troops; after a
      great slaughter on both sides it fell into the hands of the rabble. Before
      the combat took place the king had fled to the legislative assembly, to
      place himself under their protection. He imagined that he would there be
      safe, but the first act of the assembly told him that his hopes were
      fallacious: under the plea that his presence marred the freedom of debate,
      he was removed from the side of Vergniaud, the president of the chamber,
      where he instinctively took his seat, to the box reserved for the
      reporters. This was the last day of the monarchy. The assembly concluded
      the crimes of that day by a decree suspending Louis from his kingly
      functions, by ordering the formation of a national convention, and by the
      appointment of a new ministry, the members of which were taken conjointly
      from the ranks of the Girondists and Jacobins. The national convention was
      to have unlimited authority to decide in the name of the people upon all
      the interests of the country, and its session was to commence on the 20th
      of September. In the meantime several important events took place.
      Lafayette, having in vain endeavoured to re-establish the constitutional
      throne, fled with his staff over the frontier, and was arrested in Liege
      by an Austrian general, and thrown into prison. The allied armies had
      taken Longwy and Verdun, and a report was spread that they were advancing
      upon the capital. These successes alarmed the patriots, and made them turn
      their rage upon each other. The Girondists conceived the plan of
      abandoning the capital and defending the country behind the Loire; but the
      Jacobins opposed this, and it was resolved that, rather than surrender the
      capital, the population should be buried beneath its ruins. Division was
      in the camp, and blood-thirsty men were now to rule. Thousands suspected
      of being unfavourable to the principles of the revolution were thrown into
      prison, and thousands were barbarously massacred. The Jacobin faction of
      Paris ruled France; and such sanginuary fanatics as Robespierre and Marat
      carried the sway. The guillotine was declared permanent, and many members
      of the legislative assembly were themselves menaced by the fatal axe. At
      length this assembly, after having passed a great many decrees&mdash;decrees
      which were partly fanatical and partly inefficacious&mdash;closed its
      session, and the national convention rose upon its ruins. This new
      assembly was principally composed of the Jacobin or republican party; the
      elections preponderating in their favour. This spirit was manifested
      almost in the first hour of its session; the legislative assembly had
      transferred the king and his family to the prison of the Temple; the
      national convention came to a speedy and unanimous resolution that royalty
      should be for ever abolished, and that France should henceforth be a
      republic. But, although united in this principle tendency, this assembly,
      like the one which preceded it, was divided into two hostile parties; the
      moderates, or Girondists, and the Republicans, or Jacobins. In the
      national convention these two parties took the names of the Mountain and
      the Plain; and from the very commencement of its sitting the assembly was
      threatened with new convulsions, through the struggles of these parties.
      But the populace now, in reality, possessed the power, and they naturally
      permitted themselves to be led only by men whose character and principles
      were in accordance with their own; hence the triumph of the Mountain, or
      the Jacobins. On one point, however, both parties came to a perfect
      agreement. Encouraged by recent successes over the allied armies&mdash;for
      the French generals had everywhere defeated them&mdash;the Parisian
      populace loudly demanded the blood of their monarch; and, after violent
      contests, it was resolved that the inviolability of Louis was forfeited,
      and that the convention had power to decide on his life or death. These
      resolutions were passed on the 3rd of December, and on the 11th of that
      month, an act of accusation was drawn up, and the King of France was
      brought before the bar of his revolutionary subjects. His trial and death
      will be noticed in a future page.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1792-1793
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF POLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      France was not the only European state now in commotion. It has been seen
      that the two imperial courts of Austria and Russia had seized a great
      portion of Poland as their prey, and that they had imposed their yoke upon
      the nation. This ignominious situation of Poland remained unchanged until
      the year 1788, when, encouraged by the war which had broken out between
      their oppressors and the Porte, and by the secret promises of Prussia, the
      Poles meditated the means of effecting their salvation. The Russians had
      requested them to conclude a defensive alliance against the Porte; and,
      under these circumstances, a diet assembled in Warsaw, which immediately
      declared itself a confederated diet, in order that it might not be
      dissolved by the right of veto, which, under the old constitution,
      belonged to every deputy individually. Those who were in the interests of
      Russia were completely overpowered by the patriotic party, and the
      proposed alliance was rejected. The confederative diet further decreed the
      increase of the army, granted imposts on the property of the nobility and
      clergy, and established a commission of war dependent on the diet only, in
      order to check the influence of the permanent council of state, which
      their spoliators had created, for the purpose of destroying the national
      power. All these regulations were expressly sanctioned by Prussia, and
      that power solemnly promised to respect and protect the independence of
      Poland. Thus supported, the Polish diet demanded the removal of the
      Russian troops from their territory; and Catherine, alarmed at the
      terrible energy with which the demand was made, felt herself compelled to
      recall her soldiers. The diet now commenced the work of remodelling the
      constitution of Poland. The new constitution was finished in the space of
      a year; and though it was opposed by some aristocrats it was adopted by
      the majority, and solemnly sworn to and proclaimed. By this constitution
      the Catholic religion was fixed as the dominant religion of the kingdom,
      though liberty was granted to other confessions; the Polish throne was
      declared hereditary; Frederic Augustus of Saxony was appointed the
      successor of Stanislaus, the reigning king, with right of succession for
      his descendants; the king, with his council of state, was to exercise the
      executive power, and was to have some influence on the legislative; the
      diet, which was composed of two chambers, one of the deputies, and the
      other of the senators, was to assemble every two years, and was to possess
      the right of making war or peace; independent judges were to administer
      justice in the name of the king; the ministers of the crown were to be
      responsible, and the person of the king inviolable; the prerogatives of
      the nobility were to remain untouched; the royal cities were to be endowed
      with the right of personal liberty for their citizens; the citizens of
      these cities were to possess the right of electing their magistrates, as
      well as the right of acquiring titles of nobility, and the estates of
      nobles; at every diet a number of citizens were to be elevated to the rank
      of nobles; the cities in which were courts of appeal were to have the
      privilege of sending a deputy to the diet; the peasantry were to be
      protected from an aggravation of their hard lot by the laws; and personal
      liberty was to be possessed by foreign settlers. By the mass of the nation
      this constitution was received with gratitude and joy; but some of the
      aristocracy protested against it, and their resistance was encouraged by
      Russian gold. At first, however, their opposition was fruitless, and
      everything promised well for the establishment of this new order of
      things. Russia, it is true, threatened to subvert them; but the Porte,
      Sweden, and Prussia, with other European powers, looked upon them in a
      friendly manner. Prussia, indeed, solemnly promised assistance; and in the
      month of March, 1790, Frederic William even concluded a defensive alliance
      with Poland. But the friendship of courts is variable, and the favour of
      monarchs fickle. The King of Prussia had attached himself to the cause of
      Poland, not from any respect for her rights, but from a spirit of jealousy
      towards Russia, and in the hopes of obtaining something for himself. He
      was to have Dantzic and Thorn for his support; and when the republic
      refused to cede these cities, his ardour on the behalf of the Poles
      underwent a great change. He grew cool, and when peace was concluded
      between Russia and the Porte, Frederic William withdrew from the cause of
      Poland altogether, and even joined with her old and inveterate enemy. When
      the Russian hordes entered the Polish territory, under the pretext of
      assisting those aristocrats who protested against the new constitution, he
      not only refused his promised assistance, but took a menacing attitude.
      But the Poles were not discouraged by his perfidy. The diet summoned the
      nation to its defence; and the army fought valiantly, under the command of
      the celebrated Kosciusko. The enemy, however, proved too strong for
      Poland. The king was not in heart on the side of the patriots; and
      Kosciusko himself deserted them and went over to the aristocratic party.
      The patriots now fled; and the Russians having advanced to within three
      days march of the capital, compelled the king to save his throne by
      consenting to the abolition of the new constitution. On the 23rd of July,
      1732, an armistice was concluded, and the command of the Polish troops
      consigned to a Russian general. Vengeance soon followed. On the 29th of
      October a diet assembled in Grodno, to which diet it was declared, on the
      part of Russia and Prussia, that a second division of Poland was
      necessary, and that its members would be called upon to comply with this
      measure. There was no alternative; for, at this time, Prussian as well as
      Russian troops had entered Poland, and there was no means of defence
      against their combined operations. So that whatever Russia and Prussia
      chose to demand, that they were sure of obtaining; for what, it has been
      asked, can feeble justice do against exorbitant power? But it was not till
      the spring of the succeeding year that the diet were called upon to give
      their consent to this second spoliation of their fatherland.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE PUBLIC MIND IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this year, and even as late as the month of August,
      when it was known that the French monarch was deposed, there appears to
      have been no disposition on the part of government to take part in the war
      against France. On the contrary, in pursuance of a recommendation from the
      throne, the army and navy were reduced; and when our ambassador was
      ordered to leave Paris, on the virtual extinction of monarchy, he was
      directed to renew his assurances of British neutrality. But there were
      many causes at work which, before the year closed, induced the government
      to exhibit signs of a change of policy. Although the generality of the
      people were struck with terror at the deposition of the monarch, and the
      horrid massacres which preceded and followed that event, yet the
      revolutionary societies in England, grew daily bolder and bolder in their
      proceedings. Some there were, it is true, who were convinced of their evil
      tendency, and who, in consequence, gave up all connexion with them; but
      still they existed in all their original vigour. So enthusiastic were
      these societies in their admiration of the French revolution, all stained
      with blood as it was, that they even transmitted addresses of applause to
      the national convention. The London Corresponding Society, the Manchester
      Constitutional Society, the Norwich Revolution Society, the Society for
      Constitutional Information in London, and the London Constitutional Whigs,
      these all joined in addresses of congratulation on the victory which the
      French people had gained over their hapless and ill-fated monarch. All
      these addresses received a warm response from those to whom they were
      addressed. For once in the annals of history the French hailed Englishmen
      as brethren; and a hope was expressed that the day would soon arrive when
      they might join the hands of fraternity. But these addresses and responses
      contained something more than mere compliments; they breathed destruction
      to the English constitution. It was evident, indeed, that, unless checked
      by the popular voice or by government, the revolutionary societies in
      England would one day produce corresponding fruits to those of France.
      Happily the nation at large and the government joined in stemming the
      onward tide of revolutionary principles. Among the first to take the alarm
      at the political societies and publications, were the established clergy,
      who sent up addresses from all parts to his majesty, thanking him for his
      late wise and provident proclamation. Towards the close of the year the
      alarm became general; and clubs and associations began to be formed with
      the avowed object of counteracting the baneful influence of those which
      were founded upon revolutionary principles. These societies came to
      certain resolutions, and made certain declarations, which they caused to
      be published both in the newspapers and in the form of pamphlets. One
      grand end at which they aimed was to expose the fallacy that all men are
      born equal and must remain so; an argument which the revolutionists had
      ever on their lips, and which was the very root and life of their factious
      disposition. Nor did these societies labour in vain. Their spirit spread
      rapidly throughout the kingdom, and in every county, and almost every town
      and village resolutions were subscribed, expressive of loyalty and
      attachment to the king and constitution. It became manifest that though
      the French had some few thousands of admirers in England, yet the great
      mass of the people abhorred their proceedings; that, though there were
      many who wished to bring about a revolution in their own country, yet
      there were more who were ready to maintain the constitution as it existed,
      against all its enemies, native or foreign. The public feeling encouraged
      government, at the close of the year, to assume a hostile appearance
      towards the French. Alarmed at the circumstances that the national
      convention held out the hand of fraternity to other countries, and
      especially to England; that Savoy was now incorporated with France, in
      contradiction to the formal renunciation of all plans of conquest, that
      Belgium was declared independent, under the protection of France; that the
      navigation of the Scheldt was opened, in disregard of all existing
      relations between European states; and that a decree of the 16th of
      November ordered the French troops to pursue the Austrians, whom they had
      recently defeated, into the Dutch territories, the British government
      placed the country in a state of defence. The militia were called out; the
      Tower was strengthened; a second royal proclamation was issued; and
      parliament summoned to meet on the 13th of December.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When parliament met, the speech from the throne was full of alarm. All the
      expressions of the first proclamation were repeated in it; and, towards
      the conclusion, the king remarked:&mdash;"I have carefully observed a
      strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly
      abstained from interference in the internal affairs of France; but it is
      impossible to see, without serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing
      indications which have there appeared, of an intention to excite
      disturbances in other countries, to disregard, the rights of neutral
      nations, and pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement; as well as to
      adopt towards my allies, the States-general, measures which were neither
      conformable to the laws of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of
      existing treaties." Under all these circumstances, his majesty added, he
      had thought it right to adopt precautionary measures, and to make some
      augmentation of his naval and military force.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address was moved by Sir James Sanderson, lord-mayor of London, who
      affirmed that seditious practices were prevalent; that various political
      societies were established in London, which corresponded and confederated
      with other societies in different parts of the United Kingdom; and that
      these societies, whose aim was to subvert the constitution and to destroy
      monarchy, root and branch, were circulating a vast number of pernicious
      pamphlets and publications among the lower orders of people. A memorable
      debate arose on the address. Fox, who was yet enchanted with French
      liberty, condemned every part of the speech and of the address. It was his
      firm conviction, he said, that every fact asserted in the king's speech
      was false; that no insurrection existed; and that the alarm was occasioned
      by the artful designs and practices of ministers. Fox reprehended the
      system of intellectual oppression, which induced ministers to represent
      the tumults and disorders that had taken place, as designed to overthrow
      the constitution; and that the various societies instituted for discussing
      questions relative to the constitution, were so many schemes for
      propagating seditious doctrines. He was aware that he was advancing
      opinions not likely to become popular; but he was as ready to meet the
      current of popular opinion, which was running high in favour of the high
      lay doctrines now existing, as he was, in times past, to meet the opposite
      torrent, when it was said that he wished to sacrifice the people to the
      crown. He remarked:&mdash;"One extreme naturally leads to another. Those
      who dread republicanism fly for shelter to the crown; those who desire
      reform, and are calumniated, are driven by despair to republicanism. And
      this is the evil I dread. These are the extremes into which these violent
      agitations hurry the people, to the gradual decrease of that middle order
      of men, who dread republicanism as much on the one hand, as they do
      despotism on the other. That middle order of men, who have hitherto
      preserved to this country all that is dear in life, I am sorry to say, is
      daily lessening; but while my feeble voice continues, it shall not be
      totally extinct; there shall be at least one who will, in this ferment of
      extremes, preserve the centre point." In adverting to the affairs of
      France, Fox said that he rejoiced in the triumph of men, fighting for
      liberty, over the armies of despots. He bitterly condemned the calling out
      of the militia, and as bitterly condemned ministers for not sending a new
      ambassador to treat with the present executive government of France. As
      for England, he did not think that it was in a state to go to war; nor did
      he think that we should be justified in taking such a step for anything
      which had occurred in France, or in Belgium, or in Savoy, or anywhere
      else. In conclusion, Fox praised the English constitution as the best
      adapted to England, because the people loved it best; and moved an
      amendment, pledging the house that inquiry should be made into the facts
      stated in his majesty's speech. Pitt was not in the house on this
      occasion; but Fox was effectively answered by one of his own party one who
      had figured for many years as one of the leaders and most eloquent chiefs
      of the Whig opposition, and who had been linked in close friendship with
      the man whom he now opposed. Mr. Windham said that he felt himself
      constrained to vote on this occasion with those whose measures he had
      uniformly and conscientiously reprobated. The alarm, he said, which
      existed in the country, was not, he believed, greater than the existing
      danger. It was well known that constant communication was maintained
      between persons in Paris and persons in London; and that the object of
      this communication was the destruction of our present form of government.
      These worthy gentlemen, he said, had their agents throughout the country,
      in order to disseminate their pamphlets; which, as these agents were poor
      men, was at once a proof that there must be a society somewhere who
      defrayed the expense. In adverting to France, Windham said, he believed
      that the motives of the combined armies, that had attempted to march to
      Paris were good; and he justified their interference by demonstrating that
      France herself had intermeddled with the affairs of neighbouring
      countries. The amendment was supported by Mr. Grey, who said that he was
      no friend to Paine's doctrines; but he would not be deterred by a name
      from acknowledging that he considered the rights of man as the foundation
      of every government, and those who opposed these said rights as traitors
      against the people. Dundas replied to Grey, and justified the measures
      which government had adopted. A universal and serious alarm, he said,
      pervaded the country gentlemen, farmers, and others, and this had rendered
      some active steps absolutely necessary on the part of government, in order
      to restore confidence. Dundas remarked, that the national convention had
      been eager to countenance every complaint of grievance from the factious
      and discontented in this country; and in proof of it he read some of the
      addresses which the convention had received with applause from the
      political societies of England. He asked, "Was not this, on the part of
      the French, an unjustifiable interference in the internal affairs of
      another country? And had not the leading members of the convention
      declared that they would not look to the sovereign, but to the people of
      Great Britain; that they would appeal from the government to the
      republicans of England." He maintained that, under all the circumstances,
      government were fully justified in all they had done, and would have
      merited impeachment if they had remained inactive at such a critical
      juncture. Sheridan, in a flippant manner, endeavoured to show that the
      alarm was ridiculous, and had been created by ministers for their own
      selfish and wicked purposes. The republicans said to exist in England,
      were, he said, men of buckram; and should any French army attempt to
      invade England, with the idea of effecting any change in our government,
      every hand and heart in the country would be united to resist them. He
      condemned a war with France, and asserted that he would vote for the
      impeachment of that minister who should enter into such a war, for the
      purpose of re-establishing the old despotism of the Bourbons. The deep
      earnestness of Burke, who next spoke, contrasted strangely with the
      flippancy of Sheridan. Burke said that this day was indeed a trial of the
      constitution. He agreed with an honourable gentleman, in regarding the
      present as a momentous crisis; but for reasons different from those which
      he had assigned. Liberty and monarchy, he continued, are connected in this
      country; they were never found asunder; they have flourished together for
      a thousand years; and from this union has sprung the prosperity and glory
      of the nation. With impassioned eloquence Burke affirmed, that there was a
      faction in this country who wished to submit it to France, that our
      government might be reformed upon the French system; and that the French
      rulers, cherishing views on this country encouraged that faction, and were
      disposed to aid it in overturning our constitution. As a proof of this,
      Burke read an address, which men, calling themselves Englishmen, presented
      at the bar of the convention on the very day in which there had been a
      discussion respecting the union of Savoy with France; and to which address
      the president, in his reply, remarked:&mdash;"That royalty in Europe was
      in the agonies of death; that the declaration of right, now placed by the
      side of thrones, was a fire which, in the end, would consume them; and he
      even hoped that the time was not far distant when France, England,
      Scotland, Ireland, all Europe! all mankind! would form but one peaceful
      family." Burke asked, whether, if Englishmen had applied to Louis XVI. to
      reform our government, such language would not have been considered as an
      aggression? Burke declared that the question now was, not whether we
      should present an address to the throne, but whether there should be a
      throne at all; and he concluded with recommending unanimity, and
      representing the danger which might arise from the progress of French
      armies, if not speedily resisted. Mr. Erskine, who was a member of the
      Society for Parliamentary Reform, justified that society and himself, and
      blamed ministers for delaying to prosecute the author of the "Rights of
      Man" till nearly two years after its publication. Erskine charged Burke
      with inconsistency; and concluded with recommending the house to meet the
      complaints of the people, not with abuse, but by removing the grounds of
      their dissatisfaction; by reforming parliament, and granting them a fair
      representation. The people, he said, were already taxed to an enormous
      extent; and should a war be the consequence, when it appeared every
      precaution had not been taken to prevent it, ministers would incur a heavy
      responsibility, both to the public and to that house, for having
      precipitated the nation into so great a calamity. The debate lasted till
      midnight; and when the house divided there was a majority in favour of the
      address of two hundred and ninety against fifty.
    </p>
    <p>
      This large majority snowed that a great portion of the Whigs had parted
      company with Fox. Nothing daunted, however, at this desertion, he gave
      notice that to-morrow he would move an amendment upon the report. The
      object of this amendment was to induce his majesty to open a negociation
      with France, for the purpose of preventing the calamities of war. In the
      speech which Fox made in support of it, he threw the whole blame of the
      horrid scenes which had occurred in France upon the coalition; and he
      eulogised the spirit and valour of the French republicans in the warmest
      strains of panegyric, he thanked God, he said, that nature had been true
      to herself; that tyranny had been defeated; and that those who fought for
      freedom were triumphant. All the inhabitants of Europe, he said,
      sympathised with the French and wished them success, regarding them as men
      struggling with tyranny and despotism. Sheridan seconded this amendment,
      and Burke opposed it, affirming "that to send an ambassador to France
      would be a prelude to the murder of our own sovereign." Fox had said, in
      the course of his speech, that the republic of this country was readily
      acknowledged by European courts in the time of Cromwell, after the
      execution of Charles I.; but Burke shattered this argument, in favour of
      acknowledging the French republic, at a blow. He remarked: "The French
      republic is <i>sui generis</i> and bears no analogy to any other republic
      or system of government that has ever existed in the known world. The
      English commonwealth did not attempt to turn all the states of Christendom
      into republics. It did not wage war with kings, merely because they were
      not democrats; it professed no principles of proselytism. The same might
      be said, of the republic of the United States of America. But France
      wanted to make all the world proselytes to her opinions and dogmas: France
      was for turning every government in the world into a democratic republic.
      If every government was against her, it was, because she had declared
      herself hostile to every government. This strange republic may be compared
      to the system of Mahomet, who, with the Koran in one hand and a sword in
      the other, compelled men to adopt his creed. The Koran which France held
      out was the declaration of the Rights of Man and universal fraternity; and
      with the sword she was determined to propagate her doctrine, and conquer
      those whom she could not convince." Burke said that he did not wish to
      hurry the nation into a war, but only to make the people of England see
      that France had in reality declared war against them. The national
      convention had passed a variety of decrees, every one of which might be
      considered as a declaration of war against every government in Europe; and
      the people of France had resolved to wage an eternal war against kings,
      and all kinds of kingly government. Moreover, in contempt of the king and
      parliament, the convention had received Englishmen at its bar, as the
      representatives of the people of England. In the absence of Pitt, his
      colleague, Dundas, entered into a long and elaborate vindication of the
      measures of administration; concluding with a confident prediction that,
      "if we were forced into a war, it would prove successful and glorious."
      The amendment was rejected without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      Still undismayed, Fox, on the 15th of December&mdash;which was a Saturday&mdash;a
      day when parliament did not usually meet&mdash;moved, "that a minister be
      sent to Paris, to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the
      executive government of France." Fox contended that this measure would
      neither imply approbation nor disapprobation of the conduct of the
      existing government; and that it was the policy and practice of every
      nation to treat with the existing government of every other nation with
      which it had relative interests, without inquiring how that government was
      constituted, or by what means it acquired possession of power. He
      illustrated his argument by asserting that we had more then once sent
      embassies to the government of Morocco, when men sat upon that throne who
      had waded to it through blood. We had, likewise, he said, ministers at the
      German courts at the time of the infamous partition of Poland; and we had
      a minister at Versailles when Corsica was bought and enslaved. Yet, he
      argued, in none of these instances was any sanction given, directly or
      indirectly, by Great Britain to these nefarious transactions. But this
      line of argument was more specious than sound; for, although there was
      nominally a government in France, it was self-constituted, and founded in
      anarchy. This motion was seconded by Mr. Grey, who declared that an
      immediate embassy to Paris was the only means of averting war; a war which
      he deemed the most dangerous that had overtaken this country. Lord
      Sheffield, who had been an ardent admirer of Fox, reprobated the object of
      this motion, and, with many others, censured him for his conduct during
      the last three days. Fox, however, was resolute, and the debate continued.
      In combating his arguments, Mr. Jenkinson asked, what government we could
      acknowledge where there was virtually no government? and how England could
      recognize a constitution which the French themselves were every day
      violating? and how we could negociate with men who had declared a
      universal war against all governments? He added,&mdash;"On this very day,
      while we are here debating about sending an ambassador to the French
      republic; on this very day is the king to receive sentence, and, in all
      probability, it is the day of his murder. What is it, then, that gentlemen
      would propose to their sovereign? To bow his neck to a band of sanguinary
      ruffians, and address an ambassador to a set of regicides, whose hands are
      still reeking with the blood of a slaughtered monarch? No, sir, the
      British character is too noble to run a race of infamy; nor shall we be
      the first to compliment a set of monsters who, while we are agitating the
      subject, are probably bearing through the streets of Paris&mdash;horrid
      spectacle&mdash;the bloody victim of their fury." The master of the rolls,
      Sheridan, Windham, Burke, Sir William Young, and others took part in this
      debate; but the motion was negatived without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the address had been carried in the lords almost
      unanimously; the Duke of Norfolk, and lords Lansdowne, Hawdon, and
      Stanhope only speaking against it. In both houses the opposition had, at
      this time, suffered a severe defection. At the head of the seceders in the
      lords were the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Portland, Lords Fitzwilliam,
      Spencer, Mansfield, and Loughborough, the last of whom, on the resignation
      of Lord Thurlow, had been created chancellor; the chief seceders in the
      commons, besides Burke, were Mr. Windham, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Mr.
      Anstruther, Lord Sheffield, &amp;c, who by their secession acquired the
      appellation of alarmists.
    </p>
    <p>
      Yet, though Fox was thus deserted, on the 17th of December he returned to
      the charge. On that day Mr. Grey complained that the loyalists and high
      churchmen had been committing riots in Manchester and other towns in the
      kingdom. The Manchester riots, he said, had risen out of a loyal meeting
      held in that town, at which meeting he represented that Mr. Peel&mdash;the
      father of Sir Robert&mdash;declared that it was time for the people to
      rouse from their lethargy, as there were incendiaries in the country. He
      called upon Mr. Peel to name these incendiaries; and then called the
      attention of the house to a paper issued by the association against
      republicans and levellers, which was entitled "One Penny-worth of Truth
      from Thomas Bull to his Brother John." Mr. Grey said, that this pamphlet
      contained some unfounded and libellous invectives against the dissenters;
      and that it was calculated to produce alarming effects, by exciting the
      people against them. He moved, that the said libellous paper should be
      delivered in at the table and read. In reply to his demand of Mr. Peel,
      that gentleman said that there was no truth in any part of the report to
      which Mr. Grey had alluded, except that "God Save the King" had been sung
      at the meeting: and he proved that, so far from exciting the people
      against their fellow-subjects, the resolutions of the committee of the
      Manchester Society were calculated to dissuade the populace from outrage
      and wrong. Many members opposed the motion; but Fox strenuously supported
      it. In the course of his speech, Fox criticised the loyal associations and
      subscriptions which had been set on foot, for the purpose of aiding in the
      prosecution of affected persons. He treated the associations as tending to
      hinder the improvement of the mind, and as a mobbish tyranny; and he
      compared them with Lord George Gordon's mob; declaring, at the same time,
      that he had advised his friends in Westminister to sign the said
      associations, whether they agreed with them or not, in order that they
      might avoid destruction to their persons or their houses, or a desertion
      of their shops. Burke was very severe in his remarks upon this last
      assertion. He observed:&mdash;"This insidiuous advice will tend to
      confound those, who wish well to the object of the association, with the
      seditious against whom the association is directed. By this stratagem the
      confederacy intended for preserving the British constitution and the
      public peace, will be wholly defeated. The magistrates, utterly incapable
      of distinguishing the friends from the enemies of order, will in vain look
      for support when they stand in the greatest need of it." Mr. Grey's motion
      was negatived without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      Pitt was not in the house when these debates occurred; but on the 18th,
      having been re-elected for the university of Cambridge, he resumed his
      seat; and in doing so he referred to the recent discussions, by declaring
      his conviction of the facts stated, and his approbation of the arguments
      used in support of the address. To send an ambassador to France, he said,
      under present circumstances, would be incompatible with the dignity of the
      crown, and contrary to the interests of the public; counteracting and
      disclaiming those very principles on which the whole of our conduct was
      founded. The decided opinion expressed by all parties, that if war was
      necessary, it should be prosecuted with vigour, gave him pleasure; but, at
      the same time, he assured the house, that nothing consistent with the
      dignity of the crown, the safety of the country, and the security of
      Europe should be omitted by government to preserve the blessings of peace.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ALIEN BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period many of our provincial towns were filled with Frenchmen.
      Most of these were royalists; but there were some who mixed with the
      royalists in order to serve the cause of the republic; and there were
      others who were professed republicans, and who were using their utmost
      efforts to seduce the people. As the English laws were not made for
      foreigners, on the 19th of December, Lord Grenville brought forward a bill
      in the house of lords, for subjecting aliens to certain regulations. Thus
      the bill proposed that all foreigners arriving in the kingdom, should give
      an account of themselves, and surrender such arms as they might have in
      their possession; that they should be obliged, in their removals from one
      part of the country to another, to use passports; that all emigrants, who
      received allowances from the British government, should be distributed in
      certain districts, where they would be more under the cognizance of the
      civil power; and that particular attention should be paid to such
      foreigners as had arrived within the present year, or as might afterwards
      arrive without obvious reasons. This bill, though opposed by several
      lords, passed the three readings in the upper house without a division,
      and was then sent down to the commons. It was there treated by Fox and his
      party as a measure contrary to the existing treaties between Great Britain
      and France; as a violation of the law of nations; and as an outrage on
      Magna Charta. Burke supported the measure as strenuously as Fox opposed
      it. Having commented in severe terms on the exultation which Fox had
      manifested on the success of the French, he then expatiated on the nature
      of French fraternization, and of that liberty which the revolutionists
      were so anxious to propagate throughout Europe, and which he denounced as
      a liberty without property, morals, order, government, and security. The
      apostles of liberty in France, he said, had destroyed the Bastille, while
      they had converted every man's house in Paris into such a prison. He
      quoted the speech of M. Dupont in the convention, to show that Atheism was
      the first-fruits of French liberty: that fierce demagogue had declared
      that the religion of Jesus Christ was unfit to be tolerated in a republic,
      because it was a monarchical religion, and preached subjection and
      obedience to God; a declaration which was received by the convention with
      shouts of impious applause. Burke feelingly deplored the natural effects
      of a profligacy, which went to deprive man of happiness in life, and
      consolation in the hour of death. On the subject of the Alien Bill, Burke
      remarked, that he thought it calculated to save the country, for although
      the number of suspicious aliens might be small, it should be remembered
      that the horrid massacres in Paris in the preceding autumn had been
      perpetrated by a body of men not exceeding two hundred. Burke alluded to
      the fact that three thousand daggers had been ordered and manufactured in
      Birmingham, and it was on this occasion that he had recourse to a stroke
      of oratorical acting which has been often commented upon. Drawing a
      concealed dagger from his bosom, and throwing it down upon the floor of
      the house, he exclaimed:&mdash;"This is what you are to gain by an
      alliance with the French! Wherever their principles are introduced, their
      practice must follow. You must equally proscribe their tenets and their
      persons! You must keep their principles from our minds, and their daggers
      from our hearts." The debates on the bill were renewed in its different
      stages: on the third reading Fox endeavoured to prove that the anxiety
      about a few French aliens in England was ridiculous; that no Alien Act
      could guard against the introduction of opinions; and that if dangerous
      principles were propagated in this country it must be by the English
      themselves, and not by foreigners. But all opposition was vain. The bill
      was carried by a great majority, as was also another bill to prevent the
      circulation in England of French assignats, bonds, and promissory notes. A
      third bill was passed to enable his majesty to restrain the exportation of
      naval stores, saltpetre, arms, and ammunition, after which Mr. Pitt moved
      an adjournment to the 23rd of January, which was unanimously accorded.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1792-1793
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXECUTION OF THE FRENCH KING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At length Louis fell a prey to the fury of his subjects. In order to
      fortify the new-born republic it seemed necessary to the republicans that
      all institutions and usages that reminded them of royalty and the ancient
      order should be abolished. The convention applied itself to this work with
      fanatical zeal, but first of all the Jacobins demanded the blood of the
      fallen monarch. Fierce contests arose between them and the Girondists on
      this demand, but the Jacobins were sustained by the Parisian populace, and
      their opponents were compelled to yield: a resolution was carried that
      Louis had forfeited his inviolability, and that the convention was
      authorised to judge him. The unfortunate monarch was brought before the
      bar of his subjects on the 11th of December, and he was nobly defended by
      Tronchet, Malesherbes, and Deseze; but after having heard their defence,
      and after a stormy deliberation that lasted some days, the convention
      resolved that the yeas and nays should be taken upon the following
      questions: First, Is Louis Capet guilty of conspiracy against the liberty
      or safety of the state? Second; Shall the judgment to be pronounced upon
      him be submitted to the sanction of the people in the primary assemblies?
      Third: What punishment ought to be inflicted upon Louis? The first of
      these questions was decided in the affirmative; the second was negatived;
      and as to the third question, five votes over half demanded death
      unconditionally. And such a small majority was deemed sufficient for
      pronouncing the sentence of death. The monarch was executed on the 21st of
      January, 1793, under circumstances that augmented the horror of the deed,
      and no nation in Europe endeavoured to save him from his fate. The King of
      Spain pleaded for his life, but the plea of a crowned head was not likely
      to be heard by men who had sworn eternal war against royalty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1793-1794
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Hostile Message of the King to Parliament..... Declaration
     of War by the French, &amp;c..... Pitt's   Financial
     Statement..... The Traitorous   Correspondence Bill.....
     Preparations for War..... Relief granted to Mercantile
     Men..... Renewal of the East India Company's Charier.....
     Relief of the Roman Catholics of  Scotland, &amp;c...... Trial
     of Warren   Hastings..... Discussion   on   a   Memorial
     presented to the  States-General..... Fox's Motion for Peace
     ..... Mr. Grey's Measure of Parliamentary  Reform.....
     Prorogation of  Parliament..... Affairs   of  Ireland.....
     Prospects  of  the French Republic, &amp;c.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1793
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOSTILE MESSAGE OF THE KING TO PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The news of the death of the King of France incited our government to
      active measures. On the 27th of December a memorial had been presented by
      the French ambassador, M. Chauvelin, to Lord Grenville, demanding to know
      whether France ought to consider England as a neutral or hostile power. In
      reply Lord Grenville acquainted M. Chauvelin that, as all official
      communication had been suspended since the unhappy events of the 10th of
      August, he could only be treated with under a form neither regular nor
      official. On the 4th of January a letter was received by his lordship from
      M. le Brun, minister of foreign affairs, together with a memorial in the
      name of the executive council, stating that they desired peace and
      harmony, and that they had sent credential letters to M. Chauvelin, to
      enable him to treat in the usual diplomatic forms. But peace and harmony
      were now out of the question. Three days after the death of the French
      monarch M. Chauvelin was ordered to quit the kingdom, and a war with the
      republic became no longer a matter of choice. On the 30th of January,
      Dundas presented a royal message to the commons, alluding to the execution
      of Louis XVI.; importing that his majesty had given directions for copies
      of a correspondence, &amp;c, between the late minister of his most
      Christian majesty and our foreign secretary, to be laid before them; and
      stating the necessity that existed of a further augmentation of forces by
      sea and land. The house took this message into consideration on the 2nd of
      February, on which occasion there was an animated debate. Pitt commenced
      it by describing the execution of the King of France as an event which
      outraged every sentiment of religion, justice, and humanity; and as the
      effect of principles which started by dissolving all the bonds of society,
      and which, relying on fanciful theories, rejected not only the experience
      of past ages, but likewise the sacred instructions of revelation. Pitt
      stated that the British government had from the commencement adopted a
      system of neutrality; that they had declined taking any part in the
      internal affairs of France; and that in return for a declaration made to
      that effect the French had entered into a positive contract to abstain
      from those very deeds by which they had since provoked the indignation of
      the country. In a paper, he said, which was then on the table, they had
      disclaimed all views of conquest; had given assurances of friendship to
      all neutral nations, and had protested that they entertained no idea of
      interfering with the government of other countries. But what, he asked,
      had been the conduct of the French? They had annexed Savoy to their
      dominions, had rendered the Netherlands a province; and had exhibited a
      resolution to pursue the same course wherever they could carry their arms.
      As an illustration of the sentiments and designs of the French rulers, he
      read a letter from one of them, which was addressed to the friends of
      liberty in the different sea-ports of France, and which was written only
      four days after M. Chauvelin had complained to Lord Grenville that a harsh
      construction had been put by the British ministry on the conduct of
      France, and professed the warmest friendship for Great Britain. In this
      letter there was the following passage;&mdash;"The king and his parliament
      mean to make war against us. Will the English republicans suffer it?
      Already these free men show their discontent and the repugnance they have
      to bear arms against their brothers, the French. Well! we will fly to
      their succour&mdash;we will make a descent on the island&mdash;we will
      lodge there fifty thousand caps of liberty&mdash;we will plant there the
      sacred tree&mdash;we will stretch our arms to our republican brethren, and
      the tyranny of their government shall soon be destroyed." Under all these
      circumstances Pitt declared that war was preferable to a peace which could
      not be consistent either with the internal tranquillity or external safety
      of England, and he moved an address to his majesty to that effect. The
      motion was seconded by Lord Beauchamp and supported by Windham, the latter
      of whom said that we must go to war for the security of the country, and
      that it would truly be a war <i>pro aris et focis</i>. Fox, and some of
      his friends deprecated such a measure, and endeavoured to show that war
      was not necessary, and might be avoided; but Pitt's motion was carried
      without a division, An address to the same effect was also voted by the
      lords.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DECLARATION OF WAR BY THE FRENCH, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A few days after the above proceedings of parliament, intelligence was
      received that France had declared war against Great Britain and Ireland.
      On the 11th of February, indeed, his majesty sent a royal message to the
      two houses, announcing that the national convention, had, without previous
      notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and
      property of his majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and
      of the positive stipulations of treaty; and that since they had given
      these directions, they had actually declared war against his majesty and
      the United Provinces. The message continued&mdash;"Under the circumstances
      of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his majesty has taken the
      necessary steps to maintain the honour of his crown, and to vindicate the
      rights of his people; and his majesty relies with confidence on the firm
      and effectual support of the house of commons, and on the zealous
      exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary
      war; and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an
      effectual barrier to the progress of a system which strikes at the
      security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open
      defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and
      justice. In a cause of such general concern, his majesty has every reason
      to hope for the cordial cooperation of those powers who are united with
      his majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing
      the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the
      security and tranquillity of Europe." This message was taken into
      consideration on the next day, when Pitt gave a detailed statement of our
      transactions with France, and of our endeavours to preserve a strict
      neutrality as long as it was possible. In adverting to those insults which
      the French supposed they had received from England, and which they stated
      as grounds for their declaration of war, he said that he found in them
      nothing but pretexts and allegations too weak to require refutation. These
      insults were, that the King of England had not ceased, especially since
      the revolution of the 10th of August, to give proofs of his dislike to the
      French nation, and of his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads;
      that the English government had ceased since that period to correspond
      with the French ambassador at London, on pretext of the suspension of the
      heretofore King of France: that since the opening of the national
      convention, the said government had refused to resume the usual
      correspondence between the two states, and to acknowledge the power of the
      convention; that it had refused to acknowledge the ambassador of the
      French republic, although provided with letters of credit in its name, and
      that the said court had caused to be stopped several boats and ships laden
      with grain for France, contrary to the treaty of 1786, while exportations
      to other countries were free. Pitt concluded by moving an address in
      answer to his majesty's message, which was seconded by Mr. Powys, who said
      that under present circumstances war was preferable to peace with France.
      On the contrary Fox still contended that war with France was both
      impolitic and unnecessary. If any necessity existed, he said, that
      necessity arose from the unwise, arrogant, and provoking conduct of
      ministers. He moved an amendment, promising effectual support to his
      majesty in repelling every hostile attempt upon this country, and in such
      other exertions as might be necessary to induce France to consent to such
      terms of peace as should be consistent with the honour of his majesty's
      crown, the security of his allies, and the interests of his people. The
      conduct of government was defended by Dundas, while Burke, also, showed to
      demonstration that ministers had not precipitated the nation into this
      war, but were brought into it by over-ruling necessity. The amendment was
      negatived, and the address, as moved by Pitt, carried without a division;
      as was also an address moved by Lord Grenville in the house of lords.
    </p>
    <p>
      In all these proceedings ministers were encouraged by the voice of the
      people, for the prevailing opinion was for war. Yet, on the 18th of
      February, Fox moved a string of resolutions the effect of which was that
      the two houses should load themselves with reproaches for having voted the
      addresses which they had just carried up to the throne. These resolutions
      were, that war with France on the grounds alleged, was neither for the
      honour nor the interests of this country; that ministers in their late
      negociations with the French government had not taken the means for
      procuring an amicable redress of the grievances complained of; and that it
      was their duty to advise his majesty against entering into engagements
      which might prevent a separate peace. Fox alleged that his object in
      making these motions was to pronounce a declaration of the precise grounds
      upon which gentlemen had voted for the war, for from many circumstances,
      he was persuaded that the object of ministers in going to war were those
      which they disclaimed, and that those they avowed were only pretexts. Fox
      pressed these resolutions to a division, and they were rejected by two
      hundred and seventy against forty-four: a majority which sensibly marked
      the feeling of the house. Yet, notwithstanding this decided victory of
      ministers, Mr. Grey, encouraged by Fox, produced the same string of
      resolutions three days after in a new form, which, however, were negatived
      without a division. A motion moved by Mr. M. A. Taylor, on the 22nd of
      February, against the erection of barracks or inland fortresses in our
      free country, shared the same fate; as did likewise another, moved by
      Sheridan, on the 4th of March, to the effect that the house should resolve
      itself into a committee to consider of the seditious practices, &amp;c,
      referred to in his majesty's speech. All the efforts of the opposition to
      thwart the measures of government were, indeed, futile: the propriety and
      necessity of war were acknowledged by the great majority of the nation, as
      well as of the members of parliament. All the old Whigs ranged themselves
      on the side of government, by which Fox and his party lost much both of
      moral and numerical strength.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 11th of March Pitt brought forward his budget for the current year:
      estimating the expenses at £11,182,213, and that of the ways and means at
      £8,299,696. He proposed to raise the deficiency by loan, and to defray the
      interest by rendering permanent some of the temporary taxes imposed on
      account of the Spanish armament. In his speech Pitt made some remarks
      which show that he had then no idea of the subsequent enormous increase of
      the national debt and national taxation. He observed:&mdash;"I do not
      think it useless to suggest some observations with respect to this war in
      which we are engaged. The excess of the permanent revenue, if kept up, is
      not less than £900,000 above the peace establishment; which, even if
      destroyed by war, will leave the country in possession of all its ordinary
      revenue. This £900,000 I am desirous to leave as a security against those
      contingencies to which war is liable." The sum borrowed was £4,500,000,
      and the terms were that for every seventy-two pounds advanced, the lender
      should be entitled to one hundred pound stock, bearing interest at three
      per cent. Pitt said that he expected to have made better terms for the
      loan, but he had not received two offers for it. Among other resources,
      the sum of £675,000 was to be raised by lottery, which was warmly opposed,
      but which, after a debate wherein several regulations were laid down to
      diminish the practice of insurance, received the consent of the house.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE TRAITOROUS CORRESPONDENCE BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As it was expedient, after a declaration of war, to prevent all
      correspondence between British subjects and the French, Sir John Scott,
      the attorney-general, brought in a bill called the "Traitorous
      Correspondence Bill," by which it was declared high-treason to supply the
      existing government of France with, military stores; to purchase lands of
      inheritance in France; to invest money in the French funds; to underwrite
      insurances upon ships and goods bound from France to any part of the
      world; and to go from this country to France without a license under the
      privy-seal; it likewise prohibited the return of British subjects from
      that country to England without giving security. This bill was opposed as
      inconsistent with the treason laws of Edward III., and several of its
      obnoxious clauses were modified in the course of its progress. It received
      several alterations, also, in the lords, which were finally agreed to by
      the commons, and the bill passed into a law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A royal message was presented to parliament on the 6th of March, stating
      that his majesty had engaged a body of his electoral troops in the service
      of Great Britain to assist his allies, the States-general; and that he had
      directed an estimate of the charge to be laid before the house of commons.
      A few days after M. le Brun, minister of foreign affairs in France,
      addressed a letter to Lord Grenville, stating that the French republic was
      desirous to terminate all differences with Great Britain, and requesting a
      passport for a person vested with full powers for that purpose. He named
      M. Maret as the proposed plenipotentiary of France; but the present state
      of affairs did not permit the British government to accede to such an
      overture, and no notice was taken of the application. On the contrary, a
      treaty, about this time, was concluded with the King of Sardinia, by which
      England bound herself to furnish a subsidy of £200,000 annually, to be
      paid three months in advance; and not to conclude peace with France
      without comprehending in it the restitution of all territories belonging
      to that monarch when he engaged in war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELIEF GRANTED TO MERCANTILE MEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period, through the spirit of commercial speculation, there
      occurred an unusual number of bankruptcies. A select committee was
      appointed by the commons to investigate this subject, and it was
      discovered that large issues of paper money and a scarcity of coin had
      induced bankers to suspend their usual discounts, in expectation of which
      merchants had formed engagements they could not meet. As a remedy for this
      evil an issue of exchequer-bills to the amount of £5,000,000 was
      recommended, under commissioners to be nominated for the purpose of
      lending portions to those merchants in distress who could give security.
      This bill was objected to as ineffectual against failures, and as opening
      a way to the exercise of improper patronage by government, but it was
      carried, and the relief proved beneficial.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was generally supposed at this time that the charter of the East India
      Company, which was on the eve of expiration, would be abolished, and that
      the whole Indian trade would be thereby thrown open to British enterprise.
      The public expectation however, was doomed to be disappointed. On the 23rd
      of April Mr. Dundas brought the question before the house, in consequence
      of a petition from the company, and after taking a view of the prosperous
      state of India under the present system, he brought in a bill for the
      renewal of the charter for twenty years, which passed without a division.
      At the same time Dundas proposed certain regulations, tending to promote a
      free trade, but not interfering with the company's charter.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELIEF OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF SCOTLAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session a bill was passed for the relief of the
      Roman Catholics of Scotland from certain penalties and disabilities
      imposed upon them by acts which incapacitated them from holding or
      transmitting landed property. Towards the close of the session, at the
      suggestion of Sir John Sinclair, a board of agriculture was established,
      and £3000 per annum were voted for the encouragement of that science.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Warren Hastings was resumed on the 15th of February, and
      during the session the court sat twenty-two days, in which time the
      counsel for the prisoner completed the defence set up by them on the last
      three articles; namely, those relating to the Begums, to presents, and to
      contracts. After this Hastings addressed the court, praying that their
      lordships would order the trial to continue to its final conclusion, but
      all further proceedings were adjourned till the next session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSION ON A MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE STATES-GENERAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session some violent debates took place on a memorial
      presented to the States-general, by the British and imperial ministers at
      the Hague, on the 5th of April. In this memorial their high mightinesses
      were called upon to prevent any of the French regicides from finding an
      asylum in their states in Europe, or in any of their colonies. The
      language which was used was very strong; and Earl Stanhope moved that the
      British envoy, Lord Auckland, should not only be recalled, but impeached
      for putting his signature to such a paper. In the commons, also, Sheridan
      moved an address to his majesty, expressive of the displeasure of the
      house at the said memorial; and stating that the minister who presented it
      had departed from the principles on which the house had concurred in the
      measures for the support of the war. In the course of his speech, Sheridan
      held up to detestation the conduct of the Empress of Russia, the Emperor
      of Germany, and the King of Prussia, in the new partition of Poland, which
      they had just completed. Sheridan said, that no robbery committed by the
      most desperate of the French, and no crimes that had been perpetrated in
      France, exceeded in infamy the injustice and tyranny of those sovereigns.
      Sheridan's motion was negatived by two hundred and eleven, against
      thirty-six. In the upper house Lord Grenville made a motion for approving
      the conduct of Lord Auckland, which was carried without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOX'S MOTION FOR PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Burke remarks:&mdash;"After it had been generally supposed that all public
      business was over for the session, and that Mr Fox had exhausted all the
      modes of pressing his French scheme, he thought proper to take a step
      beyond every expectation, and which demonstrated his wonderful eagerness
      and perseverance in his cause, as well as the nature and true character of
      the cause itself." This step was taken by Mr. Fox immediately after giving
      his assent to the grant of supply, voted to him by Mr Sergeant Adair and a
      committee of gentlemen, who assumed to themselves to act in the name of
      the public. In the instrument of his acceptance of this grant, Mr. Fox
      took occasion to assure them that he would always persevere in the same
      conduct which had procured to him so honourable a mark of the public
      approbation. He was as good as his word. On Monday, the 17th of June, Fox,
      in accordance with his resolution, moved an address to the throne,
      importing that, having obtained the only avowed object of the war&mdash;the
      evacuation of Holland by the French&mdash;peace ought to be concluded. In
      support of his motion Fox declaimed, in an impassioned manner, against the
      partitioners of Poland, and against all the powers in alliance with
      England. In the debate on this motion, Windham observed, that it was an
      avowed purpose of the war to endeavour to bring about the establishment of
      a government in France with which we could safely treat; and that,
      therefore, the war must be prosecuted till we could make peace with
      safety. Burke said that the motion involved this serious question&mdash;whether
      we should make war with all Europe in order to make peace with France. He
      continued:&mdash;"And with whom can we now treat in France? M. Lebrun,
      with whom we were so lately called on to treat, is in gaol. Clavière,
      another minister, is nowhere to be found. Or shall we treat with M.
      Egalité, who is now in the dungeons of Marseilles? And what are the
      principles upon which this negociation is to be carried on? Bris-sot
      himself has told us what the French think on this subject. In the report
      of a committee, upon the subject of a treaty with Geneva, he has affirmed
      that treaties are useless and cannot bind the people, who are to be united
      by principles alone, and that, therefore, to make treaties with any other
      sovereign power, is disgraceful to a free people." Pitt added to the
      string of questions which Burke had put, by asking Fox, whether he would
      enter into negociations with Marat; that monster and his party being now
      lords of the ascendant, and the arbiters and rulers of France. He added,&mdash;"But
      it is not merely to the character of Marat, with whom we would now have to
      treat, that I object; it is not to the horror of those crimes which have
      stained their legislators&mdash;crimes in every stage rising above another
      in enormity&mdash;but I object to the consequences of that character, and
      to the effect of those crimes. They are such as to render a negociation
      useless, and must entirely deprive of stability any peace which could be
      concluded in such circumstances. Where is our security for the performance
      of a treaty, where we have neither the good faith of a nation, nor the
      responsibility of a monarch? The moment that the mob of Parrs comes under
      the influence of a new leader, mature deliberations are reversed, the most
      solemn engagements are retracted, or free will is altogether controlled by
      force. In every one of their stages of repeated revolutions, we have said,
      'Now we have seen the worst, the measure of iniquity is complete, we shall
      no longer bo shocked by added crimes and increasing enormities.' The next
      mail gave us reason to reproach ourselves with our credulity, and by
      presenting us with fresh crimes, and enormities still more dreadful,
      excited impressions of new astonishment and accumulated horror. All the
      crimes which disgrace history have occured in one country, in a space so
      short, and with circumstances so aggravated, as to outrun thought and
      exceed imagination." Fox replied; but his motion was lost by one hundred
      and eighty-seven against forty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MR. GREY'S MEASURE OF PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Grey brought forward a motion for parliamentary
      reform. He observed, in reply to the objection, that this was not the
      proper time for reform, that it would be equally rational in times of
      prosperity and adversity, in times of peace and war. He remarked:&mdash;"Whatever
      evils did, or might threaten the nation, there was no preventive so
      certain, no safeguard so powerful, as an uninterrupted house of commons,
      emanating fairly and freely from the people. To the want of this we owed
      the American war, and the vast accumulation of national debt; and if this
      had been done last year, it would probably have saved us from our present
      distresses. No set of Britons, unless bereft of their senses, could, after
      recent events, propose the French revolution as a model for our imitation.
      But were such principles even likely to threaten danger, the surest way of
      preventing it was to promote the happiness and comfort of the people, to
      gratify their reasonable wishes, and to grant that reform which was so
      earnestly desired." Grey's arguments were enforced by Fox, Whitbread, and
      others; and opposed by Pitt, Jenkinson, and Powys. Pitt explained his
      former motives for being friendly to a parliamentary reform, and his
      objections against it at the present moment. Many petitions had been
      presented in favour of reform; and Pitt said, that if the principle of
      individual suffrage, pointed at in some of these petitions, was to be
      carried out, the peerage would be extinguished, the king deposed, every
      hereditary distinction and every privileged order swept away, and there
      would be established that system of equalizing anarchy announced in the
      code of French legislation, and attested in the blood of the massacres at
      Paris. Fox attacked Pitt on the score of inconsistency. He observed, that
      as Lord Foppington said in the play, "I begin to think that when I was a
      commoner, I was a very nauseous fellow; so Pitt began to think, that when
      he was a reformer, he must have been a very foolish fellow." Fox called
      the objection to the time for reform a fallacy; a mere pretext for putting
      off what the house knew was necessary, but felt unwilling to grant. The
      debate lasted two days; when the motion for referring the petitions to a
      committee were negatived by two hundred and eighty two, against forty-one.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1793-1794
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The king prorogued parliament on the 21st of June. In his speech his
      majesty noticed the rapid and signal successes which, in an early period
      of the campaign, had attended the operations of the combined armies; the
      respectable force which he had been enabled to employ by sea and land, and
      the measures which he had concerted with the other powers for the
      effectual prosecution of the war. From all this his majesty augured a
      happy issue to the important contest in which we were engaged.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year an important concession was made to the Roman Catholics
      of Ireland. Many events led to this measure. On the failure of Pitt's
      attempt, in 1785, to reconcile the commercial interests of the two
      countries, resolutions were made in Ireland to abstain from the
      importation of English manufactures, and efforts were made by the populace
      to enforce these resolutions on all who disapproved of them. The tumults
      and alarms which followed these proceedings, gave rise, in the session of
      1786, for an act, establishing a police in the city of Dublin, which, as
      the inhabitants were taxed for the support of the officers appointed by
      the crown, gave great offence. In the south, also, there existed serious
      disturbances. Men, called "Right Boys" banded together in order to defraud
      the Protestant clergy of their incomes. For this purpose the farmers
      entered into a combination, under the sanction of an oath, neither to
      compound for tithes, nor to assist any clergyman drawing them. This
      insurrection commenced in Kerry and the combination soon extended to Cork
      and other neighbouring counties, where the insurgents marched in large
      bodies, administering their oath in the name of Captain Right, giving out
      their laws, and punishing those who broke their faith. In these
      proceedings they were secretly encouraged by many gentlemen of landed
      property, who hoped from their violence that their estates might be
      exonerated from tithes; but when the insurgents proceeded to limit the
      rents of land, to increase the price of labour, and to oppose the
      collection of hearth-money, then an outcry was raised by these landlords
      against their designs, and an act was passed in 1787 for preventing
      tumultuous and illegal assemblies. Upon inquiry it was discovered that the
      clergy instead of receiving one-tenth scarcely received one-twentieth of
      the produce, and that the insurrection was owing to the avarice of the
      landlords, who charged the peasantry six pounds an acre for their land,
      and yet made them work for fivepence per day. It was also found that some
      landlords had excited their tenants to rob the clergy, for the purpose of
      adding the value of the tithes to their rack-rents, and that the
      magistrates had in several instances connived at the outrages. These
      troubles passed over, but the same spirit of disaffection towards the
      government still existed in Ireland. And this, perhaps, was increased by
      the contests which took place in the Irish parliament between the
      patriotic band, headed by Mr. Grattan, and those who adhered to
      government. It has been seen that at the time the regency bill was
      discussed in the British parliament, the Irish were in favour of the
      Prince of Wales. An address to him was carried by a large majority in the
      Irish parliament, and when the lord-lieutenant refused to forward it,
      commissioners were deputed to present it, as before narrated. Encouraged
      by his success in the matter of the address Mr. Grattan proposed several
      bills of a popular description, which were carried. But this patriotic
      bias did not long continue. When his majesty recovered, then many who had
      voted against government changed their sentiments, and again supported it.
      The very men who had voted for the introduction of the popular bills
      proposed by Grattan, on the committal of them gave their votes against
      them, and they were rejected. Hitherto the professed principles of the
      Marquess of Buckingham's government had been strict economy, but when this
      struggle terminated every source of influence was thrown open in order to
      prevent future opposition to its measures. This system of corrupt
      influence was continued after the Earl of Westmoreland was appointed
      lord-lieutenant, in 1730, notwithstanding strenuous opposition had been
      made to it by the patriotic party. In order to render their opposition
      more systematic and strong, this party formed themselves into a Whig club,
      similar to that in London, and at their meeting arranged plans of
      parliamentary tactics, assigning to each member his particular post. The
      declared objects for which this association was pledged were bills for the
      limitations of places and pensions; for excluding certain descriptions of
      placemen, &amp;c, from parliament; to disqualify revenue-officers from
      voting; to repeal the Dublin Police Bill; and to secure the responsibility
      of public officers in regard to payments from the treasury. But the
      efforts of the patriotic party were vain. When they banded together for
      these purposes they were unable to oppose government effectually, and when
      a new election took place in 1791, they rather lost strength than
      otherwise. Such was the state of affairs in Ireland when the French
      revolution took place. This event was looked upon by the mass of the Irish
      with strong sensations of joy. Ever disposed to revolt, they looked upon
      it as the harbinger of their own liberty. Meetings were held to celebrate
      its anniversary in different places, and also for the discussion of
      politics. The chief topics at these meetings were parliamentary reform and
      Catholic emancipation, in favour of which strong resolutions were entered
      into with a view of intimidating government to concede them. In Dublin a
      society was formed, under the title of "United Irishmen," and which
      declared itself to be "a union of Irishmen of every religious persuasion,
      in order to obtain a complete reform of the legislature, founded on the
      principles of civil, political, and religious liberty." Against this and
      similar associations government issued a proclamation, interdicting all
      seditious assemblies, and commanding the magistrates, if necessary, to
      disperse them by military force. Still the society of United Irishmen
      resolved to persevere. It issued a counter proclamation, exhorting the
      volunteer companies which had been formed in Dublin to take up arms for
      the maintenance of public tranquillity against domestic and foreign foes,
      and recommending the Protestants to unite cordially with the Papists for
      the purpose of obtaining universal emancipation and a representative
      legislature. This agitation led government, in the session of 1792, to
      grant some new indulgences to the Papists, but these by no means satisfied
      them. They still persevered in seeking a redress of grievances, and in
      order to lay before government the sentiments of the collective body of
      Catholics, a secret committee for managing the political concerns of the
      Irish Catholics, which had long subsisted in Dublin, fixed on the plan of
      a convention of delegates from the several towns and counties, to be
      elected by persons deputed, two from each parish. At the same time this
      committee thought proper to disavow all dangerous tenets respecting the
      excommunication of princes, the persecution of heretics, the violation of
      oaths, the infallibility of the pope, &amp;c, and to renounce all claims
      to forfeited estates, and all designs of subverting the present
      establishment. The convention met in December, 1792, and after various
      displays of eloquence, voted a petition to the king, stating the
      grievances, patience, and long-tried loyalty of his Catholic subjects, and
      dwelling particularly on the deprivation of the elective franchise. This
      petition was presented by deputation, and received graciously by his
      majesty, who, when the Irish parliament met on the 10th of January, 1793,
      pressed on its attention such measures as might be most likely to
      strengthen and cement a general union of sentiment among all classes and
      descriptions of his Catholic subjects, in support of the established
      constitution. In consequence of this recommendation Mr. Secretary Hobart
      brought the bill of relief into the house of commons; the chief enacting
      clause of which enabled the Catholics to exercise and enjoy all civil and
      military offices, and places of trust or profit under the crown, under
      certain restrictions. This privilege was not to extend so far as to enable
      any Roman Catholic to sit or vote in either house of parliament, or to
      fill the office of lord-lieutenant or lord chancellor, or judge in either
      of the three courts of record or admiralty, or keeper of the privy-seal,
      secretary of state, lieutenant or <i>custos rotulorum</i> of counties, or
      privy-counsellor, or master in chancery, or a general on the staff, or
      sheriff of any county, &amp;c. This bill passed with few dissentient
      voices, and though it fell short of complete emancipation, it was supposed
      to contain all that the executive government, could, at this time, without
      too violent an exertion, effect; upon which account it was received with
      gratitude. As a further concession to Ireland, a libel bill, similar to
      that of England, was passed; the power of the crown to grant pensions on
      the Irish establishment was limited to the sum of £80,000; and certain
      descriptions of placemen and pensioners were excluded from the privilege
      of sitting in the house of commons. His majesty also declared his
      acceptance of a limited sum, fixed at £225,000 for the expenses of his
      civil list, in lieu of the hereditary revenues of the crown. Having thus
      conciliated opposition, government carried several bills for the safety of
      the country. Among these were the alien and traitorous correspondence
      bills, analogous to those of England; a bill to prevent arms and
      ammunition from being imported, or kept without license; and another "to
      prevent the election or appointment of assemblies," purporting to
      represent the people or any number of the people, under pretence of
      preparing or presenting petitions, &amp;c, to the king or either house of
      parliament, for alteration of matters established by law, or redress of
      alleged grievances in church or state. As a further measure for securing
      the safety of the country, a bill was passed for raising a body of militia
      by ballot, to serve the period of four years. This measure, how-over, gave
      rise to discontent and outrage. As each person, on whom the lot fell, was
      obliged to serve unless he could procure a substitute or pay a large fine,
      it was considered a heavy grievance. To alleviate the burden,
      subscriptions for raising recruits were adopted, and insurance offices
      established to indemnify individuals on the payment of a stated sum. It
      was not, however, without great difficulty that recruits could be raised;
      the peasantry imagining, that, as was the case in the American war, if
      they joined the militia, they should be sent out of the kingdom. This
      caused discontents and riots, which cost the lives of many persons. But
      apart from this, there were other causes which produced disturbances in
      this unhappy country. About the year 1784, a set of insurgents, called
      "Defenders," succeeded the White Boys. These arose from a quarrel between
      some Catholics and Protestants, in the county of Armagh, the former of
      whom, being possessed of arms, overcame their opponents. Enraged at this
      defeat the Protestants began to take arms from the Catholics; styling
      themselves "Peep-of-day Boys," from their breaking into the houses of
      their opponents at break of day. On the contrary, those who strove to
      prevent them called themselves "Defenders;" but these, in 1789, seem to
      have been regularly organised, prepared for assault as well as defence,
      and, becoming private aggressors, committed some atrocious murders. Their
      outrages attracted the notice of parliament, and a secret committee of the
      lords in this session was appointed to make a report of their proceedings
      and also of the "United Irishmen." At the time when this committee made
      their report, they had extended their associations through several
      counties, which associations assembled by night to learn the use of arms,
      and also for the purpose of plundering houses and murdering the
      protestants, and especially the established clergy. In many parts of the
      country, indeed, gentlemen were obliged to quit their houses, or to place
      soldiers therein for defence. It was hoped that the Catholic Relief Bill
      would have the effect of conciliating the marauders, but it failed to
      produce this effect. The principle of contention, in fact, still remained
      in full force. By this bill the Catholics were vested with the elective
      franchise; and now the question between them and the Protestants was,
      whether they should form a part of the government. They had gained much,
      but they wanted more, and so the system of agitation and outrage was still
      continued.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      PROSPECTS OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, &amp;c.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this campaign, France had to combat 55,000
      Austro-Sardinians from the Alps; 50,000 Spaniards from the Pyrenees;
      66,000 Austrians, reinforced by 38,000 Anglo-Batavians, on the Lower Rhine
      and in Belgium; 33,000 Austrians, between the Meuse and the Moselle; and
      112,000 Russians, Austrians, Prussians, and Imperialists, of the Middle
      and Upper Rhine. Against these formidable enemies the convention ordered a
      levy of 300,000 troops, and at the same time established a committee of
      public safety, with dictatorial power over persons and property. Meanwhile
      Dumouriez was occupied with an ambitious plan of reaction. Instead of
      remaining neutral between the contending factions composing the national
      convention, as was the duty of a general, he proposed to establish the
      constitutional monarchy of 1791. But first he intended to deliver Belgium
      from the rule of the Jacobins, to secure Holland by aid of the Batavian
      republicans, and to unite those two countries into a single state. With
      this end in view, Durnouriez moved from Antwerp and attacked the Dutch
      towns of Breda, Kiundert, and Gerbruydenberg, all which capitulated, after
      little more than a show of resistance from the garrisons. His plan was to
      penetrate into the heart of the United Provinces; but he was brought to a
      pause at the fortress of Williamstadt, That fort was occupied by the Dutch
      general Botzlarr, with some Dutch troops, who held no Jacobin principles,
      and by a strong detachment of English guards, who made an obstinate
      resistance; and while the French troops were still engaged in the siege of
      this fortress, intelligence arrived from the eastern frontier of the
      Netherlands, which materially changed the aspect of the war. Durnouriez
      had sent General Miranda, his second in command, to reduce the important
      town of Maestrecht, on the Maes or Meuse. On the 1st of March General
      Clairfait having suddenly passed the Roer in the night, attacked the
      French posts on that side, and compelled them to retreat, with the loss of
      2,000 men; and this was followed by two successive victories over the
      French, on the 2nd and 8th of March; the one gained by the Archduke
      Albert, brother to the Emperor of Germany, and the other by the Prince of
      Saxe-Cobourg, who obtained a singular advantage over the main body of the
      French, in front of Aix-la-Chapelle, driving them from thence with the
      loss of 5,000 men, and twenty pieces of cannon. On hearing of these
      events, General Miranda gave orders for retreating to Tongres, whence the
      French armies were again compelled to fall back to Saint Tron. At Saint
      Tron Miranda was joined by General Valence, who had evacuated Liege and
      its territory, and they then moved towards Tirlemont, where Durnouriez
      soon after arrived to take the command in person, leaving the conduct of
      affairs on the northern frontier to General de Fluers. Dumouriez was
      attacked by the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, at Tirlemont, with great spirit;
      but he kept his ground, and obliged the Austrians to fall back upon
      Neerwinden. This was on the 16th of March, and two days after Durnouriez
      moved to attack the Prince, but received a signal defeat; 4,000 killed and
      wounded remained on the field of battle, and ten thousand deserted, and
      scarcely paused in their flight until they reached the other side of the
      French frontier. Durnouriez attributed the origin of all his misfortunes
      to the Jacobin Club of Paris, and to the Mountain, which at this time was
      preparing to crush the Gironde. Half-crazed, he retreated towards Louvaine
      and Brussels, and in his route he was met by Danton and Lacroix, who came
      as commissioners from the convention to draw up a report on his conduct,
      both civil and military. He was devoted to destruction by the Jacobins, if
      they could get hold of him, for he had long ago offended Marat and Camus,
      two of the prime leaders of that fraternity. Dumouriez knew this, and the
      commissioners had scarcely left him, when he sent an officer of his staff
      to the head-quarters of the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, to make some
      arrangements relative to the wounded and prisoners. This officer was
      referred to General Mack, who was considered to be a consummate
      politician, and it was agreed that Mack and Durnouriez should meet and
      confer together. When they met it was agreed that the Imperialists should
      not again attack the French army in force; that Durnouriez should be
      allowed to retire to Brussels; and that after the French should have
      evacuated Brussels the two generals should have another interview. All
      this was done, and at the future meeting, which took place at Ath,
      Durnouriez, knowing that there was nothing for him but a
      counter-revolution, or death, or flight, agreed with Mack to co-operate
      with the Imperialists against the Republicans; to give up to them the
      whole of Belgium; to march with his own army to Paris; and to call in the
      aid of the Austrians, if he should not prove strong enough to disperse the
      Jacobin rulers of France, and dictate the law at Paris. It is supposed
      that Dumouriez intended setting the Duke of Chartres on the throne of
      France, and that the Duke of Saxe-Cobourg assented to his project, hoping
      that if a counter-revolution could be effected, the young dauphin might be
      liberated from the Temple, and the regular line of the monarchy restored
      in him. The project seemed the more practicable, because the Prussians
      were preparing to invade France from the Moselle; the Spaniards, against
      whom the convention had declared war, were descending through the passes
      of the Pyrenees; an English army was collected in Holland to co-operate
      with the Duke of Saxe-Cobourg; and the royalists in the Vendee had gained
      several victories over the troops of the republican government. Dumouriez
      evacuated all the places he held in the Netherlands, and slowly retired
      towards the French frontier. In his route he met a great number of persons
      who were flying from Paris to escape the guillotine, many of whom
      encouraged him to persevere in the enterprise. The designs of Dumouriez,
      however, did not pass unsuspected at Paris, and three commissioners,
      friends of his mortal foe, Marat, were dispatched to watch his movements,
      under the pretence of conferring with him concerning the affairs of
      Belgium. In an interview with these commissioners, Dumouriez expressed
      himself with great violence against the Jacobins, and denounced the
      republican constitution as too silly a thing to last. "Ever since the
      battle of Jemappe," he observed "I have regretted every advantage I have
      gained in the field for so bad a cause." Growing warm in conversation, he
      likewise remarked:&mdash;"The convention is composed of two hundred
      brigands and five hundred fools. As long as I have three inches of steel
      at my side, I will never suffer it to reign or to shed blood by means of
      the revolutionary tribunals they have just established." All Dumouriez
      said was carefully treasured up in the minds of these commissioners, and,
      on their return, reported to the Jacobins. In the mean time, Dumouriez
      attempted to gain possession of the three important frontier fortresses of
      Lille, Condé, and Valenciennes. Some secret communication with friends was
      opened by him in these fortresses, but the convention had sent
      commissioners to each of them, and both the populace and the troops were
      declared republicans, so that his designs were frustrated. Thus
      unsuccessful, Dumouriez removed his head-quarters to the baths of Saint
      Arnaud. Meanwhile the convention had summoned him to their bar, and
      imagining that he would not come without compulsion, had despatched four
      of their members to bring him and win over his army. The commissioners
      transmitted their orders to Dumouriez, while they remained at Lille; and
      finding that he did not obey them, they resolved to proceed to the camp.
      Dumouriez received the commissioners at the head of his staff, but refused
      to quit his troops; at the same time he promised, at a calmer time, he
      would demand an investigation of his conduct, and give an explanation both
      of his actions and designs. In order to gain their point, the
      commissioners replied that no harm was meant to his person, and alleging
      the example of the ancient Roman generals, they contended that it was his
      duty to submit to the republic. To this Dumouriez rejoined, "Gentlemen, we
      are constantly committing mistakes in our quotations from the classics; we
      parody and disfigure Roman history in citing their virtues to excuse our
      crimes. The Romans did not kill Tarquin: the Romans had a well-regulated
      republic and good laws; and they had neither a Jacobin Club nor a
      revolutionary tribunal. We are plunged in anarchy; we are wading in
      blood." "Citizen general," said Camus, one of the commissioners, "will you
      obey the decree of the National Convention or not?" "Not exactly at this
      moment," replied Dumouriez. "Well then," continued Camus, "I declare, in
      the name of the convention, that you are no longer general of this army,
      and I order that your papers be seized, and that you be arrested," "This
      is very strong," replied Dumouriez, and calling for his German hussars, he
      ordered them to seize the commissioners, and to convey them to General
      Clairfait's head-quarters at Tournay, as hostages for the safety of the
      royal family of France. During that night Dumouriez drew up a proclamation
      to his army and to all France, in which he called upon all true Frenchmen
      to rise and rally round him and the monarchical constitution of 1791. His
      troops were informed of all that had happened on the following morning,
      and the measure was enthusiastically approved by those of the line and the
      artillery. Dumouriez, however, had enemies in his camp. He had an
      appointment with Colonel Mack, the Archduke Charles, and the Prince of
      Saxe-Cobourg on the 4th of April, in order to regulate future operations;
      and at an early hour on the morning of that day he set off with his staff;
      but he and his party had scarcely got upon the road which led to Condé,
      when they met two battalions of volunteers who were marching without
      order, and apparently without instructions. The design of these volunteers
      was to arrest Dumouriez and his party; and on discovering this they
      quitted the high-road and struck across the country, towards the Austrian
      lines, for protection. They reached Rury in the evening, where they were
      soon after joined by Saxe-Cobourg and Mack, who, with Dumouriez, passed
      the night in preparing a proclamation to be issued in the name of the
      Austrians, and in further explaining and settling the treaty between the
      French army and that of the emperor. But Dumourez was doomed to be
      disappointed. He still imagined that his regular troops were faithful to
      his person, and on the morrow he resolved to throw himself among them. His
      army, however, was now no more. Instigated by some emissaries from
      Valenciennes, who told them that Dumouriez was either killed or drowned,
      the artillery had risen upon their officers in the night, and had marched,
      with all their guns, baggage, and ammunition, for Valenciennes, whither
      they were soon followed by the troops of the line. When, therefore,
      Dumouriez returned in the morning to Saint Arnaud, his army was no more;
      and he with the Duke of Chartres, the Duke of Montpensier, Colonel
      Thouvenot, and the rest of his numerous staff', joined the Austrians. They
      were followed by the entire regiment of Berchingy, 1,500 strong, and some
      fragments of some French regiments, and the sons of Orleans. The rest of
      his army joined the camp at Famars, under Dampierre, who was now invested
      with the chief command. On the following day, Dumouriez issued a
      proclamation, which contained a recapitulation of his services to the
      French republic, and an animated picture of the outrages of the Jacobins
      and of the mischiefs to be apprehended from a continuation of anarchy in
      France; concluding with an exhortation to the French to restore the
      constitution of 1791, and a declaration on oath that he bore arms only for
      that purpose. This proclamation was accompanied by a manifesto on the part
      of Saxe Cobourg, now commander-in-chief of the armies of Austria,
      announcing that the allied powers were no longer to be considered as
      principals, but merely as auxiliaries of France; that they had no other
      object than to co-operate with the general in giving to France her
      constitutional king, and the constitution she formed for herself. These
      proceedings were no sooner known at Paris than the convention declared its
      sittings permanent, denounced Dumouriez as a traitor, and fixed a price on
      his head; banished all the Bourbons, and established that "committee of
      public safety," which was destined to complete the crimes and destroy the
      chief authors of the revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      This defection of Dumouriez gave great advantage to the Jacobins. They
      exclaimed that he was leagued with the Girondists, and that all were
      loyalists and traitors. Robespierre attacked many of them by name in the
      convention, and Marat denounced them in the popular assemblies. The
      committee of public safety, to which the plots of their enemies gave rise,
      seemed to promise advantage to the Girondists; but it served only to
      excite their adversaries more violently against them. The struggle between
      these contending parties at length approached a crisis. At this time
      Lyons, Orleans, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and La Vendee, indignant against the
      anarchists, were all declaring themselves for the party of moderation and
      the Girondists. These were startling events to the Jacobins, and they
      prepared to strike a blow which should prostrate their antagonists. A plot
      had been devised for their destruction, but it was discovered, and the
      infamous Hébert, who was at the head of of it, was thrown into prison.
      Tumults in the assembly and commotion in the city now became the order of
      the day; and at length, on the 25th of May, a furious multitude assembled
      at the hall of the convention, and loudly demanded the suppression of the
      committee of public safety and the liberation of Hébert. These proposals
      were resisted, but the Girondists could not long sustain the conflict with
      the Jacobins. On the 27th, the Sans-culotte bands of the anarchists
      appeared in a body at the door of the convention, bearing a general
      petition of the sections, and despite the expostulations of the assembly,
      they took their seats with the members, and, under the influence of
      terror, the commission of twelve was broken, and Hébert set at liberty. On
      the morrow, however, the convention boldly reversed this compulsory vote;
      at the same time seeking a compromise with the populace. But it was in
      vain that the Girondists sought to conciliate an enraged populace. On the
      2nd of June, the mob, under the command of Henriot, surrounded the hall of
      the convention, and thirty of the leaders of the Girondists were arrested.
      The political career of the Girondists, indeed, was now over: henceforth
      they were known only as individuals by their courage in the midst of
      calamity and death. Many of them saved themselves by concealment, others
      by flight, while many fell by their own hands, or were cut off by the axe
      of the executioner. Twenty-one of them languished in long imprisonment,
      until a decree of accusation was issued against them, and the guillotine
      ended their sufferings.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the Girondists, the last bulwark against the inbreaking tyranny fell.
      All the good lamented their fall, while the evil-disposed rejoiced. On
      their ruin the revolutionary government was formed. Robespierre, who
      directed all acts in the committee of public safety, became dictator,
      while his associates divided the departments among themselves, and the
      superintendence of the police was vested in a committee of general safety,
      possessed of formidable authority. One of the first results of this new
      order of things was a change in the divisions of the year, and the names
      of the months and of the days, which republican calendar soon led to the
      abolition of public worship. One of the prime leaders of this new movement
      was Marat, who did not long enjoy his triumph over the Girondists. He was
      assassinated by a young Norman girl, named Charlotte Corday, who fancied
      that by cutting him off she could destroy his party.
    </p>
    <p>
      The tyranny displayed in the capital, and the appearance of some of the
      proscribed Girondist deputies, stirred up the spirit of war in the
      provinces. The people of Normandy at once declared against the anarchists,
      and raised an army which, under General Wimpfen, pushed forward to Evreux,
      within a day's journey of Paris. The victorious insurgents of La Vendee
      also marched upon Nantes, in order to procure themselves a stronghold and
      a sea-port. Moreover, Bordeaux, indignant at the arrest of the deputies,
      despatched a remonstrance to Paris, and began to levy an army to second
      it; and Toulouse, Lyons, and Marseilles all arrayed themselves against the
      Jacobins. Their fall seemed inevitable, and they themselves anticipated
      such a consummation. Rendered desperate, thereby, they prepared to ward
      off the blow. In a brief period the republicans had on foot fourteen
      armies, consisting in the whole of 1,200,000 soldiers and the whole of the
      hostile provinces cowered before their arms.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime several engagements had taken place between the republican
      forces of France and those of the allied powers. After succeeding to the
      command, General Dampierre threw himself into the fortified camp of
      Famars, which covered Valenciennes, He made some attempts to cover Condé
      also, but that important fortress was securely invested by a part of the
      Austrian army; and the Duke of York soon after arriving with some English
      troops, it was resolved to make a vigorous attack along all that part of
      the French frontier, and to reduce Valenciennes, Condé, and Lisle. The
      supreme command of the armies, which consisted of. Austrians, Prussians,
      English, and Dutch, was held by General Clairfait. Against these Dampierre
      issued from his camp at Famars, on the eighth of April, but his best
      troops were beaten at all points, and he himself received a mortal wound.
      After this defeat the republicans fell into a lamentable state of
      discouragement and disorganization; General Lamarche, who had succeeded to
      the command, being a man of neither skill nor energy. Had the allied
      powers pushed forward, they might have carried the fortified camp of
      Famars without any difficulty; but they allowed a whole fortnight to
      elapse before they made the attempt; and then, reinforcements having been
      received, it was not carried before many lives were lost on both sides,
      and after all Lamarche was allowed to retire and occupy another fortified
      camp between Valenciennes and Bouehain. The allied armies now laid siege
      to Valenciennes, and it was in vain that General Custine, who had arrived
      to take the command of the French army, sought to relieve the place; it
      was captured towards the end of July, and the Duke of York took possession
      of it in the name of the Emperor of Germany. About the same time the
      garrison of Condé yielded themselves prisoners of war, and Mayence
      submitted to the Prussian arms. A few days later the French were driven
      from a strong position near the Scheldt, called Caesar's Camp.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this point the success of the allied armies during this campaign
      closed. Jealousies and dissensions had long existed in their camp; and
      after the French were driven from their position behind the Scheldt, a
      grand council of war was held, wherein it was determined that the British,
      Hanoverians, Dutch, and Hessians should form a distinct army, not
      dependent upon the co-operation of the Austrians. This was the origin of
      sad disasters; had they held together, and had they acted vigorously
      against the enemy's masses, which were weakened and depressed by defeat,
      it is probable that the object of the war would have been gained. The
      Prince of Saxe-Coburg and General Clairfait strongly opposed the fatal
      step; but the British army, conducted by the Duke of York, decamped, and
      moved towards Dunkirk, while the Imperialists sat down before Quesnoy. The
      Austrians were successful in their enterprise: after fifteen days the
      garrison of Quesnoy capitulated. A different fate awaited the British
      army. The Duke of York arrived in the vicinity of Menin on the 18th of
      August, where several severe contests took place, and the post of
      Lincelles, lost by the Dutch, was recovered by a gallant charge of the
      English guards, led on by General Sir John Lake. His royal highness now
      laid siege to Dunkirk, where he was attacked by Houchard and Jourdan, and
      from whence, after losing a great number of his forces, he was compelled
      to make a precipitate retreat. This victory excited great joy at Paris,
      and changed the aspect of the war from the German Ocean to the
      Mediterranean Sea. Relieved from the immediate danger of invasion, the
      convention had now time to mature its plans of conquest, and to organise
      its numerous troops. Houchard, however, did not follow up his success as a
      skilful general would have done. He neglected to concentrate his forces
      and to attack the English, and after a series of actions against detached
      corps and gaining a victory over the Dutch, he was defeated at Courtray by
      General Beau-lieu, and driven behind the Lys. His army sought shelter
      under the cannon of Lisle, but he was exposed to the fury of the
      convention; he was accused by his own officers, brought before the
      revolutionary tribunal, condemned, and executed.
    </p>
    <p>
      By this time the French had formed an overwhelming force on the Belgian
      frontier. Had they made a series of single concentrated attacks on the
      divided forces of the allies, they could scarcely have failed of crushing
      them in detail. Instead of acting thus, however, a scattered enemy was
      attacked by separate corps, and there was fighting from Dunkirk to
      Maubeuge, and from Maubeuge to Luxembourg.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the retreat of the Duke of York, the French attacked every post on
      that long frontier line, but were everywhere repulsed. They were more
      successful at Maubeuge. The Austrians, after the capture of Quesnoy, laid
      siege to this place, but the French under General Jourdan, attacked them
      in their trenches on the 15th of October, and after sustaining a great
      loss, forced them to raise the siege. Nothing more of importance was
      undertaken in Flanders, and both parties went into winter-quarters: the
      Austrians at Bavay, and the French at Guice. Jourdan was removed from the
      chief command, and it was conferred on Pichegru, who had all the talent,
      energy, and enterprise which the situation of the republicans demanded.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the capture of Mayence, and after having gained some trifling
      advantages in skirmishes on the Rhine, the King of Prussia, impatient to
      secure his iniquitous acquisitions in Poland, travelled with all speed
      into that country. The command of his army was given to the Duke of
      Brunswick, who was to act in concert with a small Austrian army under
      Wnrihser. These two generals drove the French from several strong posts,
      and expelled them from their fortified lines at Weissumberg, and from the
      fortified camp and triple lines a| Lauter. The Prussians then laid siege
      to Landau, while the Austrians invested Strasburg, the capital of the
      province of Alsace. The Austrians had been invited by the noblesse of
      Strasburg, and the convention in consequence despatched thither Saint Just
      and Lebas, who introduced the reign of terror, not only into the town, but
      also into the whole of Alsace, except where the Austrians were located.
      General Oustine was sent to Paris to be beheaded, and Saint-Just called
      young Hoche from Dunkirk and gave him the command of that army, which was
      now re-inforced by nearly the whole of the army of the Moselle. Wurmser
      was obliged to retreat, and Strasburg was left to the mercy of the two
      commissioners of the convention. General Hoche sought to get between
      Wurmser and the Duke of Brunswick, but he was repulsed and put to flight
      with the loss of three or four thousand men. The republican general then
      effected a junction with the French army of the Rhine, and with some
      troops collected by the commissioners in Alsace, and taking Wurmser by
      surprise, he defeated the Austrians, making many prisoners. On the 26th of
      December, aided by Desaix, Pichegru, and Michaud, General Hoche made an
      attack upon the lines of Weissemberg, and was on the point of driving the
      Austrians from thence, when he was checked by the Duke of Brunswick, who
      broke up the siege of Landau, in order to assist his allies. The Duke of
      Brunswick wished Wurmser, who, on the morrow, withdrew his army from the
      lines of Weissemberg, to remain on the left bank of the Rhine, until all
      his artillery and stores should be well advanced on the road towards
      Mayence; but the Austrian general would not consent to remain a single
      day, but crossed tlie Rhine, and left the duke to shift for himself. The
      duke conducted his army safely to Mayence, but he soon after resigned his
      command, with many bitter accusations against the Austrians. By the end of
      this year the French had not only recovered their old frontier lines in
      this direction, but had the whole of the Palatinate at their mercy. They
      soon appeared before Manheim, and Germany began to tremble for the safety
      of its own frontier.
    </p>
    <p>
      The most energetic opponents with whom the republicans had to contend in
      this campaign were the Spaniards. Two armies were formed in Spain; one of
      30,000 men to invade Rousillon; the other of 25,000, to penetrate France
      on the side of Bayonne. The former of these two armies, under Don
      Ricardos, gained several important victories, passed Perpignan, and
      interrupted the communication between Rousillon and Languedoc. Alarmed at
      the progress of this, formidable foe, the convention took energetic
      measures to reinforce their armies. Two divisions were ordered to advance
      against a corps of Spaniards under Don Juan Courten; and this being
      defeated, the republicans determined to assault the camp of the Spaniards
      at Truellas. The intrenchments were carried, and they were on the point of
      gaining a victory, when Don Ricardos arrived with his cavalry, and turned
      the fortune of the day: three French battalions laid down their arms, and
      4,000 were slain. The French general Davoust, however, having been
      reinforced by 15,000 men, compelled Don Ricardos to act on the defensive,
      and to retire to a strongly intrenched camp near Boulon. But Ricardos
      still showed himself to be a formidable foe. Having received
      re-inforcements in the beginning of December, he attacked and routed the
      republican army with a loss of 2,500 men, and this success was followed by
      the capture of Port Vendre and Collioure. Davoust's army was so much
      discouraged that whole battalions disbanded and returned home, and the
      national guards deserted their colours. The general announced to the
      convention that he was left with only 8,000 men; but Don Ricardos,
      ignorant of his opponent's condition, did not follow up his successes, and
      the arrival of reinforcements, sent from Toulon in the beginning of the
      next month, rescued France from peril in this quarter. The other force of
      the Spaniards, under Don Ventura Caro, crossed the Bidassoa, and on the
      1st of May drove the republicans from one of their intrenched camps,
      taking fifteen pieces of cannon; and on the 6th of June, after storming
      another camp and taking all its cannon and ammunition, forced the French
      troops into Saint Pied de Port. Having fortified some posts in the
      country, they repulsed a vigorous attack made by the Republican forces,
      and so crippled them that no movement of consequence could be undertaken
      during the rest of the campaign.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the side of the Alps, the King of Sardinia, having received some money
      from England, commenced the campaign with considerable vigour. He was
      reinforced by some fresh Austrian regiments, under the command of General
      Devins, and having collected the mass of their forces on the maritime
      Alps, they resolved to make a descent into the country of Nice, in order
      to wrest it from the French republicans, it being wholly in their hands.
      Before they descended, fortified camps were to be made, and sundry
      fortresses improved or reconstructed, to render it impossible, even in
      case of a reverse, that the French should force the passes of the
      mountain, and get into Piedmont on that side. Kellerman held the command
      in chief of the French army of the Alps, and towards the end of May he
      ordered Brunet, who commanded in Nice, to push forward to the crests of
      the maritime Alps, and dislodge the Piedmontese and Austrians, before they
      should have time to complete their fortifications. Brunet divided his army
      into four columns, giving them instructions to attack three of the more
      important points at once, and then to unite and fall upon Fort Raus, which
      was the strongest of all, and the key to all the country behind. The
      French columns ascended the steep heights on the 8th of June, and the
      Piedmontese were driven from every position except Fort Hans; but when
      they had ascended that loftier mountain, they were repulsed and, finally,
      driven down the mountain with great loss. The attack was renewed on the
      12th; but they were again repulsed from Fort Rtaus, and driven down the
      mountain, with a loss more dreadful than the first. The French,
      disheartened by these reverses, were obliged to confine themselves to the
      low country of Nice, and fearing the descent of the enemy, Kellerman
      placed strong detachments in the gorges through which they must have
      descended, and caused trenches to be dug and redoubts raised to impede
      their progress. But the King of Sardinia did not adhere to his purpose.
      General Devins was of opinion that while a part of the army should be left
      on the maritime Alps to keep the French forces in check, the greater part
      of the army, composed of the Austrians and of the best Piedmontese and
      Sardinian troops, should march through Savoy, drive the French out of that
      country, chastise the Savoyard Jacobins, and thence march straight on the
      populous city of Lyons. The King of Sardinia finally resolved to unite
      this plan with his own, and to pursue them both at the same time. His son,
      the Duke of Montferrat, was sent to drive the republicans out of Savoy and
      the Tarantaise; and though the duke took the field several weeks too late,
      he drove the French before him, took possession of the Tarantaise, and
      became master of the whole of Upper Savoy and of a great part of the low
      country. Instead of advancing rapidly upon Lyons, however, the Duke halted
      at Aigur Belle; and Keller-man, hearing of his successes, rushed from his
      camp at Tornns with reinforcements for the French camp at Conflans, and
      being joined by other republicans from Annecy and the country round
      Geneva, the Duke of Montferrat was obliged to retrace his steps, and to
      abandon everything he had gained on the eastern side of the Alps. The King
      of Sardinia had remained on the maritime Alps, and, like his son, began
      operations by driving the republicans before him. Descending from the
      crests of his mountain station, he made himself master of all the advanced
      posts and works of the French; but on the 18th of October he was repulsed
      with great loss at the bridge of Giletta, and then he retreated by the
      roads through which he had come, leaving Nice to the French, and depriving
      the English and Spaniards, with his other allies at Toulon, of any hope
      they might have entertained of future assistance from him.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before war was declared against Great Britain, the French resolved to make
      use of their sovereignty over the Mediterranean sea. Admiral Truguet was
      sent with nineteen ships of the line and some frigates to make the
      conquest of Sardinia, chiefly, it would appear, for the purpose of
      obtaining corn from that exuberantly fertile island. It was imagined by
      the French that the Sardinians, who were an unruly and turbulent people,
      were ripe for revolt, and that, therefore, with their aid, they would
      throw off the yoke of monarchy. But if the Sardinians were turbulent they
      were not disaffected; and, moreover, they had a mortal aversion for all
      changes, all projects, all foreigners, and all interlopers. Truguet soon
      discovered their temper. He sailed into the bay of Cagliari on the 24th of
      January; and as soon as he had anchored his great ships in front of the
      town, he sent an officer and twenty soldiers to summon the place, and to
      represent the advantages which the islanders would derive from a union
      with the French republic. No sooner, however, had the boat got within the
      range of their guns, than the Sardinians opened a fire upon it, and killed
      the officer and fourteen of his men, and wounding nearly all the rest.
      Truguet, enraged at such a reception, commanded a bombardment on the town,
      which lasted three days without any visible effect on its walls; and
      having suffered great loss from the red-hot shot of the garrison, he was
      compelled to haul off, and come to anchor at the mouth of the Gulf. About
      the same time an attack was made with the same ill-success on La Madalena,
      a small island belonging to the Sardinians in the Straits of Bonifacio, by
      a small republican force from Corsica, among which was Napoleon
      Buonaparte, It was months after Truguet's Sardinian adventure, when the
      English put to sea for the purpose of encountering the French fleet. On
      the 14th of July Lord Howe took the command of the channel-fleet; and
      though he kept cruizing till the 10th of December, and several times
      descried the French fleet, the services he rendered did not much exceed
      that of securing the safe arrival of our West-India convoys. The first
      encounter between two frigates of the hostile nations took place in the
      Channel; when the Nymph, of thirty-two guns, commanded by Captain Edward
      Pel-lew, captured the Cleopatra, of forty guns, commanded by one of the
      ablest officers in the French service. In the West Indies the French
      island of Tobago, St. Pierre, Miquelon, and Domingo were reduced; but at
      Martinique the English met with a repulse. In the East Indies all the
      small French factories were seized, and Pondicherry, which had been
      restored at the last peace, surrendered to General Brathwaite.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1793-1794
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of July Vice Admiral Lord Hood entered the Mediterranean
      with a small fleet, and presented himself before Toulon. Many old officers
      of the French navy were in this city, and they entered into a
      correspondence with Lord Hood suggesting the separate measures, of
      surrendering their fleet to him, and putting him in possession of the
      ports and forts. As a proof of their loyalty and sincerity, Hood called
      upon them to acknowledge Louis the Seventeenth, and upon that condition he
      promised the people of Toulon, together with those of Marseilles and other
      towns, all the support in his power. The sections met to deliberate upon
      this proposal; and notwithstanding the fierce opposition of the Jacobins,
      it was carried. Thus victorious, the majority put to death the president
      of the Jacobin club; persecuted and imprisoned many of their persecutors;
      and re-revolutionized everything. They committed themselves so deeply that
      they felt they had nothing to expect from the republicans but destruction;
      and as they were victorious at Marseilles, the counter-revolutionists
      concluded their treaty with Lord Hood; and thus the most important
      maritime place of the kingdom, with immense magazines, and with a fleet of
      seventeen ships of the line and five frigates, fell, without a stroke of
      the sword, into the hands of the English. Lord Hood, however, had scarcely
      put the port in order and taken possession of the town, before General
      Cartaux arrived with his victorious army from Marseilles, and cantoned
      himself in the surrounding villages and bastides. He was subsequently
      joined by volunteers and other corps; and Lord Hood, sensible that the
      most desperate efforts would be made to recover the place, and that his
      sailors and the French royalists would be unequal to its defence, applied
      in all directions for assistance. He was joined by the Spanish Admiral
      Langara, by some Neapolitan and Sardinian troops, and by other ships of
      the line and frigates from England, and subsequently by some troops from
      Gibraltar. Before active operations commenced General Cartaux was
      succeeded in the command of the republican forces by General Dugommier.
      But there was one in his army who was more skilful than Dugommier himself.
      This was Napoleon Buonaparte, who had served at Nice during the summer as
      a young officer of artillery, and in whom Dugommier placed the greatest
      confidence. Buonaparte was also in favour with the Jacobin commissioners
      of the convention; and though but a youth, he obtained the command of the
      whole besieging artillery. The executive at Paris sent a plan of attack to
      Dugommier, and the commander-in-chief assembled a council upon it.
      Dugommier thought the plan a good one, but Buonaparte suggested a better.
      He remarked: "All that you want is to force the English to evacuate
      Toulon. Instead of attacking them in the town, which must involve a long
      series of operations, try and establish batteries which shall sweep the
      harbour and the roadstead. If you can only drive away the ships, the
      troops will not remain." Buonaparte contrived to conduct the works
      according to his own plan, and his genius decided the fate of Toulon.
      After a series of operations, Lord Hood was compelled to evacuate the
      town, and its wretched inhabitants were left to the mercy of their furious
      republican conquerors. Dugommier subsequently strongly recommended
      Buonaparte to the notice of the convention, remarking, "that, if
      neglected, he would assuredly force his own way up." On this
      recommendation he was placed on the list for promotion, and confirmed in a
      provisional appointment of chef-de-battaillon in the army of Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The capture of Toulon crushed all hope of resistance to the Jacobins in
      the south of France. Every danger to the republican government of Paris,
      indeed, arising from an ill-converted and ill-directed confederacy, had
      been warded off in all quarters. At the commencement of the contest the
      allies had the advantage both in numbers and discipline; but this
      advantage was no match for that spirit which the revolution had infused
      into their opponents. Moreover, their adherence to the old system of
      warfare, and the policy of merely keeping up their contingents, soon
      exposed them to dispersion or annihilation, as the overthrow of all
      pacific employments in France enabled the convention to send out armies in
      large masses wherever danger was discovered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Revolutionized France, therefore, was left free to act and to conquer. And
      how fearfully the republicans acted, how cruelly they treated their
      vanquished foes, the pages of history unfolds. It has before been stated
      that in all the revolted provinces their arms during the year were finally
      victorious&mdash;wherever they conquered there followed vengeance. The
      most fearful scenes wore enacted in the Vendée. The inhabitants of this
      department, which is situated in the old province of Poitou, were
      terrified at the idea of liberty, which had never come before their
      understanding, and they repeated the execrations that priests and nobles
      threw out against the revolution and its leaders. From small beginnings a
      terrible storm arose: the insurrection which began in Lower Poitou
      extended the whole length of the Loire, both north and south of that
      river. In the space of one month there were forty thousand men under arms,
      and two months later, thrice that number threatened death to the
      republicans. In many bloody engagements the republican troops were
      defeated by them. During the battle-cry, "Vive Louis XVII! Vive Jesus
      Christ!" they rushed upon the soldiers of the republic, and in their
      native country appeared invincible. Alarmed at their valour and success,
      the convention, upon the proposal of Barrère, decreed the extermination of
      the Vendée within twenty-one days; and in order to carry this decree into
      execution they poured their troops from all sides into that doomed
      country. The decisive battle was won near Chollet: D Elbée and Beauchamp,
      two of their most noble leaders, fell, and then their soldiers, seized
      with terror, fled, and the republic celebrated the most bloody triumph.
      Humanity shudders at the atrocities which then ensued. The convention had
      proscribed the whole population of the Vendée, and its generals executed
      the dreadful proscription with tiger rage;&mdash;children, old men, and
      women were pitilessly massacred, and ruin marked the path of the victors.
      The bulk of the Vendee army had passed the Loire, where it was reinforced
      by many malcontents arriving from Bretagne, and after several victories
      intended to march upon Paris; whilst Charette with a small force occupied
      the most inaccessible parts of the Vendée, and conquered the islands of
      Boccin and Noirmoutier. But it was in vain that they struggled against the
      masses which the convention soon poured forth against them.
    </p>
    <p>
      After changing results, the death-blow was given to them at Maus, in the
      month of December: 20,000 then fell in the field of battle, and, soon
      after, the remnant of their army was annihilated. Again vengeance fell
      upon the inhabitants of the Vendée: columns sur-named "Infernal" inarched
      through the country in all directions, destroying thousands of its
      inhabitants, and carrying thousands more as prisoners to Nantes, where
      they were delivered over to the tiger-fangs of the monster Carrier. Doomed
      to death, they were there either crushed in bodies by the cannon's
      thunder, slain with the sword, or drowned by hundreds in the Loire.
      Similar atrocities filled Lyons, the ornament of the south of France; and
      Bordeaux and Marseilles suffered the like hard fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nor was Paris, the seat of the revolution, free from scenes of slaughter.
      As it has been said of Rome, she did "fearful execution on herself." After
      the fall of the Girondists, their mortal foes, the Jacobins, proceeded to
      establish the most democratic constitution that ever existed. From that
      time the committee of public safety, now composed of decimvirs under the
      infamous, Robespierre, exercised all the powers of government, ruling the
      provinces, generals, and armies, with despotic sway, by means of its
      commissioners, and exercising, by the revolutionary tribunal, supreme
      authority over both property and life. Every section of the community was
      held in terror by this miscalled "committee of public safety." Even the
      representatives of the people, which thought itself called to liberate the
      world, and with them the whole people, trembled before these few tyrants,
      who, elevated from the dust by the power of accidents more than by that of
      genius, displayed a hideousness never yet beheld. "The whole people was in
      fearful excitement by anger, by fear, and love of liberty; and the
      terrorists, grasping at the terrible as the only means of salvation,
      manifested hereby the fever convulsions of the nation." The prisons in
      Paris were, during this year, filled with all that yet remained of dignity
      or virtue in the republic; while thousands upon thousands perished by the
      blood-stained guillotine. The "committee of public safety," consisting of
      Robespierre, Barrère, Billaud, Varennes, Callot d' Herbois, Carnott,
      Prieux, Lindet, Couthon, Saint Just, and Jean Bon Saint André, sat almost
      uninterruptedly, dealing destruction to all around. A law, to the
      application of which an unlimited extension was given, exposed even the
      suspicious to the mercy of this revolutionary tribunal. Every day new
      victims, both in Paris and in the provinces, were sent to the guillotine.
      Among the more afflicting tragic scenes of these fearful times was the
      execution of Marie Antoinette. She,&mdash;the once all-powerful queen of
      France, she,&mdash;the daughter of Maria Theresa, sister of three
      emperors, and aunt of one emperor still living,&mdash;after she had
      languished many months in prison, was finally dragged before the criminal
      tribunal, condemned, and carried in a cart to the place of execution. So
      perished the innocent Princess Elizabeth, the sister of the slain monarch;
      and so fell the criminal Duke of Orleans. But the terrorists murdered not
      only princes and royalists, but also acknowledged friends of the
      revolution. The "Mountain" party even turned its rage against itself:
      Chaumette, Hébert, and Anarcharsis Cloots, all fierce demagogues and heads
      of the common-council of Paris, were arrested by order of the "committee
      of public safety," and executed with sixteen of their partisans. Thus
      perished also their violent enemies the Cordeliers, among whom were Danton
      and Desmoulins; and thus fell several of the most successful generals of
      the republic. This unheard-of tyranny continued for eighteen months,
      during which space of time one million of persons perished, as is proved
      by detailed calculations, by the hand of the assassin and the executioner:
      others died of grief and misery. Many of these perished in the provinces,
      for the furious "Sansculottes" were commissioned to march through the
      bleeding kingdoms carrying along with them a movable guillotine, beneath
      which thousands perished. And these made war, not only upon their species,
      but upon the arts and sciences, which they regarded as allies of the
      aristocracy. Scenes of folly alternated with those of rage and brutality:
      Vandalism obtained the possession of the beautiful country of France. The
      fine tone of society was superseded by the rudest manners; and even the
      better sort affected them that they might not be suspected of favouring
      aristocracy. As a climax to their folly and madness, the republicans even
      assailed religion. First, the republican calendar was substituted for the
      Christian calendar; then, the celebration of the Christian festivals was
      restricted; and, finally, the ordinary worship gave place to the so-named
      "service of reason," as the emblem of which prostitutes were placed upon
      the altar. Such was the liberty for which the French had contended&mdash;such
      the liberty for which some in England would even at the close of this year
      have obtained, at the price of the blessings which they enjoyed under a
      monarchical and free constitution.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Scorn and contempt forbid me to proceed!
     But history, time's slavish scribe, will tell,
     How rapidly the zealots of the cause
     Disbanded&mdash;or in hostile ranks appeared;
     Some tired of honest service; these, outdone,
     Disgusted, therefore, or appalled by aims
     Of fiercer zealots&mdash;so confusion reigned,
     And the more faithful were compelled to exclaim
     As Brutus did to virtue&mdash;
     'Liberty, worshipped thee, and find thee but a shade.'
            &mdash;Wordsworth."
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1794-1795
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... The   Militia  augmented.....
     Suspension   of  the Habeas Corpus Act..... Agitation in
     England and Scotland..... introduction of Foreign
     Troops..... The Slave-trade Question..... Motion on behalf
     of La Fayette..... Motion of Inquiry into the recent
     Failures of our Armies..... The Trial of Warren
     Hastings..... The Prorogation of Parliament..... Ministerial
     Appointments..... Embassy to China, &amp;e...... Corsica annexed
     to the Crown of England..... Lord Howe's Naval Victory.....
     British Conquests in the West Indies..... Disputes in
     America..... Military Operations on the Continent..... The
     internal Condition  of France..... Convention with Sweden
     and Denmark..... The State of Poland..... Meeting of
     Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1794
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      THE British parliament assembled on the 21st of January. In his opening
      speech, the king observed, that he and his subjects were engaged in a
      momentous contest, on the issue of which depended the maintenance of the
      constitution, laws, and religion of the country, and the security of all
      civil society. Having mentioned the advantages obtained by the
      confederated powers, he added, that the circumstances by which their
      progress had been impeded not only proved the necessity of vigour and
      perseverance, but confirmed the expectation of ultimate success. Their
      enemies, he said, had derived the means of temporary exertion from a
      system which enabled them to dispose of the lives and property of the
      people; but these efforts, which were productive of internal discontent
      and confusion, would tend to exhaust the national and real strength of the
      country. His majesty regretted the necessity of continuing the war; but he
      thought that he should ill consult the interests of his people, if he
      desired peace on any grounds exclusive of a due provision for their
      permanent safety, and for the independence and security of Europe. An
      attack had been made on him and his allies, founded on principles tending
      to the destruction of all property, to the subversion of the laws and
      religion of every civilized nation, and to the general introduction of a
      horrible system of rapine, anarchy, and impiety. Amendments to the address
      were moved in both houses, but they were rejected by large majorities; in
      the lords, by ninety-seven against twelve, and in the commons, by two
      hundred and seventy-seven against fifty-nine. Fox, Sheridan, Lords
      Lansdowne and Lauderdale, and others, persevered in maintaining the
      inexpediency of war, as well as the improbability of success; they denied
      that France had been hostile to England; they foretold her career of
      conquests, and predicted disappointment to the nation, similar to that
      which had been experienced at the close of the American war; they repeated
      all their arguments in favour of peace: but it was all to no purpose; the
      majority in both houses were convinced that there could be no radical
      peace, except France was humbled. On every occasion, though sure of
      exhibiting their numerical weakness at every division, Fox and his friends
      attacked the war measures of government. On the vote for augmenting the
      navy to 85,000 men, they agreed with ministers, but when it was proposed
      to raise the regular army to 60,000, they renewed their opposition with
      all their vigour. At a subsequent date, the 17th of February, the Marquess
      of Lansdowne moved an address to "represent to his majesty the extreme
      improbability of conquering France; that the dismemberment of France, if
      attainable, would augment the strength of the powers most to be dreaded;
      that opinions cannot be controlled by arms; that experience has
      demonstrated the futility of every attempt to interfere in the internal
      government of France, even if the justice were problematical; and that we
      must incur the keenest reproaches, if we encouraged further revolts in a
      country where we had been unable to save those who put confidence in us
      from extermination and ruin&mdash;therefore to implore his majesty to
      declare, without delay, his disposition to make peace upon such just,
      disinterested, and liberal terms as were calculated to render the peace
      lasting, and that he would signify this intention to his allies, that a
      stop might be put to the effusion of human blood." This motion was
      seconded by the Duke of Grafton, but it was negatived by one hundred and
      three against thirteen. Every effort of the opposition, indeed, to stem
      the tide of war proved fruitless. It was resolved to carry it on with
      vigour; and, to meet the extraordinary exertions, a loan of £11,000,000
      was voted by parliament, and some new taxes granted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MILITIA AUGMENTED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of March Pitt moved for an augmentation of the militia, and for
      the levy of a volunteer force of horse and foot; intimating that the
      chances of war might expose Britain to an invasion. During the debate
      which followed this motion, Fox and his party taunted ministers with
      having produced such a prospect by their war measures; and strong
      objections were taken to a requisition circulated by ministers, and to a
      subscription entered into by country gentlemen and others, for the purpose
      of providing arms and other necessaries for the volunteer corps. Sheridan
      moved "That it was dangerous and unconstitutional for the people of this
      country to make any loan of money to the crown without consent of
      parliament;" but the previous question was carried by a large majority.
      Subsequently, Pitt brought in a bill to enable French royalists and
      emigrants to enlist in the service of the king of Great Britain on the
      continent of Europe, and to employ French officers as engineers, under
      certain restrictions. Two amendments were offered: one by the
      attorney-general, to exact the oath of allegiance from those who enlisted;
      the other by Sheridan, to limit the number of such French troops at any
      time stationed in the kingdom, to 5,000. Both these amendments were
      adopted; and, notwithstanding the opposition of Fox and his party, the
      bill was carried in the commons by the usual majority, and it subsequently
      passed the Lords. About this time, parliament was informed, by royal
      message, that a large subsidy had been granted to the King of Prussia.
      This was criticised and condemned by opposition in the severest manner, as
      were all the subsidiary treaties concluded with some of the powers of the
      coalition, who were too poor to maintain the expenses of the war without
      English money. But every motion on these subjects was carried by a large
      majority. On the other hand, every motion tending to put an end to the war
      was negatived by overwhelming numbers. Thus, when, on the 30th of May, the
      Duke of Bedford moved a series of resolutions to this end, in the lords,
      and Fox in the commons, the former was defeated by one hundred and
      thirteen against twelve, and the latter, by two hundred and eight against
      fifty-five. By this time opposition had still further reverses on the
      theatre of war to urge against its continuance, but these arguments were
      rendered futile by the intelligence which came, at the same time, of the
      augmented and still augmenting atrocities in France, which encouraged
      members of parliament to believe that such a system could not sustain
      itself for any length of time. And this feeling was prevalent among the
      people. On hearing of the reverses, opposition, and men of the same
      principles in private life, made great efforts to get up popular petitions
      for a peace; but the majority of the people had conceived a horror of the
      French republicans, and, except among some political clubs, no progress
      was made in this business; and the petitions got up among such clubs were,
      of course, unheeded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 12th of May a royal message was delivered, referring to the
      seditious practices of democratic societies, and intimating the necessity
      of taking measures for baffling their dangerous designs. The message
      stated that seditious practices had been carried on by societies in London
      in correspondence with other societies, for the purpose of assembling a
      convention to represent the people, in defiance of and in opposition to
      parliament, and on principles subversive of our constitution, and
      calculated to introduce anarchy similar to that in France; that the papers
      of these societies had been seized, and would be laid before parliament;
      and that his majesty recommended them carefully to examine these papers,
      and to adopt such measures as might appear necessary. These papers were
      produced on the next day, and Pitt moved an address of thanks to the king,
      and proposed that the papers should be referred to a committee of secrecy,
      consisting of twenty-one persons, who should be chosen by ballot. This was
      agreed to, and on the 16th of May Pitt produced the report of this
      committee of secrecy. This report did not reveal anything very mysterious,
      for it merely contained the report of the two London societies from the
      year 1731, most of which had been already published, by the societies
      themselves, in the public papers. Yet Pitt, on the strength of this
      report, demanded the immediate suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, as
      necessary to the salvation of the country. In this demand he was supported
      by Burke, who said that it was the best means of preventing the vast and
      imminent dangers with which we were menaced; and by Windham, who observed
      that if these evils could not be averted by the laws in being, other laws,
      more stringent, must be framed. The bill was carried, through all its
      stages, by overwhelming majorities, and it also passed the lords, though
      not without a strong-protest from the Duke of Bedford, and the Earls
      Stanhope, Lauderdale, and Albemarle. An address was moved in the upper
      house, on the 13th of June, by Lord Grenville, to assure the king of their
      lordships' loyalty and determination to punish the participators in the
      conspiracy which had been laid before them, and to invest his majesty, if
      needful, with additional power for the suppression of attempts against
      government. This was warmly opposed by Lord Lauderdale; but the address
      was carried, and sent to the commons for their approval. Fox&mdash;after
      endeavouring to show that there was no ground for apprehension; that
      though seditious language might have been uttered, it would be imprudent
      to notice it;&mdash;moved to omit that part of the address which expressed
      the conviction that a conspiracy had been carried on against the
      constitution, but his amendment was rejected, and the house concurred in
      the address as sent down by the lords.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AGITATION IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although government had scarcely so much cause of alarm at the movements
      of political bodies as it exhibited, yet that there was some cause for
      fear there can be no reasonable doubt. This is manifest from the state
      trials which occurred at this period. One of the first of these trials
      took place at the Lancaster spring assizes. Mr. Thomas Walker, of
      Manchester, a strenuous advocate for parliamentary reform, at whose house
      meetings for political purposes were occasionally held, was indicted, with
      nine other persons, for conspiracy to overturn the constitution by arms,
      and to assist the French in case of an invasion. The principal evidence
      adduced was a person of the name of Dunn; but his testimony was so
      contradictory that the prosecution was abandoned, and Dunn was committed
      to prison to take his trial for perjury. Soon after this a rumour was
      raised of a design to assassinate the king, and some persons were arrested
      and committed for trial; but they were soon after liberated, and the story
      fell into contempt under the popular designation of the "Pop-gun Plot;" it
      being averred that the king's death was to be encompassed by shooting him
      with an instrument resembling a walking-stick. More important proceedings
      subsequently took place in the Sessions-House at Clerkenwell. At this time
      the London Corresponding Society counted more than 30,000 members in its
      association, and it fully justified its title by entering into
      correspondence with every seditious club in the kingdom. According to a
      Jacobinical expression, it soon affiliated itself with the Constitutional
      Society; their respective secretaries&mdash;Thomas Hardy, a shoemaker, and
      Daniel Adams, an under-clerk&mdash;making known to the world the results
      of their deliberations, signed and sanctioned by their names and
      authorities. Hardy's club, that of the London Corresponding Society,
      however, exercised a species of metropolitan jurisdiction over all. By
      means of the handbills and pamphlets which this club circulated, and by
      means of its lecturers and the meetings it concocted, a union of all the
      clubs was formed; and this union finally arrived at a complete
      organization, with a central board in London, a division into provinces
      and districts, and a list of members, approaching to half a million, in
      correspondence or direct connexion. Government thought it high time now to
      interfere; and, suspecting the machinations of the ring-leaders, they
      adopted the usual policy under such circumstances, of employing spies to
      become members, in order to betray the secrets with which they may be
      entrusted. The morality of such a practice may be questioned; but policy,
      and not morality, is too frequently the doctrine of even the
      best-regulated states. The scheme, however, succeeded. In consequence of
      the discoveries of these spies, Hardy, Adams, Martin, an attorney, Loveit,
      a hair-dresser, the Rev. Jeremiah Joyce, preceptor to Lord Mahon, John
      Thelwall, the political lecturer, John Home Tooke, the philologist, Thomas
      Holcroft, the dramatist, Steward Kydd, a barrister, with several others,
      were all arraigned at the Old Bailey. The papers of Hardy and Adams had
      been seized, and an indictment was made out, which contained no less than
      nine overt acts of high-treason, all resolving themselves into the general
      charge, that the prisoners conspired to summon delegates to a national
      convention, with a view to subvert the government, to levy war against the
      existing authorities of the country, and to depose the king. The evidence
      adduced, however, did not bear out this strong indictment. Hardy, Home
      Tooke, and Thelwall were tried and acquitted; and then the crown lawyers
      abandoned all the other prosecutions, and those who had been indicted were
      liberated.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the mean time some trials had taken place in Scotland which resulted in
      a different manner to those which had occurred in the Old Bailey. Thomas
      Muir, a Scotch barrister, and the Rev. Fysche Palmer, a Unitarian preacher
      at Dundee, had been tried for sedition, convicted, and sentenced to
      transportation. This excited considerable alarm among their friends and
      associates in England, and attracted the attention of some members of
      parliament. Early in the session Mr. Adams moved, in the house of commons,
      for leave to bring in a bill for making some important alterations in the
      criminal law of Scotland; and this being refused, he gave notice that he
      would bring forward a motion for the relief of Muir and Palmer, in another
      form. In the meantime Sheridan presented a petition from Palmer,
      representing that he conceived the sentence passed upon him by the
      high-court of justiciary, from which there was no appeal, to be unjust.
      Dun-das startled those who were about to plead for the prisoners, by
      intimating that the sentence was already executed, and that the warrant
      for the transportation of Palmer was both signed and issued. Nevertheless
      Pitt found himself compelled to allow the reception of the petition. But
      petitions on the table of the house of commons are not always successful
      in their prayer. On the 10th of March Mr. Adams moved for a copy of the
      record to be laid before the house, upon the ground of which he meant to
      question the legality of the sentence. He undertook to prove that, by the
      lav/ of Scotland, the crime imputed to them, of "lease-making," was only
      subject to fine, imprisonment, or banishment, and not to transportation;
      and that the acts attributed to Muir and Palmer did not even amount to
      that crime. Adams supported his legal positions with extensive knowledge,
      both judicial and historical; endeavouring to establish them by statute,
      analogy, and precedent, as well as by civil and political reasons. He
      showed that the acts, cases, and decisions which he brought forward were
      not detached and isolated, but all resulting from the same spirit and
      principles, established in the best times and by the highest authorities.
      He also contended that transportation was not a part of the Scottish law
      before the union, and that since the union no act had been passed allowing
      Scotch courts to transport in cases of sedition. Finally, he forcibly
      stated the evils, moral and political, which must result from a perversion
      of the law. The Scottish court and its sentence were defended by the
      lord-advocate, who had officially acted against Muir and Palmer, and by
      Pitt and Windham, while Fox supported Mr. Adams. The lord-advocate
      contended that the Scotch laws were better than the English for the
      punishment of libels and the suppression of seditious practices; and the
      majority of the house seemed to agree with him, for the motion was
      negatived by one hundred and seventy-one against thirty-two. Motions made
      in favour of the two convicts in the upper house, by Earls Lauderdale and
      Stanhope, were not more successful; and the lord-chancellor afterwards
      carried a resolution that "there were no grounds for interfering with any
      of the criminal courts as administered under the constitution, and by
      which the rights, liberties, and properties of all ranks of subjects were
      protected."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INTRODUCTION OF FOREIGN TROOPS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of March a message from his majesty informed the house of
      commons that a body of Hessians was placed in temporary winter-quarters at
      Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, with a view to co-operate with the
      royalists in Brittany and the neighbouring districts. As similar cases had
      occurred at different periods, and as the cause and necessity of such a
      measure were obvious, it was concluded by government that the usual
      communication of the fact to parliament would be satisfactory; but
      opposition contended that Pitt ought to have moved for a bill of
      indemnity; and he was charged with having violated the Bill of Rights and
      the Act of Settlement. Mr. Grey moved, as a resolution of the house, that
      to employ foreigners in any situation of military trust, or to bring
      foreign troops into the kingdom, without the consent of parliament first
      had and obtained, is contrary to law. This motion, however, was negatived;
      and propositions made in both houses, at a subsequent date, for a bill of
      indemnity, met with no better success, ministers contending that it would
      be absurd to indemnify measures which were in themselves both justifiable
      and constitutional.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session, a bill, brought forward by Wilberforce and
      supported by Pitt, for the abolition of that branch of the slave-trade by
      which we had supplied the islands, was passed by the commons, despite the
      strenuous opposition of the West Indian interest. It was, however, thrown
      out in the house of lords, and a motion for referring to a committee the
      further hearing of evidence concerning the slave-trade was likewise
      negatived.
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON BEHALF OF LA FAYETTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 17th of March General Fitzpatrick moved for an addresss to his
      majesty, beseeching him to intercede with the King of Prussia for the
      release of La Fayette, who was confined in one of his prisons. The
      situation of La Fayette and his companions excited the sympathy of many
      persons; but there were others who had no fellow-feeling for them. Burke
      said, that La Fayette, instead of being termed an "illustrious exile," was
      then, and ought always to be, an outcast of the world; who, having no
      talents to guide or influence the storm which he had laboured to raise,
      fled like a coward from the bloodshed and massacre in which he had
      involved so many thousands of unoffending persons and families. Pitt
      denied that La Fayette's conduct had ever been friendly to the genuine
      cause of liberty; and affirmed that the interference required would be
      setting up ourselves as guardians of the consciences of foreign
      potentates. The motion was negatived by a large majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE RECENT FAILURES OF OUR ARMIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As all the efforts of opposition to procure a termination of the war, or a
      dissolution of alliances with foreign potentates, had failed, they now
      proceeded to inquire how far the objects proposed had been obtained, and
      what was the probability of ultimate success. After reviewing the measures
      and events of the last campaign, in a speech of considerable ability,
      Major Maitland moved for a committee to inquire into the causes which led
      to the failure of the army under the Duke of York, and to the evacuation
      of Toulon. In reply it was urged, that though the possession of Dunkirk
      would have been a valuable acquisition, its conquest was impracticable,
      from the enormous efforts of the French; and that the same cause
      occasioned the evacuation of Toulon. On a general view of the campaign it
      was stated that the British arms had acquired great glory; and the house
      seemed to be of this opinion, for the motion was negatived by a great
      majority.
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    <h2>
      THE TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of March, Burke moved for a committee to inspect the journals
      of the lords relative to the proceedings of the trial of Warren Hastings;
      and to report the facts and observations on them to the house. Leave being
      given, he diligently set to work, and the report, occupying nearly two
      hundred pages, was made on the 17th of April; and it is said, by competent
      judges, to be one of the most able and elaborate papers that have come
      from his pen. It was published, without authority, in form of a pamphlet;
      and Lord Thurlow embraced an early opportunity of venting his indignation
      against both its publication and its contents. He characterised it as
      "disgraceful and indecent, tending to misrepresent and vilify the conduct
      of judges and magistrates intrusted with the administration of justice and
      the laws of the country." Burke made a pointed reply to this charge on the
      following day, in his seat in the house of commons. He remarked:&mdash;"It
      accuses the judges neither of ignorance nor corruption: whatever it says,
      it does not say it calumniously; that kind of language belongs to persons
      whose eloquence entitles them to a free use of epithets. The report states
      that the judges had given their opinion secretly, contrary to the almost
      uninterrupted tenor of parliamentary usage. It states that the opinions
      were given, not on the law, but on the case. It states that the mode of
      giving opinions was unprecedented, and contrary to the privileges of the
      house of commons. It states that the committee did not know on what rules
      and principles the judges had decided in those cases, as they neither
      heard them, nor are they entered on the journals. It is very true that we
      were and are extremely dissatisfied with those opinions, and the
      consequent determination of the lords; and we do not think such a mode of
      proceeding at all justified by the most numerous and best precedents. The
      report speaks for itself: whenever an occasion shall be regularly given to
      maintain everything of substance in that paper, I shall be ready to meet
      the proudest name for ability, learning, or rank, which this kingdom
      contains on that subject." This reply of Burke contains an allusion to the
      result of this long-pending trial, as will be seen. Hastings was
      acquitted. As for the gauntlet which Burke threw down, no one seemed
      inclined to take it up; and Burke soon after quitted the house of commons
      for ever, he accepting the Chiltern Hundreds. But before Burke left the
      house, Pitt moved the thanks of the commons to him and the other managers,
      "for their faithful management in discharge of the trust reposed in them."
      This motion was carried; and Burke in his reply observed, that prejudices
      against himself, arising from personal friendship or obligations to the
      accused, were too laudable for him to be discomposed at them. He had
      thrown out no general reflections on the Company's servants; he had
      merely-repeated what Mr. Hastings himself had said of the troops serving
      in Oude, and the house had marked their opinion of the officers in the
      very terms he used. As for other expressions attributed to him, they had
      been much exaggerated and misrepresented. This was the last day that this
      philosophical statesman took his seat in the house of commons. Among his
      last words were a warning to the country to beware of the fate of France.
      But this warning was now scarcely needed. He had sounded the trumpet of
      alarm with such effect for several sessions, that the nation was roused to
      a sense of danger, and was prepared to ward off the blow by its most
      vigorous efforts. He had rendered a noble service, not only to his own
      generation, but to posterity&mdash;not only to his own country, but to
      every nation in Europe.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July. In his speech his majesty
      congratulated the lords and commons on the victory obtained over the
      French at sea on the 1st of June, and the acquisitions made in the East
      and West Indies. He also took occasion again to urge the two houses to
      persevere with increased vigour and exertion in the present contest,
      against a power irreconcilably hostile in its principles and spirit to all
      regular and established governments.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MINISTERIAL APPOINTMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the conclusion of the session, the Portland party joined the
      ministerial ranks. The Duke of Portland received a blue riband, with the
      office of third secretary of state; Earl Spencer accepted the privy seal,
      which he soon laid aside to preside over the admiralty; and Mr. Windham,
      was made secretary at war. Before the close of the year, Lord Fitzwilliam
      was promoted to the vice-royalty of Ireland, in the place of Lord
      Westmoreland; the Earl of Mansfield succeeded to the presidency of the
      council; and Lord Chatham, brother to the premier, was made lord
      privy-seal. About the same time ten new peers were created. These measures
      greatly strengthened the administration; and at the same time confirmed
      the existing disunion of the old whig party.
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    <h2>
      EMBASSY TO CHINA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Government had some time ago despatched Lord, Macartney on an embassy to
      China, and about this time the result of his mission became known. The
      embassy had been fitted out without any reasonable ground of success; but
      it was still expected that it might be the means of establishing a
      communication with that great empire. But the event did not answer these
      expectations. His lordship was received with suspicion, and ordered to
      depart as soon as he had made some costly presents, and received some
      trifling ones in return, being refused even a few days' delay. As one of
      the ambassador's suite observed, "They entered Pekin like paupers,
      remained in it like prisoners, and quitted it like vagrants."
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    <h2>
      CORSICA ANNEXED TO THE CROWN OF ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The nation was somewhat consoled for this failure by the annexation of
      Corsica to the crown of Great Britain; an event which, from its political
      importance, was a topic of ministerial exultation. After the disaster at
      Toulon, Lord Hood sailed to this island, which was in a state of revolt
      against the government. He landed three thousand soldiers and marines, and
      these nearly effected the reduction of the island by the capture of
      Bastia, which capitulated on honourable terms. Calvi, the only
      remaining-stronghold of the republicans, was then besieged, and on the 1st
      of August it surrendered to the British arms. Paoli and the aristocratical
      party then offered the cession of the island to the King of Great Britain,
      which was accepted. Efforts were made to confer the blessings of the
      British constitution on the rude islanders, but they were not successful;
      while one party looked to England, the other cast their eyes on France.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LORD HOWE'S NAVAL VICTORY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About the middle of April, the ships composing the Channel fleet,
      commanded by Lord Howe, assembled at St. Helen's. It consisted of
      thirty-two sail of the line and nine frigates; but six of the ships of the
      line and four frigates were detached under Rear Admiral Montague, to
      escort some outward-bound convoys off Cape Finisterre. With the remainder
      of the fleet Lord Howe proceeded to Ushant, to look after the Brest fleet
      and a French convoy which were expected to arrive from America and the
      West Indian Islands. The French convoy escaped Howe's vigilance, and
      arrived safely in the French ports; but he caught sight of the French
      fleet on the 28th of May, and on the evening of that day he attacked a
      part of their line. As it grew dark the firing ceased; but the two fleets
      kept within sight of each other until the 1st of June, when they came to a
      regular engagement. In the size of their vessels, in the aggregate number
      of their guns, and in the weight of metal, the French had a considerable
      superiority; and they had also twenty-six ships of the line, while, at the
      time of the engagement, Lord Howe had twenty-five&mdash;one, the
      "Audacious," having separated, on the 28th, in a shattered condition. Lord
      Howe, however, having discovered the French early on the morning of the
      1st of June, about three or four miles to leeward, in order of battle,
      immediately stood towards them. At about seven in the morning, he was
      abreast of them, and then he wore to the larboard tack, the French
      awaiting his approach in the same position. The signal for action was made
      about half-past eight o'clock, orders having previously been given for the
      fleet to close, to pass through the French line, and engage them to
      leeward, van to van, rear to roar, every ship engaging her opposite in the
      enemy's line. Some of the ships, as the "Defence," the "Marlborough," the
      "Royal George," the "Queen," the "Brunswick," and the "Nott," were enabled
      thus to engage the enemy; but the far greater part of them engaged their
      adversaries to windward, thus enabling the French, when defeated, to get
      off before the wind. Howe's own ship engaged that of Villaret Joyeuse, the
      French admiral; and these two opened their fire a little after nine
      o'clock, and at nearly the same time the action became general in the
      centre. Villaret Joyeuse's ship mounted 120 guns, and it was so lofty that
      it frequently waved its ensign over the quarter-deck of the "Queen
      Charlotte." But it was soon discovered that the French could not withstand
      that close fighting; after having manfully fought for about an hour,
      Villaret Joyeuse gave way, and stood off to the northward, followed by all
      his ships that could carry sail. Ten of them were left behind almost
      totally dismasted, and nearly surrounded by the English; and seven of
      these fell into the hands of the victors. One of them had received so many
      shots between wind and water, that she filled and went down almost as soon
      as the English flag was hoisted on her. After securing the other six, Lord
      Howe made the signal for his fleet to close round him, with the intention
      of again attacking Villaret Joyeuse, if he should attempt to retrieve the
      fortune of the day; but the French admiral thought of nothing but of
      securing his retreat. On the side of the English the number of killed was
      279, and of wounded 877; while in the six captured ships alone the killed
      were 690, and the wounded 580. More than 300 were supposed to have gone
      clown in the ship which sunk, and the number of prisoners removed is
      stated at 2,300. On board the French fleet was Jean Bon Saint André, the
      friend and creature of Robespierre; and he was there on commission, to
      remind every officer and man of the guillotine, and of the duty he owed to
      the republic. Jean Bon Saint André wished himself ashore as soon as the
      battle commenced; and, in bold defiance of facts which had been witnessed
      by many thousands of individuals, he declared, in his report to the
      convention, that the English had thirty-six ships of the line; that the
      battle lasted from ten in the morning to three in the afternoon; and that
      the English, after having seen several of their ships sunk, finally
      sheered off with all the sail they could carry. Barrère, the reporter and
      oracle of the committee of public safety, even outstripped Bon Saint André
      in the strength of lying and power of invention: he amused the national
      convention with an account of the victory of the republican fleet, far
      more fabulous than the commissioner's. Some of his statements, gross and
      unfounded as they were, have even been adopted by historians; especially
      by those who give credit to French writers. Thus Barrère asserted, that
      the republicans on board the ship which sunk soon after the English flag
      was hoisted on her, refused, to a man, to seek safety by surrendering,
      fought their lower-deck guns till the water reached them, and, having
      hoisted every flag, pennant, and streamer, went down with her, shouting <i>Vive
      la Republique! Vive la France!</i> and that the last thing which
      disappeared beneath the waves was the tri-coloured flag. This splendid
      fiction, or, more properly speaking, gross falsehood, was seized upon by
      poets and painters of every grade of genius; poems and pictures on it
      appearing in great abundance. But the very reverse of all this was the
      fact. Instead of challenging certain death and glorying in their fate, the
      crew of the ship in question, the "Vengeur," who had fought bravely,
      substituted the British union-jack for the republican ensign, and spread
      themselves over the sides and rigging of the ship, stretching out their
      hands to their enemies, and imploring assistance. Some of them were saved;
      but the crowds which attempted to spring into each boat threatening those
      who came to their assistance, as well as themselves, with destruction,
      checked the compassionate zeal of their conquerors, and compelled them to
      leave the poor wretches to their fate. Yet there were two exceptions: two
      French officers betrayed no anxiety to avail themselves of any means of
      safety, but continued walking up and down the stern-gallery, apparently
      engaged in conversation, until the ship, having admitted the water into
      her ports, was engulfed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Howe's fleet put to sea again on the 3rd of September. It then
      consisted of thirty-seven sail of the line and seven frigates; added to
      which were five ships of the line, and three frigates furnished by the
      king of Portugal. The French fleet was then in Brest harbour, out of which
      it did not venture to appear till Howe had returned to port; and then it
      commenced a cruise, which ended in the loss of five of their ships of
      line, by storms and accidents. During this year and the preceding there
      were numerous contests between small squadrons and frigates, and, in
      general, the superiority of the English, as sailors and combatants on
      their own element, was maintained. These engagements took place in the
      Channel, on the coast of France, in the Mediterranean and Archipelago, and
      in the East and West Indies. In the whole of this year the British lost
      only one ship of the line; and this ship, the "Alexander," did not
      surrender, until she had sustained the assault of three French ships of
      the line for two hours. The spirit which the British seamen displayed,
      indeed, at the commencement of this momentous struggle, gave fair hopes of
      a successful issue.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1794-1795
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH CONQUESTS IN THE WEST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The superiority of the British navy soon began to excite public
      exultation, and to produce its wonted effects on the colonial possessions
      of our enemies. Tobago had been taken by a British squadron soon after,
      the commencement of hostilities; and early in this year, a fleet, under
      Sir John Jervis and General Sir Charles Grey, was dispatched against
      Martinique, which, after a vigorous resistance, was captured. The
      reduction of Martinique was followed by the conquest of the islands of
      Saint Lucie and Guadaloupe. After these successes, Sir Charles Grey
      returned to Martinique, leaving General Dundas to command at Guadaloupe;
      but before the close of the year that island was regained by the French.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About this time the British government became involved in a contention
      with the United States of America. Soon after the commencement of
      hostilities with France, orders were issued for detaining American vessels
      freighted with corn for that country, and confiscating their cargoes,
      though at the same time paying both for them and their freight. The
      Americans were indignant at these orders, considering them to be an attack
      on their independence. Their complaints, however, were not only
      disregarded, but an order was afterwards issued to seize all American
      vessels carrying provisions and stores to the French colonies, and also to
      compel their ships sailing from the British islands to give security for
      landing their cargoes in British or neutral ports. In consequence of this
      measure,&mdash;vigorous, but necessary under existing circumstances,&mdash;more
      than six hundred American vessels were seized in the space of five months.
      Added to these causes of complaint there were others given to the United
      States by the occupation of some ceded forts on the frontiers of Canada,
      and by a conference which the governor, Lord Dorchester, held with some
      Indian tribes. By way of retaliation, the American government laid an
      embargo of thirty days on the British shipping in their ports, and
      appointed Mr. Jay, its minister, to compose the difference between the two
      countries. Mr. Jay delivered a memorial on the subject, and Pitt having
      tendered a conciliatory answer, and both parties being inclined to peace,
      the dispute was, for the time being, compromised. But on a future day it
      was productive of serious effects.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the English were in general victorious on the sea during this year,
      on land, they, in common with their allies, were generally unsuccessful.
      This arose from two causes: from the division of sentiment which existed
      among the officers of the coalition, and from the continued extraordinary
      efforts of the French republicans. Resolved to extend their sway over the
      neighbouring countries, to enlarge their own boundaries, and to obtain by
      plunder the means of supporting their gigantic efforts, at the close of
      the year 1783 the French had nearly one million armed men in the field,
      three hundred thousand of whom were on the northern frontier of the
      republic. To oppose these masses, the allies had not more than 140,000
      men. And what rendered the immense force of the French particularly
      formidable, was the ability, as well as the unanimity, with which it was
      managed, aad the military talent which was rising up among its ranks. On
      the other hand, the allies, composed of different nations, were commanded
      by leaders who were jealous of each other, and were far from acting with
      that cordial co-operation which was necessary, not merely to ensure
      success, but to prevent defeat. The rivalry of Austria and Prussia, and
      the jealousy which each had conceived of the other, became so visible,
      that, early in January, the Duke of Brunswick addressed a letter to the
      king of Prussia, in which he announced the resignation of his command;
      stating, as his motive, the unhappy experience that want of connexion,
      distrust, and cabal had disconcerted the measures adopted during the two
      last campaigns. After alluding to the unanimity which existed among the
      French republicans, he said: "If, instead of co-operating with similar
      principles, each army acts separately and without concert with the others,
      without fixed plans and without concord, the consequences to be expected
      are such as have been seen at Dunkirk, at Maubeuge, at the capture of
      Lyons, at the destruction of Toulon, and at the siege of Landau." He
      added, in conclusion:&mdash;"The same causes which divided the allied
      powers divide them still; the movements of the armies will again suffer as
      they have suffered; they will experience delay and embarrassment, and
      these will prove the source of a train of misfortunes the consequences of
      which are incalculable." The Duke was succeeded in command of the Prussian
      army by Field Marshal Mollendorf; but, in the month of March, a
      proclamation announced that the King of Prussia had seceded from the
      coalition. But this was only a <i>ruse</i> on the part of his Prussian
      majesty: he wanted English money, and when he had extracted the subsidy
      from Great Britain, he again joined his allies. Great part of this
      subsidy, however, was diverted from its original purpose, to forward
      designs on Poland, to secure the territories which had been allotted to
      the King of Prussia in the last partition, and to set up a pretension to
      more. His conduct on this occasion has been well pronounced loose and
      spiritless; for the troops which he furnished fell far short of the
      stipulated number, and yet he pocketed more than two millions of English
      money. The Emperor of Austria was equally slow in providing contingencies:
      he recommended the Germanic confederation to oppose the republic by a levy
      <i>en masse</i>; but he neglected to set them an example.
    </p>
    <p>
      The campaign did not open under better auspices in the Netherlands.
      Austrians, English, Dutch, and Hanoverians were to fight together there;
      but a great number of the Dutch were inclined to democracy, and the Duke
      of York quarrelled with the Austrian commanders, and refused to serve
      under General Clairfait. At a general council of war held at Ath, it was
      proposed that the Prince of Saxe Cobourg should continue at the head of
      the grand imperial army, and that General Clairfait should command the
      auxiliary forces, the Duke of York acting under his orders. This his royal
      highness refused with disdain; and the dispute was only settled by the
      determination that the emperor should take the field in person, and that
      the supreme command should be vested in him. This ill-timed quarrel has
      been generally attributed to the pride, petulance, and jealousy of rank of
      the Duke of York. It would appear, however, that the young prince had
      nobler reasons for objecting to the supreme command of General Clairfait;
      he having evinced, on several occasions, his indifference to the common
      interests of the coalition, and even a readiness to sacrifice that
      interest to the views of his own government. When the quarrel was settled
      it was agreed that the campaign should be opened with vigour on the French
      frontier; that the heads of the columns should be again turned towards
      Paris; that the army of the King of Prussia should move from the Rhine by
      the valley of the Moselle, traverse Luxembourg, and join the allies on the
      Sambre, or co-operate with them on their advance; and that England should
      send 10,000 men, under Lord Moira, to the coast of Brittany, in order to
      assist the Vendeans, and to advance with them from the west towards Paris.
      It was hoped also that the Spaniards might advance from the Pyrenees, and
      that the King of Sardinia might repossess himself of Savoy, and once more
      open the road to Lyons.
    </p>
    <p>
      His imperial majesty arrived at Brussels early in April; and after
      reviewing the whole army on the heights above Cateau, it marched in eight
      columns to invest Landrecies. As the allies were already in possession, on
      the same frontier, of Valenciennes, Coudé, and Quesnoy, this place was not
      worth the trouble and time it cost to take it. The fortress fell, after a
      short siege, into the hands of the Prince of Saxe Cobourg; but while the
      allies were engaged here, Pichegru had penetrated into West Flanders,
      where General Clairfait was stationed with a division of the imperial
      army, and had captured Courtrai and Menin. Jourdan, another republican
      general also, who was already stationed in the country of Luxembourg, had,
      in the meantime, increased his army to a prodigious extent; after which he
      fell upon the Austrian general Beaulieu, who attempted to check his
      progress, and drove him from his lines with great loss. After his conquest
      of Courtrai and Menin, Pichegru wheeled round upon the Duke of York, who
      with about 30,000 men, English and Hanoverians, were stationed at Tournay;
      but here the republican general was signally defeated. Yet, on the next
      day, Pichegru attacked Clairfait, who was advancing to retake Courtrai,
      and compelled him to retreat to Flanders. A few days after this Pichegru
      threw his right wing under Kleber and Marceau, across the Sambre, to
      attack the Austrian general Kaunitz; but he was defeated with the loss of
      4.000 men.
    </p>
    <p>
      These victories revived the spirits of the allies, and, without waiting
      for the Prussians, who were not inclined to move, in a grand council of
      war, they determined to envelope the left, or chief and victorious part of
      the French army on the Maine, by moving upon it in five attacking columns,
      from the various points they occupied. The success of these movements
      depended upon the celerity and good understanding among the commanders;
      and in these requisites they were sadly deficient. The Duke of York pushed
      forward towards the appointed centre round which all the columns were to
      meet, but when he arrived at Turcoing, where he expected to meet General
      Clairfait, he was surrounded by the republican forces, under Souham and
      Bonnaud, and completely defeated. The other columns now fell into
      confusion, and, from the heights of Templenor, the Emperor of Austria had
      the mortification of witnessing the retreat of the entire army of the
      allies; after which he returned, first to Brussels, and then to Vienna,
      leaving the Prince of Saxe Cobourg to command in his inline.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the English and Hanoverian column had suffered great loss in the
      battle of Turcoing, it soon rallied, and even foiled Pichegru in an
      attempt to seize upon Tournay. The Austrian general, Kaunitz, also gained
      another victory over the republicans, on nearly the same ground, and drove
      them across the Sambre. But these victories only served to allure the
      allies on to their ruin. Every day fresh masses of men from the armed hive
      of France advanced towards the Sambre, now the theatre of war. Even
      Jourdan, who had been watching the Prussians on the Moselle, finding that
      they would not move, repaired thither. At the same time the reinforcements
      of the allies, having to be brought from great distances, and being
      difficult to raise, arrived but slowly and in few numbers. Such was the
      situation of the belligerents when Pichegru, after some manouvres which
      perplexed the allies, struck off to the left and laid siege to Ypres.
      General Clairfait marched to the relief of the besieged town and defeated
      Pichegru; but he recovered the ground he had lost, drove back his
      opponent, and took the town; the strong garrison therein opening the gates
      to him, as so many traitors or cowards. In the meantime Jourdan laid siege
      to and captured Charleroi; although in the route thither he had been
      defeated in a pitched battle and driven across the Sambre, by the
      hereditary Prince of Orange, who had been dispatched with a part of the
      army of the coalition to oppose his designs upon that place. The Prince of
      Saxe Cobourg was expected to relieve Charleroi; but he did not arrive
      until after the place was reduced; and then he was attacked by Jourdan on
      the plains of Fleurus, and, after an obstinate battle, which lasted the
      whole day, was compelled to order a general retreat. The prince retired in
      good order to Halle, and again prepared to fight for the preservation of
      what remained to Austria in the Netherlands; but the Sans-culotte portion
      of the Belgians now again declared for the French. Bruges opened its gates
      to them; Pichegru, aided by General Moreau, compelled the Duke of York to
      retreat to Antwerp; and then the places which the English left in their
      rear followed the example of Bruges. The Duke of York was joined at
      Antwerp by Lord Moira with the 10,000 troops originally intended for the
      war in the Vendée, but who was not ready till that war was over and the
      Vendeans crushed. The two armies of the Duke of York and General Clairfait
      occupied the country between Antwerp and Louvain, holding both those towns
      and Mechlin which lay between them. In the meantime part of the army of
      Pichegru invested Valenciennes, Condé. Quesnoy, and Landrecies, the
      garrisons of all of which fortresses, overawed by the threats of the
      convention, almost immediately capitulated. Pichegru and Jourdan, about
      the same time, effected a junction, and marched upon Brussels; and, after
      defeating the Prince of Saxe Cobourg in their route, they entered that
      city amidst the welcomes of the Jacobin party. The ancient town of Ghent
      also submitted to the republicans; and, on the 12th of July, the Duke of
      York and Lord Moira were attacked by the enemy in great force, and
      compelled to take shelter in Mechlin. Three days after he was compelled to
      leave Mechlin, and Clairfait was overwhelmed near Louvain, and obliged to
      abandon both that city and Liege. General Beaulieu was likewise compelled
      to evacuate Namur, and the citadel of Antwerp, to which the Duke of York
      had repaired, was not considered a safe retreat. After staying there a
      week, indeed, the English crossed the Scheldt, and abandoned both the city
      and citadel to the French. The Duke of York concentrated his forces in the
      neighbourhood of Breda for the defence of Holland, while General Clairfait
      retired behind the Meuse. Thus the whole of Austrian Flanders and Brabant,
      fell under the dominion of the French in one brief campaign. Disheartened
      by the reverses of the allies, the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, after some
      altercations with the Dutch generals, who refused to risk another battle,
      and after making a powerful but vain appeal to his German countrymen on
      the Rhine and the Moselle, to rise <i>en masse</i>, for the defence of all
      that was dear to them&mdash;of their altars and firesides, of their
      emperor, their liberty, and their old Germanic honour,&mdash;retired from
      the command of the imperial army. As for the emperor himself, he was so
      irritated by the want of energy and disaffection of the people, and so
      discouraged by the events of the war, that a notion got abroad of his
      intention to abandon the coalition, and seek a separate peace with the
      republicans. This report of secession, however, was probably circulated
      for the same purpose as the previous report of the secession of the King
      of Prussia; namely, to obtain money from England. At all events this was
      the effect produced: alarmed at it, Pitt dispatched Earl Spencer and Mr.
      Thomas Grenville to Vienna, and the result was, that the emperor accepted
      a large subsidy, in the shape of a guarantee of four millions, as the
      price of his adherence to the coalition. As for the report that the
      emperor evacuated Flanders, in order that his subjects might experience
      the difference between his mild government and that of the republicans of
      France, it seems to be wholly without foundation. But if it afforded him
      any consolation to know that the Netherlands smarted under the republican
      rule, his feelings must have been gratified to the utmost. Every young man
      capable of bearing arms was called into the field of battle; the coin of
      the country was called in and exchanged for assignats at par; merchandise
      and property of all descriptions were seized by the freebooting
      republicans; and the guillotine was kept in constant motion by
      commissioners sent to fraternise and unite Belgium with France. Moreover,
      Ghent, Bruges, Ostend, and other towns, with the villages, were heavily
      taxed, and the plunder derived from the whole country was conveyed to
      Lisle and Dunkirk, for the use and service of republican France.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this campaign, a new treaty was concluded with the Duke of
      Brunswick, who engaged to furnish his Britannic majesty with a body of
      2,289 troops, upon condition of receiving the same liberal remuneration as
      the Hessians, and granting over and above to the noble duke an annual
      subsidy of £16,000 sterling. This treaty, however, was made too late in
      the year for the troops to be of any service, and they were, moreover,
      contemptible in number, compared with the hundreds of thousands which the
      French poured forth against their enemies. But the King of Prussia appears
      to have been the grand obstacle in the way of the success of the allied
      armies. Early in the year, the Germanic diet had agreed to a <i>conclusum</i>
      for a general armament of the people of the empire&mdash;of the burghers
      and peasantry of all the circles, states, principalities, and electorates
      comprised in the league; but Frederick William declared that if this <i>conclusum</i>
      were not withdrawn, he would withdraw his troops; as he could not expose
      them to the danger which would result from such a measure. The reasons he
      gave in a declaration for his opposition were, that, by employing the
      peasantry against the enemy, agriculture would suffer; that arms were
      wanting for such a mass of people that it was impossible to teach the
      manual exercise to the inhabitants in so short a time; that, to be
      victorious, the soldiers exposed to the French must be perfectly
      exercised; and that it was dangerous, at a time like the present, when the
      French were watching their opportunity to insinuate their principles, to
      assemble such a mass of men, whose ideas of government must be various,
      and among whom, from that cause, dissensions might arise, disastrous in
      their consequences, not only to the armies, but to the empire. These were
      Frederick William's promulgated reasons; but it would rather appear, that,
      as many parts of his kingdom were dissaffected to the house of
      Brandenberg, he feared that if the population were armed they might assert
      their independence, or struggle to be restored to the states to which they
      formerly belonged. Be that as it may, the opposition of Frederick William
      to this measure was successful, for the <i>conclusum</i> of the diet was
      not carried into effect. And yet it was manifestly the only measure which,
      if it could have been accomplished, could have successfully stemmed the
      torrent of French conquests.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the Prussians were not wholly inactive during this campaign, yet
      they did not act with much vigour. Early in the year the French army on
      the Rhine advanced and took the fort of Kaiserslautern, the town of
      Spires, and several other towns and fortresses. They intrenched themselves
      at Kaiserslautern; and early in May the Prussian general Mollendorf drove
      them from thence with great slaughter. But from this time, the French
      having been shortly after reinforced, the Prussians and their allies did
      nothing of any consequence. A battle was fought in July, which was
      maintained, at different points, four whole days; but after both sides had
      suffered greatly, the imperialists crossed the Rhine, and the Prussians
      retreated down the left bank of the river to Mayence, leaving the
      republicans in the possession of territory sixty miles in length. Thus
      successful, the French marched to the reduction of Treves, and then poured
      down in great numbers to the Netherlands, first, to assist in the war
      there, and after that to conquer Holland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The armies of the republic were also successful in Spain and Italy. In
      Spain, early in the year, the French having penetrated into the province
      of Catalonia, a battle was fought near Saint Jean de Luz, in which they
      were victorious. In May, also, another victory was gained near Ceret; and
      soon afterwards a third, of still greater importance, over the principal
      Spanish army posted in the vicinity of Collioure. On the western side,
      moreover, the towns of Fontarabia and Saint Sebastian fell into the hands
      of the republicans: the latter, partly by feat of arms, and partly by the
      treachery of some of the notabilities of that place. By these successes
      the French had obtained a good basis of operations; but they still had to
      fight desperately for every foot of ground. During the month of October
      the French general Moncey received the orders of the convention to overrun
      the whole of the Basque provinces, occupy Navarre, seize Pampeluna, and
      transfer his camp to the banks of the Ebro. In compliance with these
      orders, Moncey led his columns into Roncesvalles, that deep valley, formed
      by the Pyrenees of Navarre, between Pampeluna and Saint Jean Pié-de-Port,
      on the French frontier, and after sustaining a loss of 3,000 men, he
      gained possession of it. But winter was fast approaching, provisions were
      falling short, and unless he could force his way to Pampeluna, he saw that
      he must retreat to Saint Jean Pié-de-Port. The Spaniards now occupied
      excellent ground at the head of the pass between the French army and
      Pampeluna; and here Moncey attacked them in vain: his left wing was
      completely defeated, and he was compelled to leave Roncesvalles and to
      winter his army; some in that part of Guipuscoa of which he had obtained
      possession in the valley of Bastan, and some at Saint Jean Pié-de-Port.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Italy the Piedmontese had, at the command of the King of Sardinia,
      risen <i>en masse</i>, but being destitute of the enthusiasm of liberty,
      they constituted a body without a soul. Before the middle of April, the
      army of the Alps amounted to 75,000 men, opposed to which were only 40,000
      Piedmontese and 10,000 Austrian auxiliaries. The committee of public
      safety enjoined their commanders to drive the enemy over the mountains and
      to seize the passes; and by the middle of May the whole ridge of the Alps
      between Savoy and Piedmont, and the key of Italy, fell into the hands of
      the republicans. On the frontier of Nice, the operations of the French
      leaders were directed by Napoleon Buonaparte, whose design was to turn
      Saorgio by its left, and cut off the retreat of its garrison by the great
      road from over the Col di-Tende. The attacking army was divided into three
      columns: the first, of 20,000 men, under Massena, advanced on the first of
      April, intending to pass between Saorgio and the sea; the second, under
      Dumerbion, of 10,000 men, remained in front of the enemy; while the third,
      of equal force, directed its course to the upper extremities of the
      valleys of the Vesabia, to communicate with the army of Savoy by Isola.
      These movements were eminently successful: the rocky citadel of Saorgio,
      surrounded by the French, surrendered at the first summons; while the
      French, who ascended the Vesabia, drove the allies back to the Col de
      Finisterre, and General Serurier cleared the valley of the Tinea and
      established a communication with the army of Savoy by Isola. Subsequently,
      the republicans became masters of all the passes in the maritime Alps; and
      while from the summit of Mont Cenis they threatened a descent on the
      valley of Susa and Turin from the Col di Tende, they could advance to the
      siege of the fortress of Coni. It was Napoleon's wish to push on to the
      conquest of Italy; but the convention withdrew 10,000 men from the army of
      the Alps, in order to support that of the Rhine, and the remainder were
      left to repose in their aerial citadels.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the Duke of York had been assisting the hereditary Prince
      of Orange to cover the United Provinces; but their forces were miserably
      insufficient, while the democratic party was again corresponding with the
      French republicans, and giving them every assistance. In Dutch Flanders,
      Cadsandt and Sluys were reduced before the end of August, and by the
      beginning of October, after defeating the imperialist general Clairfait,
      with the exception of Mayence, the French became masters of every place on
      the left bank of the Rhine between Landau and Nimeguen. On the Maes the
      strong fortress of Venloo had been allowed to be captured by a <i>coup-de-main</i>,
      and Bois-le-Duc surrendered after a short siege. The Duke of York, who was
      stationed at Nimeguen, was now cut off from all hope of reinforcement from
      Germany; but he, nevertheless, resolved to cover that place, the
      possession of which would greatly facilitate the advance of the French
      into the heart of Holland. But his force was insufficient for that
      purpose: after sustaining two severe assaults, he was compelled to
      withdraw his troops; and then Nimeguen fell into the hands of the
      republicans. The Duke retreated across the Waal and the Rhine, and
      stationed himself at Arnheim in the province of Guelderland, still hoping
      to arrest the progress of the French arms in Holland. About the same time,
      Kléber, after a siege of five weeks' duration, obtained possession of the
      fortress of Maestricht, although it was garrisoned by 8,000 Dutchmen and
      Germans in the pay of the States-general, and was, moreover, well stored
      with provisions and everything necessary for sustaining a long siege. But
      the Dutch generally fraternized with the republicans, and even the Dutch
      troops would, in the main, rather have fought against their allies than
      with the French. Disaffection, treachery, and corruption everywhere
      prevailed; which sufficiently accounts for the ease and rapidity with
      which the republicans made conquests in Holland. Early in December, the
      Duke of York, conceiving that the campaign was finished, set out for
      England; leaving to General Walmoden the perilous task of protecting the
      country against superior troops who were already flushed with victory. The
      elements, also, assisted the French. After several attempts to cross the
      Waal, about the middle of December a hard frost set in, which enabled them
      to cross that river, and the Dutch were driven from their posts, while
      sixty pieces of cannon and nearly 2,000 prisoners, fell into the hands of
      the republicans. They made themselves masters of several posts on the
      Waal; but as the ice did not permit the passage of heavy artillery,
      Pichegru, who was charged by the convention with the conquest of Holland,
      withdrew his forces again to the left bank, where Grave was captured and
      Breda invested. Thus threatened, the States-general, imagining that it was
      possible for them to negociate a separate peace, sent ambassadors to
      request the ruling faction at Paris to grant such terms as their <i>known
      good faith and generosity</i> should dictate. The convention flattered the
      ambassadors with hopes of peace, while at the same time they sent their
      orders to Pichegru to force his way to Amsterdam. They depended on the
      disaffection of the people to accelerate their advances, more than the
      most formidable inundations could check them; in which opinion they were
      confirmed by frequent invitations sent from the principal towns in every
      part of the United States, with promises of a cordial reception. It is a
      notorious fact, indeed, that the English who were defending them were
      considered by the Dutch people in general to be their enemies, rather than
      the French who invaded their country; and their antipathy to their
      defenders was seen in the total inattention paid to their comforts. At
      this time, from the increasing severity of the weather, sickness greatly
      prevailed in the English camp; but scarcely any accommodations were
      prepared for the sick in the hospitals, a scanty allowance of straw only
      being obtained for a covering. It is said that hundreds were found dead on
      the banks of the rivers and canals, and that a straggling Englishman,
      finally, at the close of this campaign, became an object, not only of ill
      treatment, but of frequent assassination.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the French had decreed that there was no God: a day
      soon arrived which demonstrated, not only to France, but to all Europe,
      that there is a God, and that He is "the Judge of all the earth." Hitherto
      the Jacobins had been one and indivisible as regards crime; but shortly
      after this display of madness, they split into two contending parties.
      Danton, the cruel Danton, became sated with blood, and wished to stop its
      effusion. But not so did his colleague Robespierre; and, fearing his
      vengeance, Danton retired into the country, and left his colleague to rule
      in cruelty alone. His vengeance first fell upon the heads of Rousin,
      Vincent, Chaumette, the apostle of reason, Hébert, the apostate archbishop
      of Paris, and Anacharisis Clootz; these were arrested on a charge of
      conspiring to overturn the government, and were hurried from the bar of
      the tribunal of the Jacobins, Robespierre being at their head, to the
      scaffold. Then fell Hérault-d-Séchelles, the friend of Danton, who was
      guillotined for sheltering a suspected person. Danton was then hunted
      down, with Desmoulins, editor of the <i>Vieux Cordelier</i>, Phelippean,
      Lacroix, Chabot, Baziere, and Fabre d'Eglantine: he was brought before the
      tribunal, and all perished on the scaffold. The death of these leaders of
      the revolution was followed by that of the innocent. The massacres which
      daily took place are too numerous for recital: the rage of the terrorists
      spared neither rank, nor age, nor sex. Nobles, magistrates, generals,
      ladies, and peasants, all in their turns, were guillotined without mercy.
      Nor was it in the capital alone that such scenes were committed. At Arras,
      Orange, and Nantes, the tribunals were equally guilty. At Nantes, Carrier
      still seemed to outrival Robespierre: the very fish of the river became
      unfit for food, from feeding on the carcases of his victims. Thus
      Robespierre and his party triumphed over all who dared oppose them. But,
      by a righteous retribution, they were soon made the instruments of their
      own punishment. Like Danton, it would appear that Robespierre became sated
      with blood; that he saw there was necessity for the cessation of these
      tragical scenes, and the establishment of order in the republic. He
      devised a plan for making the convention decree the existence of a Supreme
      Being, he deeming atheism the natural religion of the lazy and the rich.
      By his efforts, a fêté was ordained in honour of that Deity whom they had
      so long and so flagrantly despised. Robespierre was president of the
      convention for that day, and hence high-priest of the ceremonial. It was a
      proud day for him, but his career was to end in blood. Mad with envy,
      there were those who, in lieu of incense, saluted his ears with this
      ominous allusion: "The capitol is near the Tarpeian rock." Robespierre
      thought, that by denouncing atheism, men might be disposed to become more
      orderly; in other words, that the Parisians and the nation at large would
      quietly submit to his rule. But he had accustomed the people to scenes of
      horror and bloodshed, so that their minds had become familiarised with
      them. There was danger in his own camp. At this time there was a committee
      of "general surety," subordinate to the committee of "public safety:" and
      from this committee went forth all accusations and arrests which were
      tantamount to condemnation.. Against these Robespierre now turned his
      power, but as they had been accustomed to act as they pleased, as they had
      been allowed to send victims to the scaffold even out of mere wanton
      cruelty, this act of Robespierre gave them offence, and they resolved upon
      his overthrow. It was reported by them, that Robespierre had demanded the
      heads of half the assembly, and this alarmed the major part into
      resistance. Foreboding the approaching storm, Robespierre, with his
      confidants, especially Saint Just and Couthon, made out new lists of
      proscription. But it was too late. In a session of the convention, Tallien
      suddenly fell upon him with denunciations, and a fierce cry of "Down with
      the tyrant," arose on every hand. Robespierre and his friends made
      impotent attempts to defend themselves, but their voices were drowned in
      the cry of "Down with the tyrant." A decree for their arrest was passed
      and executed; but Robespierre, with the aid of the Jacobins, escaped from
      custody, and proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, where his adherents
      assembled around him. The municipality, the populace, and Henriot, the
      furious commandant of the citizen guards, were all on his side. Had
      Robespierre acted vigorously, the convention would have been lost.
      Henriot, indeed, caused the hall of assembly to be surrounded, and pointed
      the cannon against it; but, before this, the assembly decreed Robespierre,
      Henriot, and their adherents to be "out of the law," and this vigorous
      proceeding decided the fate of the day. The cannoneers refused to fire;
      the convention resumed the offensive; and the armed sections, under the
      command of Barras, surrounded the Hotel de Ville, intent upon the
      destruction of the Jacobins. Robespierre discharged a pistol at his own
      head and fractured his jaw; the younger Robespierre threw himself out from
      a window, but survived the fall; Lebon stabbed himself; Couthon did the
      same, but without fatal effect; and Henriot was flung from a window into a
      drain and mutilated: all the rest were taken unhurt; and on the morrow,
      Robespierre, and all that survived, were all executed amidst the
      acclamations and applause of the citizens. On the two following days,
      likewise, eighty-three heads, mostly of municipal councillors and
      revolutionary judges, were decapitated. All Paris and France resounded
      with triumph. But the victory was not yet complete: the partisans of the
      system of terror were still numerous, both in the convention itself and
      throughout the city and the country. Their present leaders, indeed,
      Billaud-Varennes and Collot d' Herbois, were no less sanguinary than the
      ferocious Robespierre himself. Hence the storm of passion and the work of
      strife did not cease with that tyrant's fall. There was a cessation of
      strife, but the parties composing the convention soon came again into
      collision. These parties are known in history as the Thermidorians and the
      Jacobins. In one thing, both these parties were agreed; that since death
      was sworn to liberty by foreign and intestine enemies, terror only
      promised salvation. But the motives for this resolution were very
      dissimilar. The Thermidorians adhered with pure zeal to the republic, and
      regarded it as a duty to sacrifice all other interests to those of
      liberty; while the Jacobins sought only their own interests and paramount
      influence. From the opposition of these parties arose an undecided, and
      often contradictory course by the members of the convention. On the one
      hand, many prisoners were liberated, a milder form given to the
      revolutionary tribunal, and the power of the committee of safety
      restricted; while, on the other hand, the Jacobin club, which had been
      closed at the fall of Robespierre, was opened anew, executions were
      continued, the forms of the revolutionary government retained, and every
      assault averted from the leaders of the terrorists. Gradually, however,
      moderation got the upper hand; or, in other words, the Thermidorians
      triumphed. Their power was manifested by the execution of the monster
      Carrier, together with some of his infamous accomplices, and by a decree
      of investigation which finally passed against the highest heads&mdash;against
      Billaud-Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, and Rarrère, with some of their
      assistants. In the meantime their predominence was also shown in many
      beneficial decrees, as in those which abolished the <i>maximum</i> and
      arbitrary requisitions, put the relatives of the executed in the
      possession of their property, and prevented Vandalism in arts and
      sciences, and the profanation of churches. The provinces, also, felt the
      powerful influence of this new system. The Vendée again rose out of its
      ashes; bands of soldiers were again collected there to resist the
      republicans, as well as in Upper Poitou, and among the Chouans. Such were
      the results of this year of the revolution. At its close sentiments of
      humanity, long unknown, began to appear in the French government; but
      there was no relaxation in that energy and spirit which pushed its armies
      on to conquest. Revolutionary France still defied all Europe.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1794-1795
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONVENTION WITH SWEDEN AND DENMARK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sweden and Denmark still persevered in their determination to preserve a
      strict neutrality in this eventful contest. A convention was concluded
      between them on the 27th of March, by which they agreed to protect the
      freedom of commerce on the Baltic, on the principles of the avowed
      neutrality of 1780. Each were to equip a fleet of sixteen ships of the
      line for that service; and by the tenth article the Baltic was declared to
      be a neutral sea, absolutely inaccessible to the armed vessels of the
      belligerent powers.
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF POLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the fate of Poland was sealed. The Czarina having
      demanded that its army should be reduced to 16,000 men, the Poles resolved
      to resist her will, and to try once more the fate of arms. The celebrated
      Kosciusko was placed at their head; but their struggle was to no purpose;
      Kosciusko was defeated by the Russians, wounded, and taken prisoner. On
      the refusal of the king to give up Warsaw, the capital, it was stormed by
      Suwarrow, who brutally gave orders to allow no quarter. Poland was now
      partitioned between the plunderers&mdash;Russia, Austria, and Prussia&mdash;and
      ceased to be a kingdom; the patriots being proscribed, their property
      confiscated, and Stanislaus compelled to live in Russia, where he ended
      his days. "Poland fell," says an eminent writer, "the victim of her own
      dissensions; of the chimera of equality insanely pursued, and the rigour
      of aristocracy unceasingly maintained; of extravagant jealousy of every
      superior, and merciless oppression of every inferior, rank. The eldest
      born of the European family was the first to perish, because she had
      thwarted all the ends of social union; because she had united the
      turbulence of democratic to the exclusiveness of aristocratical societies;
      because she had the vacillation of a republic without its energy, and the
      oppression of a monarchy without its stability. Such a system neither
      could nor ought to be maintained; the internal feuds of Poland were more
      fatal to human happiness than the despotism of Russia; and the growth of
      improvement among its people was as slow as among the ryots of Hindostan."
      These are just remarks; but the causes of Poland's overthrow do not
      extenuate the guilt of the spoliators: the dismemberment of the country is
      a foul blot upon the historic page of Russia, Austria, and Prussia&mdash;a
      blot which can never be wiped out.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament assembled on the 30th of December. In the speech
      from the throne his majesty admitted the disasters of the last campaign;
      but he urged the necessity of continuing the war, and recommended
      additional efforts and vigour as the only means of producing successful
      results. His majesty also admitted the desperate condition of Holland and
      the United Provinces, which the Duke of York had vainly endeavoured to
      defend; and he informed the houses that the States-general had been led by
      a sense of present difficulties to enter into negociations with the
      republicans for peace; but he added, that no established government or
      independent state could, under the present circumstances, derive real
      security from negociations; and that, on our part, no negociations could
      be entered into without sacrificing both honour and safety to an enemy
      whose chief animosity was avowedly directed against these kingdoms. The
      king mentioned his acceptance of the crown and sovereignty of Corsica, and
      announced the happy conclusion of a treaty of amity, commerce, and
      navigation with the United States of America. He also announced the
      conclusion of a treaty for the marriage of the Prince of Wales with the
      Princess Caroline of Brunswick, and called upon his faithful commons to
      make such provision for the heir apparent as they might deem suitable to
      his rank and dignity. In the lords, the Earl of Guildford moved an
      amendment to the address, and urged the impracticability of attaining the
      object of the war; namely, the dictating of a government with France. He
      was supported by the Marquis of Lans-downe, who said, that he saw no
      difficulty in treating with France at the present period. But the
      amendment was rejected by a majority of one hundred and seven against
      twelve. The strength of ministers in the commons was manifested, likewise,
      on this occasion, in an unequivocal manner. The address was moved by Mr.
      Knatchbull, and seconded by Mr. Canning, who was fast rising into
      reputation, and who particularly distinguished himself in these debates.
      Mr. Canning defended ministers against every imputation of the calamities
      and disasters of the war being the result of their ignorance and
      mismanagement, and ridiculed the warnings and predictions of opposition.
      He observed,&mdash;"It is true they have often foretold the desertion of
      our allies, as well as the astonishing exertions of the enemy; and I
      cannot but confess that such is unfortunately the result. It is not,
      however, any difficult matter to prophesy disappointment and ill-success:
      if the prediction proved false, gentlemen would feel too much satisfaction
      in the success of their country to think of it; if it proved true, those
      who made it would triumph, as they would certainly feel some satisfaction
      for their superior sagacity. But while I thus give credit to the
      opposition for their predictions, I also claim some credit for those on my
      own side of the question; for when Jacobinism was at its greatest height,
      when its influence circulated through every part of the French government,
      and when Robespierre governed the country with the most absolute sway,
      even then its fall was foretold in that house, and happily with truth. But
      let me not be misunderstood. I do not mean that by the accession of the
      moderates to the sovereign power in France, the possibility of our
      treating with them has become greater. The only difference between them
      and the Jacobins is, that they professed the intentions, though they had
      not the power of the latter. Their hostility to this country is equal to
      that of the Jacobins; and the house will have an opportunity of judging
      what reliance can be placed on their moderation by the terms they may give
      to the Dutch, who were not instigators of the war, but compelled to join
      in it; and if the terms they give to the Dutch prove hard, what might this
      country expect? If we could even have a peace now with France, it would be
      an insecure one. It must be a peace with all the inconveniences and
      expenses of a war establishment; such a peace as this country would never
      assent to." On this occasion Pitt was mortified by the opposition of his
      friend Wilberforce, who objected that the obvious tendency of the address
      was to pledge the house to a prosecution of the war till there should be a
      counter revolution in France. He expressed himself alarmed at the terrible
      doctrines which had been promulgated from the throne and reiterated from
      the ministerial side of the house. A perpetual war, which could only cease
      with the restoration of the French monarchy, was to him a startling
      proposition, calculated to shock his principles and appal his feelings.
      Wilberforce deprecated both the speech and address, and took an extensive
      view of the comparative state of both countries after a long and
      sanguinary conflict, in which both had intensely suffered; and he
      concluded with moving an amendment, embracing the principal topics in the
      speech. Several members spoke in favour of the amendment; and Pitt rose
      with excited feelings to reply. He remarked:&mdash;"The reasons that have
      induced gentlemen to dissent from the prosecution of the war-, seem to
      have possessed a considerable influence on the manner in which they speak
      of its justice and necessity at the commencement; and their language is
      fainter and feebler than I had reason to expect. Contending as these
      gentlemen and I did with the new and monstrous system of cruelty, anarchy,
      and impiety, against those whose principles trampled on civilised society,
      religion, and law;&mdash;contending, I say, with such a system, I could
      not have entertained the slightest expectation that from them would have
      proceeded such an amendment. It has pleased an inscrutable Providence that
      this power ef France should trample over everything that has been opposed
      to it: but let us not therefore fall without any efforts to resist it; let
      us not sink without measuring its strength." Pitt affirmed that neither
      the speech nor the address pledged the house never to make peace with the
      republican government of France, though he confessed that he had no idea
      of a secure peace till the return of the monarchy. The change which had
      taken place in that government was a change merely in the name, and not in
      substance; it no more deserved the name of moderate than that under
      Bris-sot, which had provoked this country to war. If peace could be
      obtained it would not place us, he said, in a situation of confidence, and
      therefore precautions must be increased. Even if disposed to peace, fear
      would compel the French rulers to give their troops employment; and if we
      dissolved the continental confederacy, we could not hope to see it again
      restored; and then we should be exposed alone to the fury of France. In
      conclusion, Pitt entered into a variety of details, showing that the
      French finances were on the gulf of bankruptcy, and auguring from thence
      their final overthrow, gold ever being the sinews of war. Pitt's
      sentiments prevailed the amendment was negatived by two hundred and
      forty-six against seventy-three.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1795-1796
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Bill for the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
     (continued)..... Subsidy to Austria..... Supplies, &amp;c.....
     Pitt's Plan to man the Navy, &amp;c..... The Slave-Trade
     Question..... Termination of the Trial of Warren
     Hastings..... Motion for Inquiry into the State of the
     Nation rejected..... Marriage of the Prince of  Wales.....
     Parliament Prorogued..... The Affairs of Ireland..... Naval
     Affairs in the Mediterranean, &amp;c...... French Operations in
     Holland, &amp;c...... Treaties between France and Prussia,
     &amp;c..... Treaty between England and Russia, &amp;c..... The
     Campaign of the Alps..... Affairs of La Vendee..... Armies
     on the Rhine..... Affairs at Paris..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Bill to prevent Seditious Meetings, &amp;c.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1795
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT (CONTINUED.)
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of January, Sheridan rose to move for leave to bring in a bill
      for the repeal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. This motion was
      unsuccessful; and on the 15th the attorney-general moved for, and obtained
      leave to bring in a bill for continuing the suspension for a limited time.
      The second reading of this bill was carried on the 23rd, after a long
      debate, by a majority of two hundred and thirty-nine against fifty-three,
      when it was transmitted to the lords. It passed the house of peers without
      a division; but the Dukes of Norfolk and Bedford, the Marquis of
      Lansdowne, and the Earls of Lauderdale and Guildford entered a spirited
      protest against the measure. It was argued by the opposition that the
      preamble of the suspension act, which stated that a dangerous conspiracy
      existed in the country, was not true; that a verdict in court&mdash;on the
      trial of Walker, Hardy, Home Tooke, and others&mdash;had shown this
      conspiracy to be a fabrication; and that, as no treason had been brought
      to light, and the alleged ground of the suspension act did not exist, if
      was unnecessary. On the other hand it was argued, that the determination
      of the jury was no proof of the existence of a conspiracy; that the guilty
      were often acquitted in courts of justice, not because they were innocent,
      or considered innocent, but merely because there was no strictly legal
      evidence to confirm the truth; and that, therefore, a verdict in their
      favour could not operate as a motive for repealing the act, even if it
      were admitted that their indictment for high treason had not been
      supported by legal proof.
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    <h2>
      SUBSIDY TO AUSTRIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this year it became evident that, besides the United Provinces,
      both Prussia and Spain were on the point of breaking with the coalition,
      and concluding separate treaties with France: Prussia, from the mutual
      distrust which existed between her and Austria, and from her exhausted
      finances; and Spain from the recent defeats in Biscay and Catalonia.
      Austria remained our steadfast ally; but Austria too wanted money, and
      thought herself entitled to call upon England for a subsidy. On the 4th of
      February Pitt delivered a message from the king, intimating that a loan of
      nearly five millions sterling would be wanted to aid the exertions of his
      imperial majesty in the ensuing campaign, on the credit of the revenues
      arising from his hereditary dominions. Much discussion arose upon this
      subject. Fox said, that the recent defalcation of the King of Prussia,
      after he had obtained our gold, ought to operate as a caution against all
      advances to German princes. This was just; for the subsidy granted to the
      King of Prussia had been most foully applied; it had not been employed on
      the Rhine, or the Moselle, but on the Vistula; not against republican
      France, but against the Poles. Even Pitt and his supporters were forced to
      admit that the conduct of Prussia was bad; but they insisted that there
      was a wide difference in the case and conduct of Austria, whose own vital
      interests were dependent on the issue of this war. Austria also had shown
      herself sincere in the cause; her generals might have made mistakes, but
      she had made great and costly exertions in the common cause, and,
      notwithstanding failures, still remained firm. The motion for complying
      with the emperor's demands was agreed to by large majorities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUPPLIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After previous discussions on the navy and army estimates, on the 23rd of
      February Pitt submitted his annual statement on the supplies to the
      consideration of the house. The force required for the service of the year
      was 85,000 seamen, and 15,000 marines; 120,000 regulars for guards and
      garrisons; 56,000 militia; 40,000 regulars for Ireland, and the West
      Indies, and other colonies; besides fencibles and volunteers, foreign
      troops in British pay, and embodied French emigrants. The supplies
      demanded for the support of these forces were £16,027,000, to which sum
      was to be added £200,000, annual subsidy to the King of Sardinia. The
      whole expenditure amounted to £27,540.000, and the loan proposed was
      £18,000,000, the largest, up to this period, ever voted by parliament. In
      order to make up the remainder, new duties were imposed upon tea, coffee,
      raisins, foreign grocery and fruits, foreign timber, insurances, writs,
      and affidavits, hair-powder, licenses, &amp;c.; and to increase the
      receipts of the post-office, the privilege of franking letters was
      somewhat abridged. As a counterpoise for these additional burdens, Pitt
      mentioned the extraordinary increase of commerce, which, in the preceding
      year, had exceeded that of the most flourishing period of peace. The ways
      and means were voted as Pitt desired; but some of his adherents were not
      very favourable to some of the new duties, and especially to the
      powder-tax.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S PLAN TO MAN THE NAVY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As it became expedient to devise some method for the levying of soldiers
      and sailors, Pitt brought forward a new plan for manning the navy without
      throwing the burden so heavily on a particular class of persons by press
      warrants. He proposed that the proprietors of merchantmen, who were deeply
      interested in our naval superiority, should, on clearing out their ships,
      furnish a certain number of men according to the tonnage of each ship; and
      that every parish in the kingdom should furnish one man. This proposition,
      with a few modifications, passed into a law, and officers were appointed
      to superintend the levies. Subsequently, Mr. Windham, as secretary at war,
      proposed the improvement of the discipline, and the augmentation of the
      numbers of the militia, as a means of internal defence. This was objected
      to by Fox and Sheridan, as tending to increase the influence of ministers,
      and as preparatory to the establishment of arbitrary power; but it was
      carried with the usual ministerial majority. At this time provisions were
      so expensive, arising from the war and from scarcity, that the pay of the
      military was wholly insufficient for their support; and government,
      without applying to parliament, granted them an extraordinary allowance.
      This was properly objected to by the opposition, as tending to impress the
      recipients with the false idea that the bounty proceeded from the crown,
      and not from the pockets of the people, and as being an insult offered to
      the legislature, which was sitting at the time. General Macleod moved that
      a committee should be appointed to take the matter into consideration; and
      so strong were the feelings of the house upon the subject, that, though
      Pitt endeavoured to exculpate the ministry by representing the relief as
      temporary and arising out of the circumstances of the moment, &amp;c.;
      this motion was only got rid of by the previous question, which was
      carried by a majority of sixty-seven against twenty-three.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 26th of February, Mr. Wilberforce brought the question of the
      slave-trade before the house of commons again, by moving for its total
      abolition. But this was opposed as before by the West Indian, or rather
      self-interest; and on a division, the motion was postponed for six months,
      by a majority of seventeen.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TERMINATION OF THE TRIAL OF WARREN HASTINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Warren Hastings terminated on the 23rd of April. The public
      interest in this trial had been much diminished by its prolongation; and
      at this time it seems to have been superseded by other matters of
      overwhelming importance. Only twenty-nine peers assembled at the final
      judgment; to each of whom every one of the sixteen articles was put
      separately, with the question of guilty or not guilty. On two charges he
      was unanimously acquitted; and with respect to the others the votes varied
      from three to six "guilty," against the remainder "not guilty." The lord
      chancellor then pronounced Warren Hastings acquitted of all the charges,
      and the ex-governor bowing to the court retired in silence. The propriety
      of his sentence was chiefly disputed by the advocates of strict justice;
      the public in general seemed satisfied with the result of the trial. The
      East India Company paid him the cost of his trial, amounting to more than
      seventy thousand pounds sterling, and conferred upon him a pecuniary
      donation. This was nothing but just; for Hastings had attended more to
      their interests in his government than his own: if he was cruel, it was
      for them; and if he exacted money from tributaries beyond that which was
      due, it was for them likewise. It must be confessed that the conduct of
      Hastings was, in some instances, inconsistent with the rules or British
      justice and the sentiments of humanity; but, at the same time, it must be
      confessed that his abilities secured the authority and established the
      dominion of this country over the east.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION REJECTED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 24th of March Fox moved that a committee of the whole house should
      inquire into the state of the nation. His speech on this occasion is
      characterized by Burke as one of the most eloquent ever delivered in the
      house of commons. In it he showed the necessity for inquiry, from the
      rapid progress of the enemy and their acquired superiority; from the
      losses sustained by our armies, and from the vast expenditure and
      increased taxation. Fox then adverted to the affairs of Ireland; the
      recall of its lord-lieutenant, which had recently taken place; and to the
      general irritation of its inhabitants. He then alluded to the
      dissatisfaction which prevailed in England, asserting that an opinion was
      gaining ground among the people, that, since the commons complied with
      every measure proposed by ministers, they could not fairly represent the
      nation. He asked what were the grounds for confidence in men whose schemes
      continually miscarried? And, supposing the war to be just, did the
      succession of plans and events afford any reason for reposing unlimited
      confidence in his majesty's present counsellors, as wise, energetic, and
      effective war ministers? In conclusion, he said, that if ministers really
      deserved confidence, they would not resist inquiry, as no man, conscious
      of an able and upright discharge of his duty, would shrink from an
      investigation into his actions. Pitt allowed that some of the subjects
      proposed by Fox were of the highest importance; but he objected to inquiry
      as being incompatible with other parliamentary business. Part of the
      proposer's objects, also, he said, were inexpedient and unreasonable; he
      had exaggerated our losses, detracted from our advantages, and on the
      whole exhibited an unfair statement of our situation. Mr. Canning followed
      on the same side as Pitt, and argued with reference to Ireland, that its
      turbulent situation was a sufficient excuse for declining all such
      discussions at present. Fox and Sheridan replied, that the minister,
      instead of meeting, had only shifted the question; that if the state of
      the country had been misrepresented, the means of refuting this
      misrepresentation lay in a fair investigation of conduct. The motion was
      rejected by two hundred and nineteen against sixty-three; and a similar
      motion made six days after in the lords, by the Earl of Guildford, was
      negatived likewise by a large majority. Motions were subsequently made in
      both houses for an inquiry respecting Irish affairs, but with the same
      ill-success.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Princess Caroline of
      Brunswick took place on the 8th of April. At the time it was generally
      supposed that his royal highness was influenced in forming this connexion
      by the promise of an ample provision to pay his debts, now amounting to
      the enormous sum of £600,000. Be that as it may, on the 27th of April, his
      majesty sent a message to the house announcing the marriage; and at the
      same time expressing deep regret in being obliged to declare, that the
      benefit of any settlement which might then be made could not be
      effectually secured to his royal highness, except he were provided with
      the means of liberating himself from the large encumbrances to which he
      was liable. At the same time his majesty disclaimed all idea of proposing
      that parliament should make any specific provision for that object:
      rather, he requested the house to consider the propriety of providing for
      the gradual discharge of those encumbrances by the reservation for a time
      of the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall, as well as of a proportion of
      his royal highness's annual income. After some discussion, the house, on
      the suggestion of Pitt, determined that £125,000, together with the rents
      of the Duchy of Cornwall, estimated at £13,000, should be settled upon the
      prince, and that £78,000 should be applied annually out of his total
      income for the liquidation of his debts. A law was also passed to prevent
      the heir-apparent in future from being involved in similar difficulties;
      and a jointure of £50,000 per annum was settled on the Princess of Wales,
      in case she survived her royal consort. All this was carried by large
      majorities, but there were few who imagined that this settlement was a
      final one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The king prorogued parliament in person on the 27th of June. In his speech
      his majesty expressed a hope "that the present circumstances of France
      might, in their effects, hasten the return of such a state of order and
      regular government, as might be capable of maintaining the accustomed
      relations of peace and amity with other powers." He also remarked that our
      main reliance for success must be on our naval and military forces:
      thereby indicating the continuance of the war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Allusion has been made to the agitated state of Ireland. That country was,
      indeed, at this period, every day approaching nearer to the verge of open
      rebellion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The progress of the United Irishmen had not been stopped by the
      conciliatory measures of 1793; for early in the following year they
      published a plan of equal representation on the principle of universal
      suffrage. Before the close of that year their association in truth became
      so manifestly revolutionary that it demanded the interposition of
      government. A charge of treasonable correspondence with the French rulers
      was brought against Archibald Hamilton Rowan; but he with others of the
      association fled to the continent. In the following year the Rev. William
      Jackson, a Protestant clergyman, was tried and found guilty, and in order
      to avoid the shame of a public execution he swallowed a dose of poison at
      the bar of the court. All this tended to prove that Catholic emancipation,
      however extensive it might be in its principles, would never satisfy the
      people of Ireland. Nevertheless, Earl Fitzwilliam, the then
      lord-lieutenant, resolved to try the efficacy of that measure. That
      nobleman, indeed, imagined that he was authorised to carry such a measure
      into effect when he accepted the office of viceroy. Acting under this
      supposition, his first step was to remove from their places such servants
      of the government as he knew would be hostile to his proceedings. Among
      those he removed was the right lion. John Beresford, first commissioner of
      the revenue, whose family had always been ardent supporters of ministerial
      measures. But this act gave great offence to the English cabinet; and as
      Earl Fitzwilliam refused to alter his arrangements, it was resolved to
      recall him. In the meantime Mr. Henry Grattan brought in a bill into the
      Irish house of commons for the repeal of all the remaining
      disqualifications of the Roman Catholics. This bill was received so
      favourably that only three dissentient voices were heard against it: and,
      encouraged by it, the Catholics sent a deputation to the king deprecating
      the removal of a viceroy who had gained the confidence of the people.
      These deputies were graciously received; but the burden of their petition
      was not granted: Earl Fitzwilliam resigned, and Lord Camden was appointed
      his successor. Lord Camden commenced his administration under ominous
      circumstances; for on the 31st of March, when he was sworn into office,
      the primate and Lord Chancellor Fitzgibbon were attacked by a mob on their
      return from the Castle, and narrowly escaped with their lives. His
      unpopularity increased, chiefly because he as strenuously opposed Catholic
      emancipation as Lord Fitzwilliam had supported it. On the 4th of May a
      bill was brought in for that purpose, but after a violent debate it was
      rejected by a large majority. In order, however, to soothe the chafed
      minds of the people, a motion was carried this session for the
      establishment of a college at Maynooth for the education of young Irishmen
      destined for the priesthood, and who were at this time deprived of the
      advantages of foreign universities from the disordered state of the
      continent; and the Catholics also obtained permission to study at the
      university of Dublin. But these indulgences were not duly appreciated.
      From this time the society of United Irishmen rapidly extended itself over
      the whole kingdom. They formed, indeed, a new system, combining
      malcontents of every class and of all religious persuasions against the
      government. The leaders of the society began, in fact, to entertain
      dangerous designs, and to form illegal and treasonable connexions with the
      government of France. Towards the close of the year, disaffection became
      so general that the existing laws were deemed insufficient to repress
      popular violences, and the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, by which the
      agents of government were enabled to imprison obnoxious or suspected
      persons without any cause assigned, or any time of trial appointed. In the
      western counties, government resorted to a measure which nothing but stern
      necessity could justify. By an act which passed in January, the
      lord-lieutenant and council were authorised, on a petition from seven
      magistrates of a county assembled at a session of the peace, to proclaim
      that county, or any section of it, to be in a state of disturbance, and to
      empower the magistrates to treat all suspected persons as culprits, and in
      default of bail to send them on board the fleet. This act also, which was
      called the Insurrection Act, enacted that the administering of treasonable
      oaths, which was a practice in the society of United Irishmen, was a
      capital offence; and that in case a witness was murdered, which frequently
      happened, before a trial, his written testimony should be considered
      sufficient evidence. While government was thus grappling with the
      disaffection which prevailed, a body of men united under the name of
      Orangemen, for the purposes of security. This was natural; but,
      unfortunately, it only increased the religious animosities which already
      existed between the two parties. Government, moreover, began to embody an
      armed yeomanry to assist the regular troops and the militia. In the course
      of six months this force amounted to 37,000 men, and it was still
      increasing. But nothing could allay the fury of the storm that was
      gathering over the country. The leaders of the United Irishmen were as
      active as government; and in a short time the plan of an invasion was
      settled between them and the French rulers. This invasion was the subject
      of familiar conversation both in England and Ireland; yet the British
      government, either doubting or disregarding the intelligence, neglected to
      take suitable measures for defence. In the meantime mutual injuries
      between the society of United Irishmen and the Orangemen, many of whom on
      both sides were desperate and abandoned characters, engendered a fixed
      hatred between them; and these dissensions rapidly increased, till the
      whole country exhibited a scene of terror, consternation, and blood. In
      their encounters the Orangemen were generally victorious; and in the end,
      in the county of Armagh, where the Association was first formed, they
      succeeded in expelling several thousands of Catholics from the county.
      During the latter part of this year and the commencement of the next, the
      roads leading from the city of Armagh presented the most heart-rending
      scenes: groups of miserable families were seen endeavouring to escape from
      their persecutors into the south and western districts of the country. So
      strife and tumult prevailed among brethren.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL AFFAIRS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The French government made great exertions to put their navy on a
      respectable footing; but all their efforts on the ocean led only to
      disaster. On the 28th of February their commander, Rear-Admiral Pierre
      Martin, sailed out of the harbour of Toulon with fifteen sail of the line,
      six frigates, and three corvettes, having positive orders to engage the
      English fleet under Vice-Admiral Hotham, if he met it, and to drive the
      English out of Corsica. At that time the Mediterranean fleet under Hotham,
      which consisted of thirteen sail of the line, four frigates, and two
      sloops, with two or three Neapolitan ships, was at Leghorn; and the enemy
      succeeded in capturing the Berwick, of seventy-four guns, which found
      itself suddenly surrounded by the enemy. On discovering the intentions of
      the enemy, Admiral Hotham instantly unmoored and went in search of them.
      The two fleets came in sight of each other on the 12th of March, between
      Corsica and Genoa, and a partial engagement ensued, in which two French
      ships of the line, the Ca Ira and the Censeur, fell into the hands of the
      British, principally through the skill and courage of Nelson, who
      commanded the Agamemnon. This action saved Corsica for the time; but the
      victory was incomplete; and soon after, the arrival of six ships of the
      line at Toulon from Brest gave the French a decided superiority as regards
      numbers of ships. Had they known how to have used it, they might have made
      themselves masters of the Mediterranean; for the British navy, though
      manned by brave sailors, was not in a condition to withstand a superior
      force. On this subject, Southey remarks:&mdash;"The British navy had been
      much neglected during Lord Chatham's administration at the admiralty; and
      it did not for some time feel the beneficial effects of his removal. Lord
      Hood had gone home to represent the real state of affairs, and solicit
      reinforcements adequate to the exigencies of the times, and the importance
      of the scene of action; but that fatal error of under-proportioning the
      force to the service, that ruinous economy which, by sparing a little,
      renders all that is spent useless, infected the British councils; and Lord
      Hood, not being able to obtain such reinforcements as he knew were
      necessary, resigned." For three long months the Mediterranean fleet was
      left in its state of inferiority; but at length, on the 13th of June, it
      was joined by eleven sail of the line and several frigates. Since the
      recent battle the French admiral had avoided an encounter, although
      superior in force; but he now shunned it more cautiously than ever.
      Hotham, however, got sight of the French fleet near Cape Roux; and in a
      chase which he gave it, succeeded in capturing the Alcide; the rest of the
      ships got safely into Frejas Bay. These were the chief events on the ocean
      during this year; except by Nelson, who was detached on some coast
      service, scarcely another gun was fired in the Mediterranean. Many
      encounters of detached ships took place, generally to the advantage of the
      English; but the only other action which occurred was between the Channel
      fleet, of fourteen sail of the line, under Admiral Lord Bridport, and a
      part of the Brest fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the line and eleven
      frigates, under Vice-Admiral Villaret. In this action three French ships
      were taken; the rest fled for protection to their own port and their own
      land batteries. In the West Indies the English cruizers and squadrons were
      not so successful; all their vigilance was not sufficient to foil the
      daring projects of Victor Hugues. The French, indeed, recovered the whole
      of Guadaloupe, attacked with success the fort of Tiburon, in St. Domingo;
      and made themselves masters of St. Lucia; Grenada, Dominico, and St.
      Vincent's were with difficulty preserved. But in these victories the
      French revolutionists were aided by the negro population. Victor Hugues
      flew from island to island, preaching liberty and equality to the negroes
      and all people of colour, and a crusade against the English and French
      royalists; and it was chiefly by this means that, the French were
      victorious. The African slave learned to adopt the tri-colour flag and the
      red cap of liberty, and the British were either butchered, or forced to
      flee from the re-captured islands. Under the same auspices, the Maroons,
      of Jamaica, likewise commenced a sanguinary conflict with the English, and
      did not lay down their arms till they were nearly exterminated; those who
      escaped the slaughter consented to be removed to Canada, where a portion
      of land was allotted to them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRENCH OPERATIONS IN HOLLAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that when the Duke of York returned to London, he left
      the command of the British troops to Count Walmoden, and that Walmoden was
      attacked by the French army on the Waal, under Pichegru. It became evident
      that nothing but a hasty retreat could save the British army from
      destruction; and, after spiking their guns, and destroying all the
      ammunition they could not carry away, on the 16th of January they retired
      towards Leek. In his retreat Walmoden was pursued by Pichegru; but
      Walmoden, after sustaining several assaults, and after a march of nearly
      two months through countries inimical to the British, finally reached the
      mouth of the Elbe, when the Duke of York's army embarked at Bremen for
      England. Throughout their whole route it was manifest that the population
      of Holland were, in the main, revolutionists; in every Dutch town and
      village through which they passed, the majority of the inhabitants looked
      upon them as the original cause of the calamities inflicted upon their
      country, and took every opportunity of insulting them in their misery and
      adding to their sufferings. Now that the British were departed the
      feelings of the Dutch were manifested in a clearer light. Before this, our
      ally, the stadtholder, and his son, the hereditary Prince of Orange, had
      fled for refuge to England, so that the democrats, which everywhere
      abounded, had no check in a display of their principles. Those of
      Amsterdam planted the tree of liberty in the chief places of the city,
      mounted the French cockade, and gave an enthusiastic reception to
      Pichegru. Utrecht, Rotterdam, Haerlam, Leyden, Flushing, Middlebourg, and
      Bergen-op-Zoom, one of the strongest fortresses in the world&mdash;these
      all fell into the hands of the French, either by conquest or by treachery.
      The States-general, indeed, or as many of them as chose to assemble at the
      Hague, issued proclamations, calling upon the people to admit the friendly
      troops of the republic; so that scarcely one of the many fortresses which
      studded the country, made more than a show of resistance. Many of them had
      opened their gates to the republican troops of France before the Duke of
      York left the country, and those which remained in the occupation of the
      Dutch, or of German troops in the pay of the stadtholder, for the most
      part now followed their example. Holland fraternised with France. A
      requisition of clothes and provisions for the use of the republican army,
      to the amount of one million and a half sterling, cooled the ardour of the
      thrifty Dutchmen for a moment; but it soon returned, on considering the
      blessings they were to obtain for their money. They were flattered by a
      convocation of a representative assembly, on the principles of equality
      and liberty: an assembly which abolished the hereditary stadtholderate,
      with all the forms of the preceding constitution, published the
      declaration of the rights of man, reversed the sentences passed in a
      previous year against democrats, and recalled all those who had been
      exiled for their democratical principles. On discovering this movement in
      Holland, the English government immediately laid an embargo upon all Dutch
      ships and goods in the ports of Great Britain, Ireland, and our colonies;
      and the ministry soon took into consideration the important subject of the
      Dutch colonies. An expedition was sent out on the 14th of July, under
      Vice-Admiral Sir G. Keith Elphinstone and Major-General Craig, who took
      possession of the Cape of Good Hope. Instructions were also sent to our
      naval and military commanders in the East Indies, to prepare for the
      reduction and occupation of the Dutch settlements in that part of the
      world; and about the close of the year all the places which the Dutch held
      in Ceylon, with Malacca, Cochin, Chinsura, Amboyna, and Banda, fell into
      the hands of the British. Other plans were also arranged for the seizure
      of the Dutch colonies in the West Indies, and on the coast of South
      America. Holland was, therefore, now reckoned among the enemies of
      England.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1795-1796
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATIES BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the King of Prussia had been the first of all the coalition to
      assail republican France, yet, in the spring of this year, he concluded a
      separate treaty with its democratic rulers. This treaty was settled at
      Basle on the fifth of April; and by it the king ceded to France all the
      Prussian territory on the left bank of the Rhine, and France restored to
      Prussia the territories that her armies had overrun on the right bank of
      that river. Both the contracting parties pledged themselves not to grant a
      passage to the enemies of the other through their territories; and all
      prisoners taken respectively since the war commenced were restored. All
      the commercial communications and relations between France and the
      Prussian states were re-established by this treaty on the same footing
      upon which they stood before the war. At a later date, on the 17th of May,
      a supplementary treaty was concluded at Basle, for the purpose of
      establishing a line of demarcation and neutrality, in order to remove the
      war from all the north of Germany. One link cf the chain being thus
      broken, others soon snapped asunder. In the early part of this year the
      French met with great success over the Spanish troops, and again
      threatened to advance even to the gates of Madrid. Dismayed and
      discouraged, and, moreover, urged on by a strong French party, Godoy, the
      prime minister, humbly sued for peace. This was granted at the price of
      that part of the island of Saint Domingo which the Spaniards had possessed
      since the time of Columbus; and the proud monarchy of Spain with its
      Bourbon monarch, recognised the French republic, and engaged to a
      reciprocity of friendship and good understanding. As a testimony of amity
      to his Catholic majesty, the French government agreed to accept his
      mediation in favour of the King of Portugal, his relatives and allies, the
      King of Naples, the Infanta Duke of Parma, the King of Sardinia, and the
      other states of Italy; and to accept his good offices in favour of other
      belligerent powers that should apply to him in order to enter into
      negociations with the French government. This example of the kings of
      Prussia and Spain was followed by the Grand Duke of Tuscany; and even
      George III., in his quality of Elector of Hanover, though he remained the
      most active member of the confederacy in his capacity of King of Great
      Britain, ordered a treaty of peace to be signed, as far as related to the
      electorate, as did also the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel. Moreover, the court
      of Sweden, and the Protestant cantons of Switzerland, recognised the
      French republic, as well as its dependency the Batavian republic, that is,
      the United States of Holland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND RUSSIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ever since the commencement of the war, great exertions had been made to
      bring the Empress of Russia into the coalition. That sovereign had an
      instinctive dread of the French revolution and its principles; but
      imagining that she had but little to gain by becoming a party to the war
      in the west of Europe, she constantly declined joining the allies. At
      length, however, on the 18th of February, she was induced to consent to a
      treaty of defensive alliance with Great Britain; in which treaty, the
      contracting parties guaranteed to each other all their dominions,
      territories, &amp;c, as well such as they actually possessed, or might
      hereafter acquire, by treaty; and agreed, that in case of one of them
      being attacked by sea or land, the other was immediately to send succour:
      Russia was to send land troops to the aid of Great Britain, to the number
      of 10,000 infantry and 2,000 horse, and Great Britain was to send a
      squadron of twelve ships of the line to the aid of Russia. A treaty of
      defensive alliance, upon the same principles, was also concluded between
      the Emperor of Germany and England, the succours on either side, in case
      of attack made, being 20,000 foot and 6,000 horse. But these treaties
      meant little more than that Russia might, at some time, require the
      assistance of an English fleet, and that Austria would require an English
      subsidy. Equally unprofitable to England was a treaty, or agreement,
      entered into at the close of this year, with the infidel and piratic Dey
      of Algiers. This last treaty originated with Sir Gilbert Elliot, the
      viceroy of George III. at Corsica. There had been for a long time a mortal
      hatred existing between the Corsicans and the Algerines; and Sir Gilbert
      Elliot wished to conciliate the latter. By this treaty, the Algerines were
      to be permitted to carry their prizes into the forts of Corsica, and to
      sell them there; whilst the Corsicans were to be permitted to frequent the
      African coast for the coral fishery, &amp;c, on condition that the Viceroy
      of Corsica should pay to the Dey of Algiers 179,000 piastres, and a
      further sum of 24,000 piastres for a cargo of grain which had been taken
      by the English from the Algerines.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CAMPAIGN OF THE ALPS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the severity of the winter, the French, who had taken possession of
      the Alps, were in a state of miserable destitution from desertion and
      sickness, and no measures were taken by the convention to reinforce them.
      On the other hand, the courts of Vienna and Turin were making vigorous
      efforts for prosecuting the war on the Piedmontese frontier. All that the
      republicans aimed at, was to retain possession of the posts they had
      gained on the Alps; but, after various actions, they were obliged to
      evacuate every position on the maritime Alps, and the allied armies
      threatened the country of Nice and the territory of the republic. If the
      allies had pushed their advantages with vigour, the republicans must have
      lost more; but they, as was their general rule, were sluggish and
      irresolute. Nelson, who had been detached with a small squadron to
      co-operate with the Austrian general, Devins, and who served on the coast
      of Nice, was almost frantic at his sluggishness. A plan had been formed
      for getting between the French divisions that occupied the Nissard
      territory and a part of the Western Riviera, or coast of the republic of
      Genoa, for taking the first of these divisions in the rear, and for
      blockading the port and city of Nice. But planning and executing were two
      different things. To carry out the plan proposed it was necessary that the
      allies should occupy the town and bay of St. Remo; but when Nelson
      suggested its capture, Devins, imagining that Nelson wanted possession of
      St. Remo for its harbour, argued that the bay of Valdo, which could be of
      no service in reducing Nice, was a much better and safer anchorage. He
      finally agreed to send 10,000 men to St. Remo, if Admiral Hotham would
      send him ten ships of war, and transports sufficient to carry them; but
      Hotham declined sending any more ships, and the plan therefore failed, the
      old German attributing its failure to the British admiral. While these
      divisions paralysed the movements of the allies, the Alpine legions of the
      republicans were re-enforced by 7000 men from the Eastern Pyrenees, and
      10,000 from the army on the Rhine. Moreover, the neutral powers and states
      assisted France more effectually than the allies assisted each other.
      Great as had been the insults and wrongs which the Genoese republic had
      suffered from the French republic in 1794, yet privateers carried abundant
      supplies of provision from Genoa to the French armies. Moreover, while the
      Genoese senate presumed to claim from the British fleet all the rights of
      a neutral state, they allowed all their roadsteads, bays, harbours, and
      even the well-defended port of the city of Genoa itself, to be crowded
      with French privateers, and men were enlisted in the city for the French
      army. Thus re-enforced and supported, Massena, who commanded the
      republicans, at length made a general attack on the confederates, assisted
      by Generals Scherer and Serrurier. The allies were so supine that they
      were not aware of his movements till a cannon-ball, at sunrise of the 23rd
      of November, aroused them from their lethargy. The French general's great
      object was to get between the Austrians and Piedmontese, to cut them off
      from one another, and then to defeat them in detail: no very difficult
      task, as both armies were indiscreetly scattered over a wide extent of
      mountainous country. The battle took place among rocks and precipices, and
      in the midst of a storm of hail and snow. The republicans were everywhere
      successful: the centre and the right wing were beaten from post to post,
      and at last put to flight; and the left wing, though it withstood the
      shock of assault bravely, was compelled to flee likewise. It is said that
      many thousands took to flight who had never seen the enemy, and some of
      whom were thirty miles from the advanced posts. The retreat, indeed,
      became a rout, and the republicans captured 5000 prisoners, all the
      artillery of the allies, and an immense store of ammunition. This
      terminated "the campaign of the Alps," for the Austrians and the
      Piedmontese were driven from all that coast, and the French triumphantly
      wintered in Vado and Savone.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF LA VENDEE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the pacification of the Vendee was effected. Charette
      with a few thousand royalists had, in the winter of 1794, maintained the
      contest there, and the princes of Europe looked up to him as the only man
      capable of restoring the royal cause. After some slight reverses, however,
      Charette listened to overtures made by secret agents of the convention;
      and at the end of February, 1795, a treaty of peace was concluded and
      signed. It seems probable that Charette was the more induced to take this
      step from the moderation recently displayed by the French government. It
      soon became evident, however, that neither party was sincere, that each
      suspected the other, and that both were preparing for another struggle.
      The seeds of inextinguishable discord prevailed between them, and this
      promised a future outbreak. Charette, indeed, seemed, after he had signed
      the treaty, to be living the life of a country gentleman; but all the
      while he was carrying on a secret correspondence with the Bourbon princes,
      and receiving supplies from England to aid him in his future operations.
      It would have been well for Charette if money had been all that he
      obtained from England; but, unfortunately, a number of emigrants crossed
      the Channel, and led him and the rest of the Vendean chiefs on to their
      ruin. The English ministry, indeed, embarked 6000 of these exiles in our
      pay, and a regiment of artillery from Toulon, as well as arms and
      accoutrements for 80,000 men. These were separated into two divisions; and
      a third, composed of British troops, was destined to support the whole
      when they had landed on the coast of France. The chief command of the
      expedition was given to the Count d'Artois, and great hopes were
      entertained of success, as the Chouans and Vendeans had engaged, on his
      landing, to place 80,000 men at his disposal. Subsequently, however, the
      Count d'Artois gave up the command to Puissaye, together with some £10,000
      in gold, and several millions of livres in assignats. In expectation of
      being joined by numerous bands of royalists, Puissaye took with him 27,000
      muskets, powder in abundance, and complete uniforms for more than 20,000
      soldiers. All obstacles in the way of transporting his troops to France
      were removed by the defeat of the French fleet, from Brest, by the Channel
      fleet under Lord Bridport, in which the French lost three ships of the
      line, and were obliged to seek shelter with those that remained in the
      harbour of L'Orient. Under these auspicious circumstances, the expedition
      set sail; and on the 27th of June appeared in Quiberon Bay, where the
      troops immediately landed, and took Fort Penthièvre, situated on a small
      peninsula, or promontory, which encloses Quiberon Bay on one side, and
      which is joined to the main land by a low sandy isthmus, called La
      Falaise. The news of the disembarkation of these troops caused great
      sensation through all France; the bravery of the Vendean peasants in their
      recent conflicts had been deeply remembered. But by the time they had
      landed, the whole of Brittany was enveloped by three or four armies under
      the command of Hoche, while General Canclaux, who had collected a large
      force to watch Charette, prevented the arrival of any succour from the
      Vendée. Hoche took immediate measures to avert the danger. Having disposed
      a part of his forces so as to overawe Brittany, he proceeded with 7000 men
      to the peninsula of Quiberon, and drove back the royalists to their
      intrenched camp near Fort Penthièvre. Here the royalist troops were shut
      up by the forces of Hoche; and while in this situation an open rapture
      took place between the emigrants and Chouans. Desertions became frequent,
      no new royalist troops arrived, and nothing was heard of the forces that
      had been promised from Jersey, the Elbe, and the English coast. But had
      all these forces arrived simultaneously it would have been to no purpose,
      as Hoche and Caudaux had collected such immense forces, and had cast, up
      such strong intrenchments on the heights of St. Barbe, which commanded the
      sandy isthmus of La Falaise, that no hope could be entertained of
      dislodging them. On the 15th of July the English convoy arrived with some
      royalist troops from the mouth of the Elbe, under the Count de Sombreuill;
      but their total number did not exceed 1100 men, which did not make up for
      the recent losses by desertion. Yet, encouraged by their arrival, before
      they had well landed, Puissaye detached Vauban with 12,000 Chouans to make
      a diversion on the right of Hoche's camp, to effect a junction with some
      other insurgents, said to have been gathered behind the heights of St.
      Barbe; while Puissaye himself marched from the narrow promontory, crossed
      the sandy desert, and boldly attacked the republicans in front. But all
      their efforts were fruitless: after some desperate fighting the royalists
      once more were compelled to retreat to their intrenched camp on the
      isthmus of La Falaise. There was treachery in that camp. In Puissaye's
      army there were Frenchmen who had enrolled in it merely for the chance of
      escaping from England, and these now settled with the republicans, to
      desert and put them in possession of Fort Penthièvre. This dark deed was
      done on the dark and stormy night of the 20th of July, when a detachment
      of republican grenadiers having approached near to the spot, some of these
      sham royalists who were on guard betrayed the fort, and assisted in
      slaughtering their own comrades. All was lost; the storm prevented the
      British fleet from approaching the coast; hundreds perished in the waves,
      and thousands by the sword of their own countrymen. Early on the morning
      of the 21st, the British frigates worked up to the south-east point of the
      peninsula, and received on board, by means of boats, about 2500 men; the
      rest were made prisoners or perished, and nearly all the arms and
      uniforms, with the ammunition and stores, were left behind for the benefit
      of the republicans. Those royalists who were taken prisoners were all
      marched off to Vannes, where a sort of military tribunal condemned the
      Count de Sombreuill, the Bishop of Dôl, and all the officers and gentlemen
      taken; and these being-all shot, the common men enrolled themselves in the
      republican army. The broken remains of this expedition were landed in the
      isle of Plouat, where they were soon afterwards joined by 2500 men from
      England, who gained possession of the Isle d'Yeu; but at the close of this
      year the English troops were re-embarked, and both ships and men returned
      to England.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime, as soon as Canclaux weakened his army to strengthen that
      of Hoche, and crush the royalist expedition at Quiberon Bay, Charette
      resumed the offensive, and had gained several advantages over the
      republicans. He looked eagerly for the promised arrival of Count d'Artois;
      and on the 10th of October the count disembarked at Isle d'Yeu. While here
      a place of rendezvous was appointed, and Charette, fully assured that the
      prince would land at the port of La Tranche, united his forces, dispersed
      some republican detachments, and cut his way to within a day's march of
      the appointed place. But Charette was doomed to be disappointed; the
      count's aide-de-camp here met him, with the intelligence that his highness
      had changed his mind, and would choose a more opportune moment and a
      better place for landing. The Count d'Artois returned to England; and from
      this time the affairs of the royalists in the western provinces rapidly
      declined. The efforts of the Chouans and Vendeans were, indeed, confined
      to a species of guerilla warfare, which, as will be seen, was completely
      extinguished in the following year, by the republicans under Hoche. On
      discovering the determination of the Count d'Artois the brave Charette saw
      the extent of his fate. "My friends," he exclaimed to those around him,
      "we are lost; this is my death sentence! To-day I have fifteen thousand
      troops around me, to-morrow I shall not have three hundred." Charette fell
      back immediately from the coast; and he soon had the mortification of
      seeing his troops dispersing, and his enemies gathering around him on all
      sides. Such was his situation at the close of this year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ARMIES ON THE RHINE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this campaign Moreau commanded the army of the north, encamped in
      Holland; Jourdan that of the Sambre and Meuse, stationed near Cologne; and
      Pichegru that of the Rhine, cantoned from Mayence to Strasburg. The
      contending armies were separated by the Rhine, from the Alps to the sea,
      at the commencement of the year; and nothing was done on either side till
      the end of June. At that time the old Austrian general, Bender, who, on
      the retreat and dissolution of the grand army of the coalition, threw
      himself into Luxembourg, was reduced by the republicans to capitulate;
      himself and numerous garrison being allowed to retire to Germany, upon
      condition or not serving against the French till exchanged. With the
      exception of Mayence, the republicans were now masters of the whole left
      bank of the Rhine, and of the estuaries through which the Rhine flows into
      the North Sea, from Holland to Strasburg. After the conquest of Holland,
      as before related, Pichegru undertook the reduction of Mayence, which was
      occupied by imperial and Austrian troops; and, as preparatory steps, he
      crossed the Rhine, captured Dusseldorf, and occupied Manheim. At this time
      Wurmser, one of the most active and skilful Austrian generals, was
      advancing with a good army to effect a junction with Clairfait, succour
      Mayence, and drive the French from the left bank of the Rhine. Pichegru
      endeavoured to prevent this junction by detaching a division against him;
      but Wurmser drove this division back with great loss to Manheim. Soon
      after this Pichegru was joined by Jourdan; crossing the Rhine he
      established himself on the right bank, opposite the town, to cover the
      siege and assist in it. But at this period the balance of fortune suddenly
      turned in favour of the Austrians. Being reinforced by 15,000 Hungarians,
      General Clairfait made a rapid and skilful advance, took Jourdan by
      surprise, obliged him to decamp hastily, and leave part of his artillery
      behind him, and harrassed him during the whole of his route to Dusseldorf,
      and there compelled him to re-cross the Rhine. Clairfait now threw a
      considerable part of his army across the Rhine into Mayence, in spite of
      the French lines drawn around it; and on the 29th of October he took those
      lines, which had cost the French a year's labour to construct, by storm;
      the republicans were driven from them with a terrible loss, and their
      battering train, with most of their field-pieces, were captured. About the
      same time Wurmser gained the bridge of the Necker, and drove Pichegru
      within the walls of Manheim. Pichegru, having strengthened the garrison,
      soon after quitted Manheim, re-crossed the Rhine, and effected a junction
      with jourdan. During the month of November, Manheim, with a garrison of
      9000 men, capitulated to Wurmser, who then formed a junction with
      Clairfait, and the two quickly recovered the whole of the Palatinate, and
      of the country between the Rhine and the Moselle. The Austrian generals
      formed a project of penetrating once more into Luxembourg; but their
      movements were slow, and Jourdan and Pichegru advanced along the Rhine by
      forced marches, and kept them in check. Several obstinate encounters took
      place; but the winter was fast approaching, and as both imperialists and
      republicans were exhausted by the campaign, it was deemed expedient to
      agree to an armistice, which was not to be broken on either side without
      ten days' notice, and during which, each were to remain in the same
      position they then occupied.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS AT PARIS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year witnessed the close of the empire of the Jacobins. When the
      reign of terror was overthrown, there still remained two parties in Paris
      to contend for superiority; that of the committees of Jacobins, which
      endeavoured to retain the remnant of their power, and that of the
      Thermidorians. The Jacobins were still formidable enemies: for four days
      after the death of Robespierre they resumed the sittings of their club;
      and as they possessed a strong hold on the feelings of the populace, the
      Thermidorians saw that it was necessary to rouse themselves into action.
      For a long time, however, they found themselves compelled to proceed with
      great caution against their antagonists; and had they not been supported
      by the <i>Jeunesse Dorée</i>, it is probable that the Jacobins would have
      been more than a match for them. These young men, after several
      encounters, attacked the club at one of its sittings and dispersed them;
      and then the commissioners of the convention put a seal on its papers, by
      which its existence, and with it the union of the democratic party, was
      destroyed. It was immediately after this victory over the club of Jacobins
      that the monster Carrier was executed; and the convention was soon able to
      effect more humane designs, and to abridge the power of the revolutionary
      tribunals. Gradually it proceeded to abolish unconstitutional measures;
      and at length, strengthened by the increasing force of public opinion,
      which appears to have undergone considerable re-action, it ventured on the
      impeachment of Billaud de Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, Barrère, and Vadier.
      These were arrested on the 2nd of March; but their arrest alarmed the
      other leaders of the Jacobins, and they prepared to avert the storm
      gathering over them. Their plan was to rouse the populace; and their
      design was aided by a famine which then prevailed, and by the extreme
      depreciation of assignats, which threatened the whole population with
      ruin. The revolt was organized in the fauxbourgs, and it broke out on the
      1st of April. The cry of the insurgents was "Bread;&mdash;the constitution
      of 1783, and the freedom of the patriots." Uttering this cry a crowd
      rushed into the hall of the convention. Everything indicated the approach
      of a crisis, and the Jacobins were recovering their former audacity, when,
      on a sudden, a large body of the <i>Jeunesse Dorée</i> entered the hall
      under Pichegru, and the power of the insurgents was restrained. The
      convention now proceeded to energetic measures; the accused leaders were
      condemned to transportation, and seven of the Jacobin members were
      arrested, and sent to the castle of Ham, in Picardy. But the malcontents
      were not yet tranquillized; they organized, indeed, a more formidable
      insurrection. This broke out on the 1st Prairial, or the 20th of May, when
      the populace of the fauxbourgs, amounting to 30,000, again surrounded the
      hall of the convention. This time they committed mischief; the hall was
      broken open, the deputy Ferand killed, and his head put upon a pike.
      Boissy d'Anglas, who was president, for a long time braved the violence of
      the mob; but he was finally compelled to quit the chair. Vernier took it
      when he retired, and several decrees, demanded by the populace, were then
      passed, These decrees were the liberation and recall of the deputies
      lately transported and arrested, the restoration of arms to the
      fauxbourgs, the arrest of emigrants and Parisian journalists, the
      re-establishment of the communes and sections, and the suspension of the
      existing committees of government, which were to be superseded by a
      sovereign commission. On obtaining these demands, many of the insurgents
      retired; and soon after the hall of convention was surrounded by the armed
      sections, who, after a brief struggle, obtained possession of it. Those
      deputies who had fled now returned, and annulled the decrees so recently
      passed by the minority, and ordered the arrest of some of their
      colleagues. The storm lasted several days; but finally the convention
      forced the fauxbourgs to submit; some leaders and six deputies of the
      "Mountain" were put to death, and the dominion of the populace was
      destroyed. Similar scenes were also witnessed in the provinces; everywhere
      the Jacobins were hunted down, and those who had practised or even
      favoured terrorism, were massacred. The mischief they had brought upon
      others, by a righteous retribution, returned upon their own heads. After
      their fury had subsided, and their enemies were destroyed or subdued, the
      Thermidorians, or the convention, proceeded to form a new constitution,
      widely differing from the institutions of 1793. A commission of eleven had
      previously been appointed to consider this subject, and the decision they
      arrived at was, that two chambers were necessary: one called the lower
      chamber, which was to consist of five hundred members; and the other
      denominated the upper chamber, which was to consist of half their number.
      Both of these were to be elected by the people, and there were to be five
      directors, chosen by the two councils, one of whom was to go out of office
      every year. The convention saw that their fate was sealed, for all France
      had become weary of their sway; and therefore this directorial
      constitution was forthwith voted. A display of public opinion, however,
      was fatal to its establishment. At this time the middle class, fearing the
      return of ochlocracy, and the noblest patriots of 1739 and 1791, had
      become re-inclined to monarchy; and finding themselves the majority of the
      sections of Paris, they looked forward to the elections with exultation.
      This alarmed the members of the convention; and in order to avert the
      danger which might arise to themselves, they decreed that two two-thirds
      of the members should be reelected, and that the convention itself should
      make choice of those members. But this dictatorial act met with stern
      opposition from the sections; with one voice they declaimed against it,
      and petitions and remonstrances were poured in from them to the
      convention. The reply made to the sections by the convention was by
      bringing the army to its aid; and thus supported, the new constitution and
      decrees were declared law. Civil war was now inevitable. The sections rose
      in arms to the number of 40,000 men, and prepared to resist the
      convention. Thus menaced, the convention assembled several thousand
      regular troops, and they also formed out of the republicans a battalion on
      whom they could depend in the contest against the royalists. The command
      of these forces was given to Napoleon Buonaparte, who, for his exploits at
      Toulon, had been appointed brigadier-general of the army in Italy. The
      decisive contest took place on the 5th of October, when Buonaparte, by his
      artillery, swept the ranks of the armed sections at every point, so that
      they were soon utterly routed. In one brief hour two thousand perished;
      and some arrests and executions confirmed the victory. By it the
      convention was enabled to form the two-thirds of the councils from their
      own body, as proposed; and having effected this, on the 26th of October,
      it declared its session terminated. It commenced and ended its career in
      blood.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1795-1796
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the public mind was in such an agitated state, arising
      chiefly from the dearness of bread and general scarcity of provision, and
      from the successes of the French, which made the war to some extent
      unpopular, that ministers convoked parliament for an unusually early day.
      It met on the 29th of October; and as the king was going down to the house
      of lords to open the session, he was surrounded by a numerous mob, who
      with loud voices demanded peace, cheap bread, and Pitt's dismissal. Some
      voices assumed a menacing tone; and when the state-coach came opposite to
      the ordnance-office, then in St. Margaret-street, a bullet, supposed to
      have been discharged from an air-gun, passed through the window. His
      majesty behaved on this occasion with all his natural coolness and
      intrepidity; on arriving at the house of lords he merely said to the
      chancellor, "My lord, I have been shot at." A number of persons were
      immediately arrested, and carried for examination into the Duke of
      Portland's office; and, waiting the result of these examinations, no
      business was done for some hours. At length, having previously moved that
      strangers should withdraw, Lord Westmoreland related in a formal manner
      the insult and outrage with which the king had been treated; adding that
      his majesty, and those who were with him, were of opinion that the bullet
      had been discharged from an air-gun, from a bow-window of a house
      adjoining the ordnance-office, with a view to assassinate the king. The
      rage of the populace was not yet exhausted. On his return his majesty was
      again assaulted and insulted; stones were thrown at him, and there was a
      good deal of hooting and shouting, and loud cries of "Bread," "Peace," and
      "No Pitt!" But while one part of the mob thus assailed him, another part
      cheered and applauded him, and a detachment of horse-guards, which arrived
      as he was passing through the park, presently dispersed them all. So gross
      an outrage as this had not been offered to any other monarch of Great
      Britain since the days of Charles the First. A reward of £ 1,000 was
      offered, to be paid on conviction of any person concerned in the assault;
      and one Kidd Wake, a journeyman printer, was convicted, and sentenced to
      five years' imprisonment in Gloucester goal. But his majesty received much
      consolation from the assurances of loyalty to his person contained in the
      numerous addresses which were presented to him from all parts of the
      kingdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      His majesty's speech on this occasion made the most of the check which the
      French had received from the Austrians on the Rhine. It said likewise,
      that the ruin of their commerce, the diminution of their maritime power,
      and the unparalleled embarrassments of the French, induced them to exhibit
      some desire for peace, and gave assurance that any disposition on their
      part to negociate for a general peace, on just and suitable terms, would
      be met, on the part of his majesty, with a full desire to give it speedy
      effect. At the same time the king recommended energy, in order to meet the
      possible continuance of the war, and the improvement of our naval
      superiority. An amendment, proposed by Fox, to the address was negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO PREVENT SEDITIOUS MEETINGS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of November Lord Grenville introduced a bill in the house of
      lords "for the safety and preservation of his majesty's person and
      government against treasonable and seditious practices and attempts." On
      the same day a bill was introduced into the commons by Pitt "for the
      prevention of seditious meetings." These bills, which went to restrict the
      right of the people to assemble for petitioning the crown and the
      legislature, and for discussing political subjects, and which were
      therefore almost sufficient to provoke and create the evils they were
      intended to prevent, met with a warm opposition in all their stages and in
      both houses; but they were carried by very large majorities. Many members
      at this time connected a meeting which had taken place in June, in
      Copenhagen-fields, with the outrages offered to his majesty; while others
      were of opinion that the unchecked harangues of demagogues were calculated
      to lead the people into excesses; and therefore ministers met with more
      than usual support in these measures.
    </p>
    <p>
      Beyond this, little was done in parliament before the recess, except the
      voting of supplies and receiving information relative to the failure of
      the last year's crop. The number of seamen voted was 110,000, and the
      number of land-forces 207,000; and a loan of twenty millions and a half,
      including a vote of credit, was granted. On the 8th of December, a message
      from the king was delivered to both houses, announcing, not only the
      regular formation of a government in France, but a readiness to meet any
      disposition for pacific negociations, and to give them full effect. His
      majesty expressed a hope, that the spirit and determination of parliament,
      added to the recent successes of the Austrian arms, and to the continued
      and growing embarrassments of the enemy, might speedily conduce to the
      attainment of this object. Motions were afterwards made in both houses for
      addresses in reply to his majesty's message; and, in the debates,
      opposition argued that the recent changes in the French government
      rendered that nation no more fit to be treated with now, than it had been
      at any period of the revolution. The addresses, however, were carried in
      both houses by large majorities; and thus a delusive hope was held out to
      the people that the war was about to be terminated. Yet, had they
      reflected upon the temper of parliament, they could scarcely have
      entertained such a hope; for motions made by opposition for addresses
      requesting the king to open negociations with the French government, were
      sternly objected to by ministers, and negatived. It was left for the
      French to make the first advances for peace, and they were not
      sufficiently humbled to take such a step; so war continued.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1796-1798
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Grey's Motion for Peace, &amp;c...... Pitt's Financial
     Measures..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Negociations of
     Peace..... Military Affairs on the Continent..... Surrender
     of Corsica and the Isle of Elba..... Dutch Attempt to retake
     the Cape of Good Hope..... French   Expedition to
     Ireland..... . Disputes between France and America.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Pitt's Financial Statement.....
     Mission of Lord Malmesbury to Paris..... Stoppage of Cash-
     payments at the Bank..... Meeting in the Fleets..... .
     Grey's Motion for Reform, &amp;c...... French Descent on
     Wales..... Battle of Cape St. Vincent..... Battle of
     Camperdown..... The Blockade of Cadiz, &amp;c...... War on the
     Continent..... Internal History of France..... Meeting of
     Parliament
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1796
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GREY'S MOTION FOR PEACE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the Christmas recess, on the 15th of February, Mr. Grey moved an
      address to the king, praying him to communicate to the executive
      government of France his readiness to meet any disposition to negociate a
      general peace. Pitt in reply said that there was a sincere desire for
      peace, if it could be obtained on honourable terms; but that the country
      could not break her faith with her allies that remained true to her, or
      consent to any arrangement which should leave the French in possession of
      Belgium, Holland, Savoy, Nice, &amp;c. The motion was negatived by one
      hundred and ninety against fifty. On the 10th of March the same honourable
      gentleman moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee, to
      inquire into the state of the nation; in his speech on which he dwelt upon
      the enormous expenses and hopeless prospects of the war, and represented
      our commerce as declining, and the country as reduced to a state in which
      it could not bear any more taxes. Pitt and his friends insisted, however,
      that the commerce of the country had increased, and was increasing, and
      justified the lavish expenditure, though much of it was unjustifiable.
      This motion was also negatived; but a few weeks later Mr. Grey moved a
      long series of resolutions, charging ministers with numerous acts of
      misappropriation of the public money, in flagrant violation of various
      acts of parliament, and of presenting false accounts, calculated to
      mislead the judgment of the house. The order of the day was likewise
      carried against this motion, by a majority of two hundred and nine to
      thirty-eight. On the 10th of May an address to the king was moved in the
      upper house by the Earl of Guildford, and in the lower house by Mr. Fox,
      declaring that the duty incumbent on parliament no longer permitted them
      to dissemble their deliberate opinion, that the distress, difficulty, and
      peril, to which this country was then subjected, had arisen from the
      misconduct of the king's ministers aud was likely to increase as long as
      the same principles which had hitherto guided these ministers should
      continue to prevail in the councils of Great Britain. Fox enlarged much on
      "that most fatal of all the innumerable errors of ministers," their
      rushing into a ruinous and unnecessary war, instead of mediating between
      France and the allied powers. He contended that his majesty, by
      undertaking the office of mediator, would have added lustre to the
      national character, and have placed Britain in the exalted situation of
      arbitress of the world. On the other hand, Pitt insisted that the king
      could not have interposed his mediation without incurring the hazard of
      involving himself in a war with that power which should have refused his
      terms. Pitt enlarged on the danger arising to all Europe from the
      revolutionary decree of the 19th of November, and the insult offered to
      this country in particular, in the encouragement given to the seditious
      and treasonable addresses presented to the convention. He contended, that
      while negociations were pending, war was actually declared by France, and
      that France, and not England, was therefore the aggressor. This nation, he
      said, had no alternative; and he asked if the house, after a war of three
      years, which they had sanctioned by repeated votes and declarations, would
      now acknowledge themselves in a delusion? whether they would submit to the
      humiliation and degradation of falsely arraigning themselves, and of
      passing on their own acts a sentence of condemnation? Pitt said that it
      was a war of which the necessity and policy were manifest; and that if the
      country should at any time suffer a reverse of fortune, he should still
      exhort them to surmount all difficulties by perseverance, until they could
      obtain safe and honourable conditions of peace. On the other hand, he
      added, if success should attend our arms, the prospect of obtaining
      further advantages should not be relinquished by a premature readiness to
      make peace. These arguments were deemed conclusive: the motions both of
      Fox and Lord Guildford were lost by immense majorities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session two budgets were produced, and two loans
      contracted, amounting in the whole to £25,000,000. The total supplies
      granted for the year were £13,821,430. In order to meet the expenditure
      many taxes were augmented, as those on wine, spirits, tea, coffee, silk,
      fruit, tobacco, salt, horses, dogs, hats, and legacies to collateral
      relatives; the assessed taxes were also increased by ten per cent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session, in which little appears to have been done, terminated on the
      19th of May. In his speech from the throne his majesty expressed the happy
      effects experienced from the provisions adopted for suppressing sedition,
      and restraining the progress of principles subversive of all established
      government; and the highest approbation of the uniform wisdom, temper, and
      firmness which had appeared in all then-proceedings since their first
      meeting. A few days afterwards parliament was dissolved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of the debate on Fox's motion, for an address to the crown,
      it was stated by ministers that Mr. Wickham, our envoy to the Swiss
      cantons, had already had some communication with Barthélémy, the French
      negociator in chief, and they urged that these communications were quite
      sufficient to induce the republic to treat, if it really had any pacific
      intention. Opposition, however, urged that Mr. Wickham had not done enough
      to conciliate the French; and thus urged on, Pitt considered himself
      obliged to continue the overtures which had been made. Mr. Wickham asked
      Barthélémy whether the directory were desirous to negociate with Great
      Britain and her allies on moderate and honourable conditions, and would
      agree to a meeting of a congress for this purpose. Barthélémy replied,
      that the directory sincerely desired peace, but that they would insist on
      keeping Belgium, or all the Austrian dominions in the Low Countries, as
      they had been annexed to the French republic by a constitutional decree
      that could not be revoked. It was, however, as clear as the sun at noonday
      that the directory did not desire peace at all; or that, if they did, it
      would be on terms that could not be accepted. At this very time they were
      not only meditating a blow at the commerce of England, by preventing the
      admission of English goods into any port of France and Belgium, and into
      any of the French dependencies, but they were fostering and entertaining a
      number of Irish revolutionists at Paris, and were contemplating a grand
      expedition to Ireland, in order to co-operate with the rebellious there,
      and to convert that country, as they had done Holland, Belgium, &amp;c,
      into a French dependency. Yet, though it was manifest that the French
      directory had no desire for peace, in the autumn of this year, Pitt was
      induced to renew his overtures. Government applied for passports for an
      ambassador to go to Paris; and Lord Malmesbury arrived there on the 22nd
      of October. But all negociation for peace was vain. It-lasted for several
      weeks; and then, the directors having required Lord Malinesbury to define
      what compensation would be demanded for the restoration of the French
      colonies, and to state all his demands within four and twenty hours, his
      lordship replied that their requisition precluded all further negociation;
      and on the next day his lordship was told that he must quit Paris within
      forty-eight hours.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Pitt had prepared for a vigorous prosecution of the war.
      In order to confirm the cabinet in the warlike disposition displayed, to
      rouse the national spirit for renewed exertions, and to point out the
      dishonour of forming treaties with men notorious for their bad faith, in
      the course of this summer Mr. Burke published his celebrated "Letters on a
      Regicide Peace." These letters, and the two others that were published
      after his death, are among the most splendid efforts of his mind. In them
      he took a different view of the war from Pitt; he thought that it would be
      both violent and protracted. At the same time he did not despair of the
      final result, provided only a check could be given to that despondence
      which had seized upon many minds, and which the opposition were
      inculcating and promoting. It was his opinion that it was essential to
      success to disclaim all partition of the soil of France, to distinguish
      between the government and the nation, and to declare against the
      Jacobins, as distinct from the people; that France ought to be attacked in
      her own territory, and, in the first instance, by a British army sent into
      the Vendée; that it was impolitic to employ troops and fleets in reducing
      West Indian islands while the French armies were overrunning the
      Continent; and that England, with a force of nearly 300,000 men, with a
      navy of 500 ships of war, might make an irresistible impression on any
      part of the French territory. This was the last effort which Burke made to
      stem the onward torrent of the progress of the French revolutionists. He
      had recently endured a severe calamity in the death of his only son, of
      whose talents he had formed the highest expectations, and for whose
      advancement he had vacated his seat in parliament; and in the next year he
      himself was brought to the grave. He was one of the greatest men of his
      age; and his views of political philosophy will go down to posterity as
      the most enlightened that ever flowed from a human mind.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MILITARY AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year France had three objects in contemplation: an invasion of
      Germany, another of Italy, and the subjugation of La Vendée.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Germany the Austrian army was headed by the Archduke Charles of
      Austria, with whom was joined the veteran Wurmser. Under them were 175,000
      troops, of which 40,000 were the finest cavalry in Europe. They defended
      the entrance of Germany on the side of the Rhine; and Jourdan and Moreau
      were despatched with 150,000 men against them; the former approaching the
      empire by the Upper Rhine, and the latter directing his course through
      Suabia. At first the French were eminently successful. They drove all the
      Austrian corps back from the frontiers; deprived them of their magazines,
      cannon, and arms; and threatened the hereditary states. Within six weeks
      the Austrians were reduced by a third of their original force&mdash;partly
      by loss and partly by drafts out of it for the service in Italy; and the
      French armies covered the country from Stutgard to the Lake of Constance,
      a line of one hundred and fifty miles. But at this point their successes
      ended. Perceiving their error in thus extending their front, the Archduke
      Charles narrowed his own, and gradually bringing nearer to a converging
      point the separate forces of Wartensleben and Wurmser, he slowly
      retreated; watching his opportunity for striking a blow. At length, when
      Moreau had captured Ulm and Donawert, on the Danube, and was preparing to
      cross the river Leek into Bavaria, and thence to move onward to the
      defiles of the Tyrol, the Archduke Charles fell upon Jourdan at Amberg,
      and completely defeated him. This occurred on the 24th of August; and on
      the 3rd of September the archduke overtook the republicans again at Maine,
      where he once more thinned their ranks. Still pressing on their rear, the
      republicans fell into a miserably disorganized state; and on the 16th of
      September the archduke came up with them at Aschaffenburg, and drove them
      with terrible loss to the opposite side of the Rhine. In the whole,
      Jourdan lost 20,000 men, and nearly all his artillery and baggage. Moreau
      was too far off to render him any assistance; and he could neither advance
      nor maintain himself where he was without him. Under these circumstances
      he commenced his retreat with 70,000 men, followed by the imperial
      general, Latour, who had not above 24,000 men. Latour, pressing on
      Moreau's rear too closely, suffered a defeat; and the French reached the
      banks of the Rhine in safety. Here, however, the Archduke Charles was
      ready to meet them with a force equal, or, perhaps, superior to their own.
      Moreau was compelled to fight two battles, in both of which he was
      defeated; and nothing but a violent storm saved the wreck of his army.
      This, and the pitchy darkness of the night, prevented the Austrian cavalry
      from acting, and enabled him to get his broken columns on the safe side of
      the Rhine. The archduke Charles had therefore saved Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Italy the republicans were more successful. The command of the army
      there was given to Napoleon Buonaparte; and he arrived at his
      head-quarters at Nice on the 26th of March. His army, which was in a
      wretched state of discipline, amounted to about 50,000 men, while that of
      the Austrians and Piedmontese amounted to about 60,000 men. The imperial
      army was under the command of Beaulieu, and was stretched along the ridge
      of the Apennines, at the foot of which the French were advancing. On
      leading his troops to the Alpine frontier, Napoleon made the first of his
      remarkable appeals to his troops:&mdash;"Soldiers" said he, "you are
      almost naked and half-starved; the government owes you much, and can give
      you nothing. Your patience and courage in the midst of these rocks are
      admirable; but they reflect no honour on your arms. I am about to conduct
      you into the finest plains on earth; fertile provinces, opulent cities,
      will soon be in your power; there you will find rich harvests, honour, and
      glory. Soldiers of Italy, will you fail in courage?" Without waiting to be
      attacked Beaulieu descended from the heights, and met the advanced guard
      of the French at Voltri, near Genoa, which he repulsed. D'Argenteau, who
      commanded Beaulieu's centre, at the same time traversed the mountains of
      Montenotte, in the hope of descending upon Savona, and thus take the
      French in flank; but, when more than half of his march was completed, he
      met a French division of 1500 men, who threw themselves into the redoubt
      of Montelegino, and thus shut up the road of Montenotte. D'Argenteau
      attacked this post, but he was unable to take it; and in the meantime
      Buonaparte marched round by an unguarded road to his rear, and attacked
      and defeated him. This was the first of a series of victories on the part
      of the French. Before the end of April, besides this battle of Montenotte,
      Buonaparte had gained those of Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi, by which he
      effected a separation of the Austrian and Piedmontese armies. The King of
      Sardinia was so discouraged by his losses, that to procure a cessation of
      hostilities he delivered up some of his principal fortresses to the
      French; and a peace was shortly concluded, by which he ceded the Duchy of
      Savoy and the county of Nice to the conquerors for ever. The reply of
      Buonaparte to his negociators was characteristic. He remarked:&mdash;"It
      is for me to impose conditions: unless you obey, my batteries are erected
      by to-morrow, and Turin is in flames." Having imposed his conditions on
      the king of Sardinia, Buonaparte, on the 10th of May, advanced to Lodi,
      where he encountered and, after a fierce conflict, defeated Beaulieu. It
      was after gaining this victory, as he himself said many years afterwards,
      that the idea first flashed across his mind that he might become a great
      actor in the world's drama. In order to obtain the ends of his ambition,
      Buonaparte now stretched every nerve. In five days after the action at
      Lodi he made his triumphant entry into Milan; and all Lombardy was at the
      feet of the conqueror, except Mantua. At Milan the French had many
      converts and partisans, and Napoleon received an enthusiastic welcome;
      but, notwithstanding all this, he levied immense contributions, not only
      on the Milanese, but on Parma and Modena, as the price of an armistice.
      Thus the Milanese were compelled to contribute 20,000,000 francs; the Duke
      of Parma was made to pay 1,500,000 francs; and the Duke of Modena
      6,000,000 francs in cash, 2,000,000 more in provisions, cattle, horses,
      etc., and to deliver up some of his choicest paintings. This regular
      plunder was called for by the five directors at the Luxembourg, who were
      perpetually demanding of Napoleon, money, more money. How effectually he
      responded to their demand is shown by his own statements; for he says,
      that besides clothing, feeding, and paying the army during the first
      Italian campaign, he remitted 50,000,000 of francs to the Luxembourg. But
      these harsh terms of the French fraternisation produced their fruits in an
      extensive revolt in Lombardy; and at Pavia, whither Napoleon was compelled
      to return, it could only be quelled by energetic measures. With the
      artillery he battered down the gates and cleared the streets; after which
      he gave up the city to plunder, debauchery, and every species of violence
      and crime which his republican army were capable of committing.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon advancing southward now overran Tuscany, where he showed how the
      French directory respected neutrality by taking possession of Leghorn, and
      seizing all the goods belonging to the English, Portuguese, and others, in
      the warehouses of that great free port. Subsequently he plundered the
      states and possessions of the pope; and when Pius VI. dispatched envoys to
      sue for terms, he granted an armistice only at the following price:&mdash;15,000,000
      francs in cash, and 6,000,000 in provisions, horses, &amp;c.; a number of
      paintings, ancient statues and vases, and five hundred manuscripts from
      the Vatican; the cession of the provinces of Bologna and Ferrara; the
      cession of the port and citadel of Ancona; and the closing of all the
      papal ports to the English and their allies. The spoiler was recalled from
      this work by intelligence that old Wurmser was marching against him from
      the Valley of Trento, with an army consisting of nearly 60,000 men.
      Napoleon was besieging Mantua when he heard of the approach of the German
      veteran; and drawing his army from thence, he hastened to meet his enemy.
      Unhappily for Wurmser's success, he had divided his forces; while he
      himself moved with the larger portion along the eastern shore of the lake
      of Guarda, he sent Quosnadowich with the other division along the western
      bank. This was a fatal error. Buonaparte instantly threw the entire weight
      of his concentrated forces upon Quosnadowich and crushed him at Lonato;
      and then sought Wurmser with a force nearly double to that of the
      Austrians; and in two battles, fought on the 3rd and 5th of August, near
      Castiglione, defeated him, and drove him back into the Tyrol, with the
      loss of his artillery and several thousand men. But though defeated, the
      Austrian general was not subdued. Striking across the mountains to the
      east of Trento, and descending the valley of the Brente, the old general
      again entered Italy, and advanced to Bassano. Here he was joined by some
      reinforcements from Carinthia; but Napoleon followed hard after him, and
      he was compelled to throw himself into the fortress of Mantua. It was on
      the 14th of September that Wurmser shut himself up in Mantua; and shortly
      after two fresh Austrian armies, raised chiefly through another subsidy
      from England, descended into Italy; one of which, under Marshal Alvinzi,
      descended from Carinthia upon Belluno, and the other, under Davidowich,
      moved down from the Tyrol. Had these forces been united they would
      scarcely have been a match for Buonaparte, whence there cannot be any
      wonder that the result was disastrous to the Austrian arms. Taking
      advantage of this error, Napoleon, with the mass of his forces, rushed to
      meet Alvinzi; and after a series of battles, in which the French suffered
      great loss, he finally succeeded in defeating the Austrian general at
      Areola. Alvinzi made his retreat upon Vicenza and Bassano; and on the same
      day that he commenced this retreat on the left side of the Adige,
      Davidowich came down on the right side of that river, and entered the
      plains between Pescheira and Verona. His defeat was inevitable: Napoleon
      turned against him with forces flushed with victory; and he was driven
      back to Ala, Reverodo, and the steep hills that hang over the pass of the
      Tyrol. This action concluded what has been aptly called "the third Italian
      campaign of the year 1796."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SURRENDER OF CORSICA AND THE ISLE OF ELBA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time Napoleon felt that the conquest of all Italy was within his
      reach. Treaties and the rights of foreign powers, whether neutral or
      friendly, were little regarded by him. Thus, in open contempt of both, he
      had invaded Tuscany, and had taken possession of Leghorn, his excuse being
      the dislodgement of the English. In consequence of this movement Nelson
      blockaded that port, and landed a force in the isle of Elba, in order to
      secure Porto Ferrajo. Moreover, as Genoa, taking the part of France, had
      excluded the English from its ports, Nelson seized on the island of
      Capraia, which had formerly belonged to Corsica. But the British admiral's
      vigour was not seconded by the British government; orders were given for
      even the evacuation of Corsica itself; and soon after the British fleet,
      in consequence of peace being made between Naples and France, left the
      Mediterranean station, and proceeded to the support of Portugal.
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      DUTCH ATTEMPT TO RETAKE THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Dutch government having determined not to suffer the loss of the Cape
      of Good Hope without a struggle to regain it, fitted out an expedition for
      that purpose. This expedition anchored on the 2nd of August in the bay of
      Saldanha; and at the moment when General Craig was marching down the coast
      to meet the invaders, a British fleet was seen advancing, with a fair
      wind, to the mouth of the harbour. The English admiral, Elphinstone,
      anchored within gunshot of the enemy, and sent a summons to the Dutch
      admiral; and seeing that resistance was useless, he delivered up his
      squadron without having fired a gun. The prizes were two sail of the line,
      three smaller ships of war, and three armed vessels.
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      FRENCH EXPEDITION TO IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In Ireland the Papists had long sought to overthrow the Protestant
      supremacy, while the liberals were anxiously seeking the triumph of their
      principles. The disposition which prevailed among these two powerful
      parties was known to the French directory; and they were encouraged
      thereby to attempt the striking of a blow of no common magnitude in that
      quarter. On the 20th of December General Hoche embarked at Brest with
      15,000 troops, to co-operate with the Irish insurgents; but the fleet,
      which was under the command of Vice-admiral Morard de Galles, had scarcely
      left the harbour when it was dispersed by a storm. Only eight sail out of
      eighteen ships of the line reached the Irish coast, and the weather was so
      stormy that the French could not land; and the whole expedition, after
      having suffered great loss, was obliged to return to France. One of the
      line-of-battle ships was attacked, before she could reach a port, by two
      English frigates, and was finally driven on shore, where she went to
      pieces, and many of the crew perished in the sea. In the whole, the French
      lost three ships of the line and three frigates from the adverse elements;
      and they narrowly escaped the attack of a British fleet, under Lord
      Bridport, who arrived off the Irish coast immediately after their
      departure. During the whole of this year, indeed, the maritime power of
      France suffered greatly; and her remaining commerce was much diminished by
      the exertions of the British cruisers. Upwards of seventy sail of armed
      vessels belonging to the enemy were captured; among which were five ships
      of the line and twelve frigates. On the other hand, the French made a
      successful expedition to Newfoundland, where shipping and merchandise to a
      large amount were captured or destroyed.
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      DISPUTES BETWEEN FRANCE AND AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new government of France had scarcely commenced operations when it
      became involved in a quarrel with America. This dispute arose from the
      treaty recently executed between America and Great Britain; which treaty
      the directory supposed was inimical to France, and incompatible with the
      idea of neutrality. By the treaty of 1778, which was still in force, the
      Americans had guaranteed to France their West Indian colonies; but by the
      treaty of 1795 they consented that even supplies of provisions sent to
      those islands should be treated as illegal commerce. In consequence of
      this, the directory affected to regard the Americans as enemies, and made
      such depredations on their commerce as amounted to almost open war. An <i>arrêt</i>
      also was issued, on the third of July, ordering French ships of war to
      observe such conduct towards the vessels of neutral nations as they had
      hitherto suffered from the English. Thus began that oppressive system by
      which neutral powers were doomed to be persecuted in the future progress
      of the war. Towards the close of this summer, Mr. Monroe, the American
      ambassador at Paris, was recalled; and the directory not only refused to
      receive a successor, but suspended M. Adet, French resident at
      Philadelphia, from his functions. Such was the situation of the foreign
      relations of the United States in the year when Washington finally retired
      from the cares of government, to enjoy repose in the shades of Mount
      Vernon, on the banks of the Potowmac.
    </p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament had been dissolved by proclamation soon after the
      close of the last session; and ministers had, in consequence, been chiefly
      occupied by the elections. The new parliament was opened by the king in
      person on the 6th of October. In his speech, his majesty repeated his
      anxious wish for an honourable peace; announced the intended mission of
      Lord Malmesbury to Paris for that purpose; and made allusion to the
      success of our arms in the East and West Indies, and to the brilliant
      campaign of Archduke Charles. Some difference of opinion existed between
      ministers and their supporters, on the propriety of entering upon a
      negociation with republican France; but, nevertheless, the usual addresses
      passed without a division. A clause in his majesty's speech declared
      apprehension of an invasion; and therefore Pitt recommended the adoption
      of measures to repel the attempt. He proposed a plan for augmenting the
      national force by a levy of 15,000 men from the parishes, to be divided
      between the sea and land service; and by a supplementary levy of 60,000
      men for the militia, and 20,000 men for irregular service, not to be
      called out immediately, but enrolled and gradually trained. This plan,
      after some bitter remarks made by the habitual opponents of government,
      and after the alteration of a clause which proposed to convert gamekeepers
      into soldiers, passed without a division. A bill was also brought in and
      carried by Mr. Dundas, to raise a militia in Scotland. The total number of
      land-forces voted for the year 1797 was 195,694; that of seamen, 120,000.
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      PITT'S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Pitt opened the budget on the 7th of November. The money he required was
      £27,945,000; and among the ways and means which he proposed was a loan of
      £18,000,000. There seems to have been a universal spirit of loyalty in the
      house, for all that was said by Pitt as to the courage and resources of
      the nation, and our capability of withstanding the power of France and our
      various enemies, was loudly cheered, while Fox, who opposed him, was heard
      in dead silence. The propositions were agreed to, and this loan was soon
      followed by a second of equal amount, and including a vote of three
      millions for the Emperor of Austria. On opening the budget, Pitt stated
      that ministers had made an advance of £1,200,000 to the emperor; and on
      the 13th of November, Fox moved "That his Majesty's ministers, having
      authorised and directed at different times, and without the consent and
      during the sitting of parliament, the issue of various sums for the
      services of his Imperial Majesty, and also for the service of the army
      under the Prince of Condé, have acted contrary to their duty, and to the
      trust reposed in them, and have thereby violated the constitutional
      privileges of this house." At first Pitt admitted that it was an irregular
      act, but afterwards he attempted to bring what he had done within the
      authority of the ordinary vote of credit, and endeavoured to find a
      principle in other discretionary and indefinite expenditures. Pitt was
      manifestly in a dilemma; but he was rescued by the Hon. Charles Bathurst
      Bragge, who moved as an amendment to Fox's resolution, to the effect that
      the advance made to the Emperor, "Though not to be drawn into precedent
      but upon occasions of special necessity, was, under the peculiar
      circumstances of the case, a justifiable and proper exercise of the
      discretion vested in his Majesty's ministers by the vote of credit, and
      calculated to produce consequences which have proved highly advantageous
      to the common cause, and to the general interests of Europe." This
      amendment was carried by a majority of two hundred and eighty-five to
      eighty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      MISSION OF LORD MALMESBURY TO PARIS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As intimated by the King in his speech on opening the new parliament,
      during the course of the autumn. Lord Malmesbury was sent to Paris to
      treat for peace. At this time, however, peace was not easily obtained; the
      republicans were too much elated by their success in Italy and their hopes
      from Ireland to listen to any pacific overtures with complacency; and
      moreover an envoy, despatched about the same time to the court of Berlin,
      with an intent, as was supposed, of drawing Prussia again into a
      coalition, excited considerable jealousy in the minds of the directors.
      Lord Malmesbury's mission was in fact a complete failure. On his return
      his Majesty sent a message to parliament, declaring that the rupture of
      the negociation did not proceed from the want of a sincere desire on his
      part for the restoration of peace, but from the excessive pretensions of
      the enemy&mdash;pretensions which were incompatible with the permanent
      interests of this country and the general security of Europe. On the next
      day the British ministry also published a manifesto, enlarging on their
      own pacific dispositions, and setting forth the malignant hostility of the
      French republicans. Copies of all the memorials and other papers relating
      to the negociation were likewise laid before parliament, and on the 30th
      of December the King's massage was taken into consideration in both
      houses. In the commons, Pitt asserted that the rupture of the negociations
      was wholly due to the directory, who demanded, not as an ultimatum, but as
      a preliminary, to retain all territories of which the war had given them
      possession; and respecting which they had thought proper to pass a decree,
      annexing them unalienably to the republic. He continued, "And not content
      with thus abrogating the law of nations, as well as previous treaties,
      they have offered a studied insult to his majesty by ordering his
      ambassador to quit Paris, and proposing to carry on the negociation by
      reciprocal couriers. The question then is, not how îmich you will give for
      peace, but how much disgrace you will suffer at the outset; how much
      degradation you will submit to as a preliminary? Shall we then persevere
      in the war with a spirit and energy worthy of the British name and
      character; or shall we, by sending couriers to Paris, prostrate ourselves
      at the feet of a stubborn, supercilious government? I hope there is not a
      hand in his majesty's council that would sign the proposal; that there is
      not a heart in this house which would sanction the measure; and that there
      is not an individual in this realm that would act as courier." In private,
      Fox confessed that this would be the very worst moment for making a peace
      with France; but, nevertheless, he moved an amendment to the address to be
      returned to the king's message, replete with inculpations of ministers for
      not having concluded a treaty with the French republic. His friend, Lord
      Guildford, moved a similar amendment in the Lords; but both were negatived
      by large majorities.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1797
    </p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      STOPPAGE OF CASH PAYMENTS AT THE BANK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this year the aspect of public affairs wore a
      gloomy appearance. The directors of the Bank of England had recently, on
      several occasions, represented to the chancellor of the exchequer their
      inability of supplying his increasing demands; and the dread of an
      invasion had produced a run upon the bank for specie; so that when Pitt
      requested a further advance, early in this year, of £1,500,000 as a loan
      to Ireland, he was informed that a compliance with this request would most
      likely cause the directors to shut their doors. In this state of affairs
      the privy council, on the 26th* of February, sent an order, prohibiting
      the directors of the Bank from issuing any cash or specie in payment till
      the sense of parliament could be taken, and measures be adopted for
      supporting public credit.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     *This was on a Sunday; and it was the first time, during the
     reign of the present monarch   that business had been
     transacted on that day.
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      This decisive step was announced by a royal message to parliament on the
      next day; and the subject was immediately taken into consideration. It was
      thought by the opposition that this would crush Pitt; and Fox exultingly
      gave notice that he would move for an inquiry into all the past
      transactions between the Bank and the minister; and Sheridan, Whitbread,
      and others made motions all having one end in view&mdash;Pitt's overthrow.
      But Pitt was too firmly seated to be overthrown by his opponents, however
      ardently they might seek his downfall. The first step taken was to appoint
      two secret committees for ascertaining the assets of the Bank beyond its
      debts; and their reports stated that these amounted to the sum of
      £3,826.890, exclusive of a permanent debt of £11,666,800 in the three per
      cent, stock, due from government; and also that the demands which
      occasioned this drain of cash had of late increased, and that they were
      likely to go on increasing until the Bank would be deprived of its means
      of supplying that cash to government which it might require. The
      committees added, that it, was proper to continue the measures already
      taken for such time and under such limitations as should seem expedient to
      parliament. This report was taken into consideration by a committee of the
      whole house; and Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill to continue and
      confirm for a limited time the restriction of the issue of specie by the
      Bank of England; and after various clauses, added by the ministers
      themselves, this bill passed. The Bank was authorized to issue specie to
      the amount of £100,000, for the accommodation of private bankers and
      traders; and bank-notes were to be a legal tender to all, except to the
      army and navy, who were to be paid in cash. From this time till 1819 the
      circulation of gold coin in a great measure ceased, and notes of one pound
      and upwards became the general medium of commercial intercourse. Pitt's
      bill was, indeed, limited in its operation to the 24th of June; but the
      restriction was afterwards continued from time to time by a succession of
      new acts, so that the return to cash payments did not take place till the
      above date, when Sir Robert Peel carried his well-known bill on that
      subject.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1796-1798
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      MUTINY IN THE FLEETS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the sitting of parliament mutinies broke out in the fleet, which
      gave far greater alarm than the suspension of cash payments by the Bank.
      For some time great dissatisfaction had prevailed among the seamen
      respecting their pay and provisions; and in the month of February Lord
      Howe received several anonymous letters, praying for his lordship's
      influence towards obtaining an increase of pay, and an improvement in the
      quality and quantity of food. At the same time a correspondence was
      established between the crews of the different ships, and a committee of
      delegates was appointed to obtain a redress of grievances. These
      proceedings were conducted with great secrecy; and it was not till Lord
      Bridport made a signal to prepare for sea, in April, that they became
      known. Then, instead of weighing anchor as the signal imported, the seamen
      of the admiral's ship ran up the shrouds, and saluted the surrounding
      ships' crews with three cheers, to which a long and loud response was
      given. It became manifest that the spirit of disobedience was general; and
      this was soon shown by action as well as by the voice. The next step of
      the delegates was to assemble in the cabin of the admiral's ship, and to
      place the officers in custody, in order to prevent them from going on
      shore. A petition to the admiral was drawn up, and presented on the spot;
      accompanied with a declaration that, till the prayer of the petition was
      granted, till their pay was increased and their provisions altered, they
      should not quit their present station, "unless the enemy was known to be
      at sea." On discovering this mutinous spirit, a committee of the
      admiralty, with Earl Spencer at their head, repaired to Portsmouth, with a
      view of inducing the seamen to return to their duty. This was on the 18th
      of April; and five days later the admiral returned to his ship, when,
      after hoisting his flag, he informed the crew that he had brought with him
      a redress of all their grievances, accompanied by his majesty's pardon for
      their offence. These offers were cheerfully accepted, and every man
      returned to his duty. There was reason for believing that all cause of
      dissatisfaction was removed; but there was still mischief lurking behind.
      On the 7th of May, when Lord Bridport again made the signal to put to sea,
      every ship at St. Helen's refused to obey, the seamen being under the
      impression that government would not fulfil its promises. A meeting of
      delegates was convened to be be held on board the "London;" but
      Vice-admiral Colpoys, having determined to prevent the illegal assembly
      from being held on board his ship, ordered the marines to fire upon the
      boats as they approached; and five seamen were killed. Irritated by this
      resistance on the part of the admiral, the crew of the "London" now turned
      their guns towards the stern, and threatened to blow all aft into the
      water, unless the commander submitted; and Admiral Colpoys and Captain
      Griffiths were both taken into custody by their crew, and confined for
      several hours in separate cabins. Such was the state of affairs on the
      14th of May, when Lord Howe arrived from the admiralty with plenary powers
      to settle all differences; and as his lordship was the bearer of an act of
      parliament, which had passed on the 9th, granting an additional allowance
      of pay to the seamen, and also of his majesty's proclamation of pardon,
      the flag of insurrection was struck, and the fleet prepared to put out to
      sea. The dangerous spirit of disaffection, however, was not yet subdued.
      While these things were transacting at Portsmouth, a fresh mutiny broke
      out at Sheerness. This gave little alarm at first, it being supposed that
      the terms which had been offered Lord Bridport's ships, and which were to
      be extended to all ships and fleets whatsoever, would satisfy those fresh
      mutineers. It was not so. On the 20th of May, many of the ships lying at
      the Nore, and soon afterwards nearly all those belonging to the North Sea
      fleet, hoisted the red flag, chose two delegates from every ship, and
      elected a president, who styled himself "President of the floating
      republic." The demands made by these mutineers were a greater freedom of
      absence from ships in harbour; a more punctual discharge of arrears of
      pay; a more equal distribution of prize-money; and a general abatement of
      the rigours of discipline. Compliance to these concessions was demanded as
      the only condition upon which they would return to their duty. The
      admiralty, however, gave a decided negative to their demands; and, with a
      promise of pardon, insisted that they should return to their duty and
      proceed to sea in search of the enemy. The delegates now demanded that
      some of the board of admiralty should come down to Sheerness to negociate
      with them; and the mutineers of the "Sandwich," of ninety guns,
      Vice-admiral Buckner's ship, in which "President Parker" was serving,
      struck the admiral's flag, and hoisted the red flag in its stead; and then
      all the ships of war which lay near Sheerness dropped down to the great
      Nore. Pardon was again offered them and again rejected on the 24th; and on
      the 29th a committee of the admiralty went down to Sheerness, and sent for
      the delegates, and tried to conciliate them without yielding to any of
      their new demands. But all their endeavours were fruitless. The delegates
      behaved with great insolence to the commissioners; and as soon as they
      returned to the fleet, the mutineers moored their ships in a line across
      the river, and detained every merchant vessel bound up or down the Thames.
      This was in effect blockading the port of London; and two vessels, laden
      with stores and provisions, were seized and appropriated to the use of the
      mutineers. On the 4th of June the whole fleet celebrated the king's
      birthday by a royal salute; and on the 6th they were joined by four ships
      of the line from Admiral Duncan's squadron, making in the whole
      twenty-four sail, consisting of eleven ships of the line and thirteen
      frigates in a state of mutiny.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime government was not inattentive to the perilous state of
      the country. His majesty's pardon was offered to such of the mutineers as
      should immediatety return to their duty; two acts of parliament were
      passed for restraining the intercourse between the revolted crews and the
      shore, and for the punishment of any attempt to seduce seamen or soldiers
      into mutinous conduct; all the buoys at the mouth of the Thames were
      removed; and batteries were erected along shore for firing red-hot shot.
      Government was assisted in their efforts to quell the rebellion by the two
      divisions of the fleet lying at Portsmouth and Plymouth, each of which
      addressed an exhortation to the mutineers, urging them to be content with
      the indulgences granted, and to return to their duty. But their warnings
      were all ineffectual. The mutineers sent Lord Northesk, who had been
      confined on board his ship, the "Monmouth," with conditions to his
      majesty, on which alone, they said, they were willing to surrender the
      ships. The terms they demanded were submitted to the king in council, and
      were instantly rejected; and all hopes of accommodation being thus at an
      end, preparations were made to enforce obedience to the laws. The bold
      tone which government assumed, being seconded by the voice of the people,
      at length had its effect. Several of the ships deserted the rebels; in
      those that remained the well-disposed rose upon the refractory, and some
      lives were lost; and by the 13th of June every red flag had disappeared.
      President Parker and some of the delegates were executed, some were
      flogged through the fleet, and others left under sentence on board
      prison-ships, while the mass received his majesty's free pardon. This
      general pardon was proclaimed in October, after Admiral Duncan's victory
      off Camperdown, which will be noticed in a subsequent article.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      GREY'S MOTION FOR REFORM, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the country was agitated by the mutiny of the fleets, Mr. Grey rose
      in the house of commons to move "for a sweeping reform in parliament."
      This motion was seconded by Fox and others of his party; but it was lost
      by a majority of two hundred and fifty-eight against ninety-three. Not one
      of the Foxites could have expected that the motion would pass; but
      pretending to despair of succeeding in their plan of reform, Fox and most
      of his friends seceded from parliament, declaring that their attendance
      there was useless. Some of them returned subsequently to their seats, but
      none of them attended during Parker's mutiny; and from this time till the
      year 1800 Fox spoke only three or four times in the house. Sheridan
      refused to secede; and when the debate took place concerning the rebellion
      at the Nore, in defiance of his party he strengthened the hands of
      government. The Foxites asserted that he was acting under selfish motives,
      and that he was seeking a seat on the treasury bench with some well-paid
      place. They might be correct; for all history shows that the true and
      disinterested patriot, is of rare occurrence; all have their own
      self-interest at heart. No other business worthy of historical note
      occurred till the 20th of July, when his majesty prorogued parliament by a
      speech from the throne, in which he declared that he was again engaged in
      a negociation for peace, and that nothing should be wanting on his part to
      bring it to a successful termination.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRENCH DESCENT ON WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this year the French sent an expedition of about 1500 men, mostly
      criminals and vagabonds, attired as French troops, who landed in Cardigan
      Bay. The Welsh peasantry, animated by the gentry, armed with scythes,
      sickles, and pitchforks, marched forth to meet the invaders; and Lord
      Cawdor assembled a mixed force of seven hundred militia, fencibles, and
      yeoman cavalry. This was sufficient. The French commander, after a short
      negociation, capitulated to Lord Cawdor; while the two frigates which
      accompanied the expedition, were captured on their return to Brest. Such
      was the result of this long-menaced invasion; but in other quarters
      preparations were made on a more formidable scale.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      BATTLE OFF CAPE ST. VINCENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      "The year of mutinies" was not altogether inglorious to the British navy.
      It was proposed by the republic that the fleets of Holland and Spain
      should join the French fleet at Brest, and that the whole armada should
      bear down for the coast of England. In order to frustrate this design, Sir
      John Jervis was directed to blockade the port of Cadiz, while Admiral
      Duncan was sent to watch the Dutch in the Texel. Sir John Jervis fell in
      with the great Spanish fleet, under the command of Don José de Cordova,
      off Cape St. Vincent, The Spanish fleet consisted of twenty-seven sail of
      the line, and the English of only fifteen; but the greater part of the
      Spanish crews were inexperienced, and Nelson was with the English admiral,
      so that there was no hesitation in engaging. Four Spanish ships of the
      line were captured, and all the rest were driven into Cadiz, and there
      blockaded. Intelligence of this victory occasioned great joy throughout
      the nation; and while the fleet was honoured with the thanks of both
      houses of parliament, Sir John Jervis was created Earl St. Vincent; Nelson
      was invested with the order of the Bath; Captain Robert Calder was
      knighted; and gold medals and chains were presented to all the captains.
      The victory was due to the prompt and daring conduct of Nelson, whose
      watchword, as he went into the battle, was "Westminster Abbey or victory."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BATTLE OFF CAMPERDOWN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The most complete naval action of this year happened off Camperdown. On
      the 11th of October Admiral Duncan, with sixteen sail of the line,
      attacked a Dutch fleet, commanded by Admiral De Winter, of eleven sail of
      the line and four fifty-six gun ships. The Dutch fought in a very
      different style from the Spaniards, ardently contending for the victory.
      Admiral De Winter, whose ship was attacked by Admiral Duncan's, did not
      strike his flag before all his masts fell overboard, and half his crew
      were either killed or wounded; and when the battle terminated, almost
      every Dutch ship was found to be in a disabled state. Eight ships of the
      line, two fifty-six gun ships, and two frigates remained as trophies of
      victory to the English. This action excited great joy at home; and Duncan
      was elevated to the peerage, by the title of Viscount Duncan of
      Camperdown. In consideration of this and the other signal victories that
      had crowned our fleets, his majesty ordered a general thanksgiving
      throughout the kingdom, which took place on the 19th of December.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BLOCKADE OF CADIZ, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the battle off Cape St. Vincent, Nelson was employed in the blockade
      of Cadiz, which he bombarded on the 23rd of June and 3rd of July. This
      bombardment, however, produced but little effect; and soon afterward,
      owing to an unfounded report that the viceroy of Mexico had arrived at
      Teneriffe with treasure ships, Nelson proceeded thither in search of them.
      He made an unfortunate attack on Santa Cruz in that island, which ended in
      the loss of his own right arm, and also of about two hundred men. Previous
      to this, the Spanish island of Trinidad capitulated to an expedition of
      six sail of the line, with troops on board, under the command of Sir Ralph
      Abercrombie and Admiral Harvey; but the same commanders were subsequently
      defeated in an attempt to take Porto Rico.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR ON THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this year, Alvinzi, the Austrian general,
      re-enforced with 50,000 troops, made great efforts to recover the fortune
      of the war. In this he was aided by the pope, who raised troops for his
      support. But again Alvinzi had the temerity to divide his forces; the
      principal division marching, under his own command, by the old route from
      the Tyrol, and the other taking a circuit down the Brenta, to relieve
      Mantua. In order to impede his progress Napoleon posted himself at Rivoli,
      on a lofty plain above the Adige, between that river and the Alpine
      Montebaldo. In this position he was attacked by Alvinzi; but the Austrian
      general was repulsed on all sides, and compelled to take refuge in flight.
      The other division of the Austrian army fought its way to the walls of
      Mantua, but Wurmser sought in vain to form a junction with it; and in
      February Mantua was captured by Napoleon. The conqueror's vengeance next
      fell upon his holiness the pope. Not tarrying even to receive the sword of
      Wurmser, Napoleon headed his legions and marched towards Rome. Within
      eight days one half of the states of the church were conquered, and the
      pope had no hope but in submission. The conqueror granted him political
      existence, on condition that he should cede to the republic Wignon,
      Venaissin, and the legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna: he was
      compelled to pay, also, a contribution of thirty millions, and to give up
      more works of art.
    </p>
    <p>
      The directory saw that another victory would place Austria at its feet;
      and in order to ensure this consummation, Bernadotte was dispatched with
      30,000 men to re-enforce Napoleon, while Hoche was sent to supersede
      Pichegru, on the lower Rhine. Napoleon crossed the Alps early in March;
      and he was opposed by the Archduke Charles. But opposition was vain; for
      his legions were yet incomplete, and unable to withstand his victorious
      enemy. The French penetrated on the one side into Tyrol, and on the other
      over the Paive, towards the Carinthian passes. Victory followed victory;
      and the conquerors entered Klagenfurt and Laubach, and stood in Tyrol, at
      the foot of the Brenner mountains. The main army, driving the Austrians
      before them, finally marched into Leoben; and the archduke retreated as
      far as Styria. The enemy was now only thirty-six leagues from the Austrian
      capital; and the inhabitants were seized with terror and consternation.
      But here the victories of Napoleon were stopped for a season. Jealous of
      his success, or deterred by dissensions which raged in Paris, the
      directory stayed the progress of the armies of the Rhine, without whose
      co-operation it would have been imprudent in that of Italy to advance.
      Under these circumstances Napoleon sent to the archduke proposals of
      peace; and after some delay a preliminary treaty was signed at Leoben, on
      the 18th of April. By this treaty Austria ceded to the republic Belgium
      and the countries of Italy as far as the Oglio; for which she was to
      receive in return the Venetian territory from the Oglio to the Po and the
      Adriatic Sea, Venetian Istria, and Daimatia; and when general peace should
      be re-established, Mantua and Peschiera. "This peace," says Rotteck,
      "concluded when the hour of great decision was approaching: more yet, its
      conditions, unexpectedly favourable to the vanquished, proved the mutual
      fear of those that made peace. For Austria, the fall of Vienna would have
      been a severe and humiliating blow. But could Buonaparte advance so far
      after he actually stood in danger of being surrounded, and, perhaps,
      annihilated by the swelling masses of the enemy? On the one side
      approached the Hungarian insurrection army, on the other and around, the
      Austrian land-storm. But in Venice a general revolt had broken out against
      the French, which the aristocratic government had excited out of hatred
      towards the democratic revolutionary system. In this situation a reverse
      might be ruinous to Buonaparte: he therefore concluded peace."
    </p>
    <p>
      The insurrection in Venice had not been commenced by the aristocracy, but
      by the democracy. It broke out in the towns of Brescia and Bergamo, and
      the senate, in its turn, raised the mountaineers and the
      anti-revolutionary peasants, who proceeded to every species of atrocity:
      their watchword being "Death to Frenchmen and Jacobins." On Easter Monday
      more than four hundred Frenchmen are said to have been massacred at
      Verona. But the knell of Venice itself was rung. Napoleon having made
      peace at Leoben, brought his cannon to the edge of the lagoons, and the
      panic-stricken senate and cowardly doge, passed a decree to dissolve their
      ancient constitution, and to establish a species of democracy. Venice fell
      after a political existence of more than one thousand years. The
      aristocracy of Genoa, also, succumbed to the same storm; but they were
      permitted to retain an independent government, under the name of "the
      Ligurian republic."
    </p>
    <p>
      The definitive treaty between the Emperor of Austria and the French
      republic was signed on the 17th of October, at Campio Formio, near Udina.
      Its conditions were somewhat different from those of the first treaty:
      Austria, in recompense for the Netherlands, receiving the Venetian
      provinces to the Adige, and not to the Oglio; and Mantua being retained by
      the French. In return for these possessions, France obtained the
      Netherlands; the Greek islands belonging to Venice in the Adriatic; an
      acknowledgment of the Cisalpine republic; and an indemnification for the
      Duke of Modena in Brisgau. Some secret conditions were annexed to this
      treaty; and it was agreed that a congress should be held at Radstadt, for
      settling the peace of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      By these victories France remained in possession of Savoy, Nice, Avignon,
      and Belgium. She was also mistress of Italy and Holland, and could reckon
      on the dependence of the German empire, owing to the cession of the left
      bank of the Rhine. The German empire, abandoned by Austria, likewise was
      at her mercy, and tremblingly expected its fate; while the government of
      the church and the kingdom of Naples were tottering to their very
      foundations. Spain, moreover, with all its resources, was wholly in the
      hands of the French. England now stood alone in the contest; and though
      she remained mistress of the ocean, it was deemed advisable to renew
      pacific negociations with France. Lord Malmesbury was again sent on this
      mission; and the city of Lisle was fixed on by the directory for a
      conference. But the directory were not inclined for peace; after
      continuing at Lisle until September, exchanging useless notes and
      receiving many insults, Lord Malmesbury was ordered to quit the place
      within four and twenty hours. It was demanded by the French negotiators
      that the Cape of Good Hope, and every island or settlement, French, Dutch,
      or Spanish, in the possession of Great Britain, should be given up without
      receiving any compensation. Such terms as these were incompatible with the
      nation's interests and safety; whence the failure of this mission.
      Moreover, there was a belief existing in France that England was on the
      verge of ruin; and the directory fondly imagined that they would one day
      triumph over her as they had done over the nations on the Continent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the harmony between the directory and the legislative
      councils vanished. The new elections produced this change; for men of a
      different spirit were returned by the communes. The royalist party had,
      indeed, obtained the control of elections; and the newly elected third
      entered the chambers of the representatives with plans of
      counter-revolution. The directory had the mortification of seeing the
      emigrants allowed to return, the re-establishment of priests, and a vote
      of censure passed upon the conduct of their emissaries in the colonies.
      The directory were, in fact, shorn of power, and there was a faint
      prospect of the whole work of the revolution being set aside. But the
      nation was not yet prepared for such a step. As the plans of the
      royalists, which were concocted in the club of Clichy, became disclosed,
      the government regained strength. From fear of the return of the old order
      of things, the patriots of 1791 united with the party of the convention;
      and the club of Salm was got up in opposition to that of Clichy. A contest
      soon followed. The directory relied upon the armies, and they assembled
      some troops in the neighbourhood of Paris; while the councils decreed the
      restoration of the national guards. The directory, however, by one fell
      blow, annihilated the hopes of their enemies. On the 10th Fructidor,
      answering to the 4th of September, troops were brought to the capital
      under pretence of a review, and placed under the disposal of Augereau.
      These troops surrounded the Tuileries, which was protected by the guards
      of the legislative body, which, upon the question of Augereau, "Are you
      republicans?" immediately laid down their arms. The contest was then
      decided. Augereau took possession of the palace, and arrested the
      opposition deputies. Barthélémy and Carnot, with forty members of the
      "Council of Five Hundred," eleven of the "Council of the Ancients," and
      ten other persons of note were condemned to be deported to Cayenne. Most
      of these underwent their punishment; but some escaped, and others were
      pardoned. Thirty-five journalists were likewise sentenced to deportation;
      and the elections of forty-eight departments were declared null. In the
      whole one hundred and forty-nine members were excluded, and the vacancies
      were filled up by the directory, with men willing to give them their
      support. The laws enacted in favour of priests and emigrants were revoked,
      and the oath of hatred to royalty renewed. Thus a revolutionary government
      returned; and the constitution was trodden underfoot by men who ostensibly
      were its supporters. And all this they called "Liberty."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament met on the 2nd of November. In his speech his
      majesty dwelt on the excessive pretensions of the French; the failure of
      the negociations at Lisle; the flourishing state of trade and the revenue;
      our naval victories, and our new conquests in the West Indies: and
      recommended those exertions which could alone ensure peace. As Fox and the
      other great orators of the opposition still absented themselves from
      parliament, there was little interest in the debate which followed, or in
      any of the debates during this session. The army and navy estimates were
      readily passed, and supplies were early voted, to the amount of
      £25,000,000. Among the ways and means adopted was the trebling of all the
      assessed taxes. This measure met with strenuous opposition from a few
      members; but the bill passed by a large majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1798-1801
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Redemption of the Land-Tax, &amp;c..... Irish  Rebellion.....
     Invasion of Belgium..... Expedition  to Minorca..... Battle
     of the Nile, &amp;c..... Meeting of Parliament..... Income Tax
     sanctioned, &amp;c...... Treaty with Russia..... Union with
     Ireland considered..... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     Campaign in Italy..... Campaign in Egypt..... Establishment
     of the Consular Government in France..... Affairs of
     India..... Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary
     Discussions..... Union   with  Ireland  completed.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Campaign in Italy.....
     Capture of Malta..... Naval Operations..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Motions for Peace, &amp;c.
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      A. D. 1798
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REDEMPTION OF THE LAND-TAX, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early this session Pitt proposed and carried a bill for the redemption of
      the land-tax. This was followed by a bill, proposed by Mr. Dundas, for
      enabling his majesty to call out a portion of the supplementary militia. A
      second bill was also carried, to encourage voluntary armed associations
      for the protection of the country, it being now considered as menaced with
      invasion. Another bill was brought into the house by Dundas, by which the
      suspension of the <i>habeas corpus</i> act was revived. The alien bill
      also was renewed; and Pitt proposed and carried a measure for more
      effectually manning the navy. As in the last session, so likewise in this,
      the chancellor of the exchequer found himself compelled to lay before the
      house a second estimate of supplies, and to make a further demand of more
      than £3,000,000, which was readily voted, as were also a new increase of
      taxes on salt, tea, dogs, horses and carriages, &amp;c. to meet it. Late
      in the session Mr. Wilberforce renewed his motion for the abolition of the
      slave-trade; and though his proposition was rejected, several regulations
      were enacted for alleviating the sufferings of the wretched Africans on
      their passage. These were the principal measures taken into consideration
      during this session. Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of June.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH REBELLION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the sitting of parliament a rebellion had broken out in Ireland.
      Discussions on this subject had been entered into with closed doors; and
      in the month of June, when the Irish insurgents had attacked and beaten
      several detachments of the king's troops, a message was delivered to
      parliament from the king, desiring that he might be enabled to take all
      such measures as might be necessary to defeat any enterprise of his
      enemies. The chief object of this message was to allow the officers and
      privates of different militia regiments, who had made a voluntary tender
      of their services to assist in the suppression of the rebellion, to go to
      that country and act with the royal troops; and a bill was brought in and
      carried for that purpose. The rebellion, which was one of a formidable
      nature, had its origin in the association of United Irishmen, first
      instituted for obtaining universal suffrage. This association was
      afterwards re-organized for the accomplishment of a revolution and a
      separation from Great Britain: parliamentary reform and catholic
      emancipation being demanded only as pretexts to cover ulterior designs. A
      correspondence had long been maintained between the leaders of this
      association and the French directory, and notwithstanding the failure of
      Hoché, and likewise of a design of another armament, an agent was still
      resident in Paris. Application was made to the directory for a loan to
      assist the revolutionists; but the French rulers refused to grant it,
      unless they were permitted to send sufficient forces to effect the
      conquest of the country. It was evident that they wanted Ireland for
      themselves; but the Irish "patriots" wanted to rule themselves, and not to
      exchange masters; whence they expressed themselves averse to this plan of
      invasion. The Irish indeed prepared for an insurrection without waiting
      for continental assistance. They had been ripe for rebellion through a
      long succession of ages, and no concessions made to them soothed their
      chafed minds. Their turbulence had manifestly increased from the time of
      the American war, when the Irish volunteers had been allowed to arm
      themselves; and, "whether acting wisely or unwisely, liberally or
      illiberally&mdash;whether granting concessions or withholding them, nearly
      every act of government had tended to augment the disaffection." For the
      last ten years concessions had been made to the Irish catholics, who
      formed about seven-tenths of the population: but it was all to no purpose&mdash;the
      more they obtained, the more they wanted. At length the smouldering embers
      of disaffection burst forth into a flame. Early in this year a military
      commission was appointed by the executive council of the United Irish, and
      nocturnal assemblies were held in various parts of the kingdom. People
      were, indeed, everywhere sworn in, and it was finally settled that they
      should take up arms. Rebellion commenced by midnight outrages. The most
      savage atrocities were committed on those whom the associates were taught
      to consider as enemies and interlopers in their domains, which outrages
      were severely retaliated by the Orangemen and military. In February, a
      pressing letter was addressed by the Irish executive to the French
      directory, urging them to send immediate succour, and stating that the
      people of all classes throughout Ireland ready to take up arms amounted to
      300,000 men. It was soon discovered that mischief was afloat; and on the
      28th of February, Mr. Arthur O'Conner, said to be lineally descended from
      Roderic O'Conner, King of Connaught, Binns, an active member of the London
      Correspondent Society, and Coigley, an Irish priest, were arrested at
      Margate, as they were on their route to France. A paper was found on the
      priest, addressed "To the French directory;" and this paper and the trial
      which followed put government in possession of many important secrets.
      Coigley was executed on Pennenden Heath; O'Conner was remanded on another
      charge of high-treason; and Binns was acquitted. Several arrests took
      place in consequence of the information thus gained, and some more papers
      were discovered in the printing-office where O'Conner had been publishing
      the revolutionary journal called, "The Press." But the most complete
      information obtained by government was from Thomas Reynolds, who was deep
      in the secrets of the association of United Irishmen. On his information,
      warrants were issued against several of the principal conspirators: as,
      Messrs. Emmet, Sampson, and McNevin, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald. The three
      former of these were soon apprehended; but Lord Fitzgerald concealed
      himself for some time; and when discovered he made such a desperate
      resistance, killing a magistrate and wounding others sent to apprehend
      him, that Major Sirr lodged the contents of a pistol in his shoulder, from
      the effects of which he soon after died. He was the leader of the
      conspirators. But notwithstanding his fall, and in spite of the flight or
      arrest of every member of the "executive." the Irish flew to arms on the
      23rd of May: that being the day appointed for their muster. A body of
      pikemen, amounting to 14,000, and headed by Father John Murphy, soon made
      themselves masters of Wexford and Enniscorthy; and having procured some
      artillery, they fortified a position on Vinegar Hill. Colonel Walpole with
      a small detachment of Cork Militia fell into an ambuscade, and was
      slaughtered, together with nearly all his men, by the insurgents; and
      encouraged by these and other successes they made a rush at Newross, where
      they began to plunder the inhabitants. But here they received a check.
      Like the London rioters, they soon became mad with drink; and being
      attacked by General Johnson, nearly three thousand were either slain or
      captured. This victory over them was followed by another more decisive: on
      the 21st of June General Lake attacked the fortified position at Vinegar
      Hill, and carried it with a frightful loss to the insurgents. The rebels,
      indeed, never rallied again; and though some fearful atrocities were
      committed by isolated bands of them, they were, in effect, from that time
      subdued. Soon after, Lord Camden was recalled from the lieutenancy of
      Ireland, and he was succeeded by Lord Cornwallis, who brought with him a
      general pardon to all who submitted. Four of the leading conspirators were
      executed; O'Conner, McNevin, Emmet, and Sampson were banished; and others
      were pardoned. The rebellion was somewhat revived in August, when three
      French frigates reached Killola, and threw on shore nine hundred troops of
      the line, commanded by General Humbert; but though these troops were
      joined by some catholics, and though Humbert defeated General Lake, and
      advanced into the heart of the country, he was eventually beaten by the
      advanced guard of General Cornwallis, who was marching against him with
      troops of the line, and on the 8th of September, the French laid down
      their arms, and became prisoners of war. Subsequently, another French
      armament reached the western coast of Ireland; but Sir John Borlase Warren
      met it there with his squadron, and captured one ship of the line, and
      three frigates; and the rest of the armament, consisting of five frigates,
      returned to France. On board the French ship of the line was Wolfe Tone,
      one of the Irish leaders of the rebellion: his execution was the last on
      account of this outbreak. Ireland was again quieted, but it was only for a
      brief season. It has ever been its fate to be disturbed by agitation, and
      to this hour it remains the same. It is, in fact, a fine field for the
      agitator: the ardent passions of the people are easily worked upon; and he
      who is bold or artful enough to address himself to those passions, is ever
      sure of obtaining a listening and an admiring audience.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INVASION OF BELGIUM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of May, after due preparations, Captain Home Popham, with a
      small squadron, having on board a body of troops commanded by Colonel
      Coote, set sail for the purpose of destroying the sluices, gates, and
      basin of the Bruges canal at Ostend. This town was bombarded, and the
      sluices were blown up; but on returning to the beach to re-embark, the
      soldiers were hemmed in by a superior force, and Coote found himself under
      the necessity of surrendering.
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO MINORCA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An expedition to Minorca was more successful. In the autumn Admiral
      Duckworth's squadron landed in Addaya Bay in that island a land-force of
      about eight hundred men, under General Sir Charles Stuart, which compelled
      the Spanish governor to surrender the whole of the island by capitulation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BATTLE OF THE NILE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The grand aim of the French directory this year was the seizing and
      colonizing of Egypt. This idea had been suggested by Vergennes to the
      French government during the monarchy, and it had for some time been
      entertained by Napoleon. The blow was chiefly aimed at England; for the
      project was to gain possession of Egypt, with a two-fold design of
      obtaining the riches of the Nile, and extending their sway to the banks of
      the Ganges, so that the empires of Turkey and Hindustan might become
      annexed to the French republic. It was to these ends that Napoleon
      proposed an expedition to Egypt; and the directory were well pleased with
      it, because if its great object should fail, they hoped thereby to rid
      themselves of a dangerous and troublesome rival. But funds were wanting to
      carry this design into effect; for though Italy and other countries had
      been pillaged by the French soldiery, with a defiance of all principle or
      political honesty, yet was the government poverty-stricken: however, the
      French directory looked around for some weak ally or neutral to plunder,
      and their cupidity was directed towards free Switzerland. Berne had a
      well-replenished treasury; and on the flimsy pretext of its having
      publicly enrolled emigrants and given shelter to deserters, a French army,
      under General Breme, was sent on the marauding errand of demanding the
      public purse of its citizens. Success attended this armed banditti; the
      ruling families of Berne were displaced; the government changed; the most
      respectable senators were banished; the treasury was confiscated; and
      large contributions likewise exacted for the supply of the invading army.
      The money thus fraudulently obtained enabled Napoleon to set sail for
      Egypt. His expedition counted thirteen ships of the line, with seven
      frigates and smaller vessels, making in the whole forty-four sail. The
      fleet was commanded by Bear-admiral Brueys, and the transports had on
      board about 20,000 men, with a proportionable number of horses and
      artillery, provisions and military stores, as well as a lai-ge body of
      scientific men, who joined the armament in order to make researches into
      the antiquities and productions of Egypt. The capture of Malta was
      included in the plan of the French directory, and Napoleon arrived there
      on the 9th of June; and Hompesch, the Grand Master, terrified by the
      threats of some of the Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in
      the French interest, capitulated on a summons to surrender. Having
      plundered the churches, and the Alberghi, and other establishments of the
      order, and having left General Vaubois to take care of the island,
      Buonaparte re-embarked for Egypt. He came in sight of Alexandria on the
      29th of June, and on the next day the troops landed within three miles of
      that city. Alexandria was captured, and from its walls Napoleon issued a
      proclamation, telling the inhabitants that he came as the friend of the
      Sultan, to deliver them from the Mamelukes, and that he and his soldiers
      respected God, his prophet Mohammed, and the Koran. On the 7th of July
      Napoleon moved from Alexandria to Cairo, and on the 21st, on arriving in
      sight of the great pyramids, he discovered the whole Mameluke force, under
      Murad Bey and Ibraham Bey, ready to meet him. Battle was soon joined, and
      was easily won by the French. Such of the Mamelukes as escaped destruction
      retreated towards Egypt. The conqueror took possession of Grand Cairo,
      sending Desaix against Murad Bey in Upper Egypt.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the French fleet was sailing towards Egypt, it passed near an English
      squadron, under Nelson: a thick haze sheltered it from his observation,
      and favoured its progress. Nelson had been despatched by Lord St. Vincent
      to watch the preparations at Toulon, having under him three ships of
      seventy-four guns and four frigates. At the time of the French fleet's
      sailing he had put into the Sardinian port of San Pietro, to relit his
      squadron, it having been damaged by a storm. While here, he received a
      re-enforcement of ten line-of-battle ships, and one of fifty guns; and
      with this force&mdash;except the frigates, which had been separated from
      him during the storm, he finally set sail towards Naples. Here he learned
      that the enemy's fleet had visited Malta; and being left by his commander
      to act upon his own judgment, he formed a plan of attacking it there. On
      his arrival, however, he discovered that the French had already departed
      eastward, and rightly judg-ing that Alexandria was their destination, he
      steered thither. He arrived at Alexandria on the 28th of June, and gaining
      no intelligence of the enemy, he returned to Sicily. By the public voice
      of England, he was declared for this failure worthy of impeachment; and
      Earl St. Vincent was censured for sending so young an officer on so
      important a service. On arriving at Sicily, the Neapolitan ministry,
      anxious to avoid everything which could endanger their peace with the
      French directory, declared openly to aid him; but through Lady Hamilton's
      influence at court, Nelson procured secret orders to the Sicilian
      governors, under which he obtained all necessary supplies from Syracuse.
      As soon as he had re-victualled and taken in fresh water, he turned his
      power again toward Egypt, asserting in a letter to his commander, that if
      the French were bound to the Antipodes, or if they were anywhere above
      water, he would discover them and bring them to action. He searched for
      them in vain along the coast of the Morea, and he took the resolution of
      again sailing towards Alexandria; and on the 1st of August, Captain Flood
      in the "Zealous" signalized the enemy's fleet at anchor in Aboukir Bay. No
      time was lost by Nelson in preparing for action: he had sought them with
      eagerness, and he determined to conquer them now that they were
      discovered. Signals were given for battle: to attack the enemy's van and
      centre, as they lay at anchor. Nelson had scarcely taken rest or food for
      some days, but he now ordered dinner to be served up; and he observed to
      his officers as they rose from the table: "Before this time to-morrow I
      shall have gained a peerage or Westminster Abbey." The enemy's ships were
      moored in compact line of battle, describing an obtuse angle, close in
      with the shore, flanked by gunboats, four frigates, and a battery of guns
      and mortars on an island in their van. This was a formidable position, and
      to some commanders one which would have deterred from an attack. But it
      was not so with Nelson. As soon as he discovered the enemy's position, his
      genius dictated what should be done. Where an enemy's ship could swing, he
      reasoned, there was room for a British ship to anchor. Acting upon this
      thought, therefore, he determined to station his ships on the inner side
      of the French line. In this way the two fleets joined battle. Minutely to
      describe this great sea-fight would require many pages, it will be
      sufficient therefore to say, that the victory on the part of the English
      was complete. Of the thirteen French ships of the line, eight surrendered,
      two struck on the shore and were afterwards captured, one blew up, and two
      only escaped. Had Nelson not received a severe wound in the head in the
      very hottest of the battle, it is probable that not one of the enemy's
      fleet would have left Aboukir Bay. The British loss in killed and wounded
      was 895; the French, 8330 in killed, wounded, and captured. "Victory,"
      said Nelson, "is not a word strong enough for such a scene: it is a
      conquest."
    </p>
    <p>
      The effects of this battle were soon seen in Egypt. The Sultan issued an
      indignant manifesto, declaring war against France for invading one of his
      provinces in a time of peace and amity; and called upon the Pashas of
      Syria to collect their forces. The destruction of the French fleet was
      announced far and wide by fires kindled by the Arabs; and on the 22nd of
      September, the people of Cairo killed a great number of the French in the
      streets. This insurrection was put down by a dreadful massacre of the
      inhabitants; but the blood of the Moslems thus slain, and many of them in
      the great mosque of the prophet, called for vengeance, and it was easy to
      forsee that Napoleon, albeit he proclaimed himself to be the man of
      destiny foretold in the Koran, would soon be compelled to retire from
      Egypt.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Europe, the effects of this battle were instantaneous and surprising.
      It raised the drooping spirits of the Anti-Gallican party in every
      country; and it filled all England with transports of joy and triumph.
      Nelson was raised to the peerage with the title of Baron Nelson of the
      Nile, and many other honours were heaped upon him. He returned to Naples,
      where he found that the king was collecting a numerous army, with a view
      of driving the French from Rome and Tuscany; that the congress at Radstadt
      had been virtually broken up; that the Emperor of Austria was again
      arming; and that a new coalition was forming against the French; their
      conduct at Rome, in Switzerland, and other countries, being in direct
      opposition to the conditions of the treaty at Oampo Formio. In November
      the island of Gozo, separated from Malta by a narrow channel, capitulated
      to a detachment of Nelson's squadron, and Malta itself was closely
      blockaded.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0011" id="linkimage-0011">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_294_nelson.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Lord Nelson" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_294_nelson_th.jpg"
      alt="294.jpg Portrait of Lord Nelson "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament assembled on the 20th of November. In his speech from the
      throne his majesty spoke with exultation of the victory gained by Nelson;
      and after alluding to other successes, and to the suppression of the Irish
      rebellion, congratulated the country on the prospect of new alliances, by
      which it might be anticipated that the power of France would be humbled.
      This alluded more especially to Russia, where the Czarina Catherine had
      recently been succeeded by her son Paul, whose line of policy was
      different from that of his mother. The address was animadverted upon in
      both houses by some members of opposition; but it was, nevertheless,
      carried without a division.
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    <h2>
      INCOME TAX SANCTIONED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the primary objects of parliamentary Consideration
      were, financial propositions, with measures for internal defence, for
      invigorating the European confederacy now forming, and for effecting a
      permanent union between Great Britain and Ireland. The estimated supplies
      for the ensuing year were put at £29,272,000; and Pitt proposed a new plan
      for raising a considerable part of them&mdash;by an income tax. A series
      of resolutions to this new and bold plan were passed in the house of
      commons before the close of the year; and the bill finally passed into a
      law on the 18th of March ensuing, the 5th of April being the day fixed
      upon for making the returns of personal property. Pitt's resolutions in
      substance were, that the augmentation of the assessed taxes made in the
      last session should be repealed, and have its place supplied by a duty
      upon all incomes above sixty pounds a year. If a man's income exceeded two
      hundred pounds a year, he was to pay ten per cent, upon it; if it exceeded
      one hundred pounds, he was to pay considerably less upon it; and if
      between sixty pounds and one hundred pounds, he was to be taxed in a
      diminished proportion. This bill, after undergoing some amendments of
      detail, passed; and Pitt anticipated a revenue from it of £10,000,000, the
      yearly income of the whole nation being about £102,000,000. Early in the
      session 120,000 men were voted for the navy, and an increase of the
      yeomanry and militia was sanctioned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY WITH RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 18th of December a provisional treaty was concluded between Great
      Britain and Russia; the general object of which was to oppose the progress
      of the French arms. In allusion to this, on the 18th of December, Mr
      Tierney moved, "That it was the duty of ministers to advise his majesty
      against entering into engagements which might prevent or impede
      negociations for peace with the French republic." On this occasion Mr.
      Canning delivered a master-piece of eloquence, which inspired the country
      at large with admiration of his talents. Mr. Canning entered into a full
      investigation of our foreign policy, and vindicated the treaties and
      alliances made by government. He remarked:&mdash;"It is justly contended
      that the deliverance of Europe cannot be effected by our exertions alone,
      and that, unless other powers are sincerely disposed to co-operate, we are
      setting out on a romantic and absurd enterprise, which we have no chance
      of accomplishing, no duty or call to undertake. I perfectly agree, that if
      other powers are not disposed to co-operate, we have no chance of success;
      but I cannot help asking at the same time, if there be no such disposition
      on tlie part of other powers, where is the use, or what is the necessity
      of the honourable gentleman's motion? Why need parliament interfere to
      prevent his majesty's ministers from taking advantage of dispositions
      which do not exist, and from accepting cooperation which will not be
      offered? But if the powers of Europe, or any of them, are ready to do
      their part toward the common salvation, and want only our countenance and
      encouragement to begin; if the train is laid, if the sparks of resentment,
      which the aggressions of France have kindled in every nation throughout
      Europe, want but our breath to blow them into a conflagration, it is the
      dictate of our duty, our interest, our feeling, to save France from
      destruction, and not by a coarse and hasty proceeding, like that now
      recommended to us, to throw a wet blanket on the flames." Mr. Canning
      proceeded to show how an alliance with Russia and Turkey might enable us
      to sweep the remains of the French armament from the Levant and the
      Mediterranean, and how the probable accession of other allies might wrest
      from the republic both Italy and the Netherlands, Pitt followed in the
      same strain, eloquently unfolding the favourable prospects of another
      coalition. The picture he drew made a favourable impression on the house;
      and Mr. Tierney's motion was lost. Moreover, all sums required for Russia
      were voted, and three millions more also were granted to his majesty, for
      making good such other engagements as he might contract. Soon after this
      the Porte, Russia, and Naples signed a treaty of union with England, the
      duration of which was fixed for eight years. Their conditions were
      generally a mutual guarantee of all possessions, including Egypt in the
      case of the Porte; a common prosecution and termination of the war; the
      closing of all harbours, and especially those in the Mediterranean,
      against the French; with British subsidies to other states. Italy was to
      be the first field of action for the allied powers, the design being to
      save the King of Naples from French domination.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNION WITH IRELAND CONSIDERED
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1799
    </p>
    <p>
      A plan for uniting Ireland under one legislature with Great Britain, as
      Scotland, had been discussed and seriously entertained before the breaking
      out of the recent rebellion; but that event had made the necessity of such
      a union more apparent. The union of England and Ireland, indeed, was a
      favourite measure at this time with Pitt; and a pamphlet was published,
      under his auspices, by the under-secretary, Mr. Cooke, setting forth its
      advantages. The public mind was therefore prepared to discuss the
      question; and parliament was soon called upon to take it into
      consideration. On the 22nd of January a message was received from his
      majesty, recommending the consideration of the most effectual means of
      defeating the designs of our enemies to promote a separation between the
      two kingdoms, by settling such a complete and final adjustment as might
      perpetuate a connexion essential for the common security, and consolidate
      the power and resources of the British empire. This message was reported
      next day, when Mr. Duudas moved and carried an address, importing that the
      house would proceed with all speed to a consideration of the several
      interests submitted to their attention. It was agreed that the question
      should be considered on the 31st of January; and on that day Pitt, after
      explaining the grounds which would make the union as beneficial to Ireland
      as to England, proposed certain resolutions as the basis of the measure.
      Those resolutions were, that the two islands should be united into one
      kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland;
      that the succession to the crown should be limited and settled as at
      present; that the united realm should be represented by one parliament, in
      which a certain number of Irish lords and commons, hereafter to be
      defined, should have a seat; that the churches of England and Ireland
      should be preserved as by law established; that the Irish should be
      entitled to the same privileges, in point of navigation and trade, with
      the English, subject to certain regulations relative to equality of
      duties; that the charge for payment of the interest of the debt of each
      kingdom before the union, should be continued to be paid by the respective
      countries; and that all laws in force at the time of the union, and all
      the courts, civil or ecclesiastical, should remain as already established,
      subject only to such alterations as circumstances might recommend to the
      united parliament. After some long and warm debates these resolutions,
      with some slight amendments, were agreed to, and sent up to the peers; and
      after another warm debate in the upper house, a joint address to the king
      was agreed to, presenting the resolutions as a proper basis for the union.
      But here, as regarded England, the matter rested for the present year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the remainder of this session no subject of vital interest was
      discussed. Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of July, when his majesty
      declared that the decision and energy of his ally, the Emperor of Russia,
      and the intimate union established between them, would enable him to
      employ the means intrusted to him advantageously, both for the safety and
      honour of this country, as well as the independence of Europe. His majesty
      also adverted with satisfaction to the restored tranquillity of Ireland
      and its future security, intimating that it could only be insured by a
      complete union with Great Britain.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1798-1801
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the subsidiary treaty was signed between England and the Emperor
      Paul, the court of Vienna had formed a close alliance with the czar; and
      Russian troops had begun to assemble on the frontiers of Austria, while a
      large German army was collecting between the rivers Inn and Lech. The
      great object proposed was to drive the French out of Italy, where their
      arms were still making great progress. In November of the last year the
      liberation of the states of Italy was undertaken by the King of Naples,
      who placed General Mack at the head of his forces. Mack succeeded in
      making himself master of Rome; while 5000 troops, conveyed by British
      ships, took possession of Leghorn. But this success was of short duration.
      In the month of December the Neapolitan troops suffered a signal defeat at
      Civita Castellana; and this disaster was followed by the evacuation of
      Rome. Nor did the French successes stop here. Following up their victory,
      under General Champiounet, by the middle of January they obtained
      possession of Naples; and the King of Sardinia was obliged to take refuge
      on board the British fleet. He afterwards went to Palermo under British
      protection, resigning all his continental territories to his conquerors,
      who also soon occupied all Tuscany; Sicily was preserved from their
      domination by the energy of Nelson, assisted by Sir Charles Stuart, who
      hastened from Minorca with 1000 troops, in order to assist him in measures
      for its defence.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Naples was thus falling a prey to the French, Austrian and Russian
      troops were collecting on the other side of the Alps. After demanding from
      the Emperor of Germany the dismissal of all the Russian troops, the French
      negociators declared the congress at Radstadt dissolved. War, therefore,
      commenced anew with Austria; and Jourdan once more crossed the Rhine, and
      established himself in Suabia. In the month of March he advanced towards
      the Danube; but he was again met by the Archduke Charles, who drove him
      back over the Rhine. About the same time, also, the Austrian generals,
      Bellegarde and Hotze, recovered the Grison country, and poured into
      Switzerland, driving the French, under Massena, before them. In the
      meantime another Austrian army, commanded by General Melas, poured through
      the Tyrol, driving all the French outposts before him, and entered Upper
      Italy, where he obliged the French general, Scherer, to retire beyond the
      Mincio. Moreau subsequently took the command of Scherer's forces; but he
      was likewise defeated by Melas. It was while Melas was giving chase to
      Moreau that Suvaroff came up with 50,000 Russians, and assumed the chief
      command of both armies. A great battle was gained by Suvaroff at Cassano,
      on the 27th of April, and by that victory the fate of the Cisalpine
      republic was sealed; everywhere the people rose in arms against the
      French; and the native democrats whom the French had set up as a
      government, Brescia and Peschiera, surrendered; Mantua was invested; and
      Suvaroff entered Milan in triumph. Moreau continued his retreat towards
      Genoa, hoping to be joined there by the army of Macdonald from Naples. But
      Macdonald was already on his route to meet the Russo-Austrian army, which
      he found by the river Trebia. In his route he had been joined by General
      Victor; but after three days' hard fighting on the banks of the Trebia, he
      was defeated by Suvaroff; and flying thence towards the pass of Bochetta,
      he joined Moreau, who had recently received some re-enforcements from Nice
      and Genoa. Moreau had made some entrenchments on the declivities of the
      Apeu nines, and in the entrance of the Bochetta pass, behind the
      Piedmontese town of Novi. While here he was superseded in command by
      Jourdan, who stationed himself on the same heights behind Novi, and
      improved and extended his field-works. He was attacked in this formidable
      position by Suvaroff; and his army was defeated and himself slain. Shortly
      after this victory Suvaroff struck across the Alps to make head against
      Massena, who had recently defeated a Russian corps under General
      Korsakoff, who had arrived in Switzerland to co-operate with General
      Bellegarde and the Austrians. There was some fearful fighting in the
      ravines of St. Gothard, and Suvaroff opened a way into the heart of
      Switzerland; but not being assisted by either the Russian general,
      Korsakoff, or the Austrian general, Bellegarde, he turned aside towards
      the lake of Constance and Germany. He was interrupted in his march by
      Massena; but he attained his object, and effected a junction with
      Korsakoff; and then the two Russian generals marched to Augsburg, leaving
      the French once more absolute masters of Switzerland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Neapolitan kingdom was recovered in the course of the months of June
      and July by Cardinal Ruffo, assisted by Lord Nelson. A sanguinary
      vengeance was taken on the republicans by the Neapolitan government; and
      Nelson himself tarnished his fair fame by deeds at which a right-minded
      Englishman must shudder, and which no one will venture to palliate. It had
      been guaranteed to the republican garrisons that their persons and
      property should be respected; but these garrisons were delivered over to
      the vengeance of the Sicilian court, and that by the brave Nelson. "A
      deplorable transaction," says his biographer, "a stain on his memory and
      on the honour of England! to palliate it would be vain; to justify it
      wicked." Nelson conceived that nothing more was essential to the
      tranquillity of Naples than the recovery of Rome; and this he effected by
      a small detachment of his fleet, under the able conduct of captains
      Trowbridge, Hallowel, and Louis. The French having no longer any hope in
      arms soon concluded a capitulation for all the Roman states; and Captain
      Louis, rowing up the Tiber in his barge, hoisted the British standard on
      the capitol, and acted for a time as governor of Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the arms of France were thus occupied in Germany and Italy, a
      favourable opportunity seemed to offer itself for the liberation of
      Holland. A treaty was effected with the Emperor Paul, by which 17,000
      Russian troops were engaged to co-operate with 20,000 English troops in
      that country. Troops set sail from England in the month of August; find
      the fleet, under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, after encountering much bad
      weather, came to anchor off the Helder, a point which commands the
      entrance of the Zuyder Zee. The troops were disembarked on the 27th, and
      on the next day took possession of Helder, the French and Dutch
      republicans having abandoned it in the night; and the Dutch fleet in the
      Texel surrendered to the British admiral without firing a shot. The main
      part of the army destined for this enterprise was still in England, and
      the Russian auxiliaries had not yet arrived. Before they received
      re-enforcements the invaders were attacked by about 12,000 men; but so
      strong was their position on the Zuyp, and so bravely was it defended,
      that the assailants were defeated, with the loss of nearly one thousand
      men. The Duke of York, with the main force from England, arrived on the
      day after this battle; and as the allied troops now amounted to 35,000
      men, his royal highness, who superseded Abercrombie in the chief command,
      ventured on active operations. The army advanced, on the 19th, in four
      columns. That on the extreme right, consisting chiefly of Russian troops,
      under General De Hermaun, made an unsuccessful attack upon Bergen.
      Abercrombie with a column penetrated to the city of Hoorn, which
      surrendered; and the two other columns under Generals Dundas and Pulteney,
      also forced their way through great difficulties, in a tract of country
      intersected with deep ditches and canals. The rash confidence of the
      Russians, however, soon exposed the whole army to such danger that it was
      compelled to retire to its original position. For some time, in
      consequence of tempestuous weather, the invading force was blocked up by
      inferior numbers; but on the 2nd of October the British army resumed the
      offensive, and commenced an attack on the enemy's whole line. A battle was
      fought at Egmont, which was favourable to the British; for, although it
      was indecisive, yet the retreat of the enemy in consequence gave them an
      opportunity of occupying several strong positions. The republican soldiers
      took up a strong post between Beverwyck and the Zuyder Zee; and the Duke
      of York resolved to attack them there, before their position could be
      strengthened by fresh works or re-enforcements. An action took place on
      the 6th of October, and it terminated so far in favour of the British and
      the allies, that they were left masters of the field; but the loss on both
      sides was very severe; and the enemy, who soon afterwards received a
      re-enforcement, maintained their position. The allied army, indeed, soon
      found itself in so critical a situation from the strength of the enemy,
      the severity of the weather, and the indifference of the party of the
      stadtholder, that the Duke of York suddenly issued an order for the troops
      to assemble; and they commenced a retreat toward Pelleu and Alkmaer.
      Before the troops could re-embark, however, the Duke of York was compelled
      to conclude a convention, by which it was agreed that the English and
      Russians should be allowed to leave Holland without molestation, on
      condition that 8000 prisoners of war, French and Batavians, then detained
      in England, should be released.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1798&mdash;1801
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN EGYPT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that Napoleon had entered Cairo, and that his fleet while
      there was annihilated in Aboukir Bay. In the month of February he quitted
      Cairo, with the intention of dispersing the Turkish forces that were
      collecting near the Syrian frontier, and then of conquering all Syria.
      Gaza and Jaffa were stormed; the man of destiny, as Napoleon styled
      himself in Egypt, swept everything before him until he came to the walls
      of Acre. This place, which is the key of Syria, was defended by the Pasha
      Djezzar; by Colonel Philippeaux, an emigrant royalist; and by Sir Sidney
      Smith, with some of his sailors and marines. It was in vain that Napoleon
      attempted to breakthrough the crumbling walls of this ancient place: sixty
      days were spent before them, and seven or eight assaults made; but he was
      every time repulsed, and after losing three thousand men, he was compelled
      to raise the siege and return to Cairo. During his absence General Desaix
      had ascended the Nile, and had driven the remnant of the Mamelukes from
      Upper Egypt and beyond the cataracts of Assonau; and soon after his return
      he was called down to the coast, where Nelson had annihilated the French
      fleet, by the arrival of a Turkish army, amounting to 18,000 men. A
      terrible battle was fought on the 25th of July; but the French were
      victorious&mdash;10,000 Turks perished. Napoleon now began to make secret
      preparations for returning to France; and on the 23rd of August he
      embarked secretly in a frigate, leaving his army, which was reduced to
      20,000 men, behind him.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT IN FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The return of Napoleon agitated all France and all Europe. The character
      of this bold soldier was, indeed, now well known, and none could tell what
      game fraught with blood he next might play. Suspicion was well founded:
      Napoleon had designs in view when he returned from Egypt which time alone
      could unfold. The fact is, when in Egypt, letters from his brothers Joseph
      and Lucien, and from some of his admiring friends, informed him that Italy
      was lost; that the French armies were everywhere defeated; that the
      directory were quarrelling among themselves; and that the people, sick of
      the present state of affairs, were ripe for another revolution. Here then
      was another field for the ambitious to play their part; and Napoleon
      resolved to return to it. He had arrived in Paris two days before the
      directory knew anything about it; and in the meantime he had been
      consulting with chiefs of parties and officers of the army as to what step
      should be taken. Talleyrand and the Abbé Sieyes gave his councils the
      benefit of all their abilities; and a plan of attack upon the constitution
      was soon agreed upon. The Council of Ancients were easily persuaded that a
      new constitution was wanting; but the Council of Five Hundred vowed that
      they would die for that which they had already got. On the 9th of November
      it was agreed in the Council of Ancients that the assembly should adjourn
      to St. Cloud, and that Napoleon should put this into execution, being made
      supreme commander of all the forces for that purpose. The sitting was then
      dissolved; and Napoleon instantly issued two proclamations, announcing his
      command, and inviting the army and national guard to aid him in restoring
      liberty, victory, and peace to France. In this state of affairs, Barras,
      Sieyes, and Ducos, three of the directory, resigned; Moulins and Gohier
      remained to support the present constitution. These, however, by the
      orders of Napoleon, were guarded in the Luxembourg, so that the directory
      was in point of fact dissolved. It remained now for the councils to form a
      new executive; and to this end they met at St. Cloud, surrounded by
      troops. The Council of Five Hundred swore fidelity to the constitution;
      and Napoleon resolved to crush them. At his command the troops entered the
      Orangery with fixed bayonets, and the deputies were glad to make their
      escape by the windows and through the adjacent woods. On that evening the
      Council of the Ancients and about fifty of the scattered Five Hundred
      abolished the directory, and established in its place three consuls, who,
      with two committees chosen from each council, were charged with the task
      of preparing a new constitution. These consuls were Napoleon, Sieyes, and
      Ducos, the men who concerted together to bring about this new revolution.
      "Thus the French revolution closed its agitated career almost in the point
      from whence it set out&mdash;in despotism." All their hopes of the
      blessings of liberty were with one fell blow dashed to the ground by the
      conqueror of Egypt and Italy&mdash;by one man, and he of men one of the
      meanest.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the power of Tippoo Sultaun was destroyed. Recently he
      had been encouraged in his hostility by the French, who eagerly sought to
      strike a blow at the commercial prosperity of Great Britain. It was for
      this purpose that the Egyptian expedition had been undertaken, and for
      this purpose likewise alliances were formed with the native powers of
      India. In Tippoo Sultaun the French found an implacable foe to the English&mdash;a
      foe which was ever ready to unsheathe his sword to destroy them. In order
      to crush their power and to regain what he had lost in the late war,
      Tippoo Sultaun had sent an embassy to Cabul, to bring the Affghan tribes
      down into India; he had negociated with the Nizam of the Deccan and with
      other native princes; and in 1797 he had sent two ambassadors to the Isle
      of France to propose an alliance with the French republic, and to request
      a supply of troops sufficient to enable him to expel the English from
      every part of Hindustan. The governor of the Isle of France had no troops
      to spare; but he forwarded Tippoo's letters to France, and allowed his
      ambassadors to enrol some Frenchmen for his aid. Some sixty or seventy of
      these volunteers proceeded to Tippoo's capital, where they first set up a
      tree of liberty, and next proceeded to organize a Jacobin club. These
      proceedings soon became known to the government at Calcutta; and the Earl
      of Mornington, then Governor-general of India, determined to anticipate
      Tippoo. Troops were sent under Generals Harris and Stuart; and the sultan
      was defeated in the route, and compelled to take refuge in his fortified
      capital. Seringapatam was besieged, and on the 4th of May was stormed and
      captured. Two of his sons were taken alive; but Tippoo fell near one of
      the gates, and was found buried under a heap of dead bodies. His
      territories were divided among his enemies; the English kept Seringapatam
      with the island on which it is situated, the whole of his territories on
      the Malabar coast, the district of Coimbatoor, and all the country that
      intervened between the company's possessions on the western and those on
      the eastern coast; the Nizam of the Deccan obtained a more inland country;
      and another great tract of country was conferred upon a descendant of the
      ancient Hindoo rajahs, who had been dispossessed by Hyder Ali. Thus ended
      a dynasty which was founded by a daring adventurer on the ruins of the
      Hindoo house of Mysor. It began and ended its career in spoliation and the
      shedding of blood.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British parliament assembled on the 24th of September. The chief
      object of this early meeting Was the introduction of a bill for
      facilitating the re-enforcement of our regular army, by allowing
      three-fifths of the militia of each county to enlist in the regulars, for
      service within Europe. This bill passed into a law on the 4th of October;
      the remainder of the session, previous to the Christmas recess, was
      occupied by commercial and financial matters. The supplies granted were
      between six and seven millions; but these were only for the time being:
      parliament again separated on the 12th of October.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY DISCUSSIONS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1800
    </p>
    <p>
      On Christmas day of the preceding year, the first consul, Napoleon,
      addressed a letter from the ancient palace of the Bourbons to the King of
      Great Britain, indicating a desire of peace in these terms:&mdash;"How can
      the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond
      what their safety and independence require, sacrifice to ideas of vain
      greatness, the benefits of commerce, internal prosperity, and domestic
      happiness? How is it that they do not feel that peace is of the first
      importance as well as the first glory? These sentiments cannot be foreign
      to the heart of your majesty, who reign over a free people, and with the
      sole view of rendering them happy. France and England, by the abuse of
      their strength, may still, for the misfortune of all nations, long retard
      the period of their exhaustion, but I will venture to say, that the fate
      of all civilized nations is attached to the termination of a war which
      involves the whole world." The answer given to this letter intimated, that
      the French government afforded no ground for trust; but notwithstanding
      this repulse, Napoleon made another attempt at negociation. Talleyrand, in
      a letter to the British secretary, vindicated France from the censures
      contained in this reply; throwing the blame of war on the league of
      European powers, and offering a suspension of arms, that plenipotentiaries
      might meet at Dunkirk or elsewhere, as might be agreed upon, for the
      purpose of making a treaty of peace. The reply to this communication was
      equally unsatisfactory as that made to the letter of the first consul. His
      majesty expressed his concern that the unprovoked aggressions of France
      were defended by her present ruler; and refused to enter into a refutation
      of allegations universally exploded, and, as far as his own conduct was
      concerned, utterly groundless. This correspondence was the first subject
      of importance which engaged the attention of parliament after its
      adjournment; and while the minority animadverted on the precipitancy by
      which the door was closed against all hopes of pacification, the majority
      approved of what had been done, and it was determined to prosecute the war
      with vigour.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of February a debate took place on a royal message, in which
      his majesty, after stating that he was concerting such engagements with
      the Emperor of Germany, the Elector of Bavaria, and other powers of the
      empire as might be conducive to the advantage of the common cause in the
      course of the ensuing campaign, informed the house that he was desirous of
      authorising his minister to make provisionally such advances of money as
      might be necessary for this purpose. Pitt declared that £500,000 was all
      that he required at the commencement; and after some little opposition,
      his motion for the grant was carried by a large majority. Ministers were
      also equally well supported in a proposal, made by opposition, for an
      inquiry into the causes of the disgraces which had attended the British
      arms in Holland: it was quashed at once.
    </p>
    <p>
      The total supplies voted for this year was £47,900,739. The income-tax was
      continued; and there was a loan of £21,000,000, including a vote of
      credit. For two months 120,000 seamen and 90,000 soldiers were granted,
      exclusive of subsidiaries; but for the rest of the year 10,000 were
      deducted from each number. On the annual motion for renewing the act for
      suspending the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> bill, there was a stormy debate; but
      the measure was carried with the usual majorities. An attempt made by a
      maniac named Hadfield to shoot the king in Drury-lane theatre, led to the
      insertion of two additional clauses in the insanity bill, by which the
      privilege of bail to alleged lunatics was abridged, and the personal
      safety of the sovereign thereby consulted. Subsequently a committee of
      each house was appointed to consider of the most effectual means for
      remedying the distress which prevailed at this time, from a scarcity of
      corn; and a bill was brought in and passed, prohibiting the sale of bread
      which had not been baked twenty-four hours, it being generally admitted
      that stale bread satisfied the appetite sooner than new bread. The
      Archbishop of Canterbury recommended a series of resolutions in the upper
      house, and a voluntary association, by which each of their lordships
      should bind himself to lessen the consumption of bread and flour in his
      family, by using such articles as might be conveniently substituted in the
      place thereof. These resolutions were passed unanimously in the upper
      house; and the commons, from a message sent them from the lords, fully
      concurred with their lordships. This example of the lords and commons was
      followed very generally by the upper classes throughout the kingdom; and
      thus effectual relief was afforded by the simple means of self-denial.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another measure taken into consideration this session tended to morality
      of conduct. Of late the crime of adultery had become very prevalent; and
      it was thought by political moralists that intermarriage, permitted to the
      offending parties after a divorce, was one fertile source of crime. A bill
      was proposed by Lord Auckland to prevent such intermarriage; but it was
      rejected by a considerable majority, it being doubted whether it would
      prove effectual to the diminishing of the crime to which it referred.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among other parliamentary topics discussed this session was that of the
      affairs of the East Indies. Mr. Dundas having investigated the state of
      its finances, detailed them to the commons; and on the whole, from his
      statements, the company's affairs appeared to be in a flourishing
      condition. An act was passed, instituting a high court of judicature for
      that of the recorder of Madras.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNION WITH IRELAND COMPLETED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The most important act of this session was the completion of the union
      between Great Britain and Ireland. At first the resolutions which had
      passed the British parliament excited much opposition in the Irish
      parliament and throughout the country. When the Irish commons debated on
      an address proposed by ministers, in answer to the speech from the throne
      in January, 1799, it was carried only by one vote; but on the 15th of
      January, 1800, a motion made in the same house to declare their
      disapprobation of the union, was negatived by one hundred and thirty-eight
      against ninety-six. Subsequently the measure of the union was agreed to by
      a large majority in the Irish parliament, both in the lords and the
      commons. On the 27th of March, indeed, the two Irish houses agreed in a
      joint address, informing his majesty that they considered the resolutions
      of the British parliament as wisely calculated to form the basis of an
      incorporation of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom; that they
      adopted them as their guide; and that they now laid before his majesty
      certain resolutions which they had agreed to, and which, if they should be
      approved by the two houses of parliament of Great Britain, they were ready
      to confirm and ratify, in order that the same might be established for
      ever, by mutual consent of both parliaments. On the 2nd of April this
      address was made the subject of a message from his majesty to the British
      parliament. In addition to the resolutions adopted by the British
      parliament, it was proposed by the Irish parliament, that the number of
      Irish peers to be admitted to the house of lords of the United Kingdom
      should be four lords spiritual, by rotation of sessions, and twenty-eight
      lords temporal, elected for life by the peers of Ireland; and that the
      number of representatives to be admitted into the house of commons should
      be one hundred. Such a union as this was opposed in the upper house by
      Lord Holland, on the grounds that it would not remedy the discontents of
      the various classes of society in Ireland; that it would not insure a
      redress of their grievances, but would increase the influence of which
      they now loudly complained; that it was offensive to the great body of the
      Irish people; and that, if carried into effect, it would endanger the
      connexion between the two countries, and probably produce mischief. The
      measure was defended in the upper house by Lord Gren-ville; and on a
      division eighty-one peers voted with him, and only two with Lord Holland.
      In the commons the union was opposed from the supposition that it would
      injure our constitution, inasmuch as the influence of the crown, arising
      from places in Ireland being to be concentrated upon only one hundred
      members instead of three hundred, it must necessarily be augmented. Pitt
      denied that the union would, or that he wished it to have such an effect;
      and he contended that the system proposed was calculated to favour the
      popular interest. The members for Irish counties and principal cities, he
      said, would be sixty-eight, the remaning thirty-two members being to be
      elected by towns the most considerable in population and wealth; and that,
      as the proposed addition would not make any change in the internal form of
      representation, it would entail none of those dangers incident to
      innovation. If anything could counterbalance the advantages that must
      result from the union, he remarked, it would be the necessity of
      disturbing in anyway the representation of England; a necessity which
      happily did not exist. He continued:&mdash;"In stating this I have not
      forgotten what I have myself formerly said and sincerely felt upon the
      subject of parliamentary reform; but I know that all opinions must
      necessarily be subservient to times and circumstances; and that man who
      talks of his consistency merely because he holds the same opinion for ten
      or fifteen years, when the circumstances under which that opinion was
      originally formed are totally changed, is a slave to the most idle vanity.
      Seeing all that I have seen since the period to which I allude,
      considering how little chance there is of that species of reform to which
      alone I looked, and which is as different from the modern schemes of
      reform as the latter are from the constitution;&mdash;seeing that where
      the greatest changes have taken place the most dreadful consequences have
      ensued, and which have not been confined to the country where they
      originated, but have spread their malignant influence to almost every part
      of the globe, shaking the fabric of every government;&mdash;seeing that in
      this general shock the constitution of Great Britain has alone remained
      pure and untouched in its vital principles;&mdash;I say, when I consider
      all these circumstances, I should be ashamed of myself if any former
      opinions of mine could now induce me to think that the form of
      representation which, in such times as the present, has been found amply
      sufficient for the purpose of protecting the interests and securing the
      happiness of the people, should be idly and wantonly disturbed from any
      love of experiment or any predilection for theory. Upon this subject I
      think it right to state the inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right
      to declare my most decided opinion that, even if the times were proper for
      experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a constitution must
      be considered as an evil." Pitt proposed the adoption of the resolutions
      voted by the Irish house of parliament; and after some opposition,
      especially from Mr. Grey, who moved an amendment, which was lost, they
      were carried without further delay. All proceedings both in England and
      Ireland relative to this great measure were concluded in the month of
      June; and on the 2nd of July the act of union received the royal assent.
      His majesty declared that he ever should consider this measure as the
      happiest of his reign. The Irish session, which had been prolonged till
      the bill passed in England for the purpose of ratifying it was dissolved
      on the 2nd of August, and with it the existence of the Irish parliament.
      On the subject of this union Dr. Miller remarks:&mdash;"The whole history
      of Ireland up to the union presents a series of events most curiously
      combined. Its early period, unhappy as it was, prepared that party of
      Roman Catholics which, in the struggles terminated by the English
      revolution, was opposed as an antagonist force to the Scottish
      Presbyterians, and thus assisted in effecting the adjustment of the
      English government. When this important function had been discharged,
      Ireland had to prepare itself for entering with advantage into the general
      incorporation of a united empire; the preceding period of its history,
      however beneficial in assisting to adjust the balance of the English
      constitution, having been inauspicious to the domestic interests of the
      country. Of that preparation it was a necessary condition that one of the
      two parties by which it was distracted should suffer a temporary
      depression, so entire that the other should not be embarrassed or
      obstructed in its efforts to obtain national independence. The prosperity,
      however, thus acquired extended its influence even to the party by whose
      depression it had been obtained; and the Roman Catholics, participating in
      the advantages of Protestants, rose again to a political importance, in
      which they were opposed to the ascendancy of the prevailing party. A short
      struggle of rebellion, the natural result of an ungoverned desire of
      independence among a portion of the Protestants, aided by the ancient
      disaffection of the adverse party, brought the country into a situation in
      which the minister was able to consolidate the empire by the union of
      Ireland." It was hoped that this great measure would have the effect of
      conciliating the Irish Catholics; but experience has proved that they are
      still dissatisfied with the rule of England. It is evident, in fact, that
      ages will elapse before the Irish consider themselves to be "one and
      indivisible" with the English&mdash;before they are satisfied with the
      sway of the house of Brunswick.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1798&mdash;1801
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of July. His majesty's speech
      expressed peculiar satisfaction at the effecting of an entire union
      between England and Ireland, he being persuaded that it would tend to
      their mutual interests. There were other less cheerful notes in the royal
      speech; for the campaign of this year, which had been commenced with
      success, had by a sudden reverse ended in defeat.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the Russian troops had plucked the laurels which the
      French had gained in Italy from their brows. Thus situated the French
      government sent Massena across the Alps, together with generals Soult,
      Oudinot, and Brune, to refix the national banners on the banks of the Po.
      Their efforts were vain; Massena was finally driven by the Austrians
      within the ramparts of Genoa. Assisted by a British squadron the Austrians
      formed the siege of Genoa; and Massena had in a little time no other
      alternative but to force his way through the enemy or to surrender. In
      this emergency Soult attempted to open the blockade, and leading on his
      division he attacked their fortified post of Monte Creto, and penetrated
      into the enemy's camp. But his career was checked. Recovering from their
      surprise, the Austrians met the French with firmness, and they were put to
      flight. Massena was obliged to capitulate, and Genoa was evacuated. But
      here the success of the allied armies was checked. Giving the command of
      the Rhine to Moreau, Napoleon assumed the direction of the army of Italy.
      A battle was fought in the plain of Marengo, which annihilated the fruit
      of all the Austrian victories in the preceding campaign, and put Italy
      again under the power of France. Melas saw himself forced, by the
      hopelessness of his position, to the proposal of an armistice as the only
      means of deliverance; and it was granted upon these conditions:&mdash;that
      the Austrians should retreat beyond the Mincio; and that Genoa, Tortona,
      Alessandria, Turin, Arona, Coni, Ceva, Savona, Milan, and several
      other-cities, with all Piedmont and Liguria, and nearly all Cis-alpinia
      should be given up to the French government. The star of Napoleon shone
      more brilliant than ever; and leaving the Italian army under Massena, he
      returned to Paris to reap the fruit of his conquest.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the Austrians had been likewise defeated in Germany. On
      the 25th of April Moreau crossed the Rhine upon six points; and in several
      battles at Enger, Stockach, and Moesskirch, defeated Field-marshal Kray,
      who was now at the head of the Austrian troops. Kray was compelled to
      retreat before him; and Moreau finally occupied a large part of Bavaria as
      well as Munich. Lecourbe also drove the Austrians from the Grisons and
      entered the Tyrol; while on the left another army of French and Batavians
      were preparing to penetrate into Franconia and Bohemia. The court of
      Vienna now sued for an armistice, which was granted; and on the 28th of
      July preliminaries of peace, on the basis of that of Campo Formio, were
      signed at Paris. The world now expected peace. The emperor, however,
      having received his subsidy from England, and concluded a new treaty with
      that power, again unsheathed his sword. He declared the truce at an end;
      and both sides prepared again for the strife. The emperor putting himself
      at the head of his army, endeavoured to rouse the whole force of Germany;
      but the north was kept inactive by the neutrality of Prussia, and other
      princes were overawed by the invaders. Another armistice was purchased by
      him for the short space of forty-five days, by the delivery of
      Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingoldstadt; and when this period expired, late as
      the season was, both parties took the field. The contest was soon decided.
      On the 2nd of December a battle was fought at Hohenlinden, between the
      rivers Iser and Inn, in which the Austrians, under Archduke John, were
      utterly defeated. Moreau advancing occupied Saltzburg; and the road to
      Vienna was not only open to his army, but also to the armies of Brune and
      Macdonald. In this emergency the Emperor Francis was compelled to sue for
      a separate peace, and the British government obliged to release him from
      the terms of his alliance. A treaty was signed in the ensuing February,
      which ratified all the conditions of the treaty of Campo Formio, and
      included several new articles of an humiliating nature to the house of
      Austria. Tuscany was taken away from the Grand Duke Ferdinand and bestowed
      upon Louis, son of the Duke of Parma; and the emperor again acknowledged
      the independence of the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, renouncing all
      right or pretension to any of those Italian territories, A new and
      extended frontier also was drawn for the Cisalpines, the line of the Adige
      being taken from where that river issues from the Tyrol down to its mouth
      on the Adriatic. Piedmont was for the present left to the King of
      Sardinia; and shortly after this monarch, through the mediation of the
      Czar Paul, obtained a peace, agreeing on his part to close his ports
      against the English, withdraw some troops sent into the Roman states, and
      to give up the principality of Piombino, with some other detached
      territories on the Tuscan coast. Through the same mediation Italy was
      treated by Napoleon with leniency; and Pope Pius VII., recently elected to
      the Pontificate, was allowed to retain the reins of government.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF MALTA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the island of Malta, which had been blockaded for more
      than two years, was surrendered to Major-general Pigot. The French troops
      who had defended it were permitted to return to France, on condition of
      not serving till regularly exchanged. This was a great prize, for Malta is
      the citadel of the Mediterranean, as Gibralter is its key: from this time
      it became a pillar of the British throne.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL OPERATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The naval operations of England this year were various, though no very
      important results accrued therefrom. The small island of Goree on the
      western coast of Africa surrendered to Sir Charles Hamilton; and the
      British captured the Dutch island of Curaçoa. A squadron was sent under
      Sir Edward Pellew to the peninsula of Quiberon; but all that was done was
      to destroy some brigs, sloops, gun-boats, and a few trading vessels. This
      armament proceeded to the coast of Spain to destroy the arsenal and the
      shipping at Ferrol; but it was attended with the same ill-success. The
      land forces accompanying it under Sir James Pulteney then joined to those
      of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who, with the Mediterranean fleet under Lord
      Keith, was to make an attack upon Cadiz, and to capture or destroy the
      Spanish fleet. But this enterprise was given up as impracticable; and soon
      after General Pulteney was sent to Lisbon for the defence of Portugal, now
      threatened by Spain; and General Abercrombie received information that his
      troops were to be employed in Egypt. The year, however, was now far spent,
      and it was the middle of December before the armament arrived as far as
      Malta.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the midst of these foreign reverses&mdash;for such many of the events
      may be termed&mdash;the scarcity of grain still continued in England. The
      national spirit was greatly depressed by these circumstances, and
      notwithstanding the hand of charity was active in the alleviation of
      distress, several riots took place throughout the kingdom. London was much
      agitated: but the Lord Mayor, Mr. Combe, by the aid of volunteers,
      succeeded in repressing the commotion without bloodshed. In order to
      obtain relief, the city of London and other places petitioned the King to
      convene parliament; and it assembled in the month of October, and passed
      in rapid succession a number of acts, granting bounties on the importation
      of foreign corn, enjoining the baking of mixed and inferior flour, &amp;c.
      The distillation of spirits from grain was also suspended. But the hand of
      private charity did more good than all this legislation: it was opened
      wide, and the sufferings of the poor were thereby greatly alleviated.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS FOR PEACE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of December, after sundry attacks on the foreign policy of the
      ministers, Sheridan moved for an address to his Majesty, praying him to
      enter into a separate négociation with France, for a speedy and honourable
      peace. This was negatived; and on the 4th of December, Mr. T. Jones moved
      another address, imploring his Majesty to dismiss his present ministers;
      but this was likewise rejected. The supplies voted were for three lunar
      months only; 120,000 men were granted for the service of the navy, from
      the 1st of January to the 1st of April, 1801. The king closed the session
      of parliament on the last day of the year. His majesty said that the time
      fixed for the commencement of the union of Great Britain and Ireland
      necessarily terminated their proceedings, and that the Imperial Parliament&mdash;as
      the united parliament was to be denominated&mdash;was appointed to meet on
      the 22nd of January, 1801. Before he retired, his majesty ordered the
      chancellor to read a proclamation, declaring that the individuals who
      composed the expiring parliament, should be members on the part of Great
      Britain, of the New or Imperial Parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1801-1806
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Commencement of  the Union with Ireland..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Resignation of Mr. Pitt, &amp;c...... The New
     Ministry..... Motion for an Inquiry into the State of the
     Nation..... Parliamentary Measures..... War with the
     Northern Powers..... Dissolution of the Northern
     Confederacy..... Expedition to Egypt..... Affairs on the
     Continent..... Naval Operations..... Treaty of Amiens.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary Measures.....
     Preparations for Hostility..... Meeting of the New
     Parliament..... Trial of Colonel   Despard.....
     Parliamentary  Proceedings..... Act to  Relieve Catholics,
     &amp;c...... War Proclaimed with France..... The Causes for the
     renewal of War with France..... War with Holland.....
     Militia Bill, &amp;c...... Financial Measures..... Prorogation
     of Parliament..... Insurrection in Ireland..... Letter of
     the Prince of Wales..... Movements of the French..... Naval
     Conquests..... East India Affairs..... Meeting of
     Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNION WITH IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1801
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of January a royal proclamation was issued, concerning the
      style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of Great Britain and
      Ireland; and also to the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners thereof. The
      regal title was thus expressed:&mdash;"George the Third, by the Grace of
      God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of
      the Faith." The great seal was made in conformity with the alterations
      made in the titles and arms. In the new heraldic arrangement the <i>fleur
      de lis</i> was omitted, and the title of the King of France wisely
      expunged. The arms or ensigns armorial were ordered to be quarterly:&mdash;first
      and fourth England, second Scotland, third Ireland. In honour of the
      union, many new titles were conferred on the Irish nobility, and several
      of them were created peers of the United Kingdom.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first imperial parliament was opened by commission on the 22nd of
      January. The king did not meet his parliament till the 2nd of February,
      when, in his speech from the throne, after adverting to the happy
      accomplishment of the union, and to the adverse course of events on the
      continent, he announced a fresh storm in the north. The court of
      Petersburgh, he said, had proceeded to commit outrages against the ships,
      property, and persons of his subjects; and a convention had been concluded
      by that court with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm, by which they were
      engaged to re-establish a new code of maritime law, inconsistent with the
      rights and hostile to the best interests of the country. His majesty
      stated that he had taken the earliest measures to repel the aggressions of
      this confederacy, and he called upon both houses of parliament to afford
      him the aid required in the emergency. The debates which ensued were of an
      interesting character. In both houses opposition recommended conciliatory
      measures; and some even proposed the suspension of the right of search we
      claimed at sea, or a tacit assent to the principles of the armed
      neutrality, on the ground that terrible consequences would attend the
      closing of the corn-ports on the Baltic in this season of scarcity. In the
      upper house an amendment to the address was moved by Earl Fitzwilliam; but
      on a division the address was carried. Mr. Grey was the chief opposer of
      the address in the commons; he likewise moved an amendment; but the
      address was there carried by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two.
      Preparations were, therefore, now made for sending the British fleet into
      the Baltic; and this, it will be seen, together with the death of the Czar
      Paul, soon put an end to this coalition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In bringing about the union of England and Ireland, Pitt had given
      assurances to the Irish Catholics of a complete participation in political
      privileges, as soon as that union should take place. This proposition was
      submitted to the cabinet-council, some of the members of which expressed
      their dissent to the measure. But its chief opposer was the king, who
      alleged that the coronation oath precluded his compliance with a scheme
      which might endanger the ecclesiastical establishment. Under these
      circumstances Pitt felt bound to retire from the administration; for
      although his majesty promised not to use his influence in obstructing the
      progress of the measure through parliament, it was manifest, that as he
      was known to be adverse to it, there would be no chance of success. On the
      resignation of Mr. Pitt, his majesty entrusted the formation of a new
      cabinet to Mr. Addington, who resigned his post for that purpose. On
      account of financial arrangements, however, and the difficulty of settling
      the new appointments, Mr. Pitt consented to remain at his post a little
      longer. His majesty a few days after was taken ill; and it appears that
      his indisposition was a return of his former malady, brought on by the
      Catholic question and the resignation of the premier. This caused him to
      remain at his post still longer, and then further delay was occasioned. On
      the 18th of February the house resolved itself into a committee of supply.
      The sum required was £42,197,000 of which Ireland was to pay £4,324,000,
      and England the remainder. To raise this, recourse was had to the old
      system: £25,000,000 was borrowed, and the rest was raised by taxes, some
      of which were newly imposed. Besides the money borrowed for England, it
      was found necessary to borrow about £2,500,000 for Ireland. These
      resolutions being agreed to, with some slight alterations, Pitt, on the
      14th of March, resigned office; and he was accompanied in his resignation
      by Dunclas, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Windham; and other changes
      took place shortly after. In the lords, the reasons of their resignation
      were thuss given by Lord Grenville:&mdash;"We wished that the benefits of
      the union should be rendered as great and extensive as possible, by the
      removal of certain disabilities under which a great portion of the
      inhabitants of Ireland laboured. Imagining that this measure could only be
      effectual by coming from the executive government, we felt it our duty to
      propose it to those who direct his majesty's councils: it was not deemed
      eligible, and we were unable to prevail. As our opinion of its policy
      remained unaltered, and we still think this measure alone capable of
      establishing the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire on a permanent
      basis, we consider ourselves bound to retire. Accordingly we have tendered
      to his majesty the resignation of our several employments, and he has been
      graciously pleased to dispense with our services." By Pitt's enemies it
      was said, that his delicacy about his pledged faith to the Irish, and his
      sense of the justice and expediency of granting Catholic emancipation were
      but pretexts; and that the real cause of his resignation was the tardy
      conviction that he had involved the country in a labyrinth from which he
      had not the power to extricate it&mdash;being too weak to carry on the
      war, and too proud to make peace with the French. These imaginings were
      not founded in justice. Pitt, up to the period of the union, had uniformly
      opposed Catholic emancipation; but he now thought conscientiously that it
      ought to be carried into effect, in order to make the union complete. As
      for being dismayed at the hostile array in the north or in any part of
      Europe, it does not appear at all probable. Almost the last words of Pitt
      before he resigned office were full of hope and confidence: "he was
      convinced," he said, "that the British fleet would, with one blow, shatter
      the coalition of the north." There is no reason, in truth, for doubting
      the word of Pitt that the question of Catholic emancipation was the real
      cause of his resignation. How far he was implicated in the question, and
      to what extent he stood pledged, is not fully known; but that was the rock
      on which Pitt's ministry foundered their bark.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE NEW MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new ministry when formed consisted of Mr. Addington, first lord of the
      treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, the Duke of Portland, president
      of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor; Earl St. Vincent, first lord of
      the admiralty; the Earl of Chatham, master general of the ordnance; Lord
      Pelham, secretary for the home department; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for
      foreign affairs; Lord Hobart, secretary for the colonies; Viscount
      Lewisham, president of the board of control for the affairs of India; Mr.
      Yorke, secretary of war, &amp;c. In this general change, indeed, the Duke
      of Portland and Lord Westmoreland alone retained their seats in the
      cabinet, the former as president of the council, the latter as lord privy
      seal. The sentiments which the new ministry maintained were made known by
      Lord Grenville in his explanation before mentioned. After commenting on
      the effect of past exertions, his lordship remarked:&mdash;"It is our
      consolation to reflect, that the same vigorous line of conduct will be
      still pursued; no change of measure will take place; but the system which
      has already proved so salutary will be maintained by our successors." This
      proved true; although some supposed that they would seek peace, it was
      soon discovered that war was to be continued. Addington professed
      anti-warlike sentiments, but he found there was no alternative but to
      continue the contest.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A motion was made both in the lords and the commons, soon after the
      re-assembling of parliament, for instituting an inquiry into the state of
      the nation. In the upper house it was moved by Lord Darnley, who proposed
      such an inquiry as might point out remedies for the disorders of the
      state. He was supported by the Earl of Carlisle, the Marquis of Lansdowne,
      and Earl Fitzwilliam; but his motion was lost by a considerable majority.
      In the commons the necessity of inquiry was strongly urged by Mr. Grey,
      and ably supported by Sir William Young and Lord Temple, but his motion
      shared the fate of its counterpart in the upper house. The debate was
      chiefly remarkable in the commons for calling up Pitt to defend himself
      and the system which he had pursued, which he did with unanswerable
      argument. It was on this occasion that he made explicit declaration of the
      motives which induced him to resign.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the sitting of this new parliament acts were passed for the
      suppression of rebellion, and for the suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i>
      Act in Ireland, that country still remaining in a turbulent state. The
      suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Act was continued also for England
      and Scotland, and an act for preventing seditious meetings was revived.
      Acts of indemnity were likewise passed in favour of all persons concerned
      in the securing, imprisoning, and detaining individuals under the
      suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, both in Great Britain and Ireland,
      from the period when that suspension took place in the respective
      countries. Various motions to the miscarriage of expeditions&mdash;to the
      conduct of Admiral Lord Keith in breaking the convention of El Arish,
      &amp;c.&mdash;were made during the session, but were all negatived.
      Additional supplies were demanded by Mr. Addington, and sanctioned by the
      house. The session was prorogued by commission on the 3rd of July.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH THE NORTHERN POWERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The late ministry had issued an order in council, dated the 14th of
      January, imposing an embargo on all Russian, Swedish, and Danish vessels
      in the ports of Great Britain; and preparations were also made to send a
      fleet into the Sound, and to hazard all the evils likely to result from a
      war, which threatened to exclude the British flag from the navigation of
      the Baltic, and her commerce from the shores of the Elbe, the Embs, the
      Vistula, and the Weser. On the other band, preparations were also made by
      the governments of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden for the coming strife. In
      the course of the spring the Danes took possession of Hamburgh, for the
      alleged purpose of stopping the British trade to that port. The King of
      Denmark was now likewise joined by the King of Prussia, who seized this
      occasion to invade Hanover, and to reduce it to his own dominion. As no
      hopes, therefore, could be entertained of the pacification of Europe on
      terms honourable to Great Britain, a British fleet, consisting of eighteen
      ships of the line, and four frigates, with a number of gun-boats and
      bomb-vessels, were dispatched against her enemies. This fleet proceeded
      from Yarmouth Roads for the Baltic, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde
      Parker, assisted by Vice-admiral Lord Nelson and Rear-admiral Tolly. It
      sailed on the 12th of March, and as it was supposed that Denmark, whose
      prosperity had increased considerably during the war, might be prevailed
      upon to sue for forbearance; the first efforts of the armament were
      directed against her capital. On board was Mr. Vansittart, who, as
      minister plenipotentiary, was to seek to detach the court of Copenhagen
      from the northern alliance before proceeding to extremities. His mission,
      however, failed; he returned with a report that he had left the Danish
      government hostile in the highest degree to the court of Great Britain,
      and in a state of preparation far exceeding what our cabinet had
      considered possible. Nelson advised that no time should be lost in
      attacking the enemy; and Sir Hyde Parker, who was "nervous about dark
      nights and fields of ice," having yielded to his persuasions, it was
      determined to force the passage of the Sound. This was done without great
      loss: on the 31st of March the fleet anchored between the isle of Huen and
      Copenhagen. Sir Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and other officers proceeded in
      a lugger to reconnoitre the enemy's preparations, which they found to be
      of a very formidable nature. Undaunted, however, by any fear of danger,
      Nelson offered to lead the attack, requiring for the service ten ships of
      the line, with all the smaller craft. Sir Hyde acceeded to his proposal,
      adding two other ships of the line to the number demanded, and leaving the
      whole business to his management. It was on the 2nd of April that Nelson
      made the signal to weigh and engage the Danish line of defence. The
      difficulty of the navigation and the ignorance of the pilots were so
      great, that three of the ships grounded, and others were unable to take
      their proper station in the line. With those, however, that could approach
      the enemy, Nelson ventured an action. It commenced soon after ten o'clock;
      and at one, few, if any, of the enemy's ships had ceased to fire, while
      some of the English ships had sustained much injury. Under these
      circumstances, therefore, Sir Hyde Parker made a signal for retreat. But
      Nelson had no idea of retreating. All the notice he took of the signal was
      to give strict orders that his own signal for close action should be kept
      flying, and, if necessary, nailed to the mast; and turning to Captain
      Foley, he jocosely remarked: "You know I have only one eye; I have a right
      sometimes to be blind:" and putting his glass to the blind eye, he added,
      "Really, I don't see the signal for recall." The action continued unabated
      for another hour; but at that time the greater part of the enemy's ships
      ceased to fire; some of the lighter vessels were adrift, and the carnage
      on board their ships was dreadful the crews having been continually
      re-enforced. Soon after this, the Danish commodore's ship took fire, and
      drifting in flames before the wind, spread terror and dismay throughout
      their line. The ships a-head, however, with the crown-batteries, as well
      as the prizes made by the British, still continued to lire, and Nelson,
      humane as he was brave, being shocked at the slaughter which their bold
      resistance caused him to make in their ranks, retired into the stern
      gallery to write a letter to the crown prince. This letter stated, "that
      he had been commanded to spare Denmark when she no longer resisted; that
      her line of defence had struck to the British flag; and that, if the fire
      were continued, he should be obliged to destroy all the floating batteries
      which he had taken, without having the power of saving their brave
      defenders, who were the brothers, and ought not to be the enemies, of
      Englishmen." This letter, with a flag of truce, was sent by Captain Sir
      Frederic Thesiger; and in about half-an-hour he brought an inquiry from
      the prince: What was the object of Nelson's note? Nelson's reply was, that
      he sent the flag of truce out of humanity; and that he consented that
      hostilities should cease, and that the wounded Danes might be taken on
      shore. He added: "Lord Nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the
      prince, will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained, if it
      may be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most
      gracious sovereign and his majesty the King of Denmark." Sir F. Thesiger
      was dispatched a second time with the reply, and the Danish
      adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference
      upon this overture. Nelson availed himself of this critical moment to get
      his crippled ships under weigh, and the imminent danger from which he had
      extricated them soon became apparent. His own ship, the Elephant, and
      three others remained fixed upon the shoal for many hours. Nelson left the
      Elephant soon after she took the ground, observing as he left her: "I have
      fought contrary to my orders, and I shall perhaps be hanged. Never mind,
      let them." It was soon agreed that there should be a suspension of
      hostilities for twenty-four hours; that all the prizes should be
      surrendered; and that the wounded Danes should be carried on shore. Nelson
      landed on the day after the battle, and had an interview with the crown
      prince for the purpose of arranging preliminaries. The négociation lasted
      some time, and on one occasion was on the point of breaking off; but
      Nelson's firm conduct overawed the Danish negociators, and it was agreed
      that there should be an armistice of fourteen weeks. Nelson's own account
      of the battle of Copenhagen was, that it was the most dreadful he had ever
      witnessed. Several British officers fell in the action, and among the rest
      "the gallan, good Rion." For this victory Nelson was raised to the rank of
      Viscount; a reward which, his biographer, Southey, justly observes, was
      inadequate for services of such paramount importance to the interests of
      England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the battle of Copenhagen it was intended to act against the Russians
      before the breaking up of the frost should enable them, to leave Revel.
      Sir Hyde Parker, however, having heard that the Swedes had put to sea to
      effect a junction with their allies, altered his course, hoping to
      intercept that part of the force of the confederacy. The Swedish fleet was
      discovered on the 19th of April; but on perceiving the English, it took
      shelter behind the batteries of Carlscrona. Sir Hyde Parker lost no time
      in acquainting the governor with the armistice that had been concluded
      between Great Britain and Denmark; and he called on the Swedish government
      to renounce the northern confederacy. At this critical juncture news was
      received of the assassination of the Czar Paul, and the accession of his
      son, Alexander, who commenced his reign by the abolition of the
      innovations of his predecessor, and by ordering all British sailors in
      confinement to be conveyed to the ports where their ships were stationed.
      Hostilities now ceased; Lord St. Helens was sent to Petersburgh, as
      minister plenipotentiary, and a convention was concluded between Russia
      and Great Britain, which subsequently comprehended Sweden and Denmark,
      recognising the principle contended for by England, and imposing such
      restrictions on the right of search as might prevent any unwarrantable
      exercise of it on neutral vessels. Thus the northern confederacy was
      dissolved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The fate of the French army in Egypt was sealed about a fortnight before
      the battle of Copenhagen. The British troops destined against Egypt in the
      preceding year were sent to Marmorica, on the coast of Cara-mania, under
      an expectation of receiving assistance from the Turks. This expectation
      was not realized; but Sir Ralph Abercrombie resolved at all hazards to
      attempt the dislodgement of the French from Egypt. He landed in Aboutir
      Bay on the 8th of March, in the very face of the French, and under a heavy
      fire of grape-shot from artillery, as well as from the cannon of Aboukir
      castle. The French, however, were dispersed at the point of the bayonet;
      and on the 12th the British army moved forward, and came within sight of
      the enemy, advantageously posted on a ridge between the canal of
      Alexandria and the sea. In point of numbers the British were far inferior
      to the French, but Sir Ralph Abercrombie proceeded to the attack next day.
      This failed; but on the 21st of March a general battle took place, which
      resulted in the complete success of the British arms. The triumph of our
      troops was dearly purchased by the death of Abercrombie, who received his
      mortal wound by a musket-ball in the thigh during the heat of the battle,
      but who sustained himself till the victory was gained, when he died,
      universally lamented for his great and good qualities, both of head and
      heart. The loss of the English in killed, wounded, and missing was
      computed at two thousand, and that of the French at double that number.
      The command of the British army devolved on General Hutchinson, who
      perfected the work which his predecessor had commenced; for although the
      French were defeated, they were still powerful both at Alexandria and
      Cairo. Menou, the French commander, had retired into Alexandria; and this
      was almost insulated by General Hutchinson, by cutting through the
      embankments which served to retain the waters of the Aboukir lake, and by
      inundating a dry bed of the ancient lake Mareotis. Leaving General Coote
      with 6500 men to maintain the lines before Alexandria, General Hutchinson
      proceeded to Ramani Eh, and having driven the French from this post, he
      advanced still further up the Nile, towards Cairo. He was joined near
      Cairo by some Mamelukes, Turks, Arabs, Syrians, and Copts, who now all
      offered their aid to expel the French from Egypt. Cairo was invested, and
      on the 27th of June, the French General, Belliarde, capitulated, on
      condition that his troops should be embarked and conveyed to the French
      ports of the Mediterranean at the expense of the allied powers. At this
      moment Major General Baird was ascending the Red Sea with an army of
      British and Sepoys, and some of the East India Company's artillery. But
      before he could unite his forces at Cairo, Menou capitulated on the same
      conditions as Belliarde, and Egypt was now cleared of the French. The
      expedition which had been commenced with a series of victories, ended in
      defeat and disgrace. With an inferior force, the British army wrested an
      important country from the enemy, and restored it to their allies.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1801-1806
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of March, the court of Madrid, hoping to stop a French
      invasion of Spain by submission to the will of the first consul, declared
      war against Portugal. A Spanish army invaded the Portuguese provinces in
      April; and in the month of June Lisbon purchased peace by yielding some
      territory to Spain, and by engaging to shut their ports against the
      English. In this treaty, however, Napoleon refused to concur; and he sent
      a French army through Spain to attack Portugal. Almeida was invested, and
      Lisbon and Oporto menaced, when the court of Lisbon consented to a treaty,
      by which Buonaparte agreed to withdraw his troops, and respect the
      integrity and independence of Portugal, on condition that they, on their
      part, should confirm to Spain all the territory which had recently been
      ceded; should make one-half of Portuguese Guiana over to the French;
      should shut all the ports and roads of Portugal in Europe against all
      English vessels, until peace was concluded with England; should nullify
      all preceding treaties and conventions with England; should treat France
      in all matters of commerce as the most favoured nation; and should admit
      all French commodities and merchandise whatsoever. The Portuguese court
      likewise paid twenty millions of francs to the French republic. In their
      distress, the Portuguese court had solicited the aid of England; but our
      government could do nothing more than to send an expedition to take
      possession of the island of Madeira, in order to secure it for Portugal.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL OPERATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The naval war this year was very languid. The French and Spanish fleets
      did not venture out of port, and their detached squadrons put to sea only
      in the absence of the English. On the 6th of July a French squadron was
      attacked by Sir James Saumerez in the road of Algeiras; but after a hard
      struggle he was induced to retire. This disappointment, however, only
      served to stimulate the British to another action. The ships which had
      been damaged in the late contest were repaired with all possible
      expedition, and when the French, joined by a Spanish squadron, were
      sailing towards Cadiz, he attacked them, and one line-of-battle ship, of
      seventy-four guns, was captured, and two others blew up with the loss of
      about two thousand men. On the 1st of August Admiral Lord Nelson, with a
      flotilla of gun-boats and other vessels, stood over to the coast of France
      to reconnoitre the preparations said to be making for the invasion of
      England. On the 4th of the same month he sunk two floating batteries and
      destroyed some gun-boats; but a subsequent attack on the flotilla in the
      harbour failed. During this year the islands of St. Martin and St.
      Eustatius were reduced; while in the east, the Batavian settlement of
      Ternate, the principal of the Molucca islands, surrendered to the British,
      under Captain Haynes.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY OF AMIENS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Many circumstances rendered the first consul at this time really desirous
      for some short suspension of hostilities with England. Preliminaries were
      agreed to on the 1st of October, and in the month of November the Marquis
      Cornwallis went over to France as ambassador plenipotentiary. He was
      received with great joy by many of the Parisians, who were equally
      desirous of peace, as were many of the English nation. From Paris, his
      lordship repaired to Amiens, the place appointed for holding the
      conferences; and, after much angry discussion, on the 2nd of March, 1802,
      a definitive treaty of peace was signed. By this treaty, England agreed to
      restore all the acquisitions made during the war, except the island of
      Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon: the Cape of Good Hope was
      to be given back to the Dutch as a free port: the Porte was to be
      preserved in its integrity; France was to recognise the republic of the
      seven islands; apart of Portuguese Guiana was given up to France by a new
      adjustment of boundaries; and the Prince of Orange was to receive
      compensation for the loss of property and power. "Thus," it has been
      remarked, "ended the first act of the revolutionary war, though most
      persons thought the whole concluded, fancying that the chief ruler of
      France would find his real interest in the preservation of peace; and
      relying on his repeated declaration of regret, that the two first nations
      of the world should waste their resources and the blood of their people in
      enmity. Some persons, however, took a different view of the subject,
      seeing neither indemnity for the past, nor security for the future in the
      restitution of all our colonial conquest, and in the recognition of that
      gigantic plan of continental sovereignty which had been conceived by the
      first founders of the French republic, and pursued with unremitting
      diligence by its successive rulers."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1802
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament met in the autumn of 1801; but the chief business done before
      the Christmas recess was to debate on the preliminaries of the peace of
      Amiens; some defending&mdash;and among them Pitt himself&mdash;what the
      Addington administration were doing, and others condemning their line of
      policy. Conspicuous among those who condemned their measures was Windham,
      who said that the preliminaries were disgraceful, and that war was to be
      preferred to a peace bought on such conditions. This debate continued
      after the Christmas recess, up to the 13th of May, when the last struggle
      took place on the subject. In the upper house the opponents of the treaty
      were headed by Lord Grenville, who made the cession of Malta the principal
      point of his attack. It was absurd, he said, to place that island under
      the guarantee of six powers, who could not be expected to agree on any one
      point relating to it; and it was still more absurd to restore it to the
      Knights of St. John, whose funds had been confiscated, and whose existence
      thereby might be said to be ended. In adverting to other parts of the
      treaty he observed, that our rights in India had not been recognised, and
      that the Cape of Good Hope, a most important station to the maintenance of
      British sovereignty, was given up. Lord Grenville concluded his strictures
      with proposing an address to the throne, recommending every practicable
      economy, but such as would still leave the country in a state of proper
      defence for the suppression of any danger; acknowledging that the national
      faith was pledged to the observance of the treaty, but pointing out the
      danger to which this country was exposed on account of the great
      sacrifices she had made without any adequate compensation on the part of
      France; and finally praying his majesty to endeavour to arrange speedily,
      by amicable adjustment, those various points which were left unsettled by
      the definitive treaty of Amiens. His lordship was ably supported by some
      who entertained Pitt's general views and others of his own party; but a
      counter address, moved by Lord Pelham, was carried without a division. A
      counterpart to Lord Grenville's motion was made in the lower house on the
      same day, by Windham, who, in a speech of three hours, bitterly condemned
      the treaty. In the course of his speech he remarked:&mdash;"It is
      impossible to have seen, without the utmost anxiety and alarm, the
      unexampled circumstances that have attended the final conclusion of the
      present peace; the extensive and important sacrifices which, without any
      corresponding-concession, this treaty had added to those already made by
      the preliminary articles; the unlooked-for and immense accession of
      territory, influence, and power which it has tacitly confirmed to France;
      the numerous subjects of clashing interests and unavoidable dispute which
      it has left entirely unadjusted; and, above all, those continued and
      systematic projects of aggrandizement of which, in the very moment of
      peace, we have seen such undeniable and convincing evidence." Mr. Windham
      was supported by Lord Folkstone, Sheridan, Grey, and Whitbread; but a
      counter address, moved by Lord Hawkesbury, similar to that which had been
      moved in the upper house by Lord Pelham, was carried by a majority of two
      hundred and seventy-six against twenty. But these long discussions forbade
      the hope that peace would be durable.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Mr. Canning moved the house on the subject of the
      slave-trade. He made two motions: the first being a preliminary relating
      to the cultivation of the land in the island of Trinidad, lately ceded to
      England, which, some contended, should be performed by negro slaves; and
      the second a distinct motion on this subject. In his second speech he
      remarked, "In considering the acquisition of Trinidad, it seems as if
      Providence had determined to submit to the trial our boast of speculative
      benevolence and intended humanity, by placing in our power a colony where,
      if we pursue our old course, it must be purely for its own sake, without
      the old inducements or the usual apologies. This is a day of tests; I
      trust we shall abide the trial." During this session an important act was
      passed for consolidating the existing militia laws, and for augmenting
      that force: it was agreed that the militia should remain permanently
      60,000 strong, and that 40,000 should be called out in the first instance,
      and the remainder when the king deemed necessary. In announcing his
      budget, on the 5th of April, Mr. Addington stated the intention of
      government to abolish the income-tax, and fund the £56,000,000 with the
      payments of which it was charged. This announcement gave great
      satisfaction, and the resolutions upon the budget were agreed to without a
      division. Provision was made during this session for their royal
      highnesses the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, and the Prince of Wales's
      embarrassments were taken into consideration; the magnificent sum of
      £60,000 annually was granted him for three years and a half, commencing
      from the 5th of January, 1803, and ending the 5th of July, 1806. Sums of
      money were voted to Dr. Jenner for the promulgation of his valuable
      discovery of vaccine inoculation; to Mr. Greathead for his invention of
      the life-boat; and to Dr. Carmichael Smith for a discovery of nitrous
      fumigation, for preventing the progress of infectious disorders.
      Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of June by the king in person, who
      congratulated the country on the peace and prosperity it was enjoying; and
      on the next day it was dissolved by proclamation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Peace had scarcely been proclaimed when the note of war was again heard in
      the distance; when a little cloud in the horizon betokened the rising of
      another furious storm. In the month of December the French government had
      sent a naval force, under General Le Clerc, for the purpose of recovering
      St. Domingo and Guadaloupe from the revolted negroes; and the English
      government sent Admiral Mitchell with seven sail of the line to watch his
      motions. But England had more cogent reasons for displeasure in the
      following year. At that time the interference and intrigues of the first
      consul were manifested in various parts of Europe. Thus, in the month of
      March, he presided over a meeting at which a treaty was signed with the
      Cisalpine republic, preparatory to his assuming the iron crown, in
      imitation of Charlemagne; and he not only procured the cession of
      Louisiana, but the duchy of Parma, from Spain. Disputes likewise having
      arisen respecting the formation of a new constitution in Switzerland, and
      the mediation of the first consul being solicited, the diet was dissolved
      by his troops, the Swiss patriots were arrested, and the independence of
      the country annihilated by the power on which it relied for protection. In
      the course of the year, moreover, Piedmont was turned into a provincial
      appendage to France; and in October the Spanish king, at the suggestion of
      the French government, annexed all the property of the Maltese knights in
      his dominion to his royal domains, by which act the treaty of Amiens was
      to a certain degree violated. All these events were indications of a
      future rupture; and another grand provocative to the rupture was the
      fierce and systematic hostility displayed by Napoleon against the commerce
      of Great Britain. Instead of being allowed, through the return of peace,
      to flow into its old channels, it was still more impeded in France and in
      the countries where the French held sway than it had been during the war.
      Every month, or week, indeed, the first consul made some new encroachment
      or advanced some new claim; while on the other hand he pretended to bind
      England to the strict observance of every article in the treaty of Amiens
      which was against her, and insisted on the immediate evacuation of Malta,
      the Cape of Good Hope, and of every place she had agreed to restore. It
      was, in truth, fully manifested, before the close of the year, that the
      treaty of Amiens was an experiment that had signally failed, and that
      recourse, at no distant day, would be again had to the sword to decide the
      contest for superiority between the two countries of France and England.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nor was the conduct of Napoleon in Paris less indicative of war; ambition
      being conspicuous in every movement. Some of his measures were prudent and
      salutary, but many of them were unprincipled, unjust, and even criminal.
      His aim was to be the despot and sole ruler of France; not to be the
      venerated head of a great and free people. His first act exhibited the
      despot in lively characters. This was to put the press in chains: Fouche,
      with an army of "Arguses and police servants, mastered the domain of
      thought itself;" and when conspiracies arose from this arbitrary measure,
      then the executioner was called in to do his fearful work. At the same
      time Napoleon established special tribunals throughout the kingdom,
      composed of judges of his own appointment. His despotism extended itself
      to the civil code, and even to religion and the church. By his fiat, there
      was to be but one liturgy and one catechism in all France! During this
      year, indeed, Napoleon was approaching his object at a rapid pace. He
      already ventured to attack the idol of the revolutionary French, the
      fundamental principle of the revolution, that of equality, by proposing
      and carrying a law for the creation of a legion of honour&mdash;that is,
      for establishing a new nobility in the place of that which the
      revolutionists had destroyed, from the one end of France to the other.
      Public opinion declared loudly against this institution, but Napoleon was
      sufficiently strong to defy public opinion. Nay, about the same time, soon
      after the peace of Amiens, Chabot proposed that a signal national
      acknowledgment should be made to him, and he was created consul for life.
      The throne was, therefore, visibly rising over the grave of the republic&mdash;one
      step more, and Napoleon would be sitting thereon in all the pride and pomp
      of Imperial majesty. That step, as will be hereafter seen, was taken
      boldly and successfully. France again submitted to the rule of one man, a
      man whose little finger proved to be thicker than the loins of the
      monarchs of the house of Bourbon.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The newly returned parliament met on the 16th of November. The speech from
      the throne seemed to intimate that the renewal of war was probable, by his
      majesty saying, "that notwithstanding his desire for peace, it was
      impossible for him to lose sight of that system of policy by which the
      interests of other states were connected with our own welfare; and by
      which he was obliged not to be indifferent to any material change in the
      relative condition and strength of the European powers." His majesty also
      recommended the adoption of all those means of security which were best
      calculated to preserve the blessings of peace. The responsive addresses,
      both in the lords and commons, were carried without a division; Fox at the
      same time expressing a hope, that ministers would not be influenced by
      those politicians who would rush into a war without necessity.
    </p>
    <p>
      Augmentations both of the navy and of the army were proposed by ministers
      a few days after the commencement of the session: 50,000 seamen were
      voted, and 128,000 men for the army. On this occasion, Sheridan, who was
      fast falling away from the Foxite party, made a notable patriotic speech,
      declaring that the time had arrived when it was necessary for England to
      adopt vigorous measures of defence. He concluded his speech in the
      following language: "I wish Buonaparte not to mistake the cause of the
      people's joy; he should know, that if he commits any act of aggression
      against them, they are ready to enter singly into the contest, rather than
      suffer any attack on their honour and independence, I shall proceed no
      further; I perfectly agree with my honourable friend, that war ought to be
      avoided, though he does not agree with me on the means best calculated to
      produce that effect. From any opinion which he may express, I never differ
      but with the greatest reluctance; for him my affection, my esteem, and my
      attachment are unbounded; and they will only end with death; but I think
      an important lesson is to be learned from the arrogance of Buonaparte. He
      says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, an envoy of God; he
      says, he is an instrument in the hands of Providence, to restore
      Switzerland to happiness, and to elevate Italy to splendour and
      importance. Sir, I think he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to
      make the English love their constitution better, to cling to it with more
      fondness, to hang round it with truer tenderness. Every man feels, when he
      returns from France, that he is coming from a dungeon, to enjoy the light
      and life of British independence. Whatever abuses exist we shall look with
      pride and pleasure on the substantial blessings we still enjoy. I believe,
      also, that he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make us more
      liberal in our political differences, and to render us determined, with
      one hand and heart, to oppose any aggression there may be made on us. If
      that aggression be made, my honourable friend will, I am sure, agree with
      me, that we ought to meet it with a spirit worthy of these islands; that
      we ought to meet it with a conviction of the truth of this assertion&mdash;that
      the country which has achieved such greatness, has no retreat in
      littleness; that, if we should be content to abandon everything, we should
      find no safety in poverty, no security in abject submission; finally, that
      we ought to meet it with a firm determination to perish in the same grave
      with the honour and independence of our country."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st of December, a bill was passed for appointing commissioners to
      inquire into frauds and abuses in the several naval departments, and for
      the better conducting the business of those departments. No other business
      of importance was transacted before the Christmas recess.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF COLONEL DESPARD.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1803
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of November in the preceding year, a conspiracy against
      the king and government was discovered. This originated with Colonel
      Despard, an officer of courage and ability, who, having been reduced in
      circumstances, on account of the abolition of an office held by him on the
      coast of Honduras, organized a society in London for the subversion of
      that tyranny which he attributed to the ministers of his sovereign. In the
      scheme proposed by him, his objects were the constitutional independence
      of Great Britain and Ireland; an equalization and extension of rights; a
      liberal reward to all who would exert themselves in the cause of the
      people; and an ample provision for the families of those who might fall in
      the cause. Despard, however, with twenty-nine of his followers were
      arrested in the act of deliberating on the execution of their designs; and
      in the month of February of this year were tried by a special commission.
      The colonel himself was found guilty, and executed, as were also six of
      his associates; the rest were either acquitted by the jury, or were
      pardoned on their recommendation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of February, but no debate of
      importance occurred until the 8th of March. On that day a message from the
      king to both houses represented the preparations made in the French and
      Dutch ports as grounds for defensive arrangements. The message stated that
      discussions of great importance were carrying on between his majesty and
      the French government, the result of which was uncertain. His majesty said
      that he relied with confidence on parliament to enable him to take such
      measures as circumstances might require, for supporting the honour of his
      crown, and the essential interests of his people. Lord Hobart moved the
      responsive address in the lords, and it was carried <i>nem. con</i>.; but
      in the commons, many members wished for further information before the
      ministerial recommendations received attention. Fox, in particular, wished
      to know the precise reasons for putting the country into a warlike
      attitude; he still thought peace might be preserved. But in the commons,
      likewise, the address was voted unanimously; and, in compliance with the
      ministerial demands, on the 11th of March, 10,000 seamen were added to the
      existing number. A motion to that effect was agreed to without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACT TO RELIEVE CATHOLICS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before the Easter recess, an act was passed to relieve Roman Catholics
      from certain penalties and disabilities, on subscribing the declaration
      and oaths contained in the act of the 31st of George III. A bill was also
      introduced into the upper house by Lord Ellenborough, which made the
      maliciously maiming, wounding, and disfiguring of any of his majesty's
      subjects, a capital felony; attempts also to discharge loaded fire-arms,
      with intent to kill or wound, were made subject to the penalty of death.
      The attention of both houses was also occupied by a clergy residence bill,
      the coroner's bill, debates on the Paneras workhouse, &amp;c. After the
      Èaster holidays, a bill was unanimously carried which was intended to put
      down the rioting which had occurred among the electors of Nottingham, by
      allowing the magistrates of the county a concurrent jurisdiction in the
      town of Nottingham with the magistrates residing in that town. A bill was
      likewise passed for continuing the militia in Ireland, as well as in
      England and Scotland, but which substituted in that country the giving of
      bounties for the system of ballot.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR PROCLAIMED WITH FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of May Lord Pelham communicated to the lords, and Mr. Addington
      to the commons, another message from his majesty, stating that orders had
      been given to Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, to quit Paris immediately,
      unless he found a certainty of bringing the pending négociations to a
      close against a certain period; and that the French ambassador had applied
      for a passport to be ready to leave London so soon as he should be
      informed of Lord Whitworth having quitted Paris. Both houses adjourned
      till the Monday following; and after they again met, on the 16th of May,
      they were informed by another royal message, that Lord Whitworth was
      recalled, and that the French ambassador had departed. On the next day
      after the message was delivered, an Order of Council was published,
      directing that reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects
      of the French republic; and a proclamation was issued for an embargo
      belonging either to the French and Batavian republics, or to any countries
      occupied by French arms. Papers relating to the correspondence between
      France and Great Britain, were laid before both houses on the 18th of May
      and on the 23rd the subject was taken into consideration. In each house an
      address was moved, reechoing the sentiments of the king's message and
      declaration; and though stern opposition was made by some members and
      peers, they were carried by large majorities. Recently Pitt had absented
      himself from the commons, but on this occasion he was present to defend
      the approaching contest. His speech produced a great impression on the
      house, and was greatly admired; Fox himself said, that if Demosthenes
      himself had been present, he must have admired, and might have envied.
      Notwithstanding, Fox placed himself at the head of those few who opposed
      the address; and ventured to palliate the conduct of Napoleon's
      haughtiness and insolent language to Lord Whitworth. Buonaparte, he said,
      had as much right to complain of our aggrandizement in India, as we had to
      complain of his encroachments in Europe; that his expressed determination
      to take possession of Egypt on some future day, was not a sufficient cause
      for war; and that we were going to war on a sordid principle, which would
      deprive us of the possibility of obtaining any allies. The tendency of
      Fox's speech was severely reprehended by several members, but he
      nevertheless continued his opposition. On the 27th he even moved an
      address, to advise his majesty to accept the proffered mediation of the
      Emperor of Russia; but this he was induced to withdraw, on a declaration
      from Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs, that the government,
      though it could not suspend the preparations for pursuing the war, would
      be ready to accept the mediation of Russia, if the first counsul would
      accept it, and accede to reasonable terms. In both houses censures were
      moved on the conduct of the Addington administration, but they were
      negatived by large majorities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CAUSES FOR THE RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The causes of the renewal of hostilities between France and England were
      manifold. Some of the remote causes have before been noticed; and it has
      been remarked in a previous page, that while the first consul required
      England to fulfil every stipulation in the treaty of Amiens, he denied our
      right of interference in his own political arrangements. This naturally
      gave rise to disputes between the two governments; disputes which soon
      became warm and acrimonious, and which finally ended in an open rupture.
      The first remonstrance of the British cabinet against the unjustifiable
      encroachments of the first consul related to his conduct with reference to
      Switzerland. This remonstrance was vain; and expostulation, as regards
      usurpations in Holland and Italy, were equally fruitless. The British
      government also complained that numerous persons were sent to reside in
      our maritime towns on pretence of trade, but in reality to procure such
      intelligence as might be useful in the event of war; and that while this
      scheme was put in practice, restrictions on British commerce were enforced
      in France with extraordinary vigour. Moreover, the British cabinet
      complained of insults: such as, that Great Britain could not contend alone
      with France; an insult which should have been treated only with contempt.
      On the other hand, Napoleon complained of the freedom with which the
      British press handled his character, and of the protection given to
      discontented emigrants. But the chief object of his complaint was the
      retention of Malta. He remarked:&mdash;"My pretended encroachments are
      mere trifles; and even if they were highly important, you have no concern
      with them: but in refusing to surrender Malta, you are openly violating
      the treaty of Amiens, which I will not tamely suffer to be infringed."
      Dissension increased. Napoleon demanded that the Bourbons and their
      partisans should be expelled from England, which met with a firm and
      generous denial. Thus baffled, the first consul directed his political
      agents to circulate outrageous libels against the highest characters in
      the kingdom; they plotted, he averred, conspiracies against his life. At
      length Napoleon demanded, why the British government had not evacuated
      Malta, according to stipulation? The reply was, "because he had increased
      his European territories and threatened Egypt." To demand Malta of the
      first consul was in reality to declare war; he declared that harmony could
      not be restored, unless that island was restored to the knights, or put
      into the possession of some continental power; and that he would as soon
      see Paris in the hands of the English as Malta. The Russian emperor now
      offered his mediation, but as he proposed no scheme of accommodation, his
      offer was politely refused. Finally, Lord Whitworth suggested the
      following terms of an amicable arrangement:&mdash;If the cession of
      Lampedosa could be procured from the King of Naples, it should serve as a
      naval station for the English in lieu of Malta, which should then be left
      to the natives on the basis of independence. At the same time Holland was
      to be evacuated by the French troops, while Switzerland was to be freed
      from all encumbrance. His Britannic majesty promised to recognize the
      Spanish prince who had been made King of Etruria, as well as the Cisalpine
      and Ligurian republics; in return for which France was required to cede
      some valuable territory to the King of Sardinia. By a secret article,
      Malta was to remain ten years under British government before the exchange
      took place. On the acceptation or refusal of these terms, peace or war was
      to be determined. A week only was allowed for a reply; and at the lapse of
      that time, no reply being given&mdash;Napoleon wishing still to prolong
      the discussion&mdash;the British ambassador, in compliance with his
      instructions, declined all further négociations, and prepared to quit
      Paris, which he did on the 12th of May. Orders were immediately issued for
      seizing the ships of France, and of the states subject to her power, in
      British ports; and Napoleon detained all British subjects who remained in
      the French territories after Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, had taken his
      departure. Thus recommenced the struggle betwixt the two rival nations of
      England and France: a struggle which, for the inveteracy of its spirit and
      the variety of its fortunes, stands unrivalled in the history of the
      world. Vast were the treasures spent, and still more vast was the blood
      shed, before the sword thus drawn was again sheathed.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1801-1806
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      WAR WITH HOLLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the proposal that French troops should be withdrawn from Holland was
      refused, war was accordingly denounced against that unfortunate State. On
      the 17th of June, the king announced by message, that he had communicated
      to the Batavian republic his disposition to respect its neutrality,
      provided only the French government would respect it, and withdraw its
      forces from that country; but that, this proposition not having been
      acceded to by France, his majesty judged it necessary to recall his
      minister from the Hague, and to give order for the issuing of letters of
      marque and reprisals against the Batavian republic. Subsequently, the sum
      of £80,000, and a pension of £16,000 per annum was granted to the
      ex-stadtholder of Holland, our late ally, the Prince of Orange, who had by
      this event been despoiled, and left without a home, and without any
      reliance, except on the generosity of this country.
    </p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      MILITIA BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A bill for rendering the militia as effective as possible was passed on
      the 20th of May; but in consequence of a message from his majesty on the
      18th of June, recommending more extensive measures, a proposition was
      carried for embodying a new species of Militia, to be denominated "the
      army of reserve." This body was to consist of 50,000 men for England, and
      10,000 for Ireland, and they were to be raised by ballot, but allowed to
      volunteer into the regular army. This bill, however, was only the
      precursor of one of greater magnitude&mdash;a bill which comprehended the
      arming and training of the whole effective male population, and which
      passed into a law on the 27th of July. This measure was proposed in case
      of an invasion; and as the opposite coasts of France and Belgium were
      lined with troops, and the French and Brussels papers were calculating how
      many days it would take Napoleon to reach London, it met with very general
      support. Fox himself offered his hearty concurrence to it, because it was
      for the defence of the country, rather than for any project of offensive
      war. It passed in the commons <i>nem. con</i>.; and the lords adopted it
      unanimously, one or two peers only censuring ministers, as Pitt had done
      in, the lower house, for not producing it sooner. This scheme, however,
      was not generally acceptable to the nation at large, nor was the danger so
      great as to justify its adoption. Nevertheless a large body of volunteers
      started up in every part of the realm, and a force of 400,000 men wore
      soon collected on the coasts to defend their beloved country. The whole
      population of England, under the impression that their altars and
      firesides were endangered by the menace of the first consul of France,
      rose
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Like one man, to combat in the sight
     Of a just God, for liberty and right."
</i>
</pre>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In discussing the military estimates during this session, an addition of
      30,000 men was proposed and agreed to. Supplies were demanded in June to
      the amount of £33,730,000, but the whole granted during the year exceeded
      £41,000,000. In order to raise this sum, the custom and excise duties were
      increased, and the income-tax was renewed, though not to its former
      extent; a duty of one shilling in the pound was imposed on land, to be
      paid by the landlord, and nine-pence by the tenant. The war taxes were
      estimated at £12,700,000 annually, but they were to cease at the end of
      six months after the return of peace, Some of the new taxes imposed were
      extended to Ireland, and the lord-lieutenant of that country was
      authorised to raise £1,000,000, by loan.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session closed on the 12th of August, by a speech from the throne. In
      his speech, his majesty expressed his reliance that, under the continuance
      of the Divine protection, the exertions of his brave and loyal subjects
      would prove to the enemy and to the world, that an attempt to subvert the
      independence of the United Kingdom would terminate in the ruin of that
      people by whom it was sought. He assured his parliament that economy in
      the public expenditure should be carried as far as was consistent with the
      necessary exertions to frustrate the designs of the enemy.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      INSURRECTION IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this summer an insurrection, headed by one Robert Emmett, a brother
      to the barrister of that name who took part in the recent rebellion, broke
      out in Ireland. Emmett had been expelled from the university of Dublin,
      and had resided abroad so long as the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> act was
      suspended, but on the removal of that obstacle, he returned to Ireland. On
      his return, as rebellious spirits still abounded in every part of that
      unhappy country, he formed a party for the purpose of endeavouring to
      overturn the existing system of government. The stoppage of the coaches
      was to be the signal for revolt in the country, while the grand object of
      the insurgents in the metropolis was to secure the seat and ministers of
      government, and to proclaim a new constitution. There were scarcely above
      one hundred immediately connected with the plot; but these were so
      sanguine of success, that they supposed the spirit of rebellion would, at
      their bidding, pervade the whole kingdom. It was on the 23rd of July that
      the spirit of revolt began to manifest itself. On the evening of that day,
      a mob assembled in St. James's-street and its vicinity, and about nine
      o'clock the concerted signal was given by a number of men riding furiously
      through various parts of the city. Outrage followed; the chief justice of
      Ireland, Lord Kilwarden, was stabbed to death with pikes, Colonel Brown
      was shot, and others were wounded. But this conspiracy was soon quelled;
      about half-past ten, a small body of regular troops approached the
      insurgents, and they fled in every direction; nothing more was heard of
      Emmett or his associates till they were brought to justice. A special
      commission was issued for the trial of those rebels who were captured, and
      Emmett and several others were executed. On this occasion, the Roman
      Catholics, with Lord Fingal at their head, came forward and rendered
      government important services in quelling the rebellion.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While parliament was sitting, and when the country was preparing for war,
      the Prince of Wales repeated a claim, which he had often made before, for
      military promotion, requiring to be placed in a situation where his
      example might contribute to excite the loyalty of the people. This was a
      natural request; for the Duke of York had for some years been
      captain-general and commander-in-chief of the forces, and the Dukes of
      Kent, Cumberland, and Cambridge were lieutenant-generals, but the prince
      himself was simply a colonel of dragoons. No notice, however, was taken of
      this letter, and it was only by repeated applications that a reply was
      elicited. That reply was, that should the enemy succeed in landing, he,
      the prince, would have an opportunity of manifesting his zeal at the head
      of his regiment. Thus disappointed in his views, six days before the
      prorogation of parliament, he addressed a letter on the subject to the
      king himself; and from him likewise received a similar reply. The prince
      now exhibited a very unfriendly spirit both towards his majesty and Mr.
      Addington. In a letter to the Duke of York, he called "the opportunity of
      displaying his zeal at the head of his regiment," which was intended to be
      consolatory to his feelings, "a degrading mockery." The whole
      correspondence, in truth, brought great discredit, both on the
      heir-apparent and his advisers. It ended, however, in the prince joining
      his regiment at Brighton, in opposition to the expressed wish of
      Addington; he being bound to do so, he remarked, "by the king's precise
      order, and by that honest zeal which was not allowed any fitter sphere for
      its action."
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH
    </h2>
    <p>
      A few days after the king's message had been sent to parliament, the
      French admiral, Linois, was despatched with a strong squadron for the East
      Indies. The armies of the republic were increased to 480,000 men; that of
      Holland being destined to occupy Hanover; and that of Lombardy to invade
      Naples, garrison Tarentum, and other parts of the Adriatic. The first
      consul was resolved to occupy Hanover, as a pledge for the restitution of
      Malta. The electorate was summoned by Mortier on the 25th of May, and the
      Hanoverians being unable to resist, soon capitulated possession was taken
      of the country, and Mortier was enabled to control the navigation of the
      Elbe, and the Weser, as well as to levy contributions on the rich towns of
      Hamburg and Bremen. A British squadron, however, blockaded the mouths of
      those rivers, which measure caused such distress to Hamburg and Bremen,
      that they appealed to the King of Prussia for protection, as one of those
      sovereigns who guarded the neutrality of the empire. The King of Prussia,
      however, declined to interfere, and the French were left to continue their
      exactions with impunity. Napoleon, also, made severe exactions on the
      Batavian and Italian republics; drew pecuniary assistance from Spain and
      Portugal; and augmented the supplies of the French treasury, by the sale
      of Louisiana to the United States, for three millions of dollars. His
      grand objects, however, at this time, were the army and flotilla for the
      invasion of England. His army was swelled by contingents of allied states,
      and the command of it was given to Soult, Davoust, and Ney; the
      familiarity of his old generals having by this time offended his pride. It
      was for this invasion chiefly that he drew his contributions from the
      neighbouring countries. Rome and Naples were plundered on base pretexts,
      and the latter was obliged to let the French occupy a part of its
      territories and ports.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      NAVAL CONQUESTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The naval campaign of this year in Europe, was of a comparatively trifling
      character. The port and town of Granville were attacked by Sir James
      Saumarez, on which occasion the pier was demolished, and a number of
      vessels destroyed; the town and fort of Dieppe were bombarded by Captain
      Owen; and the Dutch ports, from the Zandvoort, in the vicinity of Haarlem,
      to Scheveningen, were also severally bombarded, and many vessels
      destroyed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In June, an expedition under General Grinfield and Commodore Hood,
      captured the islands of St. Lucie and Tobago; and in September, the Dutch
      colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice surrendered to the British
      arms. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, likewise, were captured, and
      the French were compelled to abandon the colony of St. Domingo.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the East Indies, war was carried on by land on a large scale, and with
      great success. Since the death of Tippoo, and the capture of Seringapatam,
      a new enemy had appeared in the Mahratta confederacy, and Perron, a clever
      Frenchman, was lending his aid in the strife. M. Perron had first appeared
      in India, when the government of Louis XVI. were struggling with the
      genius and resources of Warren Hastings for the supremacy in Hindustan. In
      the course of events he was raised to the rank of a general, and to the
      command in chief of the forces of Scindiah, in whose ranks he had entered
      against the British. His honours, wealth, and authority, all given him by
      his grateful master, excited the envy and malice of the Mahratta chiefs,
      for they were eclipsed by this foreigner. In 1802, when the Scindiah made
      war upon the Mahratta sovereign of Poonah, and expelled him from his
      territories, Perron, who had recently had a large portion of the Jumna
      region assigned him, lent his valuable assistance. This event led to a war
      with the British. The dispossessed chief applied for assistance to the
      English, and a subsidiary treaty was concluded with him at Bassein. Lord
      Wellesley, the governor-general, had two great objects in view&mdash;to
      restore the Peishwa, and to crush the forces which Perron had raised, and
      which had long given him uneasiness. He was joined by the Nizam of the
      Deccan, while the Rajah of Berar united his forces to those of Scindiah.
      Lord Wellesley calculated that he might detach Perron from his old Indian
      master by bribery; for when General Lake took the field with an army of
      10,000 men, he instructed him to make every possible effort to destroy,
      scatter, or win over Perron and his officers. Proclamations were made to
      this end, but without effect; Perron took the field with about 17,000
      infantry, disciplined in the usual European manner, besides a large body
      of irregular infantry, about 20,000 Mahratta horse, and a numerous and
      well-appointed train of artillery. In the mean time a younger brother of
      the governor-general had rescued Poonah from the Mahratta troops of
      Holkar, and had re-established the Peishwa in his capital. Holkar joined
      Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar; and this confederacy was the more
      dangerous, as Scindiah possessed several sea-ports from whence he could
      receive assistance from the French. This confederacy, however, was soon
      dissolved. General Lake defeated, routed, and annihilated that army of
      Perron which caused the governor-general such great and reasonable alarm;
      and, between him and General Wellesley, all the perilous portion of the
      Mahratta confederacy was shaken, and the power of Scindiah broken. Both
      the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah were compelled to sue for peace, which was
      granted; the Rajah agreeing to add the important province of Cuttack, with
      the district of Balasore, to the company; and Scindiah to yield to them
      all the country between the Jumna and the Ganges, besides numerous forts,
      territories, rights, and interests. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah
      likewise agreed to dismiss all the French or other European officers in
      their service, and the latter was never to take them into his service
      again, without consent of the British government. In the course of the
      same year, two other armies were sent into the Mahratta dominions, which
      resulted in the conquest of much Indian territory. The varied successes of
      this year, indeed, gave to the British empire, not only the Mahratta
      dominions between the Jumna and the Ganges, but other and still more
      important advantages. By them the British secured the possession of Delhi,
      Agra, and Calpee, which gave them the mastery and free navigation of the
      Jumna, with an important tract of country along the right bank of the
      river. They secured, likewise, the greater part of the rich province of
      Bundelcund, the whole of Cuttack in Orissa, and the most valuable
      territory in Guzerat, with ports which were before accessible to our
      mortal enemy, France. Finally, they gave to the company a stronger
      frontier in the Deccan, and to our allies, the Nizan and the Peishwa, an
      important accession of strength. Subsequently a war ensued with Holkar;
      but his forces were rapidly dispersed by General Wellesley, and peace
      again prevailed in India; and in 1805 the victorious general returned to
      Europe.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 22nd of November. In his speech, the king
      enlarged upon the successes in the West Indies, and upon the early
      suppression of the Irish insurrection. He alluded, also, to the conclusion
      of a friendly convention with Sweden, for the purpose of adjusting certain
      differences about maritime rights, arising out of an article in an old
      treaty concluded by Charles II. Mention was made of the measures adopted
      for a vigorous prosecution of the war; and his majesty declared, in
      reference to the menaces of an invasion, that as he and his people were
      embarked in a common cause, it was his determination, should occasion
      arise, to share their exertions and dangers in defence of the
      constitution. The usual addresses were agreed to without a division, and
      without opposition; and the houses occupied themselves up to the Christmas
      holidays with passing acts to continue the Habeas Corpus Act, and the
      prolongation of martial law in Ireland, and to grant certain exemptions in
      favour of the volunteers of Great Britain. The regular force proposed for
      the public service amounted to 167,000 men the embodied militia of Great
      Britain and Ireland, were 110,000, and the volunteer corps about 400,000.
      According to the statement of Lord Castle-reagh, indeed, the effective
      force of this country, in rank and file, amounted to 615,000 men, or
      reckoning the non-commissioned officers, 700,000. The number of ships of
      war, amounted to four hundred and sixty-nine.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1804&mdash;1807
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     His Majesty's Indisposition..... Change in the Ministry:
     Pitt Resumes Office..... The Slave-Trade Question.....
     Additional Force Act..... Debate on the Corn Laws..... The
     Budget: Parliament Prorogued..... Affairs of France:
     Napoleon created Emperor..... Naval Affairs..... Coalition
     between  Pitt and Addington..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     Army and Navy Estimates, &amp;c...... Debate on the Rupture with
     Spain..... Claims of the Catholics..... The Slave Trade
     Question..... Impeachment of Lord Melville..... Parliament
     Prorogued..... Dissensions    in    the   Cabinet.....
     Napoleon crowned  King of   Italy..... Conquests of Napoleon
     in Bavaria..... The Battle   of   Trafalgar, &amp;c......
     Meeting  of  Parliament..... Death of Mr. Pitt..... The
     Grenville   Administration..... Negociations  for Peace.....
     Windham's Military  Plan..... The   Budget..... Trial of
     Lord   Melville..... The Slave-Trade Question.....
     Parliament Prorogued, &amp;c...... Death of  Fox..... Naval
     Successes..... Disputes   with   America..... Affairs   of
     Sicily..... War between France and Prussia, &amp;c,..... Meeting
     of Parliament.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      HIS MAJESTY'S INDISPOSITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament had scarcely re-assembled after the Christmas recess, before it
      became known that the king was suffering from an attack of his old malady.
      It was announced by a bulletin on the 14th of February, that his majesty
      was much indisposed, and a succession of similar notices left little doubt
      as to the nature of the complaint. The attack, however, was not so serious
      as to render a suspension of the royal functions necessary; and on the
      14th of March the lord chancellor declared that "the king was in such a
      state, as to warrant the lords commissioners in giving the royal assent to
      several bills."
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    <h2>
      CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY&mdash;PITT RESUMES OFFICE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time a systematic attack on ministers was pursued by all parties
      in opposition, through the medium of investigations into the military and
      naval affairs of the empire. Pitt himself at length appeared in the
      character of a direct antagonist to Addington. On the 15th of March he
      moved for an address, requesting that his majesty would order to be laid
      before parliament an account of the number of ships in commision on the
      31st of December, 1793, on the 30th of September, 1801, and on the 31st of
      December, 1803, specifying the service in which they were respectively
      employed. The debate on this motion lasted several hours, but it was lost
      on a division, by a majority of two hundred and one votes against one
      hundred and thirty. Addington was next attacked by Fox, who, on the 23rd
      of April, moved for a committee to revise the several bills that had been
      proposed for the defence of the country. Fox had supported Pitt in his
      motion, and Pitt now stood forward to support his ancient rival. There
      was, indeed, but one point on which these two eminent men differed on this
      occasion, and that was, the power vested in the sovereign of calling all
      his subjects out to defend the country in case of an invasion. Fox
      questioned the royal prerogative in this particular, while Pitt asserted
      and maintained the principle. The concurrence of opinions, on all other
      points between the two rivals, however, produced a division, in which
      ministers had a majority of only fifty-two in a full house. Two days after
      the attack was renewed in a more effective manner; Mr. Yorke moved for the
      house to resolve itself into a committee on a bill for suspending the army
      of reserve act, and though Pitt resisted this, ministers had a majority of
      only thirty-seven. Mr. Addington now resolved, as soon as the financial
      concerns of the year could be adjusted, to retire from office. This was
      effected on the 12th of May; the supplies granted, being £36,000,000 for
      Great Britain alone; and on that day it was announced that Addington had
      resigned the office of chancellor of the exchequer, and that Pitt had been
      appointed to succeed him. Those of the Addington ministry retained were
      the Duke of Portland, president of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor;
      the Earl of Westmoreland, lord privy seal; the Earl of Chatham,
      master-general of the ordnance; and Lord Castlereagh, president, at that
      time, of the board of control. The new members were Lord Melville, first
      lord of the admiralty; Lord Harrowby, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord
      Camden, secretary for the department of war and colonies; and Lord
      Mulgrave, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with a seat in the
      cabinet. The government of Ireland was left unchanged, except that Mr.
      Wickham, chief secretary, retired on account of ill health, and was
      succeeded by Sir Evan Nepean. The appointments made in the subordinate
      offices of state, were, Mr. William Dundas, secretary at war; George Rose
      and Lord Charles Somerset, joint pay-masters of the forces; the Duke of
      Montrose and Lord Charles Spencer, joint pay-masters general; Messrs.
      Huskisson and Sturges Bourne, secretaries to the treasury; and Mr.
      Canning, treasurer to the navy. No changes were made in the law
      departments of the country, and very few in the household offices; the
      most important in the latter was the appointment of the Marquis of
      Hertford to be master of the horse.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of May Mr. Wilberforce, who had been labouring in his vocation
      session after session, without making any visible progress in the noble
      cause he had espoused, moved for the appointment of a committee to
      consider the propriety of introducing a bill for the abolition of the
      slave-trade, after a time to be limited. Both Pitt and Fox supported the
      philanthropist, and his motion was carried by a majority of seventy-five
      against forty-nine. A bill was now brought in for the abolition, and the
      third reading was carried on the 28th of June, by a majority of sixty-nine
      voices against thirty-three. Mr. Wilberforce began to have hope that his
      long labour was about to be rewarded&mdash;that the one grand object of
      his life was now about to be accomplished. But he was doomed to be
      disappointed. It was rejected in the upper house, on the ground, that
      having been introduced at so late a period of the session, interested
      parties would be unable to obtain substantial justice.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      ADDITIONAL FORCE ACT
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of June Pitt introduced a bill for raising and supporting a
      military force, and for a general reduction of the additional militia, and
      which was denominated, "The additional force act." The essential part of
      his plan was to increase the permanent strength of the regular army, to
      which end he proposed limiting the militia to its usual amount of 40,000
      for England, and 8000 for Scotland, and removing the difficulties which
      now stood in the way of recruiting for the regular army, by destroying the
      competition existing between those who recruited for the regular service,
      and those who recruited for limited service only. He likewise proposed
      that the army of reserve should be raised for five years, and that while
      it was not to be called out for foreign service, it should serve both as
      an auxiliary force to the regular army, and as a stock from which that
      army might be recruited. According to his plan, it was to be joined to the
      regular army in the way of second battalions; and he considered that from
      so close a connexion, a considerable number of the reserve might be
      induced to volunteer for the regular army, Pitt's bill was opposed by
      Windham, Fox, Addington, and others, but it was carried through the
      commons with small majorities, and in the lords, by one hundred and fifty
      against sixty-nine.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of a report of the commons, it was thought expedient, at
      the close of this session to adopt some new legislative regulations
      concerning the corn-laws. From that report, it appeared that though
      yielding, on an average, a fair remuneration to the grower, the price of
      corn from 1791 to 1803 had been irregular. It was also found that the
      effect of high prices had begun to stimulate industry, and to bring-large
      tracts of waste land into cultivation. This added to the last two
      favourable seasons had occasioned a great depreciation in the value of
      grain, and it was thought agriculture would be discouraged unless
      immediate relief were afforded. Under this impression, although
      £30,000,000 had been paid to foreign countries for the supplies of corn,
      it was proposed to annex a bounty to exportation. A bill was introduced
      allowing exportation when the price of wheat was at or below forty-eight
      shillings a quarter, and importation when the price, in the twelve
      maritime counties of England, should exceed sixty-six shillings. This
      "bill to starve the poor" passed, and became the law of the land.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE BUDGET&mdash;PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget had been discussed before Pitt's return to office; but on the
      2nd of July, the house of commons resolved itself into a committee of
      supply, to which several accounts were referred relative to the
      augmentation of the civil list, which was now greatly in arrears. During
      the session the total supplies granted were £12,350,600 for the navy;
      £6,159,114 for the militia and fencible corps; £3,737,091 for the
      ordnance; £4,217,295 for miscellaneous services in Great Britain;
      £2,500,000 for miscellaneous services relating to Ireland; £591,842 for
      discharging arrears and debts on the civil list; and £60,000 for an
      additional sum for the better support of his majesty's household. The sum
      total granted was, £53,609,574; to raise which recourse was had to new
      taxes and duties, loans, annuities, and to three lotteries. Little other
      business of importance was transacted during this session. The session
      closed on the 31st of July, when the king expressed a hope that the
      exertions of the country might, by their influence on other states, lead
      to the re-establishment of a system which would oppose a barrier against
      those schemes of ambition which threatened the ancient monarchies of
      Europe.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF FRANCE: NAPOLEON CREATED EMPEROR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the midst of this prosperity Napoleon was not without his enemies;
      about this time, indeed; a formidable conspiracy was formed against him in
      the heart of France. At the head of this conspiracy was Pichegru, a French
      refugee in England. Pichegru, acting with the royalist agents,
      corresponded with Moreau, whom Buonaparte had recently slighted, and
      entered into a plot with him for overthrowing the consular government.
      With them the Chouan leader, George Cadoudal, was also associated.
      Pichegru, left England early in the year 1804, to assist in carrying their
      plan into effect; but the conspiracy was discovered in February, and
      Pichegru and Cadoudal suffered death, while Moreau was banished. Others of
      less note were likewise executed for this conspiracy. Coupled with it
      stands a fearful deed in the page of Napoleon's history&mdash;the foul
      murder of the Duke D'Enghein. This noble youth, who was the last scion of
      the house of Condé, inhabited a place called Ettenheim, in the duchy of
      Baden. As he was an emigrant, and naturally attached to the fortunes of
      his house, it was resolved that he should be sacrificed, in order to
      strike terror into the heart of the Bourbons. By Napoleon's order he was
      surprised in his castle, which stood on neutral ground, conducted to
      Vincennes, tried by a military commission, and shot in the fosse of the
      château, with the grave in which he was to be buried full in his view. Yet
      it was immediately after this execrable deed that Napoleon ascended the
      summit of his desires&mdash;the throne of France. By it he endeared
      himself to the old regicidal Jacobin party; and they promised to support
      him in his attempt to mount the imperial throne. The blood of the Duke
      D'Enghein, indeed, cemented the steps of the adventurer's throne.
      Immediately after the senate prayed him that he would govern France under
      the name of Napoleon Buonaparte and with the title of "emperor;" and on
      the 18th of May they passed a decree styling him "Napoleon Buonaparte,
      Emperor of the French." The remainder of this year was spent by Napoleon
      in making arrangements on assuming his new title. Excepting England, all
      the states of Europe were consulted; and even Austria, his ancient foe,
      recognised his title. Finally the pontiff was brought to Paris from Rome
      in order to consecrate the new dynasty. He was crowned on the 2nd of
      December, 1804, on which occasion Pope Pius VII. in his homily compared
      himself to Elias and Samuel, and Napoleon to Hazael, Jehu, David, and
      Saul.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Look now on that adventurer who hath paid
     His vows to fortune; who, in cruel slight
     Of virtuous hope, of liberty, and right,
     Hath followed wheresoe'er a way was made
     By the Wind goddess&mdash;ruthless, undismayed;
     And so hath gained at length a prosperous height,
     Round which the elements of worldly might
     Beneath his haughty feet like clouds are laid.
     Oh, joyless power that stands by lawless force
     Curses are his dire portion, scorn, and hate,
     Internal darkness and unquiet breath;
     And if old judgments keep their sacred course,
     Him from that height shall heaven precipitate
     By violent or ignominious death."
     &mdash;WORDSWORTH.
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      On ascending the throne of France Napoleon surrounded himself with all the
      array of courts. His brothers Louis and Joseph were created princes, and
      many of his officers dignified with the title of marshals. Dignitaries of
      the crown were also appointed, and pages and chamberlains swarmed in his
      palace. His court vied with that of the Bourbons in their most palmy days
      for its magnificence. "Princes of the house," it has been observed, "grand
      dignitaries without emoluments, without other functions than the
      ceremonial of presentation; grand officers of the empire, officers of the
      court in manifold gradation, with all the oriental pageantry, formed a
      barrier between the sultan and his people." Then, indeed, was the proud
      nation of France humbled. From a nation of kings they became a nation of
      slaves to one man, and that one man of men the meanest. Their one cry had
      been "Equality and liberty," and now they saw themselves under the feet of
      one of their own order; of one who was able to keep them in a state of
      utter and abject subjection.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      NAVAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year Napoleon made great efforts to acquire the means of
      meeting the British navy on equal terms. By a convention with Genoa he
      obtained the service of 6000 seamen, with the use of its harbours,
      arsenals, and dock-yards; while the Ligurian republic engaged to enlarge
      the basin for the reception of ten sail of the line at its own expense.
      The fleet of Spain also was now at his own disposal, the Spanish
      government being compelled by France to make preparations for the
      resumption of hostilities. A Spanish squadron was preparing for action in
      the port of Ferrol; and Captain Moore was sent with four frigates in order
      to intercept such Spanish vessels of war homeward bound as contained
      Dullion or treasure; it being supposed that the Spanish government waited
      only for their arrival before they commenced war. In the month of October
      Captain Moore fell in with four large frigates, and an engagement took
      place, in which one of the Spanish ships blew up, and the others struck in
      succession after sustaining considerable loss. This squadron was from the
      Rio de la Plata, and it contained about four millions of dollars, besides
      merchandise of great value.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in this year a gallant action was sustained by the British off the
      straits of Malacca. When Admiral Linois, whose departure for the East
      Indies has before been noticed, withdrew from the road of Pondicherry, he
      captured several East India ships, made a successful descent on Bencoolen,
      and then, collecting his whole force, he cruised off the Straits of
      Malacca, in expectation of the British homeward-bound fleet from Canton.
      As he had with him one ship of the line, three frigates, and a brig, and
      as our merchant-vessels had no men-of-war to convoy them, he made sure of
      a rich prize. On the 14th of February he fell in with his expected prey.
      But by this time the company's ships were generally armed and well
      officered, and Captain Dance, who was acting as commodore to the fleet of
      traders, gallantly hoisted his colours and offered him battle. The French
      admiral, however, stood aloof; and Dance formed in order of sailing and
      pursued his course. Linois now followed him; and on the 15th Dance finding
      that the enemy's intention was to cut off his rear, made the signal to
      tack, and bear down on them, and engage in succession. The "Royal George"
      bore the brunt of the action, being ably seconded as they came up by the
      "Ganges," "Warley," "Alfred," and the "Earl Camden." The action lasted
      nearly one hour, and then, before any of the other ships could come up,
      the enemy hauled away to the eastward with all the sail they could set.
      This was two o'clock in the day, and Dance pursued Linois till four in the
      afternoon; when fearing that a longer pursuit would carry him too far from
      the Straits of Malacca, he made the signal to tack, and by eight in the
      evening they all anchored safely in a situation to enter the strait next
      morning. Nothing more was seen of Linois; and the squadron returned safely
      to England, when Dance was knighted by the king, and with his brave crew
      rewarded by the East India Company. Liberal sums were also given him and
      to the officers and crews by the committee of the "Patriotic Fund."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the autumn of this year, after various attempts to destroy the
      French flotillas in their own harbours had failed, Lord Keith was directed
      to make an experiment with the catamaran flotilla. The catamaran's were
      copper vessels filled with combustibles, and so constructed as to explode
      at a given time by clock-work. They were to be fastened to the bows of the
      vessels by the aid of a small raft rowed by one man who, being up to the
      chin in water, was expected in the darkness of the night to escape
      discovery. Sir Sidney Smith with other able officers were selected for
      this perilous enterprise; and the attack was to be covered by Lord Keith's
      squadron. The expedition anchored about a league and a half from Boulogne
      on the 2nd of October; and soon after nine at night a detachment of
      fire-ships was launched. But this enterprise proved signally abortive. The
      catamarans sent exploded with an awful noise, and created a great alarm,
      not only in the French flotilla, but also in the shore batteries; but the
      explosion only wounded some half-dozen Frenchmen, while they blew up
      nothing but themselves. In the whole affair, which lasted till four
      o'clock in the morning, the French had only fourteen killed and seven
      wounded, while the English had not a single man hurt. This catamaran
      expedition, indeed, from which mighty things were expected by the whole
      nation, ended only in laughter and derision. It brought disgrace not only
      on the projectors, but to our national character, it being a plan unworthy
      OF men of valour. It had been projected by the Addington administration;
      but as it was tried under the present cabinet, the admiralty won for
      themselves the dishonourable appellation of "The Catamaran Admiralty." As
      for Napoleon, it served him for a pretext for disseminating the most
      bitter invectives against the English throughout the continent; and many,
      even in England, were induced to believe that he had not adopted his own
      violent measures without the means of justification.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1804&mdash;1807
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COALITION BETWEEN PITT AND ADDINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the close of this year Pitt felt his ministerial condition to be one of
      extreme difficulty. Under these circumstances he was compelled to make
      peace with Addington, who had carried with him a considerable force to the
      mixed opposition. It is said that the king insisted upon this
      reconciliation; and it appears to be proved, not only by expressions used
      by Pitt himself in hisletters to Wilberforce, but from the fact that
      Adding-ton was raised to the peerage as Viscount Sidmouth of Sidmouth. He
      was brought into the cabinet as president of the council, in the room of
      the Duke of Portland, who resigned office on account of age and infirmity.
      At the same time Lord Mulgrave was appointed secretary of state for the
      foreign department, in the place of Lord Harrowby, who was suffering from
      a severe illness; and the Earl of Buckinghamshire took Lord Mulgrave's
      post, as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1805
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by the king in person on the 15th of January. In his
      speech the king announced that preparations for invasion were still
      carried on by France with unceasing activity; and that Spain, under French
      control, had declared war against this country. But his majesty was still
      confident of ultimate success; for after referring to the skill and
      intrepidity of the British navy, the formidable state of the army, and the
      general ardour manifested by all classes of his subjects, he characterized
      the intended invasion as "presumptuous and desperate." The usual addresses
      were passed unanimously in both houses.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of January the commons voted 120,000 men, including marines,
      for the service of the navy during the present year. A few days after the
      secretary at war moved the army estimates, which amounted to £12,395,490
      for 312,000 men under various heads of service; on which occasion lie
      stated that in the United Kingdom there were 600,000 men in arms,
      including volunteers, of whom 240,000 were fit for active and immediate
      service. The budget was opened on the 13th of February, when the supplies
      stated amounted to £44,500,000 for Great Britain and Ireland. The ways and
      means comprised a loan of £20,000,000 for Great Britain, and £2,500,000
      for Ireland; and a considerable addition was made to the war-taxes. Thus
      the income-tax was raised to six and a quarter per cent., and the
      salt-duty was augmented by one-half. The new taxes were estimated at
      £1,000,000; yet Pitt, while thus adding to the public burden, and while
      war menaced England on every hand, congratulated the house on the
      increasing prosperity of the country. At this time, however, the prime
      minister had lost much of his usual confidence, arising partly from his
      declining health. Although in the prime of life, Pitt, from the task which
      he had undertaken, and which he so energetically performed, was now in
      constitution a worn-out man. The burden of office was too great for his
      strength; and it had become manifest that he would never arrive at the
      allotted age of man.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of February a debate took place on the rupture with Spain.
      Opposition endeavoured to prove that it arose from our attack on its
      frigates, before recorded. Ministers, they said, had rushed into this war
      unnecessarily; and Lord Grenville reprobated the act of attacking the
      frigates of Spain, as contrary to all the laws of civilized warfare. "No
      capture of treasure," he remarked, "could wash away the stain of innocent
      blood thus brought on our arms." Ministers replied that Spain, by her
      treaties with France, in which she bound herself to furnish, on demand and
      without demur or inquiry into the justice or policy of the war, a certain
      aid of ships and men to France, became a principal in the war&mdash;an
      argument which could not be refuted. It was plain to all the world,
      indeed, that Spain intended to declare war as soon as her treasure-ships
      arrived at Cadiz; she had, in truth, no alternative, for the Spanish
      government was under the vassalage and dictation of the ruler of France.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CLAIMS OF THE CATHOLICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the debate on the address in the commons, Pitt had been reminded that
      he had done nothing to redeem the pledge which he was understood to have
      given to the Roman Catholics. In his reply the prime minister stated, that
      on a future occasion he should have an opportunity of explaining what had
      induced him to let their claims remain unsatisfied, and that he had no
      doubt the house would then, for the reasons he should give, give him
      credit for consistency. Notwithstanding this assurance, petitions, praying
      relief from civil disabilities, were presented by Lord Grenville in the
      lords, and by Fox in the commons. Pitt, however, declared that existing
      circumstances were unfavourable to their request; and it was accordingly
      rejected by large majorities. As he resigned office because he could not
      compel the king to grant the claims of the Roman Catholics, and as he
      resumed it with an acquiescence in their disabilities, Pitt's character
      has been vehemently attacked on this question&mdash;he stands charged with
      sacrificing principle to ambition. There is no good reason for such a
      charge: it is evident that Pitt did intend bringing this question before
      the house whenever a favourable moment should arrive. That moment did not
      arrive during the present session; and before the next was two days old
      Pitt was dead. It is unreasonable therefore to stigmatize his memory as
      unprincipled, on a subject which he had no opportunity of bringing
      forward; for, from the time of his resuming office till the day on which
      he died, his mind was wholly occupied in providing for the safety of his
      country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, contrary to the advice of Pitt, the question of the
      slave-trade was again brought forward by Wilberforce. His bill was read
      the first time on the 10th of February, and the second reading was fixed
      for the 28th. He seemed to have nothing to fear in the house of commons;
      but on the 28th his constancy in the righteous cause he had undertaken was
      severely tried. On "that fatal night," as he called it, not one of his
      usual supporters, excepting Fox, spoke in its favour; and several who had
      been neutral in the last session now voted against him. The Irish members
      also were either absent or hostile, although they had hitherto been warm
      in his favour. His bill was lost by seventy-seven against seventy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Lord Melville was threatened with impeachment. In
      February Wilberforce wrote, "Rumour has for some time impeached Lord
      Melville's integrity. I have had much talk with George Rose about him.
      Rose is confident that Pitt will defend him, though he tells me some
      stories, and strong ones, of jobs which have fallen under his own view."
      The storm which menaced Melville fell upon his head in April. In 1803 a
      bill had been passed, appointing commissioners to make inquiries into the
      abuses of the naval department. These commissioners produced many reports,
      the truth of which appeared to implicate Lord Melville, who, while he
      filled the office of treasurer of the navy, had illegally retained
      balances of the public money. This report was brought under the
      consideration of the commons by Mr. Whitbread, who exhibited three charges
      against Lord Melville:&mdash;first, his application of the public money to
      other uses than those of the naval department, in express contempt of an
      act of parliament;&mdash;secondly, his connivance at a system of
      peculation in an individual, for whose conduct he was officially
      responsible;&mdash;and, thirdly, his own participation in that system.
      This second charge had reference to Mr. Trotter, who, it was said,
      appropriated the public money to private purposes, at the express
      connivance of Lord Melville. In making these charges Whitbread remarked:&mdash;"To
      the honour of public men, charges like the present have seldom been
      exhibited; and it is a remarkable circumstance that the only instance, for
      a long-period, is one that was preferred against Sir Thomas Rumbold by
      this noble lord himself, on the ground of malversations in India." With
      respect to the first point of accusation, it appeared from the report that
      there had been for several years deficiencies in the accounts of the
      treasurer of the navy, to the amount of £600,000 a year and upwards. When
      Lord Melville was asked a plain question respecting the appropriation of
      this money, he, as well as Trotter, professed total ignorance of the
      deficiencies; but presently, beginning to recover his recollection, he
      confessed that from the year 1788 down to the period of his examination,
      he had been in the habit of drawing out public money, and placing it in
      the hands of his own bankers. When the commissioners extended their
      inquiries a little further, he had the assurance to declare that they had
      no right to interfere in his private affairs. In a letter to the
      commissioners he acknowledged the fact of advances having been made to
      him, but said that he could not give the other information required,
      because he could not disclose state secrets, and because he was not in
      possession of the accounts of advances made to other departments, having
      himself committed them to the flames. And not only had the noble lord
      destroyed the papers, but he had actually lost all recollection of the
      whole transaction. This was the principal charge against the noble lord;
      and Mr. Whitbread concluded by moving thirteen resolutions, founded on the
      circumstances which he developed in making the whole of his charges. Lord
      Melville was defended by Pitt, who observed that neither the report nor
      Mr. Whitbread himself alleged that any loss had proceeded from the
      transactions set forth to the public. The subject, he said, was of a grave
      and solemn nature; and that if, in a great pecuniary department,
      irregularities had been committed, though unattended with loss, the house
      might justly set a mark on such proceedings. As, however, all the
      circumstances of the case were not before them in the report, he contended
      that till they were the house could not be in a situation to come to any
      vote. Pitt moved the previous question; and after some observations from
      the attorney-general, Mr. Canning, the master of the rolls, and Lord
      Castle-reagh, in support of Pitt's views,&mdash;and from Lord Henry Petty,
      Messrs. Ponsonby, Fox, and Wilberforce in support of Whitbread's
      resolutions, the house divided. On a division there were two hundred and
      sixteen votes for, and an equal number against Mr. Whitbread's motion, and
      the speaker gave a casting vote in its favour. This led to Lord Melville's
      retirement from office. On the 10th of April the house was informed that
      he had tendered his resignation to the king, and that it had been
      accepted. On the 6th of May Mr. Whitbread proposed the erasure of the
      delinquent's name from the list of the privy-councillors; but as Pitt
      observed that the measure was generally considered expedient, no motion
      was made on that subject. Later in the session, after a long and able
      speech, he moved that "Lord Viscount Melville be impeached of high crimes
      and misdemeanors;" and this measure was adopted on the 25th of June, Mr.
      Whitbread being appointed manager. On the next day, in company with a
      great number of members, Whitbread impeached Lord Melville at the bar of
      the house of lords; and subsequently he brought a bill into the commons to
      avoid those differences of opinion which had arisen in the case of Warren
      Hastings, or to prevent the proceedings in the impeachment of Lord
      Melville from being affected by any prorogation or dissolution of
      parliament. This bill was carried without a division; but here the
      proceedings rested for the present. Before any further progress could be
      made in them, Pitt, on whose health and strength they had operated
      unfavourably, was laid in Westminster Abbey.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 12th of July. On that
      occasion, his majesty sent a message to the lords and commons, stating
      that the communications which had taken place, and were still depending
      between him and some of the powers on the continent, had not yet been
      brought to such a point, as to enable him to lay the result of them before
      the house, or to enter into any further explanation with the French
      government consistently with the sentiments he uttered at the opening of
      the session. At the same time he recommended parliament to consider the
      propriety of making provision for enabling him to take such measures, and
      entering into such engagements, as the exigencies of affairs might
      require. A sum, not to exceed £3,500,000 was instantly voted by the
      commons, for the purposes stated in the message.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after the Easter recess, Lord Sidmouth had suggested the propriety of
      removing Lord Melville from the privy-council, but Pitt imagined that the
      country would be satisfied with the resignation of his office, and
      therefore refused to comply. Lord Sidmouth was also offended by the
      premier's refusal to place his friend, the Earl of Buckinghamshire, at the
      head of the admiralty; and expressed his intention of retiring from
      office, together with the Earl and Mr. Vansittart. This intention was
      delayed by the erasure of Lord Melville's name from the list of
      privy-councillors, and the vote of impeachment which followed; but the
      breach made was too wide to be thus healed. Two days before the
      prorogation, Lord Sid-mouth and the Earl of Buckinghamshire resigned, and
      were succeeded by Lords Camden and Harrowby, while Lord Castlereagh
      obtained Earl Camden's place of secretary for foreign affairs. These
      dissensions, as well as the loss of so able a colleague as Lord Melville,
      occasioned deep anxiety to Pitt, and contributed to oppress and wear down
      a constitution already on the decline. His anxiety was further increased
      by the un-certain state of affairs on the continent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAPOLEON CROWNED KING OF ITALY
    </h2>
    <p>
      An Italian historian, writing of Napoleon's character at this period,
      says: "The nature of Napoleon was restless, disordered: constant only in
      ambition. He never remained long at the same point, changing continually
      to rise the higher. It appeared, and it was even solemnly, and with
      magnificent words, said by him, and by Melzi, the vice-president of the
      Cisalpine republic, that the regulations made at Lyons with the Italian
      consulta, were to be unchangeable and eternal; but before two years those
      regulations were described as defective, insufficient, and not conducive
      to anything good or lasting. All this signified, that he who had made
      himself an emperor in France, must be made a king in Italy. It was not
      without a design that so many Italians of note had been invited to Paris,
      to attend, in the name of the Cisalpine republic, the imperial coronation
      and ceremonies. Melzi, the vice-president, the councillors of state,
      together with deputies from colleges, &amp;c., obeyed the summons, and
      remained some considerable time in France. They were given to understand,
      that the emperor must be king on the other side of the Alps; that the
      Italian republic was an anomaly; and that the proceedings at Lyons must be
      condemned and reversed." This plain language was understood by the state
      consulta of the Italian republic, and they chose the powerful monarch of
      France King of Italy. On the 26th of May in this year Napoleon placed the
      iron crown of Charlemagne upon his head in Milan, and appointed Eugene
      Beauharnois, his step-son, viceroy. By a stroke of his pen he also
      annulled the constitution of the Ligurian republic, and incorporated Genoa
      with the French empire. Three departments, Genoa, Moulenotte, and the
      Apennines were formed out of this republic; and the incorporation of Parma
      and Piacenza was subsequently formed by an imperial decree. About the same
      time, the people of Lucca having expressed a wish to be governed by a
      prince of the house of Napoleon, the emperor gave them his brother-in-law,
      Pascal Felix Bacciochi, for hereditary prince. Moreover, in Batavia the
      republican principle became incompatible with the interest of the new
      imperial state, and that country had to accommodate itself to the
      monarchic form; its government was dissolved, and superseded by a grand
      pensioner, elected for five years, and invested with almost unlimited
      power. By incorporating Genoa with the empire, Napoleon said that he had
      only one end in view&mdash;that of obtaining 15,000 seamen, for the
      purpose of venturing a great naval struggle, in which, if he proved
      victorious, he should then invade England. His plan was to distract the
      British government; to scatter its fleets, by despatching his own
      squadrons, some to the West Indies, and others to the Spanish ports; and
      then to effect a junction of all, and collect such a force as would ensure
      success in a naval combat. This, however, could not have been his
      principal object. At this time he could not have been ignorant of the
      coalition forming against him, which it was his interest to provide
      against. So many violations of treaties, and such unbounded desire of
      aggrandizement this year promoted the formation of a third coalition
      against him, of which England was the centre. Sweden first, then Russia,
      and next Austria, joined themselves with the British government in a
      league against France; and though Prussia stood neutral, yet she secretly
      approved the spirit of this coalition. But its ruin was nevertheless
      induced by the policy of Russia. Austria was exposed alone to the blows of
      the enemy; the aid of Russia was too remote, and England fought only with
      money and vessels. The treaty aimed at nothing less than a league of all
      the European states against France, and the re-establishment of all the
      relations that existed before the war of the revolution. But these designs
      were frustrated, and that chiefly by Prussia's remaining neutral; without
      the accession of this power, it was scarcely possible to make an effectual
      attack on the enemy. Its neutrality was, in fact, a protection to the
      northern half of the French empire.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONQUESTS OF NAPOLEON IN BAVARIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Certified of the nature and extent of the coalition formed against him,
      Napoleon hastened to secure Bavaria to himself, by the promise of a large
      aggrandizement of territory. In consequence of this, Austria advanced her
      troops, peremptorily requiring the elector to join the imperial standard.
      This he refused to do, and then the Austrian army was ordered to occupy
      Munich. On his return from Italy, Napoleon had spoken of the invasion of
      England as an enterprise fully determined upon; but on the 28th of August
      he announced that "the army of England" was to become "the army of
      Germany." Forthwith, the 150,000 men collected at Boulogne, and along that
      coast, struck their tents, and forming into five separate corps, marched
      for the Rhine. He affected great disappointment in abandoning his scheme
      of invasion; but it is doubtful whether he ever really intended to take
      such a step. The readiness, indeed, with which he dictated his masterly
      plan for a continental campaign, proves that it had been the subject of a
      long and mature reflection, and would indicate that this was in reality
      his grand design. At the same time, such was his mortal hatred to England,
      that, if he had discerned the remotest chance of success, there is little
      doubt but that he would have engaged in the desperate enterprise. But
      England was freed from all fears, and the armies destined to act against
      her took another route. The five great columns which marched from Boulogne
      were led by Marshals Soult, Davoust, Ney, Lannes, and Murat; but in the
      month of September Napoleon took the command of the whole in person. He
      prefaced his departure for the "Grand Army" by going in state to the
      senate, and there delivering a speech on the causes of the present war. He
      remarked: "The wishes of the eternal enemies of the continent are at-last
      fulfilled; war is begun in the middle of Germany. Austria and Russia have
      joined England; and our generation is again plunged into the calamities of
      war. The Austrian army has crossed the Inn; the elector of Bavaria has
      been driven away from his capital: all my hopes of the preservation of
      peace have vanished. In this instance, the wickedness of the enemies of
      the continent has fully revealed itself. They feared the manifestations of
      my deep love for peace&mdash;they feared that Austria, at the sight of the
      abyss they have dug under her feet, might return to sentiments of justice
      and moderation, and they have hurried her into war. I sigh in thinking of
      the blood that this will cost Europe; but the French name shall derive a
      lustre from it. Senators, when, at your request, at the voice of the whole
      French people, I assumed the imperial crown, I received of you, and of all
      citizens, a solemn engagement to preserve it pure and without stain. My
      people will rush to the standard of their emperor and of his army, which
      in a few days will have crossed the frontiers. Magistrates, soldiers,
      citizens, are all determined to keep our country free from the influence
      of England, who, if she should prevail, would grant us none but an
      ignominious peace, the principal conditions of which would be, the burning
      of our fleets, the filling up of our harbours, and the annihilation of our
      industry." At the time Napoleon joined his "Grand Army" at Mayence, and
      when the Austrians commenced operations, the Russians had scarcely arrived
      in Gallicia. The Austrian army was commanded by Field-marshal Mack, who,
      notwithstanding his shameful discomfiture in the south of Italy, in the
      year 1799, still passed with the Aulic Council as a great military genius.
      Under him were 80,000 men, with which army he took post at Ulm, thinking
      that Napoleon must of necessity take the same route which Moreau had
      formerly taken. The French emperor, however, finally divided his immense
      army into seven corps; and before Mack was aware, an overwhelming force
      was in his rear. Retreat was impossible; Mack was defeated on every hand,
      and he shut himself up in Ulm, where he was soon compelled to capitulate.
      An imperial bulletin announced the capture of 60,000 prisoners, two
      hundred pieces of cannon, and eighty stand of colours, in a campaign of
      fifteen days. Nothing now arrested the onward march of the French.
      Although the Russians, commanded by Kutosow, had finally arrived on the
      banks of the Ister, they were unable to arrest the enemy's progress. The
      French, attended by continual victory, arrived at Vienna on the 13th of
      November; and on the same day they crossed the Danube, on the left bank of
      which the Russians were marching to Moravia. Napoleon concentrated his
      forces at Bruma; and on the 27th of November the forces of Austria and
      Russia, under the command of their respective emperors, who had united at
      Olmutz, marched against him. The battle of Austerlitz was now fought and
      lost. On the 1st of December Francis and Alexander saw the destruction of
      thirty thousand of their soldiers, the capture of fifteen thousand more,
      and the wild flight of those who escaped the slaughter; one hundred cannon
      and a rich booty fell likewise into the hands of the French. In the
      meantime the Austrian army in Italy, under Archduke Charles, and another
      in the Tyrol, under the Archduke John, had been compelled by the French to
      retreat; and having united, they marched towards Vienna. But the Emperor
      of Austria had now lost all heart. Prussia had recently made peace with
      France; and two days after the battle of Austerlitz Francis repaired in
      person to the camp of Napoleon, near Saroschuez, and entered into a
      preliminary convention relative to an armistice and peace. Finally, a
      treaty was signed at Presburg, on December the 26th, which broke the power
      of Austria, and gave the continent into the hands of France. By this
      treaty, all the countries usurped by Napoleon before the war were ratified
      to him, and Austria likewise ceded the Venetian territory on both sides of
      the sea to his "Kingdom of Italy;" to Bavaria, Tyrol, Vorarlberg,
      Eichstaedt, and a part of Passau; and to Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Baden, the
      Suabian territories, and the Breisgau. In return, Austria received
      Salzburg, and Berchtesgaden; and the dignity of Grand Master of the
      Teutonic order was to be assigned, hereditarily, to an Austrian prince. By
      this treaty, likewise, the electors of Bavaria and Wurtemburg were
      acknowledged as kings, and the elector of Baden as independent. The
      Emperor of Russia was invited to become a party in this treaty, but he
      disdained it, and led his forces into his own dominions. It was not merely
      the loss of territory that made the peace of Presburg, humiliating to
      Austria: the moral effects of a fall of such unexampled rapidity, and the
      complete change of all relations in Germany, made it still more
      depressing. South Germany, hitherto the vassal realm of Austria, now
      acknowledged the rule of France. The German imperial dignity no longer
      possessed importance; and the whole system of the European states was
      overthrown. The smaller German States of the Rhine, were formed by the
      conqueror into what was called "the Confederation of the Rhine;" the old
      Germanic empire was therefore dissolved, and the influence of the French
      fully established over a great part of Germany. Very soon after this
      treaty, indeed, the Emperor Francis formally renounced his title of
      Elective Emperor of Germany, and assumed that of Hereditary Emperor of
      Austria. The conquests of Napoleon were followed by the aggrandizement of
      his house. Less than three weeks after signing the treaty of Presburg,
      Eugene Beauharnois married the daughter of the King of Bavaria, and
      shortly after, Princess Stephanie Beauharnois, Eugene's cousin, was given
      in marriage to the son and heir of the Grand Duke of Baden. Another
      matrimonial alliance was also contemplated with the family of the King of
      Wurtemburg.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1804&mdash;1807
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Though successful on the Continent, the power of Napoleon by sea was this
      year broken. Nelson had been appointed to the command of the Mediterranean
      fleet in the autumn of the year 1803. In the first month of the present
      year, while at anchor off Sardinia, he received intelligence that the
      Toulon fleet had put to sea. Nelson instantly weighed, and after beating
      about the Sicilian seas for ten days, he ran for Egypt, under the
      impression that they were bound for that country. Subsequently he
      discovered that the enemy had put back to Toulon; and, in the hope of
      tempting it out to sea, he bore away for the coast of Spain, and ran down
      as far as Barcelona. This stratagem failed of effect; but on the last day
      of March he received intelligence that Villeneuve had put to sea, with
      eleven ships of the line and seven frigates, and when last seen was
      steering towards the coast of Africa. Under the impression that the enemy
      was bound for Egypt, Nelson covered the channel between Sardinia and
      Barbary, and when he found that he was mistaken, he bore up for Palermo,
      and despatched cruizers in all directions, lest it should pass to the
      north of Corsica. At length, feeling that Villeneuve was not gone toward
      the Levant, he despatched frigates to Gibraltar, to Lisbon, and to Admiral
      Cornwallis, off Brest, beat up against contrary winds, and arrived in
      sight of Gibraltar, on the 30th or April; but being unable to pass through
      the Straits, by reason of a strong westerly gale, he anchored off the
      coast of Barbary. In the mean time the French admiral had hastened on to
      Cadiz, and Sir John Orde, who commanded the blockading squadron, retired
      at his approach. Villeneuve was joined at Cadiz by six Spanish, and two
      French ships of the line; making his whole force, eighteen line-of-battle
      ships, six frigates of forty guns each, and four smaller vessels. The
      united squadrons now sailed for the West Indies, and Nelson having
      discovered their place of destination, set sail with ten ships of the
      line, and three frigates, in pursuit of them. It has been supposed that
      Nelson would not have engaged his enemy, had he met with them, his force
      being so disproportionate: but it is clear from his own words that he
      would have fought had he come up with them. "Take you each a Frenchman,"
      he observed to his officers, "and leave the Spaniards to me: when I haul
      down my colours, I expect you to do the same." But Nelson was again doomed
      to be disappointed in his search. He sought the enemy at Tobago, Trinidad,
      and Grenada, but not being able to discover or to gain any certain
      intelligence of them, he came to Gibraltar, where he went on shore for the
      first time since June, 1803. While at Gibraltar, he communicated with
      Admiral Collingwood, who, with a detached squadron, had taken his station
      off Cadiz, to prevent any progress of the Spaniards, and who had divined
      that the enemy's intention, or at least a part of it, was to invade
      Ireland. Subsequently Nelson sought the enemy off Cape St. Vincent, at
      Cadiz, in the Bay of Biscay, and on the north-west coast of Ireland.
      Frustrated in all his hopes, after a pursuit which exhibited the most
      indomitable ardour, and which scarcely has its parallel in history, he
      judged it best to re-enforce the Channel-fleet, and accordingly, on the
      15th of August, he joined Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant. While off
      Ushant, Nelson received orders to proceed with the "Victory," his own
      ship, and the "Superb," to Portsmouth. It was at Portsmouth that he first
      received certain intelligence of the enemy's movements. Sir Robert Calder,
      who had been sent out to intercept their return, fell in with them on the
      22d of July, sixty leagues west of Cape Finisterre; and though his force
      consisted only of fifteen ships of the line, and two frigates, he boldly
      attacked the enemy, who now numbered twenty-seven of the line, three of
      fifty guns, and two frigates; and after a combat of four hours succeeded
      in capturing two ships of the line, and defeated the greatest and best
      combined project ever formed by the genius of Napoleon. The French admiral
      sought refuge in Ferrol, and then threw himself into Cadiz. Nelson was now
      once more appointed to the command of the fleet, and once more he went in
      search of the enemy. He considered the enemy's fleet, which he had so long
      pursued, his own proper game, the price and reward of his long and anxious
      search. In this feeling, also, his country joined.
    </p>
    <p>
      Describing his departure from Portsmouth, his biographer remarks:&mdash;"Many
      were in tears, and many knelt down before him, to bless him as he passed.
      All men knew that his heart was as humane as it was fearless; that there
      was not in his nature an alloy of selfishness or cupidity, but that he
      served his country with a perfect and entire devotion; therefore they
      loved him as truly and fervently as he loved England." Nelson arrived off
      Cadiz on the 29th of September, the very day on which the French admiral
      received orders to put to sea the first opportunity. That it might not be
      known to the enemy that the hero of the Nile was watching them, Nelson did
      not suffer his flag to be saluted, and took every precaution of keeping
      his arrival secret, as well as the numerical force of his fleet. He took
      his station fifty miles westward of Cadiz, near Cape St. Mary, where he
      prepared his plan of attack, which he sent to Admiral Collingwood, who was
      blockading all the small ports between Cadiz and Algesiras, in order that
      Villeneuve might finally be compelled for want of provision to set sail.
      Nelson's plan was to be nearly that of sailing, which was in two lines,
      with an advanced squadron of eight fast-sailing two-deckers: the second in
      command, having the direction of his line, was to break through the enemy
      about twelve ships from their rear, and Nelson himself was to lead through
      the centre, while the advanced squadron was to cut off three or four ahead
      of it. This plan received Collingwood's cordial approbation; and Nelson
      then called his admirals and captains together, and thus addressed them:&mdash;"The
      enemy's fleet is supposed to consist of forty-six sail of the line, the
      British forty; if either is less only a proportionate number of the ships
      are to be cut off. British to be one fourth superior to the enemy they cut
      off. Something must be left to chance. Nothing is sure in a sea-fight;
      shot will carry away the masts and yards of friends as well as of foes;
      but I look with confidence to a victory before the van of the enemy could
      succour their rear; and then that the British fleet would most of them be
      ready to receive their twenty sail of the line, or to pursue them should
      they endeavour to make off. If the van of the enemy tack, the captured
      ships must run to leeward of the British fleet; if the enemy wear, the
      British place themselves between the enemy and the captured and disabled
      British ships; and should the enemy close I have no fear for the result.
      The second in command will, in all possible things, direct the movements
      of his line by keeping them as compact as the nature of the circumstances
      will admit. Captains are to look to their particular line as their
      rallying point; but in case signals cannot be seen clearly or understood,
      no captain can do very wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an
      enemy."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0013" id="linkimage-0013">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_317_yarmouth.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Yarmouth: Nelson's Monument"
      src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_317_yarmouth_th.jpg"
      alt="317.jpg Yarmouth: Nelson's Monument "  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      At length the day which Nelson had long looked for arrived. On the 19th,
      signal was made by the "Mars," first, that the enemy were coming out of
      port, and then that their fleet was at sea. On that day they were narrowly
      watched by the British fleet, as they were through the night; and on the
      morning of the 20th the combined fleets, consisting of thirty-three sail
      of the line and seven large frigates, were seen ahead in a close line of
      battle, on the starboard tack, about twelve miles to leeward, and standing
      to the south. On board the enemy had four thousand troops, and numerous
      Tyrolese riflemen were dispersed through the ships. The British admiral
      had with him only twenty-seven sail of the line and four frigates; six
      ships of the line having been dispatched to Gibraltar for provisions and
      water. With this force he resolved to attack the enemy on the next day;
      and soon after daylight he called Captain Blackwood on board the
      "Victory," the last words he uttered to whom were:&mdash;"God bless you,
      Blackwood; I shall never see you more." He had a presentiment that, while
      he was certain of victory, it would, nevertheless, be gained at the price
      of his own life. Yet, with this prospect before him, appalling as it must
      have been to his mind, he was calm and serene. His whole attention was
      fixed on Villeneuve, who was wearing to form the line in close order upon
      the larboard tack, thereby to bring Cadiz under his lee, and to
      facilitate, if necessary, his escape into that port. This induced Nelson
      to steer somewhat more to the north, and telegraph Collingwood, "I intend
      to pass through the van of the enemy's line, to prevent his getting into
      Cadiz." Villeneuve's movements had also produced another danger, for they
      had brought the shoals of San Pedro and Trafalgar under the lee of both
      fleets; and to guard against this danger Nelson made a signal for the
      British fleet to anchor at the close of day. All things prepared, the hero
      of the Nile gave his last signal:&mdash;"England expects every man to do
      his duty!" which was greeted with three cheers on board of every ship in
      the fleet. "Now," said Nelson, "I can do no more; we must trust to the
      Great Disposer of all events and to the justice of our cause: I thank God
      for this grand opportunity of doing my duty." While gradually approaching
      the enemy, whose ships had fallen into a crescent form, Nelson dressed
      himself, putting on the coat which he had usually worn for weeks, and on
      which the order of the Bath was embroidered. The captain of the "Victory,"
      Hardy, suggested that this might become a mark for the enemy; to which
      Nelson replied, "He was aware of it; but that, as in honour he had gained
      his orders, so in honour he would die with them." The battle commenced
      about ten minutes after the hour of noon, when Admiral Colling-wood, in
      the "Royal Sovereign" engaged the "Santa Anna," the flag-ship of
      Vice-Admiral Alava, the second in command. Ship after ship followed his
      example, and the battle waged fiercely on every hand. The "Victory," in
      which Nelson was, singled out the "Santissima Trinidad," a huge
      four-decker, which he had encountered before, and which he was wont to
      call his old acquaintance. At the same time seven or eight French and
      Spanish ships opened a fire on the "Victory." Mr. Scott, his secretary,
      was killed, Captain Hardy was wounded in the foot, and fifty sailors
      perished before the "Victory" returned a shot. At length orders were given
      to fire; and as it had been discovered that the French admiral, who
      hoisted no colours, was in the "Bucentaure," of eighty guns, Nelson's
      terrible sixty-eight pounder carronade from the "Victory's" forecastle was
      turned chiefly against that ship. In two minutes nearly four hundred men
      were killed or wounded in this ship; twenty of her guns were dismounted,
      and she was almost disabled. The next ship which the "Victory" encountered
      was the "Redoubtable," against which she ran foul, the anchor of the one
      striking the spare anchor of the other, and the hooks and boom-irons
      getting intermixed or catching in the leash of the sails, holding the two
      ships together. Again the starboard carronade was fired, which cleared the
      French ship's gangway in a moment. At the same time the "Victory's"
      larboard guns did fatal execution in the "Santissima Trinidad," now
      engaged likewise. At length the "Redoubtable" took fire, and the flames
      spread to the "Victory." The English sailors put out their own fire, and
      threw buckets of water into the "Redoubtable" to help the French to
      extinguish theirs. In the midst of this terrific scene Nelson&mdash;the
      brave, undaunted Nelson&mdash;fell: a rifle or musket-ball from the
      mizen-top of the "Redoubtable" passed through him, and he fell on his
      knees on the very spot where his secretary had before him breathed his
      last. "They have done for me at last," said he to Hardy, who was anxiously
      bending over him, "my backbone is shot through." He was carried down to
      the cockpit, which was crowded with the wounded and the dying, and where
      it was too soon discovered that his wound was mortal, the ball had entered
      his left shoulder, through the forepart of the epaulette, and had lodged
      in his spine. In the meantime the battle raged with fury. In the midst of
      the roar of cannon and the shrieks of the wounded and the dying, the crew
      of the "Victory" ever and anon by their shoutings announced that some ship
      of the enemy had struck. On hearing their shouts, joy sparkled in the eyes
      of the dying Nelson; and he sent for Captain Hardy to inquire how the
      battle proceeded. It was some time before Hardy could leave the scene of
      carnage on the quarter-deck; but on reaching the side of the dying Nelson
      he informed him that twelve or fourteen of the enemy's ships had struck,
      but that five of their van had tacked and shown an intention of bearing
      down upon the "Victory," and that he had called two or three ships round
      it to guard against the clanger. Hardy then returned to the quarter-deck;
      but in less than an hour he returned, and congratulated his dying friend
      on having obtained a brilliant and complete victory: fourteen or fifteen
      of the enemy's ships, he said, were captured. "That's well," replied
      Nelson; "but I bargained for twenty;" then in a louder tone he exclaimed,
      "Anchor, Hardy, anchor!" Hardy suggested that Admiral Collingwood would
      now take upon himself the direction of affairs: but Nelson, endeavouring
      to raise himself from his bed, replied that he would command while he
      lived, and gave imperative orders to anchor. It is supposed that he meant,
      in case of his surviving until all resistance was over, he would anchor
      the ships and prizes, as the surest means of saving them, should a gale of
      wind arise. Soon after this the hero's gallant spirit fled: his last
      words, thrice repeated, were, "Thank God, I have done my duty." The
      victory was complete; and Admiral Collingwood, who now succeeded to the
      command of the fleet, and who had largely contributed to gain the battle,
      distinguished himself no less by his skill after it was gained, than by
      his undaunted bravery in the action. The number of ships captured was
      nineteen; and Villeneuve and two Spanish admirals fell into the hands of
      the British. One French ship blew up after her surrender, two hundred of
      the crew of which were saved by our tenders. The total number of prisoners
      taken amounted to nearly 12,000 men; the total British loss was 1,587,
      including many officers and the gallant Nelson. Out of eighteen sail of
      the line the French only preserved nine; and out of fifteen sail of the
      line the Spaniards preserved only six. Most of the captured vessels,
      however, were subsequently lost at sea through stress of weather; four
      only were saved and carried to Gibraltar. "Our own infirm ships," says
      Collingwood, "could scarce keep off the shore: the prizes were left to
      their fate; and as they were driven very near the port, I ordered them to
      be destroyed, that there might be no risk of their again falling into the
      hands of the enemy." Thus ended the greatest naval victory recorded in
      history, whether in ancient or modern times. By it England was rescued
      from all chances of invasion, and left sole mistress of the seas. And the
      moral effect of the victory was as great as the physical one; the marine
      force of Napoleon might be said to be annihilated. It was, in fact, a
      glorious set off to his successes on the continent; and deep must have
      been his chagrin on hearing the news. In England the joy was great, and
      was only damped by the consideration that posthumous honours alone could
      be awarded to him who was instrumental in gaining the victory. These
      honours were with gratitude heaped on his memory. His brother was made an
      earl, with a grant of £6000 per annum; £10,000 were voted to each of his
      sisters; and £100,000 for the purchase of an estate. As for the hero
      himself, a public funeral and a public monument in St. Paul's was decreed
      to him, and statues, columns, and other monuments were voted in most of
      our principal cities. Nor did the gratitude of the nation stop at the
      moment. Recently a noble monument has been erected to his memory in
      Trafalgar Square, chiefly by private contributions. His name will live in
      the history of England and the memories of his grateful countrymen down to
      the latest period of time. Faults and errors in private life may have
      stained his character; but his memory will nevertheless be precious in the
      sight of admiring posterity.
    </p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1806
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 21st of January. The speech was delivered by
      commission, and it dwelt upon our great naval successes, and attempted to
      alleviate regret for the disasters of our allies on the continent, with
      the assurances the Russian emperor had given that he would still aid us in
      the strife. It mentioned also that £1,000,000 accruing to the crown from
      the droits of admiralty should be applied to the public service; and
      concluded with a strong recommendation of vigilance and exertion against
      the common enemy. Amendments were read in both houses; but they were not
      moved in consequence of the intelligence that Pitt was at the point of
      death.
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    </div>
    <h2>
      DEATH OF MR. PITT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When parliament reassembled, Pitt, who at the close of last session was
      obliged to relinquish all exertions and retire to Bath, was lying in a
      state of debility and exhaustion at Putney, whither he had recently
      returned. Two days after the meeting of parliament, on the 23rd of
      January, he expired, in the forty-seventh year of his age; a young man in
      years, but aged in constitution from incessant toil and mental anxiety. On
      the motion of Mr. Henry Lascelles he was buried in Westminster Abbey, at
      the public expense, and a monument, with a suitable inscription, was
      erected to his memory. As he had died in debt, a sum not exceeding £40,000
      was voted for the payment of his creditors, without any opposition. "Never
      had a minister that ruled the country for twenty long years, or for half
      or fourth of that time, done so little to enrich himself and family&mdash;never
      had statesman and dispenser of patronage and places been more indifferent
      to his private interests." These sentences speak volumes as to the
      character of this eminent statesman. In politics he may often have erred;
      but not even his bitterest foe can impeach his integrity. "I allow," said
      his inveterate opponent, Fox, "I allow that a minister is not to be
      considered as moderate and disinterested, merely because he is poor during
      his life or at his death; but when I see a minister who has been in office
      above twenty years, with the full command of places and public money,
      without any peculiar extravagance and waste, except what might be expected
      from the carelessness that perhaps necessarily arose from the multiplicity
      of duties to which the attention of a man in such a situation must be
      directed,&mdash;when I see a minister under such circumstances using his
      influence neither to enrich himself nor those with whom he is by family
      ties more particularly connected, it is impossible for me not to conclude
      that this man is disinterested."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE GRENVILLE ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The death of Pitt, at the particular crisis in which it took place, was
      considered a virtual dissolution of the administration. The post of
      premier was offered to Lord Hawkesbury; but he deemed it too arduous, and
      chose rather to retire from office with the sinecure of the cinqueports.
      Lord Sidmouth also declined the task; and his majesty was compelled to
      repress his personal antipathies, and to seek the aid of Lord Grenville.
      The new arrangements were completed on the 3rd of February; and the
      ministry embraced the leading members of two parties, known as the old and
      new opposition, together with the party led by Lord Sidmouth. The
      arrangement stood thus:&mdash;Lord Grenville, first lord of the treasury;
      Fox, secretary of state for foreign affairs; Viscount Sidmouth, lord privy
      seal; Earl Fitzwilliam, lord resident of the council; Lord Howick, first
      lord of the admiralty; Earl of Moira, master-general of the ordnance; Earl
      Spencer, secretary of state for the home department; Windham, secretary
      for the colonies; Lord Henry Petty, chancellor of the exchequer; Erskine,
      lord high chancellor; and Lord Minto, president of the board of control.
      Among the minor appointments, Sheridan obtained that of the treasurer of
      the navy; Lord Auckland, the presidency of the board of trade; Earl Temple
      and Lord John Townshend, the joint paymastership of the forces; General
      Fitzpatrick, the secretaryship of war; and Sir Arthur Pigott and Sir
      Samuel Romilly, the posts of attorney and solicitor-general. As Lord
      Grenville's office of auditor of the exchequer was thought incompatible
      with that of first lord of the treasury, and as his lordship was unwilling
      to resign that lucrative office, a bill was subsequently brought into
      parliament empowering him to name a responsible trustee for holding
      auditorship so long as he should continue premier. Law, who had been
      created Baron Ellenborough in 1802, was appointed to this place, with a
      seat in the cabinet; an act which created strong prejudices in the minds
      of the people at large against the new administration. But his lordship's
      parliamentary interest was considered essential to the support of the new
      ministry, and the murmurs of the people were hence not regarded. Such a
      sweeping ministerial change as this had not taken place for years; all
      places were swept clean and new men put into them. The administration,
      however, was made of discordant materials. In it were Grenvillites,
      Foxites, Wind-hamites, Lansdownites, Addingtonians or Sidmouthites, &amp;c.
      and this division brought so many expectations, hopes, and pretensions in
      their several trains, that it was easy to foresee that there would soon be
      quarrelling, and strife, and splittings among them. They had no general
      political creed; and their interests, like their theories, lay wide
      asunder. Moreover, it was soon found that it was on very few questions
      they could command anything like a respectable majority. They were
      triumphant, indeed, when it was moved in the lords and commons "that it
      was highly inexpedient, and tended to weaken the administration of
      justice, to summon to any committee or assembly of the privy council any
      of the judges of his majesty's courts of common law," in allusion to the
      recent appointment of Baron Ellenborough; but beyond this the present
      motley ministry could only command majorities of the narrowest kind; and
      sometimes during this session they were even left in a minority. Wearying
      and worrying debates, and all to little or no purpose, became the order of
      the day. Sheridan on one occasion, indeed, suggested that ministerial
      members, distributed in parties of twenty, should go home to rest in the
      midst of debate, and then come back to rest after they had slept and
      breakfasted. The house sometimes sat till seven o'clock in the morning,
      and then separated without having effected anything of importance.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the death of Mr. Pitt the state of Europe rendered it difficult for
      Great Britain to negociate with France for a safe and honourable peace. As
      Mr. Fox, however, had succeeded to power, there were some who entertained
      expectations of peace, and he was thought to have undertaken the foreign
      department with that end in view. France manifestly desired peace; and but
      a short time elapsed before the government contrived to bring about some
      negociations, in order to ascertain what terms of peace the new ministry
      would be likely to allow. Before ten days elapsed from the appointment of
      the new administration an agent of that government arrived at Gravesend
      without a passport, and acquainted Fox by letter, that he had a very
      important communication to make. Fox sent him a passport, and admitted him
      to an interview; but indignantly repelled his disclosure, true or false,
      of a plot to assassinate Napoleon. Fox detained his man in custody, and
      communicated his designs, if they were really entertained by him, to the
      French government; and this led to a communication between him and
      Talleyrand. It appeared, from the negociations which took place, that the
      greatest obstacle was the determination of Napoleon to obtain Sicily for
      his brother Joseph, in addition to Naples. Fox, however, had sufficient
      penetration to discover that he had other ambitious demands to be
      satisfied, should this be complied with&mdash;that he would demand Holland
      for his brother Louis, etc.; and therefore he determined to break off the
      negociations, and to continue the war. He made this determination fully
      known, when he rejected the treaty of Amiens as a basis, and insisted on
      the Emperor of Russia being admitted as a party. Yet the French Government
      seem to have considered that England would one day soon consent to peace,
      even on the hard terms proposed. Negociation was renewed in June, when
      Lord Yarmouth, who had been released from prison at Fox's intercession,
      was invited to a conference with Talleyrand. At this interview it was said
      that the Emperor was willing to restore Hanover, as well as to gratify the
      British court in other respects, while France asked for nothing. Pleased
      with this intelligence, the King sent a commission to Lord Yarmouth, but
      desired him to withhold the communication of his full powers, until it was
      promised that Sicily should not be alienated from the house of Bourbon. It
      was replied that Napoleon was anxious to obtain Sicily for his brother
      Joseph, and would procure the Hanstowns for Ferdinand; but this answer was
      not deemed satisfactory, and the negociations were still held in abeyance.
      The Russian Government, at this time, having become acquainted with the
      negociations in progress, sent an agent to act on Russia's behalf, and to
      watch proceedings. The arrival of this agent was what the French desired,
      for they knew that they could soon cause a rupture between England and
      Russia. In a short time, indeed, through French intrigue, D'Oubril, the
      Russian agent, suspected the good faith, of Lord Yarmouth, and Lord
      Yarmouth suspected the good faith of D'Oubril. A quarrel ensued between
      them, and then Talleyrand raised his demands and abated his proffered
      concessions. D'Oubril returned to Petersburgh, but Fox still persevered in
      seeking peace. An accredited agent, in the person of Lord Lauderdale, was
      now sent over to Paris, and negociations lasted from the 9th of August to
      the 6th of October; when they were broken off by a demand for passports.
      France still insisted that Sicily should be given up to Joseph Buonaparte;
      and this could not be conceded, so the negociations finally failed. About
      that time Fox died, and the French government attributed publicly the
      failure of these negociations to his death. But the truth was, Fox had
      long ago expressed his convictions that peace would be unattainable; and
      after he had commenced the negociations, he had said in the house of
      commons:&mdash;"My wish, the first wish of my heart, is peace; but such a
      peace as shall preserve our connexions and influence on the continent, as
      shall not abate one jot of the national honour,&mdash;and such only:" how
      then could his death have been an obstacle to peace? Fox, with all his
      faults, had a heart glowing with love for his country, and he would not
      have lightly sacrificed her honour and her interest at the shrine of
      French ambition.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1804&mdash;1807
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WINDHAM'S MILITARY PLAN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of April Windham brought forward a plan for altering the
      military system, and particularly the mode of recruiting the army. His
      plan was that the soldier should enlist for a certain term of years; that
      this term should be divided for the infantry into three periods of seven
      years each; and for the cavalry and artillery, the first period to be ten
      years, the second six, and the third live years; and that at the end of
      each of these periods a man might have a right to claim his discharge, and
      that his privileges, pensions, etc., should be augmented in proportion to
      the length of his services. As a preliminary step to the introduction of
      this bill he moved for a bill to repeal Pitt's Additional Force bill,
      which raised a storm of opposition from the friends and admirers of the
      deceased minister. His views were especially combated by Lord Castlereagh
      and Mr. Canning; but the repeal bill was finally carried, and then
      Windham's plan was adopted: it was introduced and carried as a clause in
      the Annual Mutiny bill. A bill for the training of a certain number of
      persons, not exceeding 200,000, out of those that were liable to be drawn
      for the militia; a bill to suspend the ballot for the militia in England
      for two years, with a reserved power to government for recurring to it in
      order to supply the vacancies of any corps which should be reduced below
      its quota; a bill called the Chelsea Hospital bill, to give security to
      invalid, disabled, and discharged soldiers, for such pensions as they were
      entitled to; and a bill for settling the relative rank officers of
      yeomanry, volunteers, militia forces, and troops of the line, completed
      Windham's system, and were all carried, though not without much
      opposition. An increase was also voted to the pay of sergeants, corporals,
      privates of the line, to the Chelsea pensions, and to the pensions of
      officers' widows: similar benefits were also voted to the navy, and the
      Greenwich Hospital allowances to out-pensioners were increased.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE BUDGET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget was opened by Lord Henry Petty on the 28th of March. From his
      statement it appeared that the unredeemed debt of Great Britain and
      Ireland was about £566,000,000, of which the annual interest was about
      £27,500,000. The supplies of England and Ireland for the year were
      estimated at £62,187,465; and among the ways and means, were a loan of
      £18,000,000 and an augmentation of the new taxes to £19,500,000, to be
      effected principally by raising the income-tax from six and a half to ten
      per cent. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer also imposed a duty of forty
      shillings a ton on pig-iron; an additional duty on beer and spirits, in
      Ireland; and a paltry tax on appraisements. The duty on pig-iron and the
      increase of the income-tax raised a storm of opposition; but they were
      nevertheless decreed. As the burdens of the people were so increased, it
      was deemed expedient that some attempt should be made to prevent the
      misapplication of the money raised from the public. It was proposed by the
      Chancellor of the Exchequer, that, beside the five commissioners to whom
      the task of general investigation had hitherto been confided, particular
      auditors should be appointed; and though this new arrangement was to cost
      from £28,000 to £42,000 per annum, his proposition was agreed to. Some
      slight improvements were likewise made in the acts regulating commercial
      intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland; and a law was passed for
      permitting the free interchange of grain of every kind between the two
      islands. By the burdensome imposts of this year the new ministry obtained
      much odium, the friends of Pitt taking care to enhance their disgrace in
      the sight of the nation by ridicule and reproach. Mr. Canning, in
      particular, assailed them both by his oratory and his pen, impugning even
      their motives. "All the talents," as this ministry was called, indeed,
      stood in no very enviable position in the sight of the country at large.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      TRIAL OF LORD MELVILLE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The trial of Lord Melville commenced in Westminster-hall, on the 29th of
      April, before the lords, the members of the house of commons being present
      in a committee of the whole house. Although there were ten charges
      preferred against him, there were only three in substance. These were:&mdash;"That
      as treasurer of the navy, Lord Melville had applied divers sums of public
      money to his private use and profit. That he had permitted his paymaster,
      Trotter, to take large sums of money from the Bank of England, issued to
      it on account of the treasurer of the navy, and to place it in his own
      name, with his private banker; and that he had permitted Trotter to apply
      the money so abstracted to purposes of private emolument, and had himself
      derived profit therefrom." Lord Melville pleaded "not guilty" to these
      charges, and then Whitbread produced his evidence to prove his guilt. In
      this, however, he failed as regard's Melville's personal delinquency. All
      that was made clear in the course of the trial was that Mr. Trotter had
      increased his salary by deriving profit from the banking-house of Coutts,
      on the deposits; and that while Lord Melville had made use of some sums of
      money, he had nevertheless repaid those sums with interest. The trial
      lasted sixteen days, and then the lords voted on the several charges,
      acquitting the accused of every charge. "Henry Viscount Melville," said
      the Lord Chancellor to him, "I am to acquaint your lordship, that you are
      acquitted of the articles of impeachment exhibited against you by the
      commons, for high crimes and misdemeanours, and of all things contained
      therein." Melville made a low bow, and then retired; and the Chancellor
      having announced that the impeachment was dismissed, the lords and commons
      retired to their respective chambers. A motion of thanks to the managers
      was subsequently voted in the commons, and thus this business, which had
      cost the country some thousands of pounds, ended. This impeachment,
      however, was not without its moral effects: while the impeachment of
      Hastings set limits to the exercise of a too arbitrary power in India,
      that of Melville taught ministers to be more careful of their public
      accounts at home.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The glory of this session and this ministry was a blow struck at the
      slave-trade. A bill was introduced by the attorney-general prohibiting,
      under a strict penalty, the exportation of slaves from the British
      colonies, after the 1st of January, 1807. This bill was carried, and then
      Mr. Fox proposed that, as it was contrary to the principles of justice,
      humanity, and sound policy, effectual measures should be taken for putting
      an end to the slave-trade, in such a manner and at such a period as might
      be deemed advisable. The mover of this motion remarked:&mdash;"If during
      almost forty years I have enjoyed a seat in parliament, I had been so
      fortunate as to accomplish this, and this only, I should think I had done
      enough, and should retire from public life with comfort, and conscious
      satisfaction that I had clone my duty." This motion was carried by one
      hundred and fourteen votes against fifteen; and a similar motion, made by
      Lord Grenville in the upper house, was adopted by forty-one against
      twenty. The last step taken on this subject during the present year was a
      joint address from both houses, beseeching his majesty that he would take
      measures for obtaining the concurrence of foreign powers, in the abolition
      of this abominable traffic. That amiable philanthropist, Wilberforce, was
      delighted at the success of his labours; and he expressed a hope that
      during next year he and his coadjutors in this noble work would witness
      the termination of all their toils and anxieties. On the fact that Fox was
      mainly instrumental in carrying his wishes into effect, he writes:&mdash;"How
      wonderful are the ways of God! Though intimate with Pitt all my life,
      since earliest manhood, and he most warm for abolition, and really honest,
      yet now my whole dependence is placed on Fox, to whom this life has been
      opposed, and on Grenville to whom I have always been rather hostile till
      of late years, when I heard he was more religious." It has been assumed,
      because Pitt did not make this a cabinet question, that he was lukewarm in
      the cause of abolition; but it is clear if he had done so, he could not
      have carried it before parliament, and the country were prepared for it.
      Up to this period the temper of the public mind may be discovered in these
      noble sentiments of the poet Cowper:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Canst thou, and honoured with a Christian name,
     Buy what is woman born, and feel no shame?
     Trade in the blood of innocence, and plead
     Experience as a warrant for the deed?
     So may the wolf whom famine has made bold,
     To quit the forest and invade the fold:
     So may the ruffian, who, with ghostly glide,
     Dagger in hand, steals close to your bedside;
     Not he, but his emergence forced the door&mdash;
     He found it inconvenient to be poor.
     Has God then given its sweetness to the cane&mdash;
     Unless his laws be trampled on&mdash;in vain?
     Built a brave world, which cannot yet subsist,
     Unless his right to rule it be dismissed?
     Impudent blasphemy! so Folly pleads,
     And, avarice being judge, with case succeeds."
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      At this time, however, the labours of Wilberforce, Clarkson, and their
      friends had prepared the majority of the country and of parliament for
      alleviating the sufferings of the human race; some there were still whose
      avarice led them to defend the inhuman system of trafficking in the blood,
      bones, and sinews of man; but the many now saw its iniquity, and were
      prepared to wipe the foul stain from the annals of England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT PROROGUED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Various discussions arose during this session, financial and general,
      respecting the affairs of India. Mr. Paul, with the assistance of Sir
      Philip Francis, "that adventurous knight" prepared charges against the
      administration of the Marquis Wellesley; but on the 4th of July he
      declared that he was not ready to go into these charges, and it was agreed
      that this business should stand over till next session. Parliament was
      prorogued on the 23rd of July.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0014" id="linkimage-0014">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_321_fox.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Charles James Fox" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_321_fox_th.jpg"
      alt="321.jpg Portrait of Charles James Fox "  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF FOX.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This session had been a harassing one to Fox. Canning, bound by the chains
      of party, assailed him and his colleagues on every measure brought
      forward, whether excellent or otherwise. Ministers, moreover, were not
      only harassed by his bitter sarcasms, but also by Percival's legal
      knowledge, and by Lord Castlereagh's prolixity. These were thorns in their
      sides; and as this active opposition had rendered Mr. Fox's appearance in
      his place necessary, it told with great effect upon his constitution at
      this time: indeed, Fox was dying from the effects of disease augmented by
      the cares of office, and a laborious attendance on the house; and though
      this was visible, no mercy was shown him by his opponents. He did not long
      survive after the session was closed: he died on the 13th of September,
      and was buried by the side of his great rival, Pitt, in Westminster Abbey.
      His character as a politician has been seen in previous pages; as a man,
      he seems to have been loved in life and lamented in his death. Unhappily,
      however, a large portion of the affection with which he was regarded by
      his contemporaries, was bestowed on qualities which impaired the dignity
      of his moral character, and rendered his talents less acceptable to the
      public. He was what is called "the delight of society;" but his
      fascinating manners by no means made up for his unsteady principles, and
      inconsistency of opinion. The death of Fox involved some changes in the
      ministry. His nephew and pupil, Lord Holland, was brought into the cabinet
      as privy seal, and Fox was succeeded in the foreign department by his
      friend Lord Howick. The other ministerial changes were simply these:&mdash;Mr.
      T. Grenville became first lord of the admiralty, instead of Lord Howick;
      Tierney, president of the board of control, instead of Gren-ville; and
      Sidmouth became president of the council, in lieu of Earl Fitzwilliam, who
      resigned. Lord Holland, therefore, was the only new member brought into
      the cabinet.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL SUCCESSES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The successes of the British fleets during this year were various, and
      very encouraging to the nation to persevere in the struggle. Operations
      were, indeed, naval and military, extended to the south of Italy and
      Sicily, Portugal, the Cape of Good Hope, the East and West Indies, and
      South America. At the close of the preceding year Admiral Villauruez,
      accompanied by Joseph Buonaparte, succeeded in escaping from port with
      eleven sail of the line, and a number of frigates. This fleet subsequently
      separated: five ships of the line, two frigates, and a corvette steered,
      under the command of Admiral Le Seigle, for St. Domingo; but they were
      attacked off Ocoa Bay by Admiral Sir T. Duckworth, and after a furious
      action three ships struck, while the other two were driven on shore and
      burnt; the smaller vessels escaped. The other squadron, under Villauruez,
      steered first to the coast of Brazil, and afterwards to the West Indies:
      but it was driven from thence by the fury of the elements; and, finally,
      three ships were destroyed on the American coast, one reached the
      Havannah, and then escaped into Brest, and a third, which was commanded by
      Jerome Buonaparte, was stranded on the coast of Brittany. A third squadron
      of French ships, under Admiral Linois, had long been carrying on a
      predatory warfare in the Indian Seas, and the Isle of France had been the
      grand depot of his plunder; but this year he was overtaken by Sir J. B.
      Warren, who had been sent in pursuit of Jerome Buonaparte, and after a
      running fight of three hours the French were compelled to strike. Another
      squadron of five French frigates and two corvettes was encountered at sea
      by Sir Samuel Romilly, and four of the frigates were captured; Romilly
      lost his arm in the action. During this year, also, an expedition was
      sent, under the command of Sir David Baird, with a naval force commanded
      by Sir Home Popham, against the Cape of Good Hope, and that country was
      added to the English possessions; the enemy was compelled to retreat, and
      the governor-general, Janseus, surrendered, on condition of his forces
      being conveyed to Holland at the expense of the British government, and
      not considered as prisoners of war. Finally, in the course of this year,
      Sir Home Popham undertook an expedition against Buenos Ayres, which he
      took from the Spaniards: but it was afterwards re-captured; and as Sir
      Home undertook this enterprise without orders, he was recalled by
      government and tried by a court-martial, which adjudged him to be severely
      reprimanded. It is clear, however, that if Popham had been successful he
      would have been acquitted of all blame; for on hearing that Buenos Ayres
      was taken, the nation was intoxicated with joy; and it was not till the
      news arrived that the Spaniards had recaptured it that the voice of
      censure was heard against him. So fickle is public favour: the man who is
      held in high estimation to-day, may, by one unfortunate action, become the
      object of contempt to-morrow.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time disputes, which threatened war, arose between England and
      America. The Americans complained of impressing British seamen on board
      their merchant vessels on the high seas; of their violation of their right
      as neutrals, in seizing and condemning their merchant-men, though engaged
      in lawful commerce; and of the infringement of their maritime jurisdiction
      on their own coasts. As an amicable arrangement of these differences was
      desirable, a special mission was despatched to England, and the disputes
      were finally settled by an assurance, on the first point, that the right
      of impression should be exercised with caution, and redress afforded for
      any act of injustice; and by establishing a rule defining the difference
      between a continuous and an interrupted voyage to the colonies of the
      enemy, and stipulating that on re-exportation there should remain, after
      the draw-back, a duty to be paid of one per cent., <i>ad valorem</i>, on
      all European articles, and not less than two per cent, on colonial
      produce. The maritime jurisdiction of the United States was guaranteed,
      and some commercial stipulations framed for the reciprocal advantage of
      the two countries.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF SICILY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that Napoleon coveted Sicily for his brother Joseph, and
      that England would not consent to the overtures made on this subject.
      This, however, did not prevent him from adding it to his numerous
      conquests. Whilst yet at Schoenbrunn in December. 1805, Napoleon declared
      war against Naples; his grand plea being, that the king of that country
      had, in contempt of the treaty of neutrality, recently received an
      English-Russian army landing there with friendship. His decree was, "the
      royal house of Naples had ceased to reign;" and he immediately sent his
      troops to put it into execution. The army sent was commanded by Massena
      and Joseph Buonaparte; and by the month of February, this year, it marched
      into the capital, and Joseph was appointed by Napoleon hereditary King of
      Naples and Sicily. The new king was to remain a French prince, and retain
      his rights of inheritance in France; but this was only a preliminary step
      to future operations. The two crowns were, however, never to be united
      upon one head. By the reduction of Gaeta, in July, this revolution was
      consolidated. Soon after this, a Batavian deputation appeared at Paris,
      and implored Louis Napoleon for Regent, and that prince was proclaimed
      King of Holland, upon the same conditions as his brother Joseph, King of
      Naples. Moreover, Prince Eugene Beauharnois was appointed to the throne of
      Italy, which kingdom was increased by the incorporation of the rich
      countries once forming the State of Venice. Finally, Napoleon gave Cleves
      with Berg, purchased of Bavaria, to Joachim Murat, the husband of his
      sister, Caroline Annunciade, upon the same conditions as those upon which
      he had given Naples and Holland to his two brothers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year Prussia awoke from her fatal blindness. That country resolved
      upon war with France; and England and Sweden became reconciled with her
      king, while Russia promised him powerful aid. It was in October that a
      mutual declaration of war took place, and hostilities commenced
      immediately. A Prussian army, 120,000 strong, was assembled round Erfurt;
      but though it was composed of valiant soldiers, it was ill commanded, and,
      therefore, unfit to meet such a master of war as Napoleon. Two battles
      were fought at Jena and Auerstadt, by which the Prussian power was
      overthrown; more than 50,000 men were slain. These battles were followed
      by the capture of Erfurt, Span-dau, Potsdam, Berlin, Luben, Stettin,
      Kuestrin, Hameln, Nienburg, and Magdeburg; and by victories over Prince
      Hohenlohe, near Prenzlow; and over the reserve army of Brucher, towards
      the lower Elbe. Within six weeks after the battle of Jena, all the
      country, from the Rhine to the other side of the Oder, with a population
      of nine millions, fell into the hands of Napoleon. The French troops
      occupied Brunswick and Hesse Cassel, the Hanseatic cities, and finally
      Mecklenburg and Oldenburg. North Germany groaned under the scourge of the
      victor; and South Germany paid him homage, and gave him troops and gold.
      The houses of Brunswick and Hesse Cassel ceased to reign; the electors
      were dispossessed. The King of Prussia sought refuge with his Russian
      ally: his sudden fall was an object of terror and grief. With Prussia, the
      grand bulwark of Russia fell; Napoleon entertained, indeed, a project of
      raising up an independent throne on the very frontiers of the northern
      power. The injured Poles were summoned to insurrection, and an auxiliary
      army was formed in Prussia-Poland. Hopes of success in this enterprise
      were well founded, because at this time war broke out, through the
      intrigues of the French ruler, between Russia and the Porte. Operations
      followed on the Danube, which caused a powerful diversion of the Russian
      force, which might otherwise have extended a more efficient aid to the
      Prussian monarch.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 19th of
      December. The speech dwelt on the calamities of war; the progress of the
      arms of France; the failure of pacific negociations through the ambition
      of the French ruler; and the necessity of union, firmness, and courageous
      endurance in the nation, to meet the peculiar exigencies of the crisis. In
      the debates on the address, Lord Hawkes-bury in the lords, and Mr. Canning
      in the commons, took a very active part, censuring the actions of the
      cabinet ever since it had been in office. No amendment, however, was moved
      in either house, so that the addresses passed without a division.
      Canning's speech on this occasion, though in some parts it exhibited a
      show of candour, was, nevertheless, one of unrelenting hostility to the
      government. Thus, after strongly condemning the policy of breaking with
      Prussia for Hanover, he remarked: "Prussia, unable to resist France,
      encroached on us; we had, however, the option to pass over a just cause of
      complaint, and to leave untouched the only state in Europe which appeared
      capable of forming the germ of an alliance hostile to the ambitious views
      of France; but the conduct of ministers was the converse of their policy.
      By that conduct Prussia had been compelled to act without our advice or
      assistance, and to plunge into a war, of which, if our advice could not
      have prevented it, our assistance might at least have meliorated the
      termination. Would any man of common reflection say, that, for the
      restoration of Hanover, it was worth while to make war on Prussia? The
      British government, however, continued at war with her as long as the
      resources of Prussia were unimpaired, and her strength unexhausted; but as
      soon as there seemed a prospect of war between Prussia and France, an
      ambassador was sent to Berlin, with instructions adapted to all
      possibilities, except that which was most probable; namely, the actual
      commencement of war: for that no provision had been made. As soon,
      however, as Lord Morpeth returned, our government began to see their
      error, and to think that there really was something like war between the
      two powers, from the trifling circumstance, that the Prussian army was
      annihilated: and when the Prussian monarchy shall be destroyed, they will
      perhaps send an army." In equally bitter terms Mr. Canning censured the
      foreign diplomacy of the country, instancing the case of one minister
      being at Paris to negociate peace, while another at Berlin was instigating
      war for the same object. Canning also adverted to the letter which Fox had
      sent to Talleyrand, observing that the insertion in it, that the British
      government were beginning a new cause, as illustrated by the transaction
      alluded to, was false, since the British government had never been
      stimulators of assassination. The character of Fox was powerfully
      vindicated by Lord Howick, who endeavoured to prove that the deceased
      statesman was wholly free from any imputation on his integrity or his
      political wisdom. Three days after this Lord Grenville presented to the
      house of lords papers relative to the late negociations with Buonaparte;
      and on the same day the thanks of both houses were voted to the British
      officers who had commanded in the plains of Maida, in Calabria, where,
      though inferior in numbers, they had defeated the French with great
      slaughter. But, notwithstanding this defeat, as before seen, the French
      made the conquest of the kingdom of Naples.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1807&mdash;1809
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Debate on the negociation with France..... Financial
     Arrangements..... The Slave-Trade Question..... Bill for
     Removing the Disabilities of the Roman Catholics.....
     Dismissal of Ministers..... New Cabinet..... Trial of
     Strength between   the   two Parties..... Dissolution   of
     Parliament..... The New Parliament&mdash;Campaign of
     Napoleon..... The Peace of Tilsit..... Expedition   to
     Copenhagen..... Hostilities against Turkey..... Expedition
     to Egypt..... Disasters in South America..... War with
     Russia..... French invasion of Portugal..... Milan Decree,
     &amp;c...... Disputes with America..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Debates on the Orders in Council.....
     Financial Measures..... Debate on Ireland..... Motion
     respecting the Droits of Admiralty, &amp;c...... Prorogation
     of Parliament..... Rising  of the Spanish Nation, &amp;c.....
     Affairs of Portugal..... Confederation of France and
     Russia..... Operations in Spain..... Naval Affairs in the
     Mediterranean..... State of the Continent.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE NEGOCIATION WITH FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1807
    </p>
    <p>
      The papers which Lord Grenville had laid on the table relative to the
      negociations with France, were taken into consideration on the 5th of
      January. In both houses addresses were moved to express to his majesty
      approbation of his attempts to restore the blessings of peace, and
      determination to support him in such measures as might yet be necessary,
      either for the restoration of peace or the prosecution of war. In both
      houses the motion was carried unanimously, though there were long debates
      in which the comparative merits or demerits of the late and present
      ministries were canvassed. All parties, however, agreed that the
      continuation of war, and that an increase of power and a proper direction
      to our military forces were necessary. An augmentation of sea and land
      forces was voted; the total sum devoted to the navy alone being
      £17,400,337. The number of seamen including marines was 130,000, and the
      number of men under arms about 300,000; while the volunteers actually
      armed and regimented nearly amounted to the same.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 29th of January Lord Henry Petty, as chancellor of the exchequer,
      submitted to the house an estimate of the supplies required for the year,
      and of the ways and means by which he proposed to meet them. The
      expenditure was calculated at a grand total of £45,841,340, being
      £40,527,065 for Great Britain, and £5,314,275 for Ireland. Lord Petty's
      plan of finance, in order to meet this expenditure, assumed that the
      annual produce of the permanent and temporary revenue would continue equal
      to the produce of the preceding year; keeping these premises in view, Lord
      Petty proposed that the war-loans for this year and the two next should be
      £12,000,000 annually; for 1810, £14,000,000, and for the next ten years
      £16,000,000. These loans were to be made a charge on the war-taxes, which
      were estimated to produce £21,000,000 annually, and this charge was to be
      at the rate of ten per cent, on each loan, five per cent, interest, and
      the remainder as a sinking-fund, which at compound interest would redeem
      any sum of capital debt in fourteen years. Lord Petty said that the
      portion of war-taxes thus liberated successively might, if war continued,
      become applicable in a revolving series, and be again pledged for new
      loans. It was material, however, he explained that the property-tax should
      cease on the sixth of April next, after peace was ratified, and that on
      the result of the whole measure there would not be any new taxes imposed
      for the first three years from this time. All that was necessary would be
      new taxes, of less than £300, 000, on an average of seven years from 1810
      to 1816, inclusive. This, he continued, would procure for the country the
      full benefit of the plan proposed, which plan would be continued for
      twenty years, during the last ten of which no additional taxes would be
      required. This plan after repeated discussions was agreed to, and the
      funds rose so high in consequence, that the chancellor of the exchequer
      was able to negociate a loan on advantageous terms to the public.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Wilberforce seems to have placed his main dependence upon Fox, in the
      great question of the abolition of the slave-trade; but on the death of
      that minister, Lord Grenville took up the matter with greater zeal than he
      had manifested. On the 2d of January he introduced a bill for the total
      abolition of that inhuman traffic, and this bill was read a first time and
      printed. Counsel was heard at the bar of the house against it on the 4th
      of February; and next day, after an elaborate speech, Lord Grenville moved
      the second reading. He was warmly supported by the Duke of Gloucester, the
      Earl of Selkirk, Lord King, the Earl of Rosslyn, Lord Northesk, the Bishop
      of Durham, Lord Holland, the Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Moira; and as
      warmly opposed by the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Morton, the Earl of
      Westmoreland, and Lords Sidmouth, Eldon, Hawkes-bury, and St. Vincent. On
      a division, the bill was read a second time by one hundred against
      thirty-six; and on the 10th of February it was read a third time, and
      ordered to be sent to the commons for their concurrence. In the commons
      the reading was moved by Lord Howick; and so great had been the progress
      of philanthropic sentiments among British legislators that only sixteen
      ventured to oppose it; two hundred and eighty-three raised their voices in
      favour of it. The bill was read a third time on the 16th of March, and on
      the 18th it was carried back to the lords. Some amendments had been made
      in the commons, and these were assented to by the lords; and on the 25th
      the bill received the royal assent by commission. The bill enacted that no
      vessel should clear out for slaves from any port within the British
      dominions after the 14th of May, 1807; and that no slave should be landed
      in the colonies after the 1st of March, 1808. Thus this dark spot in the
      English annals was wiped out, and a noble example was set to the nations
      around who still trafficked in human flesh. It has, indeed, been justly
      observed that "almost all the mild and benignant laws, enacted for the
      benefit and protection of the negro slave, were of subsequent date to the
      first agitation of the question by the British parliament; and may,
      therefore, be fairly presumed to have been suggested by that movement."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Quick at the call of virtue, freedom, truth,
     Weak withering age, and strong aspiring youth,
     Alike the expanding power of pity felt;
     The coldest, hardest hearts began to melt;
     From breast to breast the flame of justice glowed&mdash;
     Wide o'er its banks the Nile of mercy flowed;
     Through all the isle, the gradual waters swelled,
     Mammon in vain the encircling flood repelled
     O'erthrown at length, like Pharaoh and his host,
     His shipwrecked hopes lay scattered round the coast."
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      Through the labours of Wilberforce, Clarkson, and other philanthropists,
      the slave-trade was therefore abolished: it remained for future
      philanthropists to emancipate those on whose naked limbs the shackles were
      fastened. On the day after the abolition bill had been carried, Lord Percy
      moved to bring in a bill for the gradual abolition of slavery in the West
      Indies. This motion was negatived; but it showed that the subject of their
      entire freedom would one day or other follow that of the abolition of the
      slave-trade.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR REMOVING THE DISABILITIES OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      With the present administration, the catholic question was made a subject
      of paramount importance. It was made a matter of discussion in the
      cabinet; and although, in consequence of Lord Sidmouth's aversion to the
      measure, and some interviews held by Lords Grenville and Howick with his
      majesty, the subject was for a time abandoned, yet about this time it was
      partially renewed by a bill for allowing promotion in the army and navy to
      Roman Catholics, as well as to other dissenters from the protestant
      establishment. This bill which had received the reluctant acquiescence of
      his majesty, was read a first time on the 5th of March, and was ordered to
      be read on the twelfth of the same month. In the meantime the king's
      sentiments underwent a material change; his coronation-oath would not, he
      said, allow him to give his royal assent to such a measure. The bill was
      postponed from the 12th, in consequence of this communication, to the
      18th, during which time ministers sought to remove the king's scruples.
      This, however, was a task which they were not able to perform, and they
      were at length compelled to consent to withdraw the bill altogether.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISMISSAL OF MINISTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The introduction of the bill described above caused a breach between his
      majesty and his ministers; a breach which admitted of no reparation.
      Confidence, indeed, between his majesty and his cabinet had never existed;
      for the king had accepted his ministers, not by choice, but by necessity.
      This was well known; and it is easy to believe, as some have represented,
      that his suspicion of them was increased by the whispers of men who were
      in search of place and power. Secret advisers, it is said, encouraged his
      majesty's scruples on the subject of the catholic question, while on the
      other hand it is asserted that the cabinet sought to impose the bill on
      his majesty by unfair means. Be this as it may, it led to their dismissal.
      On the 24th of March, Lord Grenville received a letter from his majesty,
      directing him and his colleagues to appear at the Queen's palace on the
      morrow, at half-past eleven o'clock, for the purpose of delivering up
      their seals of office. This mandate was obeyed; and "all the talents"
      ministry was thus dissolved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEW CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Previous to the dismissal of "all the talents" ministry, the king had been
      engaging successors. Between the 26th and the 31st of March the following
      appointments were announced:&mdash;the Duke of Portland, first lord of the
      treasury; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for the home department; Canning,
      secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Castlereagh, secretary for war and the
      colonies; the Earl of Chatham, master of the ordnance; Spencer Perceval,
      chancellor of the exchequer and under-treasurer of the exchequer; Earl
      Camden, lord-president of the council; Earl Bathurst, president of the
      board of trade, with George Rose for his vice; and the Earl of
      Westmoreland, keeper of the privy-seal. Lord Erskine had been permitted to
      retain the great seal for a week, in order that he might have time to
      pronounce his decrees on some chancery-suits which had been argued before
      him; but on the 1st of April, Lord Eldon was appointed, and sworn in in
      his stead. On the same day the Duke of Richmond was made lord-lieutenant
      of Ireland; and on the 3rd of April Lord Mulgrave was named first lord of
      the admiralty, and the honourable Dundas, president of the board of
      control. The remaining offices were filled up a few days after; and, among
      other appointments, George Rose became treasurer of the navy. The late
      ministry seems to have obtained not only the displeasure of his majesty,
      but of the country, by their introduction of the catholic question into
      the cabinet. A loud cry of "No popery!" was indeed heard at this time, and
      when they were dismissed, the public voice applauded his majesty's
      decision. Addresses poured in from all quarters, expressive of
      approbation, the terms of which may be seen from his majesty's reply to
      the address of the corporation of the city of London: "I receive with the
      greatest satisfaction the assurances you give me of your concurrence in
      those principles which have governed my conduct on the late important
      occasion. It has ever been my object to secure to all descriptions of my
      subjects the benefits of religions toleration; and it affords me
      particular gratification to reflect, that during my reign these advantages
      have been more generally and extensively engaged than at any former
      period; but at the same time I never can forget what is clue to the
      security of the ecclesiastical establishment of my dominions, connected as
      it is with our civil constitution and with all those blessings which, by
      the favour of Providence, have hitherto so eminently distinguished us
      among the nations of the world."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF STRENGTH BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the first meeting of Parliament, after the new appointments, there was
      a great trial of strength. In the course of negociation with the late
      ministers, his majesty had been advised to exact a written pledge from
      them, not only to abandon the catholic question, but never to resume it.
      His majesty could scarcely have found it necessary to demand of his new
      ministers such a pledge; yet, on the 9th of April, Mr. Brand moved in the
      commons, "that it is contrary to the first duties of the confidential
      servants of the crown to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed or
      implied, from offering to the king any advice that the course of
      circumstances might render necessary for the welfare and security of any
      part of his majesty's extensive empire." As it has been observed, this was
      a constitutional truism, a principle not to be denied without attacking
      the constitution itself. As, however, this motion, if carried, would have
      been followed by other resolutions, implying a want of confidence in men
      who had given such advice to his majesty, &amp;c, the new cabinet
      determined to try their strength on Brand's first motion. It was warmly
      supported by Mr. Fawkes, Sir Samuel Romilly, and others; and as warmly
      opposed by Perceval and Canning. The friends of the late administration
      were sanguine of success; but the Prince of Wales, having declared that
      the motion was of a nature which must affect the king personally, the
      prince's friends, including Sheridan, absented themselves, so that on a
      division it was rejected by two hundred and fifty-eight against two
      hundred and twenty-six. A similar motion was made in the lords, by the
      Marquis of Stafford; but it was there defeated by a large majority,
      chiefly through the same means and agencies by which it was lost in the
      commons. Lord Sidmouth on this occasion spoke and voted against his late
      colleagues. Moreover, a motion made in the commons, by Mr. Littleton, to
      express regret at the late change of administration, was defeated by a
      majority of two hundred and forty-four against ninety, so that ministers
      were triumphant.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Yet, notwithstanding their victory, ministers seem to have considered that
      they stood on very unsafe ground; for they advised his majesty to dissolve
      parliament, in order that a general election might take place. Canning had
      threatened this in opposing Brand's motion; but it was not supposed that a
      dissolution would take place before the end of May, and the regular close
      of the session. On the 27th of April, however, parliament was prorogued by
      commission, and on the 29th the king dissolved it by royal proclamation.
      Great efforts were made by both parties at the new general election; but
      so effectual were the exertions of the ministry,&mdash;so potent the cry
      of "No popery!" and, "The church is in danger!" &amp;c., raised by their
      partisans, both from the pulpit, by the press, and in society at large,
      that of all the members of the late cabinet, only Mr. Thomas Grenville
      resumed his seat in the commons for the place which he had before
      represented. Bribery, also, did its work effectually on this occasion:
      boroughs were sold at a price beyond all precedent; Tierney offered
      £10,000, for two seats, but his offer was refused, as too small for
      acceptance.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament was opened on the 22nd of June, and the king's speech
      delivered by commission on the 20th of the same month. The result of the
      elections soon became manifest. An amendment to the address, censuring the
      late dissolution of parliament, was rejected in the lords by one hundred
      and sixty against sixty-seven, and in the commons by three hundred and
      fifty against one hundred and fifty-five. The business transacted by the
      new ministry during this session was of little importance. A new military
      plan was introduced by Lord Castlereagh for increasing the regular army
      from the militia regiments, and supplying the deficiencies so occasioned
      by a supplementary militia. A bill was also introduced by Sir Arthur
      Wellesley for suppressing insurrection in Ireland, and another was passed
      to prevent improper persons from keeping arms. A bill was brought in by
      Whitbread for the education of the poor, by establishing schools in all
      the parishes of England. This bill passed the commons, but it was rejected
      by the lords. An address was carried in the commons, on the motion of Mr.
      Bankes, praying his majesty not to make any grant of an office in
      reversion till six weeks after the commencement of the session. In all
      these measures ministers had a large majority, and they had a fair
      prospect of being established in office. Parliament was prorogued on the
      14th of August, when the king's speech, which was again delivered by
      commission, breathed hope and cheerfulness.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the King of Prussia at the close of the last year seemed to be
      ruined, yet his spirit was not subdued. When Napoleon advanced in the hope
      of crushing him, Frederic William was at Memel, and his Russian allies
      were at Prussian-Eylau, A battle took place at Eylau on the 8th of
      February, between the Russians and the main body of Napoleon's army. A
      fearful slaughter took place on both sides, and neither could claim the
      victory. The Russians, indeed, still kept their ground, but as they had
      lost thousands, and there was no prospect of succours, and as Napoleon on
      the other hand would soon be joined by Berna-dotte's fresh division,
      Beningsen, the Russian general, thought it prudent on the next day to
      retreat. Having remained one week at Eylau, Napoleon moved onwards to the
      river Passarge, his head-quarters being at Oste-rode. From Osterode he
      sent offers of peace to the King of Prussia, while at the same time he
      took measures for recruiting his army and reducing Dantzic. The important
      city of Dantzic surrendered in May to Léfêbvre, and in the meantime
      re-enforcements had reached both armies. Then followed the battle of
      Friedland, in which Napoleon was again victorious; the Russians were
      utterly defeated, and while thousands fell on the field of battle,
      thousands more perished in the river Passarge, into which they plunged in
      order to escape from their pursuing enemies. Konigs-burg now surrendered
      to the French ruler. Beningsen retreated beyond the Niémen; but the French
      soon reached that river in the pursuit. The Russians now demanded an
      armistice, and this was conceded, and preparations made for an interview
      between the emperors on a raft moored in the middle of the river. There
      they met and embraced, conversing for a considerable time in sight of
      their armies on the opposite banks. In the course of their conversation,
      Alexander having expressed resentment against the British ministry&mdash;his
      reason being that they had departed from Pitt's system of subsidies&mdash;Napoleon
      replied, "In that case, the conditions of a treaty will be easily
      settled." On the following day Alexander crossed the river to Tilsit,
      where the two emperors where soon on terms of equality and friendship. But
      not so was the fallen monarch of Prussia: he was treated by his conqueror
      with harshness and disrespect, and even Alexander became cold in his
      manners towards his late ally.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PEACE OF TILSIT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A peace was concluded between France and Russia on the 7th of July. The
      conditions of this peace were various. The King of Prussia was restored to
      about one half of his dominions as far as the Elbe, but all the Prussian
      fortresses and sea-port towns were to remain in the hands of the French
      until England should be compelled to sign a treaty of peace. All the
      Polish provinces which Frederic William had acquired in the partition of
      1772 were disunited from his kingdom, and erected into a separate
      territory, to be called the Duchy of Warsaw, and were placed under the
      rule of the King of Saxony, who was to be allowed an open road through the
      Prussian province of Silesia. The circle of Cotbuss, also, was taken from
      Prussia and annexed to Saxony, and Dantzic was to be under the control of
      both kingdoms, only until a general peace it was to be garrisoned by the
      French. As a matter of course, the czar was not called upon to make any
      sacrifice. On the contrary, he was gratified with the cession of a part of
      Prussian-Poland, which materially strengthened his own frontier. France
      allowed Russia also to take Finland from Sweden; and Russia on her part
      engaged to close her ports against British ships, and to place herself at
      the head of a new northern coalition. Both Russia and Prussia acknowledged
      the thrones which Napoleon had erected, and recognised the confederation
      of the Rhine, and every other league which he had formed. Nay, they even
      sanctioned future spoliation and wrong. They recognised a throne which
      Buonaparte was about to erect for his brother Jerome&mdash;the throne of
      Westphalia. It was declared that this kingdom should consist of the
      provinces ceded by the King of Prussia, on the left bank of the Elbe, and
      of other states at present in the possession of his majesty, the Emperor
      Napoleon. In return for this courtesy, it was agreed that the relatives or
      connexions of Alexander, namely, the Dukes of Saxe Cobourg, Oldenburg,
      Mecklenburg-Schwerin, should be restored to their states, but only upon
      conditions that their sea-ports should be garrisoned by French soldiers
      till a treaty of peace should be signed between France and England. By the
      treaty of Tilsit, Russia agreed to make peace with the Porte, and to
      abandon Moldavia and Wallachia. Russia, likewise, ceded the Ionian Isles
      to France, and promised the evacuation of Cattaro, which as well as Ragusa
      was united with the kingdom of Italy. Although Russia promised to make
      peace with the Porte, a scheme was concocted for the future dismemberment
      of the empire, and for the distribution of its spoils to Russia, France,
      and Austria. Plots were also devised against Sweden and Spain, although
      the latter country had recently sacrificed its whole navy in Napoleon's
      cause, and whose army was still engaged for him in the north. The treaty
      of Tilsit was, in fact, nothing less than a league, avowed or secret, to
      enchain the world; most of the European countries were already enslaved,
      and those that were not were threatened. Even England was menaced; but
      England was still destined to be the avenger of humiliated thrones.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The naval force of England during this year maintained its supremacy. It
      was manifest to all the world, from the terms of the treaty of Tilsit,
      that Napoleon would, whenever it suited his purpose, occupy Denmark. Nay,
      it has been seen that a new northern confederation was to be formed, with
      Alexander the Emperor of Russia at its head. It was determined, therefore,
      by the British cabinet, that the confederated emperors should be
      anticipated: an armament of 20,000 men under Lord Cathcart, accompanied by
      a powerful fleet under Admiral Lord Gambier, was sent against Denmark.
      Before the expedition commenced operations, a British envoy required that
      the Danish fleet should be delivered into the hands of the British
      admiral, under a solemn agreement for its restoration whenever peace
      should be concluded between England and France. In case of refusal, the
      prince-royal was informed that the British commanders would proceed to
      hostilities; and as a direct refusal was given, operations soon commenced.
      The English army landed on the 16th of August without opposition; and
      Copenhagen was closely invested on the land side, while the fleet formed
      an impenetrable blockade by sea. A proclamation was issued by Lord
      Cathcart, notifying to the inhabitants of Zealand the motives of the
      expedition, and the conduct that would be observed towards them, with an
      assurance, that whenever his Britannic majesty's commands should be
      complied with hostilities would cease. Copenhagen was bombarded on the 2nd
      of September, and the firing continued, more or less actively, for four
      days, when a flag of truce was sent to the British commanders by the
      commandant of the garrison. A capitulation was settled on the 8th of
      September, and the British army took possession of the citadel,
      dock-yards, and batteries; engaging to restore them, and to evacuate
      Zealand, if possible, within six weeks. All the ships laid up in ordinary
      were rigged out and fitted by the British Admiral; and at the expiration
      of the term, they, together with the stores, timber, and other articles of
      naval equipment found in the arsenal, were conveyed to England. In the
      whole there were seventeen ships of the line, eight frigates, besides
      sloops, brigs, schooners, and gun-boats captured by the British admiral.
      But the most valuable part of the seizure consisted of the masts, spars,
      timber, sails, cordage, and other naval stores. They were so immense,
      that, exclusive of the quantity shipped on board of the British and Danish
      men-of-war, ninety transports brought away full cargoes. The expedition
      reached the Yarmouth-Roads and the Downs in safety on the 21 st of
      October.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the British fleet had passed the Sound, the Danes fitted out a
      number of small armed vessels, which made successful depredations on the
      English merchantmen in the Baltic. Soon after a declaration of war
      followed on the part of the Crown-Prince, being instigated thereto by
      having a formidable French army near at hand for his aid, and by having an
      alliance with the Emperor of Russia in perspective. This was followed by
      an order of reprisals from the British government against the ships,
      goods, and subjects of Denmark. But even before the capitulation of
      Copenhagen Vice-admiral T. Macnamara Russell and Captain Lord Falkland
      captured the small Danish island of Heligoland. All Europe exclaimed
      loudly against the apparent outrage that had been committed, whence his
      Britannic majesty ordered a declaration to be published, in justification
      of the motives which induced this expedition. In this declaration it was
      stated, "that the king had received positive information of the
      determination made by the ruler of France to occupy with a military force
      the territory of Holland, for the purpose of excluding Great Britain from
      her accustomed channels of continental communication; of inducing or
      compelling the court of Denmark to close the passage of the Sound against
      British navigation; and availing himself of the aid of the Danish marine
      for the invasion of Great Britain and Ireland." Further, that Holstein
      once occupied, Zealand would be at the mercy of France, and the navy of
      Denmark at her disposal. Looking on the surface of the matter, the justice
      of the expedition appears to be of an equivocal nature; but when it is
      recollected that Denmark would have formed one of the most formidable
      sections of the projected northern confederation, it must be confessed
      that it was a justifiable precaution on the part of the British
      government.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of December the Danish West India islands of St. Thomas,
      St. John's, and Santa Croce surrendered to a squadron commanded by Sir
      Alexander Cochrane, and a small military force under General Bowyer. A
      great many merchant vessels carrying the Danish flag were also captured.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOSTILITIES AGAINST TURKEY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another armament dispatched by the Grenville ad-ministration led to no
      very honourable result. Towards the end of November, 1806, when our
      diplomatists at the Ottoman Porte had been circumvented by the French, and
      had failed in their endeavours to prevent the sultan from engaging in a
      war with the czar Admiral Louis appeared off Tenedos and the coast of Troy
      with three line-of-battle ships and four frigates. It was an ancient rule,
      that no ships of war were to pass either the straits of the Dardanelles or
      the straits of the Bosphorus; but, nevertheless, Admiral Louis sent a ship
      of the line and a frigate through the former, and the Turks, wishing to
      avoid hostilities with the English, let them pass their tremendous
      batteries without firing at them. They came to anchor off Constantinople,
      and while there some attempts at negociation were renewed on shore. These
      negociations, however, were all rendered abortive, partly by the skill of
      the French envoy, Sebastiani; partly by the lack of ability in our
      ambassador, Mr. Arbuthnot; partly by the victories that Napoleon was
      gaining over the Austrians and Russians; and partly by the neutral ground
      which the Austrian envoy took, and the shuffling and tergiversation of the
      ministers of Spain and Holland. Evil reports, also, had their effect on
      the sultan. It was told him that a large English fleet was on its way to
      the Dardanelles and Constantinople, and that his capital would soon be
      bombarded. In such an unenviable position did the British envoy stand,
      that he thought it prudent to take his departure from Turkey. Secret
      preparations were made for this purpose, and a scheme was also devised for
      carrying off with him the persons attached to his embassy, and the British
      merchants settled at Constantinople. After disclosing his project to two
      or three persons, he requested the captain of the English frigate,
      "Endymion," which remained at anchor near the mouth of the Golden-Horn, to
      invite him, his legation, and the merchants, to a grand dinner on board.
      All were invited, and all went to partake of the captain's good cheer, not
      dreaming that there was anything in the wind beyond a good dinner and a
      few patriotic toasts. While yet round the festive board, however, Mr.
      Arbuthnot gravely informed the merchants that they must go with him to
      England; and it was in vain that they pleaded their wives and numerous
      families were left on shore: it was answered, the Turks would not hurt
      their wives and families, and that they must go away with him as they
      were. The guests lost their appetites by this announcement; and at eight
      o'clock in the evening the "Endymion" cut her cables, and got under weigh;
      subsequently joining Admiral Louis's squadron, off the island of Tenedos.
      Mr. Arbuthnot now finding himself in safety, wrote to the divan to explain
      the motives of his sudden departure, and to propose the renewal of
      negociations. Feyzi Effendi, a Mussulman of high rank, was ordered to open
      a conference with the British ambassador; and day after day passed in
      negociations, but all to no purpose. At length, on the 10th of February,
      Sir John Duckworth arrived off Tenedos, with some more ships of the line
      and two bomb-vessels; and this force being united to that of Admiral
      Louis, made up a squadron of eight line-of-battle ships, two frigates, and
      two bombs. The French envoy, by his agent, M. de Lascours, had endeavoured
      to impress the necessity of exertion on the mind of the Turkish
      negociator; but he had a predilection for the English, and would not
      believe that they would commence hostilities with the divan. It was not
      written in the book of destiny that the English should come; and if they
      did, there were guns enough to sink them all: the expenses which the
      French recommended, were, in fact, unnecessary: God was great. Nor did the
      arrival of the squadron of Sir John Duckworth interrupt the conference
      between the British envoy and the Turkish negociator, or incite him to
      greater exertion; he still smoked his pipe, and hoped that all things
      would end well. His confidence was possibly increased by a terrible
      disaster which befell the "Ajax," one of Sir J. Duckworth's squadron.
      While at anchor off Tenedos, she took fire, and about two hundred and
      fifty men and women perished in the flames; the rest, including the
      Captain, Blackwood, escaped by leaping into the sea, where they were
      picked up by boats sent for their relief.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir John Duckworth had orders to force the passage of the Dardanelles,
      anchor before Constantinople, and bombard the city, unless certain
      conditions were complied with. The passage of the straits was effected in
      the midst of a fire from the forts of Sestos and Abydos. At the same time
      Sir Sidney Smith directed his efforts against a squadron; and a battery,
      which, if completed, might have defended the Turkish vessels, was stormed
      by a party of the British. The Turkish squadron and bastion were
      destroyed, in which enterprise Sir Sidney Smith lost only four men killed
      and twenty-six wounded. Sir John Duckworth now passed in apparent triumph
      into the Bosphorus, whence he sent a letter to the Reis Effendi, demanding
      a declaration of the sultan's views&mdash;whether he was determined to
      espouse the cause of France, or renew his alliance with England, and
      second her efforts in opposing the tyranny of Napoleon. The British were
      again overreached by French subtilty. Sebastiani, the French envoy,
      inspired the Sultan with confidence, and persuaded him to enter into a
      negociation, while in the mean time all the approaches to Constantinople
      should be fortified. All this was done, and when the proposals of the
      British government were rejected, the wind and current, as Sebastiani had
      foreseen, prevented the hostile fleet from taking such a position as would
      enable it effectually to bombard the city. Sir John Duckworth, therefore,
      was obliged to hasten his departure; and in repassing the Dardanelles, he
      sustained considerable loss from the fire of the castles. A new enemy was
      added to the list already in battle array against England. In Turkey, her
      agents and settlers were exposed to considerable annoyance, and a
      sequestration of British property to a large amount was promptly executed
      in various quarters. The fate which awaited the Mussulman negociator was a
      lamentable one: he was accused of imbecility or treachery; and his head
      was taken off his shoulders to decorate the niche over the Seraglio gate:
      he paid dear for his friendly feelings towards the English. So ended the
      famed expedition to the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. It broke the spell
      by which the passage of the Dardanelles had for ages been guarded; but
      beyond this it was little more than a brilliant bravado, followed by a
      series of humiliating blunders. And yet no investigation was instituted
      into the causes of the failure, Sir John Duckworth being a favourite
      admiral of the "all talents" ministry; and subsequently, after their
      dismissal, he being sheltered from censure by the strife of parties.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1807&mdash;1809
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A still more imbecile expedition was sent by the "all talents," ministry
      against Egypt. In the hope of subduing that country, and thus opposing a
      barrier to the design which Napoleon meditated against our oriental
      possessions, a force of 5,000 men, under the command of Major-general
      Mackenzie Fraser, was ordered to invade it. These troops effected a
      landing on the coast of Alexandria, and a detachment seized and occupied
      the fort of Aboukir. Alexander also surrendered to the British arms, and
      its easy conquest induced General Fraser to attempt the reduction of
      Rosetta. The inhabitants of that town, however, were more courageous than
      the Alexandrians: every house therein was used as a fortress, whence a
      constant fire was directed against the assailants. The attempt to take it
      was a complete failure: the British were obliged to retreat with loss. A
      second attempt was made with about half the army; but it was fruitless: a
      retreat again became necessary, and the troops were obliged to fight their
      way back to Alexandria. General Fraser remained at Alexandria till
      September, when, finding that its retention was impracticable, he obtained
      the release of every British prisoner by consenting to evacuate Egypt.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISASTERS IN SOUTH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It is an old proverb that "misfortunes never come alone." Thus it was with
      the expeditions planned by the "all talents" ministry&mdash;t was hoped
      that the reverses in the Mediterranean might be compensated in the South
      Atlantic Oceans; but this hope was illusive. In October 1806, a
      re-enforcement had been sent to the Rio de la Plata, under Sir Samuel
      Auchmuty, who, on arriving at Maldonado, resolved to attack the strong
      post of Monte Video, the key to the navigation of that river. His efforts
      were at first successful,&mdash;the town and castle with fifty-seven
      vessels of war and trade were captured. This success, however, was
      followed by a series of reverses, induced by rashness and misconduct. When
      intelligence arrived in England of the re-capture of Buenos Ayres by the
      Spaniards, orders were transmitted to General Crauford, who had been sent
      against Chili with 4,200 men, accompanied by a naval force, under Admiral
      Murray, to proceed with his army to the river Plate. He reached Monte
      Video on the 14th of June, where he found General Whitelocke, with a
      re-enforcement from England of 1,600 men. The chief command of the British
      forces was entrusted to General Whitelocke, and he had orders to reduce
      the whole province of Buenos Ayres. A general attack on the town was
      ordered to be made on the 5th of July, each corps being directed to enter
      the streets opposite to it, and all with unloaded muskets. No mode of
      attack could have been so ill-adapted against a town consisting of
      flat-roofed houses, disposed in regular streets, intersecting each other
      at right angles. Volleys of grape-shot were poured on our columns in front
      and flank as they advanced, and they were equally assailed from the
      house-tops. The service was executed, but it was with the frightful loss
      of 2,500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Sir Samuel Auchmuty
      succeeded in making himself master of the Plaza de Toros, where he took
      eighty-two pieces of cannon, and an immense quantity of ammunition; but
      General Crauford, with his brigade, and Lieutenant Colonel Duff, with a
      detachment under his command, were obliged to surrender. Surrounded with
      foes, General Whitelocke, who had arrogantly refused to treat before the
      attack, now consented to a negociation with the Spanish commandant; and he
      not only agreed to evacuate the town, on condition of recovering his own
      prisoners, and those taken from General Beresford, but to give up Monte
      Video, with every other place on the Rio de la Plata held by British
      troops, within the space of two months. The result of this expedition
      brought General Whitelocke before a court-martial, and he was sentenced to
      be cashiered for lack of zeal, judgment, and personal exertion. Against
      the ill-success of these expeditions, the solitary capture of the Dutch
      colony of Curacoa only can be recorded: this island surrendered, on the
      1st of January, to a squadron of our frigates under Commodore Brisbane.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Emperor of Russia strongly resented the conduct of England towards
      Denmark; and as the treaty of Tilsit had tended to relax the bond of union
      between England and Russia, it was feared that Alexander might soon
      combine against that power with which he had so long co-operated. These
      fears were soon realized. A manifesto soon issued from the imperial palace
      of Petersburgh, in which this country was not only accused of provoking a
      war by the enterprise against Denmark, but as "cooly contemplating a
      bloody war, which had been kindled at her will, while she sent troops to
      attack Buenos Ayres; and as despatching from Sicily another army, which
      appeared destined to make a diversion in Italy, to the African coast, for
      the purpose of seizing and appropriating Egypt to herself." This
      declaration was followed by a spirited reply on the part of the British
      government, by the British ambassador's leaving Petersburgh, and by a
      grant of letters of marque and reprisals against Russian vessels. The
      Emperor of Russia now issued a declaration of war against England, and
      proclaimed anew the principles of the armed neutrality, and engaged that
      there should be no peace between Russia and England until satisfaction
      should have been given to Denmark. Such were his pretexts for declaring
      war against his late powerful ally; but it is clear from the treaty of
      Tilsit, that war was in his heart before England had committed the
      aggressions, if aggressions they were, of which he so loudly complained.
      Moreover, had English subsidies still been forthcoming, Alexander had yet
      been the friend of King George.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      FRENCH INVASION OF PORTUGAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Napoleon was equally clamorous against England as was Alexander for her
      conduct towards Denmark. While, however, he was making Europe ring with
      his maledictions against her, for violating the neutrality of Denmark, he
      was devising schemes and giving positive orders for falling upon Portugal
      in a time of peace. On the 27th of October it was agreed between France
      and Spain&mdash;That Spain should grant a free passage through her
      territories, and supply with provisions a French army to invade Portugal;
      that she should also furnish a body of troops to co-operate with the said
      French army; and that as soon as the conquest should be completed, the
      provinces which now composed the kingdom of Portugal should be divided
      between the King of Etruria, the King of Spain's grandson, and Manuel
      Godoy, who was the Queen of Spain's infamous favourite. Thus the province
      of Jutra Douro, and Minho, with the city of Oporto, was to fall to the lot
      of the King of Etruria, and was to be erected into a kingdom, under the
      name of Northern Lusitania; and the sovereignty of the Alentejo and
      Algarves was to be given to Godoy, who was to assume the title of the
      Sovereign Prince of the Algarves. These two principalities were to own the
      King of Spain as their protector; but France was to keep the city of
      Lisbon, and the provinces of Tras-os-Montes, Beira, and Estremadura until
      the period of a general peace. In consideration of obtaining this new
      kingdom, the Queen of Etruria, acting as regent for her son, was to
      abdicate and give to Napoleon those districts in Italy which he had
      previously annexed to the King of Etruria's kingdom. This treaty was not
      signed, as before seen, until the 27th of October; but nine days before
      this a French army had crossed the Bidaso, and had commenced its march
      through Spain for the Portuguese frontier. This army was commanded by
      Junot; and on the 26th of November that commander advanced to Abrantes,
      within three days' march from Lisbon. The Moniteur had already announced
      that "the house of Braganza had ceased to reign;" and as if to fulfil this
      imperial edict, the royal family embarked on board a British fleet and set
      sail for the Brazils, leaving the country in the hands of the enemy. In
      the whole, about 18,000 Portuguese abandoned their homes and their country
      with their sovereign. They were accompanied a part of their voyage by a
      strong British squadron, under the command of Admiral Sir Sidney Smith;
      and when that commander left them, he returned to blockade the Tagus.
      Junot's first measure was, on entering Lisbon, to disarm the inhabitants:
      and this done he commenced the levy of contributions. In every respect he
      treated the country as a conquest of France, and his Spanish auxiliaries
      followed the example of his rapacity. The Portuguese, indeed, were so
      oppressed by the French and Spanish, that they everywhere cherished the
      intention of rising upon the invaders, and they looked to England, whose
      flag was never out of sight of their coasts, for aid in their extremity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MILAN DECREE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The British order in council of the 7th of January, prohibiting neutrals
      from trading to any port in the possession or under the control of the
      enemy not being efficient, additional orders were issued, on the 11th of
      November, declaring every port from which England was excluded to be in a
      state of blockade, and all trade in its produce illegal, and liable
      therefore to be captured. The Americans were allowed still to trade with
      the enemy's colonies for articles of their own consumption; but the double
      restriction was imposed on their intercourse between France and her
      colonies, of calling at a British port and paying a British duty. To avoid
      the losses and hostilities apprehended from the measures of the two great
      belligerent powers, the British council likewise laid a strict embargo on
      all American vessels, by which they were prohibited from leaving their
      ports, while the ships of all other nations were ordered to quit the
      harbours of the United States, with or without cargoes, so soon as they
      should receive notification of the act. These directions were responded to
      by Napoleon, by his celebrated Milan decree, which enacted "that all
      vessels entering a port of France after having touched England should be
      seized and confiscated, with their cargoes, without exception or
      distinction." This decree was succeeded by another on the 19th of
      December, which had more explicit reference to our late orders in council,
      and which declared "that every neutral which submitted to be searched by
      an English ship, or which paid any duty to the British Government, should,
      in consequence, become liable to seizure, as a lawful prize, by French
      ships of war." Neutral powers, as it has been observed, were thus placed
      between two fires: if they entered a French port without paying a duty on
      their cargoes in England, they were subjected to capture by British
      cruizers; and if they touched at England for that purpose, they became
      subject to confiscation in the ports of France. The system, however, which
      Napoleon had adopted towards British commerce, and which gave rise to
      these perplexities among nations, was the means by which he was hurled
      from his throne.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The orders in council described above gave rise to much irritation in the
      United States. Another unfortunate subject of dispute also rose between
      the two countries: an American vessel was seized by Captain Humphries,
      because the commandant refused to admit a search for some deserters which
      were supposed to be on board. In consequence of this a proclamation was
      issued by the president, ordering all British ships of war to quit the
      harbours of the United States. Satisfaction for the outrage was demanded
      of Great Britain; and although the British ministry expressed their
      readiness to make reparation for the act of unauthorized aggression which
      had been committed; disavowed the conduct of Admiral Berkley, under whose
      orders Captain Humphries had acted; and sent a special envoy to America,
      with overtures of conciliation, as will be seen in a future page, the
      breach was not healed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1808
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 31st of January, when the speech, which was
      delivered by commission, dwelt at great length upon foreign affairs, and
      mentioned nearly every country in Europe as in a state of hostility to
      England. Some light was thrown by it upon the system conceived by Napoleon
      for uniting all the navies of Europe against us: it was shown that he had
      counted upon obtaining the fleets of Portugal and Denmark; and regret was
      expressed that, in the latter case, we had been compelled to resort to
      force. The Hostility of Russia was attributed to the military successes
      and machinations of France. Allusion was made to the differences existing
      between England and the United States of America. Greater exertions were
      inculcated, and the determination was announced of never yielding to
      pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain.
      Commerce, notwithstanding Napoleon's Berlin and Milan decrees, was still
      in a flourishing state; for the produce of the taxes and duties was
      considered to demand his majesty's congratulation to parliament. The
      speech concluded with asserting that the sole object of the war was to
      attain a lasting and honourable peace; that there never was a more just
      and national war waged than the present; that the eyes of all Europe and
      the world were fixed upon the British parliament; that his majesty felt
      confident that they would display the characteristic spirit of the British
      nation, and boldly face the combination which had gathered around us; and
      that his majesty was firmly persuaded that, under the blessings of
      Providence, Great Britain would ultimately triumph. The addresses were
      carried in both houses without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The attention of parliament was early called to the expedition to
      Copenhagen; which was, by a large party, both in parliament and the
      kingdom at large, considered a disgrace to the administration from whom
      the plan emanated. The act was chiefly defended on the plea of necessity,
      arising from the powerful combination of European states formed against us
      after the treaty of Tilsit. Several motions were made on this subject by
      opposition; but in every instance they were outvoted by immense
      majorities. In these debates Mr. Canning was the great champion of the
      ministry; and his eloquence was such that he bore away the palm from every
      competitor, and carried conviction to every unprejudiced and candid mind.
      It has been well remarked, "A capital part of the case reduced itself
      simply to this:&mdash;if we did not make sure of the Danish fleet,
      Buonaparte was sure to get it, a little sooner or later. The justification
      adopted by our government may be explained with almost equal brevity: a
      man knows that his next-door neighbour has in his possession a large
      barrel of gunpowder; he may believe that his neighbour will not set fire
      to this powder so as to endanger his house and property, but he knows that
      there is an evil-disposed person living over the way, who has a design
      upon the powder, and the intention of blowing up his house with it; and
      knowing at the same time that the owner of the powder cannot defend it or
      keep it out of the way of the evil-disposed person, he demands that it
      should be put into his hands, which are strong enough to keep it, and
      which can put it beyond the reach of the evil-disposed party; offering to
      restore it when the danger shall be passed, or to pay the price of it: and
      when the weak neighbour rejects this proposition, he takes the powder by
      force, to prevent its being seized and employed against his own house and
      property." Just so it was in the matter of Denmark. That country had a
      powerful navy which she would not have used against England herself, but
      Napoleon wanted it for that purpose; and to prevent his designs, England
      demanded it for a time till the danger was over; and this being refused,
      seized it <i>sans cérémonie</i>. It was the law of self-preservation which
      dictated this act of our government; and Grotius, a great writer on the
      law of nations, has remarked:&mdash;"I may, without considering whether it
      is merited or not, take possession of that which belongs to another man,
      if I have any reason to apprehend any evil to myself from his holding it.
      I cannot make myself master or proprietor of it, the property having
      nothing to do with the end which I propose; but I can keep possession of
      the thing seized till my safety be sufficiently provided for." The
      instinct of duty and self-preservation suggests this course. And thus it
      was that our government was induced to seize the navy of Denmark. And it
      was seized without any declaration of war on our part, for the simple
      reason that dispatch was necessary. If we had delayed, the Danish fleet
      would soon have been in the hands of the enemy; hence his maledictions
      against what he termed our "aggressions:" we had anticipated him, and he
      was mortified with the bitter disappointment he thereby sustained.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of February Mr. Perceval, the chancellor of the exchequer,
      moved that the orders in council should be referred to the committee of
      ways and means. The opposition took this opportunity of declaring that we
      ought not to retaliate by such measures; that these orders were unjust,
      and would do as much mischief as the Berlin and Milan decrees; that they
      were as contrary to justice as to policy; and that they went to violate
      both the law of nations and the municipal law of England. On the other
      hand it was argued, that we had a right to retaliate upon the enemy his
      own measures; that if he declared we should have no trade, we had equal
      right to declare he should have none; and that if he proclaimed British
      manufactures and colonial produce good prize, we were justified in doing
      the same with respect to France. This was inculcating the old worldy maxim
      of "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth;" and ministers were
      supported in their line of policy by a large majority. Subsequently, a
      bill, brought in by the chancellor of the exchequer, for regulating the
      orders in council, as they affected neutrals, was carried through both
      houses. This had reference to the differences between England and America;
      and it was followed by a bill for regulating commercial intercourse with
      the United States, which was intended to give time for making some
      amicable arrangements with the Americans; continuing at the same time
      another act without which trade could not have been carried on with
      England in American vessels.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In opening the budget for this year the chancellor of the exchequer stated
      the amount of supplies at about £43,000,000 for England, and £5,700,000
      for Ireland. The produce of the war-taxes was estimated at £20,000,000,
      and among the ways and means was a loan of £8,000,000, and more than
      £300,000 additional taxes. As Portugal was occupied, Sicily threatened,
      and Sweden brought to the brink of ruin by its alliance with England, an
      increase of soldiers and sailors was demanded. The number of seamen voted
      for the year was 130,000; and the total number of soldiers, cavalry and
      infantry, was 300,000. All the corps were represented as being in a higher
      state of discipline than heretofore; and although 24,000 men had been
      drafted from the militia into the regular army, it was stated that it was
      nearer to its establishment than it had been last year. On the motion of
      Lord Castlereagh a bill was introduced for establishing a local militia of
      200,000 men, to be trained for twenty-eight days every year; and this
      bill, which passed into a law, extended to Scotland. Lord Castlereagh
      moved, likewise, for the insertion of a clause in the mutiny bill, to
      permit soldiers to enlist for life; and this was carried in spite of the
      stern opposition of Windham, whose system it affected. Early in the
      session Mr. Bankes re-produced his bill for preventing the grant of
      offices in reversion, or for joint lives with benefit of survivorship; but
      though it passed the commons, it was rejected by the lords. Subsequently
      he brought forward a new bill, limited to one year's duration, which
      passed into a law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session there was a vehement debate on Ireland. The
      late ministry and their friends attributed the disaffection which still
      prevailed in that unhappy country to the coercive policy of the present
      administration. The appointment of Dr. Duigenau, to a seat in the
      privy-council, which took place about this time, was considered as a
      wanton insult to the feelings of the Irish people; and as Mr. Canning was
      mainly instrumental in making that appointment, he was unsparingly
      condemned for the act. Mr. Tierney asked how ministers could suppose, that
      in recommending such an appointment, they were cherishing that unity and
      harmony which it appeared to be his majesty's earnest desire to cultivate.
      It was the boast of Mr. Canning, he said, to be the representative of Mr.
      Pitt's opinions; but, he would venture to say, that if Mr. Pitt were
      living, he would be ashamed of such an appointment; and that he never
      would have lent himself to the contemptible system of irritation which the
      present administration seemed to have adopted. This debate took place on
      the presentation of the Roman Catholic petition, on which occasion
      ministers were anxious to elude the question. Opposition, however, not
      only pressed it upon them in this debate, but also in others, when it was
      wholly out of place; going occasionally to some unjustifiable lengths, in
      the way of assertion. Thus Lord Hawkesbury affirmed, that ministers and
      the country had learned from the disaffected in Ireland, that there were
      secret engagements in the treaty of Tilsit, which secret engagements he
      declared in his speech. All the powers of Europe, he said, were to be
      confederated to engage or seize on the fleets of Denmark and Portugal; and
      then Ireland was to be attacked from two points, i.e. from Lisbon and
      Copenhagen. This ministers, he added, had learned from the disaffected in
      Ireland, and they had never yet found the information of these parties
      false!
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION RESPECTING THE DROITS OF ADMIRALTY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sir Francis Burdett, considering that the proceeds from the droits of
      admiralty were so large as to become dangerous to public liberty, moved,
      with a view to ulterior inquiry, that an account of the net proceeds paid
      out of the court of admiralty since the 1st of January, 1793, with the
      balances now remaining, be laid before the house, which motion was agreed
      to. This year witnessed a diminution of rigour in our criminal code. Sir
      Samuel Romilly introduced a bill to repeal so much of an act of Elizabeth
      as tended to take away the benefit of the clergy from offenders convicted
      of stealing privately from the person. A clause was introduced by the
      solicitor-general, providing that the act, instead of being punished by
      death, should be punished by transportation for life, or for a term of
      years, according to the discretion of the judge. During this session a
      bill was also passed for the better administration of justice in Scotland;
      its object being to divide the court of session into two chambers of seven
      or eight judges; to give those courts certain powers for making
      regulations with respect to proceedings, and to executions in pending
      appeals, and also for issuing commissions to ascertain those cases in
      which it might be proper to establish a trial by jury. In the course of
      this session the charges against the Indian administration of the Marquess
      Wellesley were fully disposed of by his full and entire acquittal. Sir
      John Anstruther's motion, that the noble marquess had been actuated by an
      ardent zeal for the service of his country, and by an ardent desire to
      promote the interests, safety, and prosperity of the British empire, was
      carried by one hundred and eighty-nine against twenty-nine. Subsequently a
      vote of thanks was given to the noble marquess for his services in the
      Copenhagen expedition; and in communicating this, the speaker of the house
      of commons dilated on his Indian exploits, and pointed him out as the
      officer best fitted to command in chief a great expedition. While
      parliament was sitting, a grand movement had begun in Spain against the
      French nation; and Sheridan called the attention of the house to this
      subject, and demanded its exertions in favour of the Spanish cause. But
      ministers seemed to think, that though they fully sympathized with the
      patriots who had taken up arms in that country, the time had not arrived
      for the interference of England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 4th of July. By this time
      ministers had become convinced that it was their duty to aid the Spaniards
      in their struggle against Napoleon; for the commissioners stated, in his
      majesty's name, that the Spanish nation must now be considered as the ally
      of Great Britain, and that it was his majesty's intention to make every
      exertion in his power for the support of their cause.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RISING OF THE SPANISH NATION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that a compact had been entered into between Napoleon and
      the Spanish court for a division of Portugal, when the conquest of that
      country should be made. Napoleon, however, never intended that Spain
      should share in the spoils of his conquests. Contrary to the treaty, the
      Spaniards were almost wholly excluded from the occupation of the country;
      and added to this, French troops suddenly marched by different routes into
      the very heart of the Spanish kingdom. The Spaniards saw their soil in the
      hands of a foreigner, and their proud hearts beat high with indignation at
      the outrage committed. Godoy, the "Prince of Peace," saw that he had been
      overreached, and that his empire, as well as that of his master, was at an
      end. He advised the royal family to take refuge in flight; but the people
      seeing that this was determined upon, resolved upon a desperate
      resistance. One voice alone was heard throughout the provinces, and that
      one voice loudly accused Godoy of imbecility or treason. A terrible
      sedition broke out at Aranguez, in March of the present year. Summoned to
      arms by Ferdinand, the Prince of Austria, an avowed foe to Godoy, the
      whole population rose, stormed the palace in which the favourite dwelt,
      abused him, and would have murdered him, but for the intercession of the
      queen. Covered with wounds, he was, however, conducted to prison, and then
      they compelled the king to resign, and placed the sceptre of power in the
      hands of his son Ferdinand, who had incited the revolt. Ferdinand entered
      Madrid in the character of King of the two Spains; but the French troops,
      under Murat, entered that city on the next day, and the newly-created king
      soon discovered who was to be master. Murat refused to acknowledge the
      Prince of Austria as king, and announced the near arrival of Napoleon in
      Madrid. He was advised to go to meet Napoleon, in order to secure his
      favour; but when he met him at Bayonne, he was informed that the French
      emperor's determination was to remove the Bourbon house from the Spanish
      throne. He was compelled to declare the unconditional restoration of the
      crown to his father, who was called to Bayonne for the purpose of
      receiving it; and then the old monarch ceded to Napoleon by treaty all his
      rights to the throne of Spain and India, with the single condition, that
      the prince whom the emperor intended to place thereon should be
      independent, and that the Roman Catholic religion should continue to be
      the only religion in Spain. The king, the queen the royal family, and
      Godoy received in return an assured abode in France, with certain
      pensions; and the whole court went immediately to the castle of Compeigne,
      which the conqueror allotted them. Napoleon now gave the throne of Spain
      to his brother Joseph, who reigned at Naples, giving the latter throne to
      Joachim Murat, Grand Duke of Bergand Cleves. The members of the national
      junta were now convoked to Bayonne from all parts of the kingdom, and anew
      constitution was formed, after which Joseph set out for his kingdom in
      Spain. Napoleon thought his work consummated; but events proved that it
      was only now commenced. The royal house of the Bourbons had vanished, but
      the nation still lived. The news of what had passed at Bayonne filled all
      Spain with fury: the national pride revolted against the yoke of the
      foreigner, and a contest was roused, the flames of which raged over all
      the provinces of the kingdom. In the very day that Napoleon declared his
      brother King of Spain, the junta of Seville proclaimed war against the
      oppressor; and on the day of the entrance of King-Joseph into Madrid, the
      French were repulsed from Saragossa, and compelled to lay down their arms
      at Baylen, to the number of 26,000 men. So furious was the storm of war
      which Napoleon had thus called up throughout the whole country, that his
      brother Joseph was obliged to quit Madrid one week after his entry
      therein. In every part the population rose to arms and massacred the
      French: the very clergy aiding the people and the army to root them from
      their soil. From this time for six long years Spain fought against the
      formidable forces of the world's tyrant; and, as will be seen in a future
      page, she came off victorious. At the very first onset, indeed, by the
      capitulation at Baylen, the charm of French invincibility was broken, and
      the star of Napoleon was covered with an opaque cloud. It was this battle,
      fought in July, which induced England to assist the Spaniards. Money,
      arms, munitions of every sort, and troops were sent to both Spain and
      Portugal; and, as regards the latter country, their power was soon
      rendered effective.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1807&mdash;1809
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. CONFEDERATION OF FRANCE AND RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Upon receiving the intelligence of these reverses, Napoleon assembled a
      far more powerful army, and resolved to crush the insurrection of Spain at
      least in person. Other dangers, however, awaited him. Alarmed at the
      treaty of Tilsit, and invigorated by its consequences, Austria had
      increased her regular force, and organized a militia; and the French
      reverses in Spain and Portugal gave a new impulse to her evident
      preparations for war. Napoleon saw this with alarm, and he resolved at
      once to menace and insult that country, by arranging the co-operation of
      Russia and the confederated states of the Rhine against the Emperor of
      Austria, should he attempt to take advantage of the Spanish war. A meeting
      between Napoleon and Alexander of Russia took place at Erfurt in September
      and October; and although the sovereigns of the confederation of the Rhine
      were permitted to pay their court there, Austria was excluded as a
      secondary power. Thus insulted afresh, the Emperor of Austria resolved in
      the course of the next year to renew the struggle with France, though he
      should find himself opposed to Russia likewise. A mysterious veil covered
      for a time the transactions of Erfurt; but what transpired in relation to
      them and what ensued justified the conjecture that they confirmed the
      conventions of the treaty of Tilsit; and that the new dynasty in Spain was
      acknowledged by Russia for permitting her to aggrandize herself in the
      north and the east. From Erfurt the two emperors directed a common
      proposal of peace to the King of England, accompanied by the declaration,
      that this step was the consequence of the most intimate connexion of the
      two greatest monarchs of the continent for war as well as for peace; but
      this proposal was without effect. They were answered that, however
      desirous both the government and the people might be to put an end to the
      miseries of war, they were prepared to endure any extremity before they
      sacrificed the interest of their allies by negociating a separate peace,
      and leaving Sicily, Sweden, Portugal, and Spain to the tender mercies of
      Napoleoa. "The hideous presence of the British leopards" was still to
      prove a terror to Frenchmen.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having strengthened his alliance with the Emperor of Russia, Napoleon
      recalled his legions from the banks of the Niémen, the Spree, the Elbe,
      and the Danube, in order to reduce Spain. Placing himself at the head of
      them, he crossed the Pyrenees early in November, and the battles of
      Burgos, Espinosa, and Tudela, fought under his auspices, once more placed
      his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain. Napoleon, accompanied by
      Joseph, again occupied Madrid; and he now sought to appease the fury of
      its inhabitants and of the people in the provinces by conciliatory
      measures. The promises made to the Spanish people were ample; but he spoke
      to men who had no ears for his offers, On every hand the population flew
      to arms, and all vowed to drive him from their land. Even conflicting
      parties agreed to shake off their natural enmity to each other, in order
      to effect this triumph. A guerilla warfare was now pursued: agile bands of
      men appeared, and having cut off some of their enemies, retired with equal
      rapidity. In the meantime a British army, under General Moore, was
      marching to their aid from Portugal. When this army had arrived at
      Salamanca, however, the Spaniards had already experienced successive
      defeats, so that when Napoleon advanced against him, General Moore deemed
      it prudent to retreat. The French emperor expressed his joy aloud at
      seeing the "British leopards" fly before him; but while pursuing them he
      received fresh accounts of the preparation of Austria, and suddenly
      turning his horse, he returned to Burgos, and from thence hurried to
      Paris. Soult was left to combat with the English; and that general,
      overtaking them at Corunna, was defeated by them, though inferior in
      numbers. The greatest loss on the side of the English was that of their
      commander, Sir John Moore, who was mortally wounded by a cannon-ball. So
      great was the bravery displayed by General Moore on this occasion, that
      his very antagonists erected a monument to his memory. After his death the
      command of the army devolved on Sir John Hope, who pursued a plan devised
      by General Moore, that of embarkation during the night, and who carried
      this plan into effect with complete success. The British quitted Spain in
      January, 1800, leaving the Spaniards to struggle with the French by their
      own prowess.
    </p>
    <p>
      The flame of patriotism enkindled in Spain soon spread to Portugal. The
      Portuguese arose against Junofc, and they were quickly aided in their
      struggle by the English. A small army, collected for a distant enterprise,
      was ordered thither, under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley. This army
      landed in August at the mouth of the river Mondego, north of Lisbon; and
      soon after Sir Arthur defeated the French forces, under de la Borde, at
      Rohia, and the main army, under Junot, at Vimiera. The result of this last
      victory was the capitulation of Cintra, in virtue of which Junot's army
      was conveyed to France upon English vessels; and all Portugal was left in
      the power of the British. From this time the English had a firm,
      foundation for their campaigns in the Peninsula. Subsequently a Russian
      fleet of nine ships of the line, which lay in the Tagus, under Admiral
      Siniavin, surrendered by convention: it was to be held with all its stores
      by England as a deposit, till six months after the conclusion of a peace;
      the admiral, officers, and seamen being sent to Russia at the expense of
      England. After the evacuation of Portugal by the French troops, a regency
      was established; which, by restoring comparative tranquillity, taught the
      people to estimate the advantages they had obtained from their British
      allies. It was not long, indeed, before the Portuguese, laying aside their
      characteristic pride and vain boasting, clung to their ancient protectors,
      and submitted to their direction with a docility and patience that
      produced the happiest result.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL AFFAIRS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Napoleon had not yet abandoned all hopes of assistance from his navy, or
      relinquished the fond wish he had entertained of diminishing the power of
      the British on the sea. Nay, he had recently declared that a true
      Frenchman could not rest till the sea was open and free. This year he had
      collected a large squadron at Toulon, to co-operate with his troops on the
      side of Calabria, in an attack on Sicily. Possessed of that island, he
      would have been able to injure our commerce effectually; and in order,
      therefore, to counteract his views, measures were taken to fortify that
      part of the Sicilian coast where a landing could be effected; while Lord
      Colling-wood blockaded the port of Toulon as closely as he could
      consistently with his efforts to second the Spanish patriots in their
      noble cause, which double duty was imposed upon him by the British
      Government. A considerable French fleet, stationed at Cadiz, surrendered
      in June to that people who had experienced so many insults and injuries
      from its flag. Collingwood wished these men-of-war to join his squadron,
      for the purpose of intercepting any French fleet that might be sent
      against the Spanish dominions in South America; but the supreme junta of
      Seville, instead of complying with his request, began to dismantle them. A
      want of confidence in the British government, and an overweening trust in
      their own internal resources, notwithstanding the serious reverses they
      had recently met with; still pervaded the Spanish nation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the Russian autocrat and the Emperor Napoleon pursued
      that system of aggrandizement, which they had contemplated in making the
      treaty of Tilsit. In February a Russian army entered Finland, which
      province had always been an object of cupidity to the court of St,
      Petersburgh, and on the accession of Frederic VI. to the crown of Denmark,
      that monarch declared war against Sweden. After several bloody battles,
      the fate of Gustavus Adolphus appeared inevitable; when, to avoid falling
      under the yoke of Russia, he entered into a convention which virtually
      left the granary of Sweden in the hands of his conqueror.
    </p>
    <p>
      This year Napoleon affected great changes in the affairs of Italy. Having
      adopted his son-in-law, Eugene Beauharnois, as his own son, he settled
      that kingdom upon him in tail male, and incorporated with the legations of
      Ancona, Urbino, Macerata, and Camerino, which were the pope's dominions;
      stating in a decree as the sole reason for this act of undisguised
      despotism, "that the sovereign of Rome had refused to make war against
      England." Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, were also annexed to the
      kingdom of Italy, as were Kehl, Wesel, Cassel, and Flushing to France. To
      complete his domestic policy, Napoleon now instituted an hereditary
      nobility; princes, dukes, counts, barons, and knights of the empire sprung
      up like mushrooms on every hand, in order to ennoble his newly created
      empire. Napoleon likewise instituted an imperial university; but his
      school was rather calculated to train up agents of imperial despotism,
      than men of learning and enlightened minds. As the sworn enemy of liberty,
      he declared himself the head of this university, and decreed that all
      schools or seminaries should be under its control.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1809&mdash;1812
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... The Supplies, &amp;c...... Charges
     against the Duke of York..... Parliamentary Corruption.....
     Motion  for Reform..... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     Affairs of Spain..... Further Operations in Spain.....
     Campaign of Napoleon in Italy..... British Expedition
     against Naples and Walcheren..... Dissensions in the
     Cabinet..... Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the
     Walcheren   Expedition..... Proceedings against Sir Francis
     Burdett..... The Supplies..... The Slave-Trade Question.....
     Petition of the Irish Catholics. &amp;c...... Prorogation of
     Parliament &amp;c...... . Campaign in Portugal..... Affairs of
     Spain..... Foreign Conquests, &amp;c...... The Marriage of
     Napoleon, &amp;c...... Illness of His Majesty: Opening of
     Parliament, &amp;c...... Opening of Parliament by the
     Regent..... Debate on the Re-appointment of the Duke of York
     to the War-office..... The Supplies..... The Bullion
     Committee, &amp;c...... Subject of Military Discipline..... Lord
     Sidmouth's Motion respecting Dissenting Preachers.....
     Affairs of the Irish Catholics..... Amendment of the
     Criminal law..... . Prorogation of Parliament..... Disputes
     with America..... Capture of Java..... Affairs of
     Portugal..... Affairs of Spain;   Capture of Badajoz,
     &amp;c...... Naval Affairs..... Affairs of France.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1809
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by commission on the 19th of January. The royal
      speech stated his majesty's reasons for rejecting the proposals made for a
      negociation with France and Russia, and spoke of the perseverance of the
      Spaniards in the cause of their legitimate monarchy and national
      independence, which would induce his majesty to support them so long as
      they should prove true to themselves. Satisfaction was expressed at the
      liberation of Portugal; a continuance of aid to the King of Sweden was
      recommended; and a speedy augmentation of our regular army inculcated. The
      addresses were voted without a division, but opposition at the same time
      were not wholly silent. They seem indeed to have hoped that the
      misfortunes in Spain, and some mistakes which had been made in the
      Portuguese convention, would lead to the dissolution of the cabinet. A
      motion, however, moved in the Commons by Lord Petty, for directly
      censuring the convention in Portugal, and for attributing the whole blame
      of it to government, was negatived by two hundred and eight against one
      hundred and fifty-eight. A motion also, made by Mr. Ponsonby, for an
      inquiry into the conduct of the late campaign in Spain, was rejected by
      two hundred and twenty against one hundred and twenty-seven. In reviewing
      the principal incidents connected with this campaign, Mr. Ponsonby drew no
      very favourable picture of the capacity and judgment of the cabinet. He
      remarked:&mdash;"With so many opportunities and resources at command, they
      had instituted no proper inquiry into the state of the Peninsula, the bent
      of the public mind, the inclinations of the higher ranks, the views of the
      middle classes, and the probability that effective resistance would be
      made to a vigorous and mighty foe. Extraordinary indecision and
      unnecessary delays had injured the cause which the king pretended to
      support. Several Spanish armies were routed before the British troops were
      prepared to act, and when they became engaged in the contest, they were in
      danger of total ruin." The character of Sir John Moore, however, does not
      seem to have been called into question by any member of opposition. Almost
      his last words were, "I hope the country will do me justice;" and the
      general feeling of the public mind from that day to this is, that he
      exhibited great skill and bravery, although circumstances compelled him to
      retreat before his enemy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      No time was lost in taking that part of his majesty's speech into
      consideration which had reference to the augmentation of our military
      force. By two acts greater activity was given to enlistment into the
      militia, and that force was carried to its full number. The vacancies
      also, left by the bill of last session, for allowing the militia soldiers
      into the line were filled up, and from 20,000 to 30,000 regular troops
      were added to the corps disposable for foreign service. Additions were
      also made to the navy. Above £27,000,000 were voted for the army and
      ordnance, and about £19,000,000 for the navy: the total amount of supplies
      for the year for Great Britain and Ireland was £53,802,000. Among the ways
      and means was a loan of £11,000,000; which loan was contracted for at a
      lower rate of interest than money had even been borrowed for on the public
      account. Ministers quoted this as an instance of prosperity; but the
      opposition contended that money was lent to government at a low rate of
      interest because capitalists could not employ it in any other way, foreign
      trade being almost annihilated by the Berlin and Milan decrees, and by our
      own orders in council.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHARGES AGAINST THE DUKE OF YORK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session a subject was introduced which excited extraordinary
      interest throughout the whole nation. This subject was, that a paramour of
      the Duke of York had made military patronage a medium of infamous traffic.
      On the 27th of January, Mr. Wardle, a Welsh gentleman, and colonel of
      militia, affirmed in the house of commons that everything was wrong and
      rotten at the Horse-guards; that the Duke of York, the commander-in-chief,
      suffered himself to be swayed by a low-born mistress, one Mary Ann Clarke,
      who had been carrying on a traffic in commissions and promotions. Several
      cases were instanced in which money had been paid to the said Mary Ann
      Clarke, and Colonel Wardle insisted that the duke was a partaker in the
      benefit of her traffic. He concluded with moving for the appointment of a
      committee to investigate the charges, and it was finally agreed that the
      inquiry should be carried on by a committee of the whole house. This
      committee sat for the first time on the 1st of February, and the inquiry
      occupied the undivided time and attention of parliament for seven weeks.
      In the course of the investigation Mary Ann Clarke and one or two others
      of the same class of females were examined; but though it seemed clear
      from the evidence adduced that Mrs. Clarke was guilty of taking money from
      expectants, it was not proved that the duke had any knowledge of her
      practices. Mrs. Clarke herself sought to involve the duke in her guilt;
      but that he had participated in her gains, or had even any knowledge of
      her transactions, were circumstances which depended on her veracity alone.
      And her credibility was somewhat shaken, because the duke quarrelled with
      her and parted from her, and she was at the time of her examination living
      under the protection of Wardle, the duke's accuser. Some there were,
      however, who believed her testimony, which was made manifest in the
      several divisions that took place on this subject. Colonel Wardle moved
      for an address to his majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased
      to dismiss the Duke of York from the command of the army, on account of
      the corrupt practices which had been proved against him: this was rejected
      by three hundred and sixty-four against one hundred and twenty-three. Mr.
      Bankes moved an amendment to the effect that abuses had existed, which
      could scarcely have existed without exciting suspicion in the mind of the
      commander-in-chief, and suggesting the propriety of his removal from
      office: this was negatived by a majority of only ninety-five. Afterwards a
      resolution, proposed by Sir T. Turton, declaring that grounds for charging
      the duke with a knowledge of the corrupt practices of Mrs. Clarke rested
      on good evidence, was thrown out by three hundred and thirty-four against
      one hundred and thirty-five. Subsequently Mr. Percival made a motion
      declaratory of the duke's innocence, and this was carried by a majority of
      only eighty-two. It is evident, therefore, that many members deemed him
      not wholly innocent of the charges against him; and the duke seems to have
      felt this, for he soon after took the opportunity of resigning his
      official situation. The subject seems to have engrossed the attention of
      the public for a long time, and this too at a period when more important
      events were taking place daily: events big with importance to all Europe.
      From the highest to the lowest members of the community, these
      transactions formed the leading topic of conversation.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been well observed that "this affair was not without its beneficial
      results. A striking proof was given to the world, that under our
      constitution, no rank, however elevated, could shelter abuses from
      detection, or screen those concerned in them from the effects of public
      displeasure. The king's second and favourite son, a prince so near the
      throne himself, had been driven from office by a member of the house of
      commons, who was unheard of before this transaction, and who possessed
      neither the influence of character nor the influence of talent. It had
      been proved to the conviction of the country that the Duke of York was so
      far culpable as to render his resignation proper; that resignation had
      taken place in consequence, and public opinion had thus obtained a most
      signal triumph. When the duke had thus incurred punishment and disgrace,
      individuals of less rank and influence could not expect that their
      official delinquencies or irregularities should escape: the fate of the
      prince was an example and an admonition not easily to be forgotten. Until
      the time when there will be no more war, and when men will no more want
      commissions in armies, or profitable places under government, it will be
      in vain to expect perfection in anything, vain to hope that the
      distributors of patronage will not occasionally yield to favouritism and
      other influences, besides that great parliamentary influence over
      appointments, which&mdash;fatal as it often is&mdash;can hardly be
      destroyed without destroying the constitution. But notwithstanding the
      occasional interference of friends, wives, sisters, cousins, and other
      connexions, which may possibly be as mischievous though less indecorous
      than that of a mistress, we believe it is admitted by all candid and
      properly informed persons, that since the investigation in 1809, patronage
      at the Horse-guards, as well as in the other offices of government, has
      been distributed with more attention to the public service than any time
      preceding that inquiry."
    </p>
    <p>
      It had been hoped, on the resignation of the Duke of York, that the office
      of commander-in-chief would be put in commission; but General Sir David
      Dundas was appointed successor to his royal highness. One of the early
      consequences of this investigation to the country, was the enactment of a
      law declaring the brokerage of offices in the army, church, or state to be
      a crime highly penal. This bill was brought in by the chancellor of the
      exchequer, who observed that the practices lately disclosed consisted not
      in the sale of offices by those who had the power to give them, but in the
      arts of those who had pretended to possess influence over such persons. In
      the case of Mary Ann Clarke, however, there was no pretension in the
      matter; for there can be no question that she did possess too much
      influence over the mind of the duke, and that she obtained promotion for
      several of whom she took money. On the other hand it was proved that she
      had successfully exerted herself on behalf of meritorious individuals who
      did honour to the service, and who, being in distressed circumstances at
      the time, could not have paid her for the commissions which by her
      influence she procured them. Guilt, therefore, was attached to the duke in
      suffering this woman to gain an unbounded influence over his mind: public
      men should hold themselves free from favour or prejudice.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY CORRUPTION.
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Examine well His milk-white hand; the palm is hardly clean&mdash;
     But here and there an ugly smutch appears.
     Foh! 'twas a bribe that left it: he has touched
     Corruption.   Whoso seeks an audit here
     Propitious, pays his tribute, game or fish,
     Wild fowl or venison; and his errand speeds."
     &mdash;COWPER.
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      It had been for some time reported by opposition that government had made,
      and was making, a regular traffic in East India appointments. A select
      committee of the house of commons was appointed to inquire into this
      matter; which committee reported that it appeared many places had been
      disposed of in an illegal manner. One source of corruption brought another
      to light. In the course of the examinations it was discovered that Lord
      Castlereagh, as president of the board of control, had placed a writership
      at the disposal of Lord Clancarty, which writership Clan-carty was to give
      to one Mr. Reding, as the price of a seat in parliament for himself, the
      said Mr. Reding meaning to sell the said writership for 3000 guineas. Lord
      Archibald moved that Lord Castlereagh had been guilty of a violation of
      his duty, of an abuse of his influence and authority as president of the
      board of control, and also of an attack upon the purity and constitution
      of parliament. The noble lord's defence was that when this transaction
      took place he had no notion that such a person existed as a
      trafficking-broker for places; that Reding had represented to him that a
      member of the house of commons, who intended to vacate his seat, had a
      nephew whom he wished to send out to India as a writer, and would favour
      the election of any friend of his. His lordship remarked:&mdash;"I
      perceived no impropriety in the case, considering it perfectly fair for
      one friend to serve another at an election." The house acquitted Lord
      Castlereagh of any intention to do wrong; but this exposure enabled Mr.
      Curwen to carry a bill for better securing the purity and independence of
      parliament, by preventing the obtaining of seats through corrupt
      practices, and also for the more effectual prevention of bribery. While
      this bill was pending, Mr. Maddocks brought forward a charge against the
      treasury of corrupt conduct in the purchase of parliamentary seats, which
      were filled by members attached to the interests of ministers, and bound
      to support all their measures; but a motion for a committee of inquiry was
      negatived by three hundred and ten against eighty-five. During this year,
      also, the commissioners of naval inquiry and revision presented another
      report, which brought to light many more abuses in that department.
      Moreover, the commissioners of military inquiry, who still continued their
      labours, presented several reports, showing that large sums of money, and
      large powers in money transactions, had often been entrusted to various
      persons, without the necessary securities, checks, and precautions; that
      in the West Indies a regular and unchecked system of peculation had been
      carried on in the most unblushing manner; that the paymasters, the agents
      of the commissary-general, and others in our West India islands, had been
      in the habit of committing great frauds, &amp;c, for a series of years.
      Corruption, in fact, pervaded at this time all orders of public men, and
      this was the more inexcusable, because the war necessarily imposed heavy
      burdens on the people. These burdens were made heavier by the extravagance
      which prevailed in the expenditure of the country, and which had been
      augmented since last year by the enormous sum of nearly eight million
      pounds sterling. The extravagance of government was attacked in the month
      of June by Colonel Wardle, who seems to have set himself up for a reformer
      of abuses; but, though from his statements many came to the conclusion
      that great saving might be effected, there were few who thought that he
      had pointed out a proper mode of retrenchment. Moreover, many of his
      statements were incorrect or unfounded, so that he failed to sustain the
      character he had assumed. He who wishes to reform public abuses should
      prove their existence to all the world, and be able to point out how they
      may be remedied.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of June Sir Francis Burdett made a motion for a sweeping
      parliamentary reform. Nearly all the country gentlemen had left town, and
      those that remained were generally disinclined to enter upon this
      momentous question. On a division, therefore, Sir Francis was outvoted by
      seventy-four against fifteen. His scheme of reform divided itself into
      three parts: by the first article it was proposed that all freeholders,
      householders, and others, who paid direct taxes to the state, the church,
      or the poor, should have votes; by the second, that a convenient division
      of places entitled to send representatives to parliament should be marked
      out, each division be again subdivided, and each subdivision to return one
      member, the elections being conducted in the several parishes in one day;
      and by the third, that the duration of parliaments should be reduced to
      the period of time most agreeable to the British constitution. The merits
      of this scheme may have been great; but one thing is certain, that the
      period at which it was introduced was not the proper one for its
      consideration. This forms the best excuse which can be made for the
      defence of manifest abuses made by such men as Perceval and Canning, and
      who said they saw no reason whatever to enter upon the subject of reform.
      There was evident reason for taking this subject into consideration; but
      while the nation was engaged in a contest for its national existence, it
      would have been unwise to have tampered with the machinery of government;
      especially as that machinery was acknowledged by all parties to work well
      for the prosecution of the arduous contests in which we were engaged with
      Napoleon and his allies.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session closed on the 21st of June, when the speech from the throne
      was again delivered by commission. It dwelt chiefly upon the resistance of
      Spain against the tyranny of the French government, and upon the successes
      which had recently crowned the arms of the Emperor of Austria, under the
      conduct of the Archduke Charles.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the battle of Corunna, the cause of Spain seemed wholly lost. The
      Austrian war, however, which broke out when Napoleon was in pursuit of Sir
      John Moore, operated as a grand diversion, favourable for the Peninsula,
      inasmuch as it distracted his attention, and obliged him to withdraw his
      imperial guards from Spain, and prevented him from sending re-enforcements
      to that country so quickly as he otherwise would have done. In the
      meantime King Joseph had, on the 23rd of January, re-entered Madrid. His
      party was increased by a considerable number of the Spanish people, who
      thought that a new order of things was necessary to resuscitate the
      Spanish monarchy. After the departure of Napoleon seven divisions of the
      French forces remained in Spain; Marshal Jourdan having the chief command,
      under the auspices of King Joseph. The war was continued with success,
      although with less vigour; but the Spanish nation only became more
      exasperated by every defeat, so that it was not subdued. On the other
      hand, the French, enraged by obstinate resistance, and more yet by the
      stratagems and assassinations compassed by the Spaniards, became daily
      more severe and cruel.
    </p>
    <p>
      The spirit of the Spanish people is well exemplified in the siege af
      Saragossa. This siege had been formed anew before Napoleon returned to
      Paris, and it was carried on by the third and fifth corps, under Marshals
      Moncey and Mortier. The citizens of Saragossa prepared an internal system
      of defence, far more effectual than that of external fortification;
      transforming the city itself into one huge fortress, and coalescing with
      the troops in one energetic garrison. The French made but little progress
      until Marshal Lasnes took the command, and then the external defences of
      the city were quickly demolished. Saragossa itself, however, still defied
      all the efforts of the French. The war-cry was heard in all her streets,
      and every house became a fortress, and every church and convent a citadel,
      garrisoned by heroic men, resolved to die for its defence. The French had
      laboured and fought without intermission fifty days; they had crumbled the
      walls with their bullets, burst the convents with their mines, and carried
      the breaches with their bayonets; fighting above and beneath the surface
      of the earth, they had spared neither fire nor sword; their bravest men
      were falling in the obscurity of a subterranean warfare; famine pinched
      them; and Saragossa was still unconquered. Lasnes, however, persevered in
      his attempts to take the city, and at length he was successful.
      Discovering that a pestilence raged within the devoted city, that the
      living were unable to bury the dead, he ordered a general assault; and
      then, when one quarter of the city was laid waste, Saragossa was captured.
      The garrison were allowed to "march out with the honours of war," to be
      sent prisoners to France, while the possession of their property and the
      exercise of their religion were guaranteed to the inhabitants.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first burst of popular enthusiasm in Spain, however, was followed by a
      withering lethargy. Even with the assistance of Lord Collingwood and his
      fleet, with arms from Malta and Sicily, and with the regiments that had
      been released by the convention of Cintra, and which had by this time
      joined the patriots, the Spaniards were unable to prevent the capture of
      Rosas. After the fall of this place everything seemed to go wrong. Though
      in considerable force, the Spaniards dispersed whenever the enemy
      appeared, and although they were continually making application to the
      English for money, arms, and ammunition, they made no use of them when
      they were supplied. Their very navy was left to rot in the harbours of
      Cadiz and Carthagena, although money was advanced by the British
      government, and the assistance of its seamen offered to fit them out for
      sea. But for the co-operation of the British fleet Spain would have been,
      after the capture of Saragossa, easily conquered, for the Spaniards,
      though lions in their fortresses, acted like women in the field.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not the English fleet alone that defended Spain from the arms of
      the French. While that nation was thus on the verge of ruin, Sir Arthur
      Wellesley arrived in Portugal to take the command of the British army,
      which by re-enforcements amounted to 30,000 men. At this time, in April,
      the French had obtained possession of Ferrol, Bilboa, and all the most
      important places on the northern coast of Spain. Soult had even advanced
      into Portugal, and had taken possession of the city of Oporto. Sir Arthur
      Wellesley's first business was to dislodge the French general from this
      place, and on the 11th of May Oporto fell into his hands. Soult retired by
      Amarante, with the intention of passing through Tras-os-Montes into Spain.
      He left behind him all his sick and wounded, with many prisoners, and much
      artillery and ammunition. Sir Arthur wrote to him, requesting that he
      would send some French medical officers to take care of his sick and
      wounded, as he could not spare his own army-surgeons, and as he did not
      wish to trust to the practitioners of the town of Oporto. It does not
      appear, however, that Soult was able to respond to his request, for there
      was murmurings and discontents, arising from defeat, among his troops; and
      besides this, the Portuguese peasantry mercilessly attacked the French in
      their retreat, cutting off great numbers of them. He was followed in his
      retreat by Sir Arthur Wellesley, and on the 16th of May he was overtaken
      at Salmonde, and a great many of his rearguard were either killed or taken
      prisoners. More would have been lost, but night favoured the retreat of
      the fugitives, and Soult finally gained the frontier of Spain. Sir Arthur
      Wellesley stopped his pursuit at Montealegre, a few miles from the
      frontier, and returned by Renairs, Braga, and S. Terso to Oporto.
      According to his letters, the rout of Soult was complete. He had lost
      everything, cannon, ammunition, baggage, and military-chest. The
      mountainous road through which he passed was indeed covered with dead
      horses and mules, and with the bodies of French soldiers, who were put to
      death by the peasantry before the British could come up to their rescue.
      The cruelty of the Portuguese peasantry, however, was provoked by the
      conduct of the French themselves. Sir Arthur Wellesley writes:&mdash;"Their
      soldiers have plundered and murdered the peasantry at their pleasure; and
      I have seen many persons hanging in the trees by the sides of the road,
      executed for no other reason, that I could learn, excepting that they have
      not been friendly to the French invasion and usurpation of the government
      of their country; and the route of their column on their retreat could be
      traced by the smoke of the villages to which they set fire." These
      horrible scenes occurred in all the subsequent retrograde movements of the
      French: before them, the countries through which they passed were lovely
      as the garden of Eden&mdash;behind them they were desolate as the
      wilderness.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1809&mdash;1812
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FURTHER OPERATIONS IN SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the departure of Soult for Oporto the Spaniards again rose in arms, and
      several places in the Asturias and in the Biscayan provinces had been
      recaptured. After his return, urged by the importunities of the Spanish
      government and generals, Sir Arthur Wellesley determined to advance into
      that country against the French. His projected route was by the way of
      Plasencia and Almaraz, and his design was to cooperate with the Spanish
      general Cuesta, who commanded the army of Estramadura. A junction was
      formed between the two armies at Orepesa on the 20th of July; Sir Arthur's
      army amounting to about 23,000, and Cuesta's to 30,000 men. At this time
      the French forces were thus disposed:&mdash;Marshal Victor was in
      Estramadura with the first corps, amounting to 35,000 men; General
      Sebastiani, with the fourth corps, consisting of 20,000 men, was in La
      Mancha; General Bessolles, with a division of reserve and Joseph's guards,
      amounting in the whole to 15,000 men, was in Madrid; Kellermann and
      Bonnet, with two divisions of 10,000 men, were in Old Castile; Soult had
      collected the second corps of 20,000 men in the northern provinces; and
      immediately dependent upon Soult were Marshal Mortier, with the fifth
      corps of 16,000 strong, and Ney, with the sixth corps of about 10,000 men
      under arms. Besides all these forces there were 50,000 Frenchmen in Aragon
      and Catalonia, under Suchet and Augereau; and 35,000 more were scattered
      over the surface of Spain, to maintain the many posts and fortresses the
      French had captured in Spain, and to keep open the various lines of
      communication. It was agreed upon by the British and Spanish commanders to
      march themselves against the French under Marshal Victor, while at the
      same time Vinegas advanced against Fuente Duenna on the Upper Tagus, in
      order to draw Sebastiani thither, that he might not aid Victor; or if that
      general refused to move, Vineeas was to march on Madrid from the
      south-east, while Sir Robert Wilson menaced it from the opposite quarter.
      The combined armies of Sir Arthur Wellesley and Cuesta attacked Marshal
      Victor's out-posts at Talavera on the 22nd of July, and drove them in. Oh
      the 23rd, the British again formed for the attack of the French position;
      but Cuesta "contrived to lose the whole of the day, owing to the whimsical
      perverseness of his disposition." Sir Arthur wished to defeat Victor
      before he could be joined by Sebastiani, and his disappointment was great
      when, on the 24th, he discovered that the enemy had retreated towards
      Torrijos, in order to form a junction with that general. After Victor's
      departure, Sir Arthur occupied Talavera; and finding that the Spanish
      general did not cordially co-operate with him, he resolved to return into
      Portugal. He writes with reference to this, and to the privations his
      soldiers were enduring,&mdash;"His majesty's troops have been engaged in
      very active operations, the success of which depended no less upon their
      bravery and exertions, than upon the example they should hold out, and the
      countenance they should give to the Spanish troops; and yet they have been
      in actual want of provisions for the last two days. Even if I should have
      been willing, under such circumstances, to continue my co-operation with
      General Ouesta, I am unable to do so with justice to my troops." Sir
      Arthur, however, was soon compelled to recommence active operations. While
      he halted at Talavera, on a sudden, Cuesta was seized with an
      irrepressible energy and activity. His columns dashed forwards, with him
      at their head, to Torrijos; but on the 26th he returned with the French in
      full pursuit of him. The French halted before they came upon Talavera; but
      it became evident to Sir Arthur that he would not be permitted to enjoy
      long repose, and therefore he busily employed himself in examining and
      strengthening his position at Talavera. While thus employed, a great army
      was collecting in his front, under Victor, while his old enemy, Soult,
      supported by Marshal Mortier, was unknowingly rapidly advancing from
      Salamanca against his rear; and Marshal Ney was hurrying from Astorga,
      with the hope of falling upon his flank. His front was threatened by
      50,000 men, and an equal number was ready to fall upon his flank and rear,
      while he had only 20,000 British to withstand them, save Cuesta's army, on
      which he could not place much reliance. It was under these disadvantageous
      circumstances that the battle of Talavera was fought. But, notwithstanding
      their superior force, the French were utterly defeated: out of the 50,000
      men which Victor headed against the British, 7,000 were either killed or
      wounded, and among them an immense number of officers and two generals. On
      the side of the British 857 were killed, 3,913 wounded, and 653 were
      reported missing: the Spaniards returned about 1,200 killed and wounded;
      but the correctness of their report was much doubted. This great battle
      was fought on the 27th and 28th of July; and by the 1st of August
      Sebastiani's corps and the reserve retreated to Illescas, on the road
      between Madrid and Toledo, while Victor entrenched himself behind the
      Alberche. By this time Soult had entered Plasencia, whence he designed
      joining the forces of Victor. Sir Arthur Wellesley determined to prevent
      this junction; and on the 3rd of August he marched forward to Orepesa,
      leaving Cuesta at Talavera to take care of the hospitals. On that day Sir
      Arthur learned that Soult's advanced posts were at Naval Moral, and
      consequently between him and Portugal, and soon after he received
      intelligence that the forces which he had defeated were re-collecting and
      again threatening Talavera. General Cuesta was so alarmed at his position
      that he sent word to Sir Arthur he intended to leave Talavera that
      evening, and join the British army at Orepesa, in order to assist it in
      repelling Soult. Cuesta rejoined Sir Arthur on the next morning, leaving
      1,500 in the hospitals unprotected. Sir Arthur was now placed between the
      mountains and the Tagus, with a French army advancing upon each flank, and
      with his retreat by the bridge at Almaraz completely cut off. As,
      therefore, he could place no confidence in Cuesta and the Spanish army,
      and as with 17,000 British forces fatigued and famishing, he could not
      hope successfully to fight with two French armies each about three times
      stronger than his own, he resolved to retire to Portugal. One way was
      happily still left open for him a little below Talavera, where the Tagus
      was crossed by the bridge of Arzobispo, and by this route he retreated.
      Cuesta followed in his route, halting his troops at the bridge of
      Arzobispo, in order that they might be ready to pass the Tagus at any
      moment. While here Cuesta was attacked by the French, and lost nearly
      2,000 mon, and the rest only escaped by taking refuge in the mountains. In
      the meantime the British army was advancing unmolested towards the
      frontiers of Portugal. Sir Arthur had his head-quarters at Badajoz, close
      to those frontiers, on the 2nd of September, and in a day or two a part of
      his army with the sick and wounded re-entered that country. About six days
      after his arrival at Badajoz, Sir Robert Wilson arrived on the frontier,
      having successfully eluded the vigour of Marshal Ney, who was in pursuit
      of him. The other corps, which had advanced upon Madrid under General
      Vinegas, had been defeated at Alinoracid by General Sebastiani, who drove
      it back upon the Sierra Morena and the Andalusian frontier, from which it
      had advanced. On the arrival of Sir Arthur Wellesley at Badajoz, the
      French armies again separated. Soult with his forces went into cantonments
      at Estramadura and Leon, near the borders of Portugal; Joseph Buonaparte,
      who accompanied Marshal Mortier in this campaign, returned with that
      General to Madrid; while some French moveable columns traversed various
      parts of Spain in order to subjugate the country. From this time until the
      month of November no events of importance, however, took place in Spain. A
      guerilla warfare was carried on in many distant provinces and districts,
      and some towns on the eastern coast in Catalonia and Valencia were
      captured by the French, but the French masses remained inactive. The
      manner in which this campaign had been conducted by the British army
      received all due applause in England: the thanks of parliament were voted
      to officers and men, and Sir Arthur Wellesley was created Viscount
      Wellington of Talavera. By this time Viscount Wellington had placed his
      army in cantonments on the line of the Guadiana, in order to cover
      Portugal from Soult, whose cantonments, as before mentioned, were in
      Estramadura and Leon. While thus stationed, he heard in November of the
      defeat of the Spanish troops under General Areizga at Ocana, and of the
      Duque del Parque at Alba de Tonnes. These events caused Lord Wellington
      much mortification; and feeling convinced that he could no longer afford
      assistance to Spain, he marched from the lines of Guadiana into Portugal,
      in order to defend it against the enemy. Here he laid the foundation of
      those measures which finally carried him triumphant through the Peninsula.
      The Spanish junta exclaimed loudly against him for deserting their cause;
      but it was evident that if neither Soult nor any other French forces had
      threatened the Portuguese frontier, it would have been impossible for him
      to have tried another advance into Spain. It was only by drawing on his
      magazines in Portugal, which were chiefly filled by England, that he could
      preserve his troops from starvation, and it was impossible for him to
      co-operate with undisciplined Spanish troops, and proud, obstinate, and
      incapable Spanish generals. It was in vain that his brother, the Marquis
      Wellesley, who resided with the junta at Seville as British envoy,
      laboured to convince the Spanish authorities of the fatal consequences
      which, must arise from their wretched military system: the dons were all
      wiser than the marquis, and not satisfied with neglecting his advice, they
      cast reproaches on his brother. There was a want of vigour and capacity in
      the members of the junta, and in the Spanish military, and this being
      coupled with an overweening confidence in their own powers, it was clear
      that no British force could successfully co-operate with them. In the
      event of another British army acting again in Spain it would be necessary,
      as Lord Wellington observed in one of his dispatches to his brother, that
      the chief command of the Spanish forces should be vested in the
      commander-in-chief of the English.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON IN ITALY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the meantime Napoleon was carrying on war with Austria. The battles of
      Eckmuhl, Ratisbon, and Ebersberb, opened the gates of Vienna to him, and
      he entered that city about a month after the Austrians had commenced
      hostilities. From Vienna he issued a decree revoking the grant of
      territory made to the pope by Charlemagne, "his illustrious predecessor,"
      and annexing Rome to the French empire; the pontiff being allowed to
      remain there as bishop, with a certain revenue. Pius VII. opposed this
      decree by a bull of excommunication; and it is said that Napoleon received
      this intelligence with a considerable degree of anxiety. Orders, however,
      were issued by him, under which the pope was seized in his palace, and
      transported over Mount Cenis to Savona, where he lived three years, partly
      on a prison allowance and partly on alms. On the defeat of the Austrians,
      who were commanded by the Archduke Charles, that commander took a
      circuitous route through Bohemia, and finally occupied the bank of the
      Danube opposite Vienna, over against the proud victor Napoleon, who,
      selecting for the passage of the river the place where two islands divide
      the Danube into three arms, conducted his battalions to the left bank,
      occupied Aspern, Engesdorf, and Esslingen, and offered battle. In this
      position the archduke fell upon him with his army, glowing with anger and
      exalted by the sight of the imperial city, and gained a great victory. The
      French army retreated to the island of Lobau, leaving 11,000 dead on the
      field, while 30,000 were wounded. The world saw now that Napoleon was not
      invincible: but this victory was not attended with the expected results.
      An armistice of six weeks followed, during which time Napoleon was making
      preparations for a second attack; and at the lapse of that time he again
      passed the river with 150,000 men, and six hundred cannon, fully resolved
      to crush the house of Austria. The terrible battle of Wagram, which lasted
      two whole days, followed, and Napoleon was once more victorious: the
      archduke, after sustaining a fearful loss, retreated into Moravia. He
      might still have contested the palm of victory, for his army was still
      formidable, and Napoleon in the battle of Wagram had lost more in dead and
      wounded than the vanquished. An armistice, however, was concluded about
      the middle of July, and after negociations which lasted for three months,
      a treaty called the "peace of Vienna" was concluded. The articles of this
      treaty were the cession of Saltzburg and other territories of the Rhenish
      confederation to France; Cracow, and part of the Austrian spoil of Poland,
      to the duchy of Warsaw; and another small portion of it to Russia,
      Napoleon did not stop here in his attempts to ally himself with Austria:
      regardless of his union with the faithful Josephine, he stipulated for the
      hand of an Austrian princess; and the Austrian emperor sold him his
      daughter. He was married early in the next year to the Archduchess Maria
      Louisa.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH EXPEDITION AGAINST NAPLES AND WALCHEREN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the British cabinet prepared two expeditions: the first
      against Naples, under Sir John Stuart; and the second against Antwerp, for
      the purpose of destroying Napoleon's maritime preparations in the Scheldt.
      Each, also, had a secondary object in view: that of creating a diversion
      in favour of the Austrian emperor. Both, however, failed, from being too
      long in preparation: Murat had ample notice of the Sicilian expedition,
      and he defeated every attempt to obtain a footing, or to excite
      insurrection in his kingdom. As for the armament destined for the Scheldt,
      the chief command of which was given to Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, it
      was so long getting ready that news arrived of the Austrian defeat at
      Wagram, some days before it sailed. It was the largest and most complete
      armament that ever left the British shores; and consisted of thirty-nine
      sail of the line, thirty-six frigates, and a proportionable accompaniment
      of gun-boats, bomb-vessels, and small craft. The troops which it was
      intended to convey amounted to about 40,000 men, making together with
      seamen and marines a sum total of 100,000 men. The expedition was intended
      to be secret; but long before it sailed its destination was disclosed to
      the enemy, who took all possible means to frustrate its designs. It sailed
      on the 29th of July, and at first it was successful: Flushing was captured
      after having sustained a severe bombardment. But here the British
      successes ended. Antwerp was by this time placed in such a posture of
      defence that it would have been in vain to have made an attack upon it;
      while the forts on the Scheldt were well manned, and preparations had been
      made for carrying the fleet of the enemy still higher up the river, in
      case the British should succeed in forcing a passage. Immediately after
      the capture of Flushing, with a view of pursuing ulterior measures, three
      thousand men were transported to the isle of Walcheren; but while here
      they were attacked by an enemy more fatal than the sword&mdash;disease.
      The British troops were soon seized with the dreadful endemic fever of the
      country; nearly one half of them were swept away by it, and the greater
      part of the remainder carried its effects with them to the grave. At
      length, about one month after the treaty of Vienna, the few remaining
      troops that were still left alive were directed to demolish the defences
      and basin of Flushing; and this done they were ordered to re-embark. This
      expedition, which had originated with Lord Castlereagh, cost England
      10,000 men, with not a little money, and not a little credit. It brought
      disgrace on his memory, in which Lord Chatham, who had the chief military
      command, and Admiral Sir Richard Strachan largely partakes. It was
      conceived in imbecility, and with imbecility carried forward, whence its
      signal failure. It was soon after the British had evacuated Walcheren that
      Napoleon returned to Paris; when, in a speech before the submissive and
      admiring <i>corps législatif</i>, he told them that, except Spain and
      Portugal, the continent of Europe was in a happy peace.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The untoward course of events on the continent, the disastrous issue of
      the British war, and various other causes, produced violent dissensions in
      the British cabinet. So violent was the strife between Lord Castlereagh
      and Mr. Canning, that it led to a duel on Putney Heath, when the latter
      was severely wounded Before this duel took place they had resigned office;
      and the Duke of Portland followed their example, on account of age and
      infirmity. The ministers that remained in office after these three
      resignations were reduced almost to despair, scarcely knowing where to
      look for a new leader, and for two new colleagues. At length, however,
      after negociations with Earl Grey and others, which failed, Mr. Perceval
      took the place of the Duke of Portland&mdash;who by this time was dead&mdash;adding
      thereby the office of first lord of the treasury to that which he held as
      chancellor of the exchequer. The Marquess Wellesley was recalled from his
      Spanish embassy to take charge of the foreign department; while Lord
      Liverpool was transferred from the home department to that of war and the
      colonies, Mr. Ryder being appointed his successor. Finally, Lord
      Palmerston was appointed under-secretary at war, in the room of Sir James
      Pulteney.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1810
    </p>
    <p>
      The session opened on the 23rd of January, when the king's speech was
      again delivered by commission. It contained but little except the late
      disasters and the necessity of granting further assistance to Portugal and
      Spain. Amendments strongly condemning the ministerial direction of the
      whole war, and particularly the Walcheren expedition were moved in both
      houses, but were rejected by considerable majorities.
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE WALCHEREN EXPEDITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 26th of January Lord Porchester, in the commons, moved for a
      committee of the whole house, which might inquire into the conduct of the
      late expedition to Walcheren, by examining oral evidence as well as
      written documents. This motion was seconded by Mr. Windham, and opposed by
      Mr. Croker, who moved the previous question; but the proposition was
      carried by a majority of one hundred and ninety-five against one hundred
      and eighty-six. After the examination of evidence on this ill-fated
      expedition was concluded, Lord Porchester proceeded further in the matter,
      by moving two sets of resolutions, to the effect that the enterprise was
      undertaken under circumstances which afforded no rational hope of adequate
      success, and at the precise season of the year when the disease which had
      proved so fatal was known to be most prevalent; that its advisers were
      therefore highly reprehensible; and that their conduct in delaying the
      expedition called for the severest censure. The first set of these
      resolutions, after four nights' debate, was lost by a majority of two
      hundred and twenty-seven against two hundred and seventy-five; and the
      second set by two hundred and seventy-five against two hundred and
      twenty-four. Subsequently a resolution approving their conduct in
      retaining the island till the time when it was abandoned, was carried by a
      similar majority; but "the indignant nation plainly perceived that the
      house felt unwilling to sanction the disgraceful measures of the
      principals concerned in this expedition; while it was too courtly to visit
      the commander with any severity of punishment, and too dependent to
      condemn the acts of a cabinet which did not seem likely to be dissolved."
      Lord Chatham, however, quailed before the storm raised against him; for,
      to avoid the consequences of an address for his removal, he resigned the
      office of master-general of the ordnance.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1809&mdash;1812
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS AGAINST SIR FRANCIS BURDETT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During these proceedings the standing order of the house for the exclusion
      of strangers was enforced, chiefly by the instrumentality of Mr. Charles
      Yorke. This exclusion of strangers, however, not only failed in the
      object, for which it was intended&mdash;that of keeping the public
      ignorant of what passed within the walls of St. Stephens&mdash;but led to
      new troubles and disgraceful scenes. At this time there was a debating
      society in London, called the "British Forum," the president and chief
      orator of which was one Gale Jones, who, though an obscure individual, was
      suddenly raised into the dignity of a patriot and martyr. Gale Jones
      proposed the subject of the exclusion of strangers from the house of
      commons, as a proper subject of discussion in the British Forum; and in
      this debate the conduct of Mr. Yorke was so freely censured, that he was
      resolved to punish the delinquent. He complained of a breach of privilege,
      and Gale Jones was brought to the bar of the commons; and notwithstanding
      a humble apology made by him, he was committed to Newgate. Sir Francis
      Burdett was not in the house when a vote for his committal passed; but on
      the 12th of March he loudly condemned the measure as a violation of the
      common law, of Magna Charta, and of the trial by jury, in a case where the
      offence was punishable by the ordinary course of justice; and concluded by
      moving that Gale Jones be forthwith discharged. Sir Francis was outvoted
      by a large majority; and in consequence of this decision he printed his
      speech in an enlarged form, and with stronger language than he had used in
      the house. It was published in Cobbett's Register, with his own name
      appended to it, and accompanied with a letter to his constituents. The
      paper was a libel from beginning to end; but the question which gave most
      offence was that in which Sir Francis denied the right of the house to
      commit for breach of privilege. The house determined to assert their
      privilege; and they replied to Sir Francis by a vote that he should be
      committed to the Tower, on the speaker's warrant, for a libel on the
      commons. This warrant was issued; but Sir Francis shut himself up in his
      mansion in Piccadilly, barring his doors and windows, and declaring that
      he would yield only to force, A letter was sent to the speaker expressive
      of this resolution, of his contempt for the house, and his conviction that
      the warrant was illegal, On the receipt of this letter the opinion of the
      attorney-general was taken; in consequence of which the ser-geant-at-arms,
      accompanied by a number of police-officers and a detachment of troops,
      proceeded to his mansion, and, after some altercation, conveyed Sir
      Francis to the Tower. Before this the mob had collected round the house of
      the right honourable baronet, in token of their admiration of his
      patriotism, while they had broken the windows of many of his known
      opponents in token of their displeasure. They accompanied him to the
      Tower; and in the way they so grossly insulted his escort, that the
      soldiers fired in self-defence, and two individuals were killed, while
      several more were wounded. Petitions were presented by some public bodies,
      particularly the electors of Westminster and London, praying for the
      release of Sir Francis; but he continued in confinement to the end of the
      session, when he was released. Subsequently Sir Francis commenced actions
      against the speaker of the house of commons, who issued the warrant;
      against the ser-geant-at-arms, for executing it; and against Earl Moira,
      governor of the Tower, for illegal imprisonment. His object was to
      ascertain whether an appeal lay to a court of law against the house,
      acting as accuser and judge, in proceedings that affected the liberty of
      the subject. The judges, however, would not admit that any unlawful
      measure had been adopted in his case, or that the warrant issued by the
      speaker was an illegal instrument. The privilege, therefore, of the house
      was confirmed, and its claims solemnly recognised by the courts of law.
      Since the "No-popery" riots of Lord George Gordon, there had not been a
      commotion in London equal to that which attended this question of
      privilege: in the sight of the public at large, he was "a martyr of
      liberty." Gale Jones, also, who was liberated with him at the close of the
      session, shared the popular favour. The mob were waiting at the
      Tower-gates on the day of his release, in order to escort him with popular
      applause to his residence; and great was their disappointment when it was
      discovered, that with one or two friends he had retreated from the Tower
      by water. Gale Jones, however, gratified them by allowing them not only to
      surround the hackney coach in which he departed from Newgate, but also to
      chalk his name upon the panels. As he went along, he stopped from time to
      time to harangue his admiring attendants: and one of the leading topics of
      complaint which fell from the patriot's lips was, that he had been turned
      out of Newgate at two minutes' notice! Many left behind within the dreary
      walls of that prison would have congratulated themselves on their escape,
      had they been turned out with even less ceremony than Gale Jones.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The supplies voted for this year were, for England and Ireland
      £52,185,000. The ways and means included a loan of £8,000,000, which was
      negociated on terms even more moderate than those of the preceding year.
      No new taxes were proposed, and a very favourable picture was drawn of the
      general prosperity of the country. Of the money voted, £1,380,000 was
      devoted to foreign subsidies; nearly £20,000.000 was appropriated to naval
      services; and nearly £25,000,000 to the land forces and ordnance. A vote
      of credit was passed for £3,000,009. Mr. Perceval contrasted the state of
      commercial affairs in England to those of France. Our orders in council,
      he said, had already reduced the receipts of customs in that country from
      £2,590,000 to that of £500,000. But these orders had not in reality done
      all this mischief to the enemy; for a large portion of it must be
      attributed to Napoleon's war-system, and the working out of his
      continental system.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the question of the slave-trade was renewed in the
      lords by Lord Holland, and in the commons by Mr. Brougham. They moved for
      addresses requesting the king to persevere in his measures to induce other
      nations to co-operate in the abolition of slavery, and to take such
      further steps as might be necessary. By this time it was discovered that
      persons in this country carried on a clandestine trade in slaves; and the
      address in the commons prayed that orders for checking such practices
      might be given to the commanders of his majesty's ships, and to the
      officers of the customs. Both addresses were agreed to, and a resolution,
      moved by Mr. Brougham, for taking-measures early in the next session to
      prevent evasions of Wilberforce's slave-trade act, likewise received the
      sanction of the house.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PETITION OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, a petition was presented from the Irish Catholics by
      Mr. Grattan; but after a long and animated debate it was rejected by a
      large majority. A motion by Mr. Brande on the subject of parliamentary
      reform was also negatived by a large majority; as was likewise a
      resolution, moved in the upper house by Lord Grey, "to take into
      consideration the state of the nation." Lord Grey prefaced his motion by
      an eloquent and argumentative speech, in which he dwelt upon the power of
      Napoleon; the mismanagement of our internal resources; the expediency of
      conciliating the Roman Catholics; the subjects of parliamentary privileges
      and reform, &amp;c. On the subject of parliamentary reform he remarked:&mdash;"This
      question has long been one of my most serious contemplation. I took an
      active part in it at an early age: I pursued my object with all that eager
      hope and sanguine expectation so natural to the ardour of youth. I will
      not say that in subsequent times there have not been some differences from
      my former impressions; but of this I assure your lordships, that on its
      great grounds it has never been abandoned by me. To the temperate and
      judicious reformation of abuses I am now a decided friend; and whenever it
      shall be brought forward, it shall receive from me my most anxious
      assistance. I never did, nor ever will, rest my views of salutary reform
      on the ground of theoretic perfection; though I am always ready to correct
      by the constitution a practical inconvenience when it is practically felt.
      On this point I was formerly misrepresented by that description of persons
      who at this day continue the same course. The folly and presumption of the
      present day have taken up a new doctrine&mdash;that every branch and
      exercise of our constitution was defined by law, and only to be found in
      the statute-book: but I have understood from the most able men, that the
      great and fundamental blessing of the British constitution was fixed in
      the co-operation and harmony of its powers, all leading to free and
      efficient government."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session motions were made by Mr. Par-nell on the subject of
      Irish tithes; by Mr. Grattan and Lord Donoughmore on Catholic
      emancipation; and by Sir Samuel Romilly on the reform of our sanguinary
      criminal laws. These subjects will receive attention in a future page.
      Beyond this there was nothing of importance taken into consideration this
      session, which terminated on the 21st of June. The royal speech was again
      delivered by commission: and it affirmed that Portugal was exerting
      herself with vigour and energy; and that in Spain, though the French were
      victorious, the spirit of resistance was unsubdued.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN PORTUGAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When Lord Wellington moved his troops from the banks of the Guadiana, he
      placed them in quarters along the valley of the Mondego. His head-quarters
      in January were at Viseu; General Hill being left with 10,000 men, half
      British and half Portuguese, at Abrantes, in order to watch Badajoz and
      protect Lisbon; while Marshal Beresford was stationed at Thomar. In the
      meantime the French armies had fully established themselves in Spain.
      Cadiz indeed defied the proud enemy, and the highest junta retired to the
      island of Leon, while the wild Sierra Morena carried on a guerilla warfare
      against the French; but there was no real army to oppose them, and the
      country might therefore be considered for the time being as conquered.
      Lord Wellington foresaw that the conquest of this country would lead to
      the invasion of Portugal; and he turned his whole attention to the defence
      of that country. And what the English general foresaw soon came to pass.
      The peace with Austria had enabled Napoleon to send large re-enforcements
      from Germany into Spain, audit was rumoured that he himself was coming. By
      the beginning of the month of April, Ney, Kellermann, and Loison, with
      about 60,000 men, were in Old Castile and Leon, threatening the Portuguese
      frontier in that direction: as a preliminary step they had captured
      Astorga, and had made preparations for the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo.
      General Meigner was also at this time on the borders of Spanish
      Estramadura, menacing the frontier of Portugal on that side. Subsequently,
      as Napoleon was now engaged with his bride of Austria, he sent Massena to
      take the command of the forces in Old Castile and Leon, which now assumed
      the name of "The army of Portugal," thereby declaring its destination.
      Massena arrived at Valladolid about the middle of May; and he not only
      assumed the command over the forces of Ney, Kellermann, and Loison, but
      also over those of Junot and Drouet, which had recently crossed the
      Pyrenees from German. In the whole, Massena had a force of 80,000 men
      under arms for the field; but the corps of Drouet, about 18,000 strong,
      and the forces of Régnier in Estramadura did not immediately join him in
      his expedition into Portugal. As it was, however, Massena had a force of
      about 62,000 men when he first put himself in motion against Lord
      Wellington. Against these Wellington could only bring about 24,000 British
      troops, and from 28,000 to 30,000 Portuguese regulars; a part of which he
      was compelled to leave south of the Tagus, in order to guard against any
      sudden movement of Soult's army of Andalusia. Moreover, Lord Wellington
      could only confidently rely on the British forces, as the Portuguese
      soldiers, whether regulars or militia men, were as yet untried. On the
      other hand, Massena's soldiers were skilled in the dreadful art of war,
      and flushed with recent success; so that the odds against Wellington were
      alarmingly great. The campaign commenced in earnest early in June, when
      Massena invested Ciudad Rodrigo, which was defended by a Spanish garrison,
      but which was almost within sight of the British advanced posts on the
      Azava. The Spaniards made a brave defence; but on the 10th of July Massena
      made himself master of the place by capitulation. Lord Wellington was
      taunted by the French, by the Spaniards, and by many of his own officers,
      for suffering the siege to proceed without making an attempt to relieve
      the place. His lordship, however, knew his business better than to take
      any false step by a rash movement: his object and paramount duty was to
      defend Portugal, and above all Lisbon. He had, in fact, pledged himself to
      do this; and hence, while the French were taking Ciudad Rodrigo, he calmly
      retained, his position on the Coa, having his light division advanced a
      little beyond that river. Subsequent events justified Wellington's line of
      policy. After the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, Ney went thundering on till he
      came in contact with the light division, which was commanded by General
      Crawford; and though he succeeded in causing the English general to
      retreat, it cost him 1000 men in killed and wounded. Massena now crossed
      the frontiers of Portugal; but although he had boasted he would drive Lord
      Wellington out of that country in three months; he passed nearly one month
      on the line of the Coa in total inactivity. In the meantime General
      Régnier quitted Estramadura, crossed the Tagus, and established himself at
      Coria and Plasencia, while General Hill, making a corresponding movement,
      took post at Atalaya, from whence he could either join Wellington, or
      could be again thrown in front of Régnier. At length, on the 15th of
      August, the French broke ground before Almeida, which was captured on the
      27th of the same month, Lord Wellington had brought his army nearer, in
      order to strike a blow if the enemy should afford an opportunity; but
      Massena let three weeks pass after the reduction of Almeida before he
      moved forward; and then, as the rainy season had come on, Wellington moved
      his army to the valley of the Mondego, and fixed his head-quarters at
      Gouvea. The French army commenced its march down this valley on the 15th
      of September, taking its route along the right bank of the river, in the
      direction of Coimbra, through Viseu. This was the very worst road Massena
      could have taken; and Wellington, perceiving his error, crossed the river
      and took up a strong position in front of Coimbra. On the 24th, his whole
      army, including the Portuguese, and the corps of Generals Hill and Leith,
      which he had called up for the purpose of assisting in the coming
      struggle, were collected upon the Serra de Busaco, a lofty mountain-ridge
      extending from the Mondego to the northward. From these heights, on the
      26th, the French army was seen advancing. One of the spectators of the
      imposing sight says:&mdash;"Rising grounds were covered with troops,
      cannon, or equipages: the widely extended country seemed to contain a host
      moving forward, or gradually condensing into numerous masses, checked in
      their progress by the grand natural barrier on which we were placed, at
      the base of which it became necessary to pause. In imposing appearances,
      as to numerical strength, I have never seen anything comparable to that of
      the enemy's army from Busaco: it was not alone an army encamped before us,
      but a multitude&mdash;cavalry, infantry, artillery, cars of the country,
      horses, tribes of mules with their attendants, suttlers, followers of
      every description, formed the moving scene upon which Lord Wellington and
      his army looked down." By the evening of the 26th this army encamped in
      the plains below Busaco; and on the next morning, as the mist and the gray
      clouds rolled away, they made two desperate simultaneous attacks on the
      English, the one on the right and the other on the left of Wellington's
      position. These attacks were vain: the enemy was repulsed, leaving 2000
      killed upon the field of battle, and having from 3000 to 4000 wounded, and
      several hundreds taken prisoners. Both the British and the Portuguese
      alike fought valorously; the latter, according to Wellington's own
      statement, proving themselves on this their first trial to be worthy of
      contending in the same ranks with the former. Thus checked in his career,
      on the 28th, the day after the battle, Massena moved a large body of
      infantry and cavalry from the left of his centre to the rear, and his
      cavalry was seen marching over the mountains by another road to Oporto
      Colonel Trant with his Portuguese division was ordered to occupy the pass
      of Boyalva to the north of Busaco, through which this cavalry must pass;
      but a Portuguese general had previously ordered this division to inarch
      elsewhere; and before this could be countermanded, the French descended
      into the plains that lie open to the sea-coast, and seized on the road
      leading from Oporto to Coimbra, in the rear of the British. Massena,
      however, had only made the march which Wellington foresaw he would make,
      and he now commenced a retreat towards Lisbon. Both the British and the
      Portuguese effected their retreat with ease and regularity. They were
      followed by the French, whose van caught sight of the chain of hills
      behind which lay the city of Lisbon on the 7th of October:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "But in the middle path a lion lay."
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      Wellington by this time occupied the lines of Torres Vedras, the formation
      of which have conferred as much honour on him as any of the great
      victories which he achieved. A recent writer gives this outline sketch of
      these lines:&mdash;"The peninsula, or promontory, at whose south-eastern
      extremity Lisbon is situated, is crossed rather obliquely by two serras,
      or chains of mountains, which extend with various altitudes and various
      degrees of steepness, but with partial interruptions or openings, from the
      shore of the Atlantic to the right bank of the Tagus. These two serras run
      nearly parallel with each other, at a distance of from six to eight miles;
      the point of the line nearest to Lisbon being close to the Tagus, between
      Via Longa and Quintilla. Through the passes in these serras and the low
      ground bordering the Tagus four roads from the interior of the country led
      to the capital. The hand of nature had marked out these two lines of
      defence, and British science and engineering had been employed for a whole
      year in strengthening them, and in blocking up the openings which seemed
      the most accessible. Here redoubts were erected; here the whole face of a
      mountain was scarped and hewn into the appearance of the facet of some
      Titanic fortress; here the threads of mountain-rivulets&mdash;which would
      be something more than rivulets at the end of October and in November&mdash;were
      collected and brought together into one bed; and here rivers, tributaries
      of the great Tagus, were dammed up, or were provided with dams which could
      be used, and with flood-gates which could be shut, so as to inundate the
      country at the foot of the hills, on the approach of the invader. The line
      of defence was everywhere double, while in some parts there was a treble
      range of batteries and redoubts. The first line, which was twenty-nine
      English miles in length, began at Alhendra on the Tagus, crossed the
      valley of Aruda, and passed along the skirts of Monte Agraca, where there
      was a large and strong redoubt. It then ran across the valley of Zibreira,
      skirted the deep ravine of Ruda, to the heights of Torres Vedras, and
      thence followed the course of the little river Zizandre to its mouth on
      the Atlantic. The second or inner line, at a distance varying from six to
      eight, and in some parts to ten miles, extended from Quintilla on the
      Tagus by Bucellas, Monte Chique, and Mafra, to the mouth of the little
      river St. Lourenço, on the sea-coast, a distance of about twenty-four
      miles. This was by far the stronger line of the two, both by nature and by
      art; and if the first line were forced by an enemy, the retreat of the
      army upon the second was secure at all times. Both these lines were
      secured by breast-works, abattis, and stone walls, with banquettes and
      scarps: not an opening nor interstice through which a mountain goat could
      pass but was blocked up or guarded. Down the hollows in which the roads
      ran were pointed the black muzzles of numerous guns, projecting from
      batteries which could maintain a fire in front, and a crossing fire from
      the flanks. And, to provide for every occurrence, to make sure of a safe
      and easy passage to our ships of war in the Tagus, there was in the rear
      of the second line a shorter, closer line, to protect the embarkation of
      our troops. This innermost line of all was strong enough to check even a
      brave enemy, had there been no other lines before it: it rested at one
      extremity on a tremendous redoubt, and at the other on the broad ditch and
      lofty walls of the castle of S. Julian. About one hundred redoubts or
      forts, containing altogether more than six hundred pieces of artillery,
      were scattered along these lines."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Wellington and the allied army entered within the foremost of these
      lines on the 8th of October. On arriving each division took up its
      assigned quarters, and the defences, which were strong enough before, were
      made still stronger. In the whole the troops which manned them amounted to
      about 130,000; of which 70,000 were regulars, and half of them British.
      Mas-sena arrived in the plains below Torres Vedras on the 11th: he appears
      to have been taken by surprise at the sight of Wellington's lines; and he
      employed several days in examining their nature, and in endeavouring to
      discover a spot through which he might force a passage. Some
      demonstrations were made in order to compel the British divisions to
      exhibit their force; and on the 14th there was some fighting between the
      town of Sobral and the lines, in which the French were defeated by the
      English bayonet. The war was now reduced to a species of blockade. The
      heart of Mas-sena was smitten with despair at the sight of the scarped
      rocks, and the cannon on the eminences; and the object he had in view now
      was to support his army till re-enforcements should arrive. In the
      meantime re-enforceinents had arrived in Wellington's camp from England
      and Gibraltar, so that he had a force numerically equal to that of the
      enemy. Massena's situation soon, however, became desperate. In order to
      starve his opponents Lord Wellington brought down the Portuguese militia
      from the north, and persuaded Carlos d'Espaua to pass the Tagus with a
      considerable corps of Spaniards, to co-operate in cutting off all
      communication with the French rear and, as it were, enclosing the
      blockades. Massena was reduced to such straits for provisions that he was
      obliged to send movable columns to scour the country; and, on these
      columns the independent corps of Portuguese Spaniards sought revenge for
      desolated homes and slaughtered kindred: they were attacked and slain with
      as little mercy as they had shown to others. Losses by the sword, by
      sickness, and by privation, amounting to about 15,000 men since the battle
      of Busaco, at length induced Massena, on the 15th of November, to make a
      retrograde movement. He withdrew his army from the low wet grounds in
      front of Torres Vedras, and placed it in cantonments for the winter: the
      second, or Itegnier's corps, being placed in and near Santarem; the eighth
      in Perns; the sixth corps further back, in Thomar; while his head-quarters
      were at Torres Novas. Before Massena could reach these safe positions, his
      soldiers were molested by the British light division and cavalry, who took
      some prisoners. Lord Wellington did not deem it prudent to attack them in
      these several positions, but leaving part of his army in the lines, he
      moved forward with the remainder; and having placed Hill's division on the
      banks of the Tagus, he fixed his head-quarters at Cartaxo. Such were the
      positions of the belligerent forces during the winter. By his movements
      Lord Wellington had saved the capital of Portugal, and reduced the enemy
      to a state of inactivity. The sequel of Massena's invasion of that country
      belongs to the history of the next year.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      These events in Portugal had the effect of counteracting some of the
      designs of the French in Spain. During their transaction Soult had been
      devising measures for the capture of Cadiz; but towards the end of
      December, instructions arrived requiring him to co-operate with Massena.
      He repaired to Seville, taking with him Latour Maubourg's cavalry, and
      5000 infantry; but such was Lord Wellington's precaution, and such the
      activity of the partidas, that he could not effect any communication with
      Massena, as directed. Under these circumstances, Soult represented that as
      his force was weakened by the blockade of Cadiz, and the protection of
      Seville, he dared not penetrate into the Alemtejo. This movement, he said,
      would oblige him to leave Olivenza and Badajoz in his rear, wit-h two
      Spanish corps under Ballasteros and Mendizabel; and he requested
      permission to besiege these two places. Napoleon consented to his request,
      and Soult prepared for a siege of these cities. At this time General Hill
      was obliged to return home on account of ill health; and the command of
      the troops, British, Spanish, and Portuguese, on the Tagus, was given to
      Marshal Beres-ford. The Marshal's instructions were to prevent the passage
      of the river; to intercept all communication between Massena and Soult;
      and to join the main army by Vellada if in retreat, and by Abrantes if in
      advance. His head-quarters were fixed at Chamusea, and his troops
      dispersed along the Tagus, from Almey-rim to the mouth of the Zezere.
      During the winter several attacks were made by the irregular forces and
      Portuguese militia on the French detachments; but each commander waited
      for re-enforcements before they assumed offensive operations.
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN CONQUESTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In other quarters of the world our operations this year were of
      considerable importance. In the lists of our conquests was that of Santa
      Maura, added to the other Ionian Islands rescued from the French dominion;
      the Dutch settlement of Amboyna, with its dependent islands; the Dutch
      settlement of Banda, the principal of the Spice Islands; and the islands
      of Bourbon and Mauritius. In the latter island a large quantity-of stores
      and valuable merchandise, five large frigates, some smaller ships of war,
      twenty-eight merchantmen, and two British captured East Indiamen were
      taken by the conquerors. In the West Indies a combined naval and military
      force, under Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane and Lieutenant-General
      Beckwith, made the important conquest of the island of Guadaloupe, the
      last colonial possession of France. Nearer home the arms of the British
      were also successful. In the month of July Murat collected a large
      armament on the coast of Calabria, for the invasion of Sicily; but 900 of
      his troops were taken prisoners by General Campbell, and the rest were
      driven for shelter to their vessels. With similar success the island of
      Anholt, in the Baltic, was defended by Captain Maurice with 380 men,
      against a Danish force of eight times the number.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MARRIAGE OF NAPOLEON, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In Paris this year "all went merry as a marriage bell." After the treaty
      of Vienna at the close of 1809, Napoleon caused it to be intimated to
      Josephine that she must be supplanted by an imperial bride; and she
      submitted to his will. His divorce with the faithful Josephine was soon
      followed by his marriage with the daughter of the Emperor of Austria. On
      the 11th of March Berthier, acting as his proxy, received, in the palace
      of Schonbrunn, the hand of the Archduchess Maria Louisa, who soon left the
      home of her fathers for France. The act of divorcement from Josephine and
      Napoleon's marriage with the Austrian Princess received the sanction of
      the senate, who in an address expressed their gratitude for the steps he
      had taken, and predicted that this "child and champion of democracy" would
      live to see children and grandchildren, who would perpetuate his empire
      and the glory of France. Yet it was manifest, even to Napoleon himself,
      that his marriage was looked upon by the nation at large with dislike. His
      own clergy, in fact, were ashamed of the scene of the celebration of the
      marriage at St. Cloud, deeming it neither more nor less than an act of
      bigamy, while very few of the cardinals or prelates would sanction it by
      their presence, As for the mass of the people, among them there was a
      great party that still loathed the name of hereditary monarchy, and that
      thought it monstrous that a son of the revolution should ally himself with
      a branch of the "corporation of tyrants." His marriage, in a word, was
      universally admitted to be a capital error in his political career. Mignet
      says:&mdash;"Napoleon quitted his position and part as a parvenu and
      revolutionary monarch, who had been acting in Europe against the ancient
      courts, as the republic had acted against the ancient governments; he
      placed himself in a bad situation with respect to Austria, which he ought
      to have crushed after his victory of Wagram, or to have re-established in
      her possessions after his marriage with the Archduchess. Solid alliances
      repose only upon real interests, and Napoleon could deprive the cabinet of
      Vienna neither of the will nor the power to fight him again. This marriage
      changed also the character of his empire, and separated it still more from
      the popular feelings and interests; for he now sought after the old French
      families to decorate his court, and he did all that he could in order to
      mix and unite together the ancient noblesse and his new noblesse, even as
      he had mixed royal dynasties." Men were not wanting, however, who thought
      they saw in this union the guarantee of the welfare of the world and the
      beginning of a golden age; who conceived that this connexion of the
      favourite of fortune with one of the most illustrious houses of
      Christendom would reconcile the revolution with its opponents. "But after
      fortune had done everything for her ungrateful bosom-child; after the
      Corsican master of war had arrived to such a degree of glory and power as
      no mortal had attained before him, he wantonly overthrew by his insatiable
      ambition the colossal edifice of his grandeur." Some of the acts which
      tended to his final downfall have been recorded in previous pages: this
      year added to their number. In the first place, the territory of the
      Prince Primas was augmented by Hanan and Fulda, and elevated to the grand
      duchy of Frankfort; but it was declared the hereditary portion of Prince
      Eugene Beauharnois, because for the future no temporal dominion was to be
      united with spiritual dignities. At the same time the remnant of the
      electorate of Hanover was adjoined to the kingdom of Westphalia, reserving
      a certain revenue for France: and other decrees equally despotic regulated
      the aggrandizements of Bavaria and Wurtemberg. But one of the most
      despotic acts which was committed by Napoleon during this year had
      reference to Holland. To appease his wrath and gratify his revenge, Louis,
      Napoleon's brother, and King of Holland, interdicted all commerce with
      England, and agreed that a French army should be established on the coast
      of Holland for the purpose of seeing this interdict put into execution.
      Holland was also to equip a fleet for the service of France, and to cede
      Dutch Brabant, Zealand, and other territories to this insatiable empire.
      Yet, after all, Napoleon was not satisfied with his brother's rule. French
      troops approached the capital of Holland, and Louis abdicated in favour of
      his eldest son, and sought refuge in Austria. Immediately after Napoleon
      proclaimed the union of Holland with France, and the people of that
      country were compelled to submit to his lordly will. By the union of the
      two countries the empire of France numbered 130 departments, and a
      population of 42,000,000, and Napoleon ruled this vast empire with
      absolute power. All Europe, in fact, submitted to his yoke in silence:
      England alone continued the war both by sea and land. But Russia was
      beginning to wake as from a dream, and to arise "against the world-empire,
      which approached nearer and nearer to her frontier." The day of
      retribution was fast approaching, a day when God and man united to punish
      this haughty ruler of France and his people, for all the desolations they
      had commited over the fair face of creation. As they had done unto others,
      so it happened unto them.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1809&mdash;1812
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY&mdash;OPENING OF PARLIAMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By the non-attendance of his majesty at the opening and closing of the
      session of parliament for some time, it had been suspected that he was
      suffering under his old distressing malady. This was found to be too true.
      His illness has been referred to several proximate causes, both of a
      public and private nature. The cause, however, most commonly assigned for
      his affliction was the illness and death of his favourite daughter, the
      Princess Amelia. As her end drew near, she placed a mourning-ring, with
      the inscription, "Remember me," on the finger of her doating parent, and
      it is said that he never recovered the shock thus given to his feelings.
      His mental distress became immediately great, and in a few days the royal
      family were alarmed by symptoms of that fearful malady which ever
      afterwards afflicted him. This was on the 20th or 21st of August; and on
      the 25th, the anniversary of the king's accession to the throne, it was
      publicly announced that his majesty was labouring under his old complaint.
      Parliament stood prorogued till the 1st of November, on which day both
      houses assembled. As the king, however, was not present, and as no
      communication could be sent, there was no power either to prorogue or to
      open parliament. Under these circumstances an adjournment for fifteen days
      was proposed in both houses, and agreed to, and successive adjournments
      took place until the 13th of December, when they finally met for the
      transaction of business. In the meantime committees had been appointed to
      examine the attendant physicians respecting his majesty's health. From
      them it appeared that there were very slight hopes of his recovery, at
      least for a considerable period; and, besides, the chancellor of the
      exchequer had by this time took measures for the appointment of a regency.
      He brought forward three propositions: one, declaring the king's
      incapacity for the performance of the functions of royalty; a second,
      asserting the right of the two houses to supply this defect in the
      executive power; and a third, that means should be devised for giving the
      royal assent to a bill on the exercise of the regal authority during his
      majesty's indisposition. The two former of these propositions were
      assented to without a division, though not without some opposition from
      Sir Francis Burdett, who declared his solemn protest against the whole
      proceedings, as aiming a mortal blow against the constitution. Against the
      third proposition several exceptions were taken. Mr. Ponsonby, indeed,
      denied that the houses had a right to command the chancellor to apply the
      king's seal to an act which was thence to be considered as having the
      royal sanction, and he moved for an address to the Prince of Wales,
      praying him to take the regal functions on him during his majesty's
      illness. Sir Samuel Romilly thought the resolutions inconsistent with each
      other. He remarked:&mdash;"In one, the right of the lords and commons to
      fill up the vacancy is asserted; and yet that vacancy being acknowledged,
      the royal assent to a bill is to be procured, to which his majesty can
      give no assent: the will of the lords and common: can in nowise be
      construed into the king's will; nor can they by any means legislate for
      the nation. As well might a set of men in common life make a contract for
      an insane person, and then employ an individual as his solicitor to affix
      his seal and signature to the deed: in fact, the personal presence of the
      king, or of a commission signed by him, was essential to every act of
      legislation; and if the house could dispense with this in one case, they
      might in others; they might make war or peace, and say such was the king's
      pleasure." Mr. Ponsonby's motion for an address to the prince was rejected
      by two hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and fifty-seven. All the
      original resolutions were therefore carried, and the same three
      resolutions were likewise agreed to by the lords. Mr. Perceval, now, on
      the 3rd of December, proposed the same limitations and restrictions on the
      powers of the regent as were passed in 1788. These limitations and
      restrictions were contained in five resolutions. The first four of these
      resolutions were agreed to on the same day; but the fifth, relating to the
      care of his majesty's person was postponed till the next day.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1811
    </p>
    <p>
      The fifth resolution of the regency bill was not settled for some days. On
      the 1st of January an amendment to it, tending to diminish the expenses of
      the king's household, and to curtail the authority of the queen over that
      household, was carried against ministers by a majority of thirteen; and
      this decision was confirmed the next day by the rejection of an amendment
      moved by Mr. Perceval, which went to restore the fifth resolution to its
      original state. All the resolutions were then sent up to the lords, who,
      after some discussion, agreed to them; inserting an amendment in the
      second for allowing the regent to bestow the peerage upon deserving
      civilians, lawyers, etc. The commons readily agreed to this alteration in
      the second clause; and, by an act founded upon the whole, it was provided
      that the restrictions upon the royal authority, as exercised by the
      regent, should continue till the 1st of February, 1812, if parliament
      should be then assembled, and should have been sitting six weeks
      previously; otherwise, till the expiration of six weeks from the
      assembling of parliament after that day. A deputation now waited on the
      prince regent and the queen, to acquaint them with the resolutions which
      had been passed, and both accepted the office proposed to them, though the
      prince complained that his powers were to be exercised under so many
      restrictions and limitations. Their replies were reported to parliament on
      the 11th of January, when Lord Liverpool moved in the lords a resolution
      for putting the great seal to a commission for opening the parliament
      under the regency. This resolution passed the lords, after some opposition
      from Earl Grey, by a majority of fifty-one against thirty-three, and it
      was afterwards agreed to by the commons; and then both houses adjourned
      until the 15th of January, when the session was to be opened for the
      despatch of business under the regency by the commission thus appointed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF PARLIAMENT BY THE REGENT
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was not opened till the 12th of February, on which day the
      prince regent, having been previously installed at Carlton-house, opened
      it by commission. The speech delivered upon this occasion by the
      commissioners in the regent's name dwelt upon the success of our armies in
      the Indian seas, and the repulse of the French and Neapolitans in their
      attack on Sicily; upon the failures of the French in Portugal and at
      Cadiz; and it expressed a hope that parliament would enable the regent to
      continue the most effectual assistance to the brave nations of the
      Peninsula. The whole speech breathed a warlike spirit; and though some
      deprecated war in the debate which followed on the addresses, they were
      carried in both houses without a division.
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE RE-APPOINTMENT OF THE DUKE OF YORK TO THE WAR-OFFICE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after the installation of the prince regent it was reported that he
      intended to restore the Duke of York to the office of commander-in-chief
      of the forces. During the investigation the duke had been warmly defended
      by the Perceval administration, so that the report was not likely to be
      ill-founded. On the 25th of May, indeed, the duke's re-appointment was
      gazetted; and, although the nation seems generally to have acquiesced in
      the measure, it did not pass without some animadversion in parliament.
      Lord Milton moved in the commons, that it had been highly improper and
      indecorous in the advisers of the regent to recommend the re-appointment;
      but he found few supporters, the motion being lost by a majority of two
      hundred and ninety-six against forty-seven. The duke signalized his return
      to office by re-establishing regimental schools on Bell's system.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Perceval brought forward his budget on the 20th of May. The supplies
      demanded and voted for the year amounted to £58,021,869; out of which sum
      £20,276,144 were appropriated to the navy; £23,269,940 to the army;
      £5,012,378 to the ordnance; £2,100,000 to subsidies, etc., for Portugal;
      and £400,000 as a subsidy to Sicily.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BULLION COMMITTEE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period, from our differences with America, which were not yet
      settled, as well as from Napoleon's continental system, a considerable
      commercial depression was felt, together with a derangement in the
      money-market, arising in a great measure from the necessity that existed
      of constantly sending specie to the continent. During the preceding year
      Mr. Horner had obtained the appointment of a committee to inquire into the
      reason of the high price of gold bullion, and the state of the circulating
      medium, and of the exchanges between Great Britain and foreign parts. The
      report of this bullion committee was presented by Mr. Horner on the 6th of
      May, on which occasion he addressed the house in an elaborate speech,
      advocating a speedy return to cash-payments, as the only means of saving
      the credit of the country. The report itself, indeed, tended to recommend
      this measure to parliament. It stated, that there was an excess in the
      paper circulation, of which the most unequivocal symptom was the very high
      price of bullion, and, next to that, the low state of the continental
      exchanges; that the cause of this excess of bank-notes was to be found in
      the suspension of cash-payments; there being no adequate provision against
      such an excess, except in the convertibility of paper into specie; and
      that the unfavourable state of the exchanges originated in the same cause,
      and was further increased by the anti-commercial measures of the enemy.
      The report added, that the committee could see no remedy for the present
      or security for the future, except the repeal of the Suspension Act; that
      they thought this could not safely be done at an earlier period than two
      years from the time of their report; but that they recommended parliament
      to make early provision for this purpose. This subject occupied the house
      four long nights, but Mr. Horner's resolutions were all rejected.
      Subsequently, however, a bill was carried in the lords, which declared
      that bank-notes should be taken only at their professed value, and
      deprived the landlord of a summary remedy by distress whenever tender had
      been made in bank-notes. This bill was strongly opposed in the commons;
      but it was eventually carried by majorities of about four to one. In the
      lords, the bill was chiefly opposed by Lord King, who argued that it would
      create additional mischiefs and inconveniences; that landlords would
      refuse to grant leases; and that the bill could not effect the object
      which it professed to have in view, or retard depreciation of bank-notes.
      Lord King had recently issued a circular-letter to his tenants, that he
      would no longer receive bank-notes at par, but that his rents must for the
      future be paid either in English guineas, or in equivalent weight of
      Portuguese gold coin, or in bank notes amounting to a sum sufficient to
      purchase such an equivalent weight of gold. In his reply to Lord King's
      objections, made in the lords, the chancellor, Eldon, insisted that the
      claim set forth in this circular to his tenants was oppressive and unjust,
      and that the bill was necessary to prevent such a grievous oppression. He
      remarked:&mdash;"The restriction act of 1797 interfered so far with
      individual contracts as to say that a debtor should not be arrested, if he
      tendered his debt in bank-notes: the justice of that enactment has never
      been, disputed; and is it now to be said, that a tenant shall have his
      goods or stock seized, because he cannot pay in gold, which is not to be
      procured? Let us suppose a young professional man, struggling with the
      world, who has a rent to pay of £90 per annum, and who has £3,000 in the
      bank, in the three per cents. His lordship demands his rent in gold, but
      the bank refuses to pay the tenant his dividend in gold. Would not the
      tenant have a right to say&mdash;' As a public creditor, I am refused any
      other payment than in bank-notes; but here is a legislator&mdash;one of
      those by whose act of parliament I am thus refused to be paid except in
      bank-notes, insisting up on my paying him his rent in gold, which I cannot
      procure; and because I cannot procure it, my goods are to be distrained?'
      Would not this be a grievous oppression? Surely, so long as it should be
      expedient to continue the cash-suspension act of 1797, this present bill
      must become a part of it; for otherwise there would be no equality in the
      situation of different contracting parties, nor would equal justice be
      dealt out to those who had an equal claim to it; as there could be no
      justice in leaving the tenant who had tendered bank-notes exposed to be
      distrained upon by his landlord, whilst the debtor, in other cases, who
      had tendered bank-notes was exempted from arrest."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUBJECT OF MILITARY DISCIPLINE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, the subject of military punishment was discussed in
      the commons. On this subject Sir Francis Burdett particularly
      distinguished himself. He moved an address on the subject to the prince
      regent, in doing which he remarked:&mdash;"There are but few persons who
      know what is the dreadful manner in which this torture is inflicted. The
      instrument, formed of pieces of whipcord, each as thick as a quill, and
      knotted, is applied by the main strength of fresh men, relieving each
      other, until human nature can bear no more; and then, if pains are taken
      to recover the unhappy sufferer, it is only that he may undergo fresh
      agony. The most disgusting part of the whole transaction is the attendance
      of a surgeon&mdash;whose business seems to be a profanation of the healing
      art&mdash;to detect any lingering principle of life, which can enable the
      wretched man to undergo more suffering. I do not believe that in the
      description which the poets give of hell there are any tortures equal to
      what is called a military punishment." Sir Francis was ably seconded by
      Mr. Brougham, who contrasted the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland with
      the more noble conduct of the Duke of Gloucester, whose regiment was in
      the highest state of discipline, although there had not been a single
      flogging in it for more than two years. But though the house had been
      prepared to ameliorate the condition of the slaves of India, the members
      were not yet in a temper to soften that of their brethren at home: and the
      address was rejected by a large majority. Subsequently they showed still
      less sympathy with the sufferings of their fellow-subjects. A corporal in
      a militia regiment had been sentenced to one thousand lashes. He received
      two hundred of these; but it was found that he could not endure anymore,
      and he was placed in the hospital for three months; when, having
      recovered, he had the option of undergoing the rest of his sentence, or of
      serving in a condemned regiment for life in the West Indies, which latter
      alternative he chose rather than expire under the lash. Colonel Wardle
      moved for inquiry into this case, and only one was found to vote with him.
      This apathy manifested in the commons tended to increase the desire of
      parliamentary reform among the people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LOUD SIDMOUTH'S MOTION RESPECTING DISSENTING PREACHERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session Lord Sidmouth introduced a bill, as an
      amendment of the toleration act; prohibiting any person from obtaining a
      license to preach, unless he obtained the recommendation of at least six
      respectable householders of the congregation to which he belonged, such
      congregation being willing to listen to his instructions. The bill also
      required that those who intended to be itinerants should bring
      testimonials, stating that they were men of sober life and character, and
      qualified to perform the functions to which they aspired. This bill raised
      a great sensation among dissenters, it being considered liable to be
      perverted to purposes of intolerance. It encountered, indeed, such a storm
      of opposition, and the house was so inundated with petitions, that when it
      came to be read a second time it was rejected without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF THE IRISH CATHOLICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was generally understood among the Irish Catholics that the prince
      regent was favourable to their claims, and his investment with power
      contributed to increase their activity and zeal. Among other measures,
      they proposed to establish a committee in Dublin, composed of delegates
      from each country, for the management of their affairs. But this was
      deemed unlawful by government; and Mr. Wellesley Pole, the Irish
      secretary, sent a circular-letter to all the sheriffs and county
      magistrates, requiring them to arrest all persons engaged in such
      elections. This letter being brought before parliament excited much
      discussion; and on the 3rd of March Mr. Pole, having returned from
      Ireland, stated in explanation that the Catholic committee of 1809, had
      confined their deliberations to petitioning, whereas the delegates of 1810
      were empowered to manage the affairs of the Catholics generally; and that
      a committee of grievances, which met weekly, imitated all the forms of the
      house of commons. The opinion of the great law-officers, he said, had been
      taken by the lord-lieutenant, and the attorney-general had drawn up the
      circular. This explanation had a due effect noon the house; for when the
      petition which had been prepared by the committee was presented, although
      it was supported by the eloquence of Grattan, it was rejected by a
      majority of one hundred and forty-six against eighty-three. It shared the
      same fate in the lords, it being thought dangerous to grant any power to
      men who would be likely to abuse it. The rejection of this petition caused
      great disturbances in Ireland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMINAL LAW
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the various statutes of this session there were two which tended to
      diminish, in the instances of stealing linen and cotton from fields and
      out-buildings, that long list of offences to which our law assigned the
      punishment of death. Three other bills, having a similar tendency were
      passed in the commons, but were rejected by the lords. All these bills
      were brought in by that enlightened legislator, Sir Samuel Romilly.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 24th of July by commission. The speech
      expressed the regent's approbation of the wisdom and firmness which the
      two houses had manifested, in enabling him to continue the exertions of
      the country in the case of our allies, and to prosecute the war with
      increased activity and vigour. At this time there was an end of all hopes
      of his majesty's ability to resume the functions of royalty. In the early
      part of the year his health underwent some variations, with lucid
      intervals; but the report of the queen's council on the 8th of July stated
      that his majesty was totally unable to resume his kingly duties.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The orders in council not being repealed on the 2nd of February, Mr.
      Pinkney, the American minister in London, was recalled. He had his
      audience of leave on the 1st of March, from which time the American ports
      were closed against English ships, and open to those of our enemy.
      Attempts were made, in the course of the summer, to effect an adjustment
      of the subjects in dispute; but these failed, and on the meeting of
      congress in November, the president recommended vigorous measures of
      preparation both by sea and land. The finances of the American government,
      however, were little suited to meet the expense of a war; and the friends
      of peace, though outvoted in the legislative assemblies, yet felt
      confident that the prospect of loans and taxes would cool the military
      ardour of a people unaccustomed to such burthens.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF JAVA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A formidable expedition was this year fitted out by Lord Minto,
      Governor-General of India, and placed under the command of Sir Samuel
      Auchmuty, against the Dutch settlements in the island of Java. A landing
      was effected without opposition on the 5th of August, and by the 8th the
      city of Batavia was captured without resistance. Its garrison retreated to
      a fortified position within two miles of Cornells, where General Jansens
      was stationed with the principal Dutch force. These works were now
      assailed, and they were carried by assault on the 26th; and the whole of
      the Dutch army was either killed, captured, or dispersed. Jansens fled to
      Samarang, and prepared for defence; but he was soon compelled to
      capitulate, and then the whole island of Java surrendered to the British
      arms.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the months of January and February the English and French armies in
      Portugal remained in their respective positions. The French marshal,
      Mas-sena, was re-enforced by the ninth corps, under General Drouet; and
      about the same time Soult received orders from Napoleon to act in concert
      with him by attacking Portugal south of the Tagus; and a new French army
      was formed in the north of Spain, consisting of about 70,000 men, and
      placed under Marshal Bessières, who was ordered to give all the assistance
      he could to the army of Portugal. Soult, as before seen, moved towards the
      frontiers of Portugal; but deemed it indispensable to reduce Olivenza and
      Badajoz, before he crossed them, lest he should leave a Spanish garrison
      in his rear. Napoleon had given his generals directions to keep the
      English in check, and to cause them loss of men every day by engagements
      of advanced guards, until the season became favourable for main
      operations. Wellington, however, was too cautious to waste his army in
      affairs of advanced guards, or in any useless skirmishes or operations, so
      that he kept his forces entire; and at the beginning of March he was
      re-enforced by about 7000 men. By this time Massena's army had so eaten up
      the country that he found it necessary to move his quarters. He retreated
      to the frontiers of Spain, followed by the English, who in the course of
      the pursuit cut off many of the fugitives, and took much baggage and
      ammunition. When, indeed, Massena, re-crossed the frontiers of Spain, his
      loss, including the sick and wounded, amounted to no less than 45,000 men.
      But Massena still counted 40,000 men, besides the garrison left in
      Almeida; and having placed his army in cantonments between the Coa and
      Agueda, and given instructions for the blockade of Almeida, Lord
      Wellington departed for the south, to see the state of affairs on the
      Guadiana and the country near Badajoz. Thus terminated the third French
      invasion of Portugal.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF SPAIN, CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During his pursuit of the French army, Lord Wellington was mortified by
      the intelligence that Soult had captured Badajoz. He had besought the
      governor, General Menacho, to make a good stand, and promised him speedy
      assistance; but, unfortunately, the Governor was killed by a cannon-ball,
      and the command of the garrison devolved upon General Imaz, who proved
      unworthy of his trust. Although General Imaz knew that Massena was
      retreating, and that Wellington would soon send him succours, before any
      practicable breach was made in the walls; and although he was able to hold
      out for one month, he held up the white flag and suspended hostilities.
      Badajoz was surrendered on the 11th of March, the garrisons becoming
      prisoners of war: 9000 Spaniards surrendered to a besieging army which did
      not exceed 9600 infantry, and 2000 cavalry.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the fall of Badajoz Soult put his troops in motion to cross the
      Guadiana and the southern frontier of Portugal; but intelligence from
      Andalusia induced him to give up the command to Mortier, and to repair to
      Seville. General Graham, who commanded at Cadiz, when Soult departed from
      thence, concerted a plan with the Spaniards to drive Marshal Victor out of
      his lines. For this purpose 10,000 infantry, and 600 cavalry of the
      allies, being embarked at Cadiz, were landed in February at Algesiras,
      from which place they marched to Tarifa. At Tarifa they were joined by a
      considerable British, German, and Portuguese force, and the whole was
      placed under the command of the Spanish General La Peha. The combined
      forces marched in the direction of Medina Sidonia, and when within four
      leagues of the enemy's posts, they were re-organized: the vanguard being
      given to General Lardizabal; the centre to the Prince of Anglona; the
      reserve, composed of the British and two Spanish regiments, to Graham; and
      the cavalry to Colonel Whittingham, an English officer in the Spanish
      service. On the morning of the 5th of March the allies arrived on the low
      ridge of Barossa, about four miles from the mouth of the river Santi
      Petri. A successful attack on the rear of the enemy's lines opened the
      communication with the Isle of Leon; after which General Graham moved down
      to the Torre de Bermesa, about half-way to the Santi Petri, to secure the
      communication across that river, over which a bridge had been recently
      thrown. He moved on through the wood in front, but when he had advanced
      into the middle of the wood, he received notice that the enemy was
      advancing towards the heights of Barossa; and considering that position as
      the key to Santi Petri, he instantly made a counter-march to support the
      troops left for its defence. Before the troops of Graham, however, could
      reach the ridge of Barossa, the troops left for its defence were obliged
      to retire, and the left wing of the enemy was rapidly ascending those
      heights. To retreat in the face of a superior enemy would have exposed the
      allies to great danger; and, relying on the courage of his troops, General
      Graham determined on an immediate attack. He was successful: in an hour
      and a half the French were in full retreat, leaving behind them 3000
      killed and prisoners, and some of their cannon. The English, however, lost
      1,243 in killed and wounded, among whom were several officers high in
      estimation; and General Graham finding it impossible to procure supplies,
      withdrew the next day across the Santi Petri, and afterwards returned to
      the Isle of Leon. La Peira, whose co-operation in this movement did him no
      honour, returned with his forces to Cadiz, and the French resumed the
      blockade.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Marshal Beresford, acting under the directions of Lord
      Wellington, had directed his efforts against Badajoz. He invested that
      city on the 8th of May; but he had scarcely commenced the siege when
      intelligence arrived that Soult was returning thither with 15,000 men for
      its relief. Beresford immediately suspended his operations, removed the
      battering cannon and stores to Elvas, and being joined on the 14th by the
      Spanish Generals Castanos and Blake prepared to meet the enemy. Soult
      appeared in front of the allies, with a force of about 20,000 men; 5000
      having joined him in his route. They were attacked by him on the next day;
      but after a fearful slaughter on both sides, the enemy was driven back
      across the river. Soult retired to the ground he had previously occupied;
      and on the night of the 17th he commenced his retreat towards Seville,
      leaving Badajoz to its own defence. The British sustained a greater loss
      in this battle than in any that had been fought in the Peninsula; but the
      steadiness and gallantry of the troops obtained the highest commendations
      not only from their commander, but from both houses of parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      Shortly after this battle Lord Wellington joined General Beresford, and
      the siege of Badajoz was recommenced. He had left his army opposed to
      Massena in the north of Portugal under General Spencer, and about this
      time Massena was recalled to France, and Marmont became Spencer's
      opponent. Marmont was resolved to succour Badajoz, if possible; and for
      this purpose he sent 15,000 men, under Drouet, to re-enforce Sonlt if he
      should be again able to advance to its relief. This had the effect of
      quickening Lord Wellington's operations upon Badajoz: two different
      attacks were made upon it; but though his troops behaved with their
      accustomed valour, both attempts failed, and the siege was soon after
      raised.
    </p>
    <p>
      In other parts of Spain during this year, the patriots were equally
      unfortunate. Thus the French marshal Suchet took Tarragona by assault;
      General Blake was repulsed by the enemy in an attack on Niebla; Soult
      defeated the army of Marcia, in the vicinity of Baza; Figueras was
      re-taken by the French general, Macdonald; the Spanish general, Abudia,
      was defeated by Dorsenne in the vicinity of Astorga; Suchet captured the
      town and castle of Murviedro; and General Blake was attacked by Suchet in
      December, and compelled to retire within the walls of Valencia. On the 4th
      of September Lord Wellington formed the blockade of Ciudad Rodrigo; but on
      the 25th he retired, and his rear was attacked by Marmont. The infantry,
      however, forming a square, and presenting a firm front, retreated without
      being broken. General Hill, with a division of the allied army, surprised
      and completely routed a French column on the 28th of October, taking 1400
      prisoners and all Girard's artillery, baggage, &amp;c, together with the
      money which he had levied at Merida. About the same time also the Baron
      d'Eroles defeated the French near Perigeorda. After Marmont had relieved
      Ciudad Rodrigo he retraced his steps to the valley of the Tagus; and the
      allied army went into cantonments, Lord Wellington resolving in the course
      of the winter to collect such materials as would enable him to carry
      Ciudad Rodrigo by a more effectual and rapid method than that of blockade.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1809&mdash;1812
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAVAL AFFAIRS
    </h2>
    <p>
      The navy of England had not at this period any adequate antagonist to
      encounter, so that it was only by occasional surprises that it could
      perform any achievements. During this year, however, there were several
      severe frigate fights and in-shore operations. In the Adriatic Sea,
      Captain William Hoste obtained, on the 13th of March, with four English
      frigates, a complete victory over five French frigates and six smaller
      vessels, with five hundred men on board. Another victory was gained near
      Foul Point, Madagascar, by Captain Schomberg, who with three frigates and
      a sloop recovered Tamatava, which had been recently re-captured by the
      French, and captured all the vessels in the port, including the
      commodore's frigate. A gallant exploit was also performed at Sagone-bay in
      the island of Corsica by Captain Barrie, who with three frigates burned
      three armed vessels laden with timber for the dockyards at Toulon,
      although they were protected by strong batteries and a martello-tower, and
      defended by two hundred soldiers. On the 24th of August, likewise, Captain
      Ferris, hoisting French colours, sailed up the Garonne, and captured five
      French vessels without losing a single man in the enterprise. The actions
      of this year, indeed, are too numerous to recount. Our fleets and
      squadrons were engaged in all the four quarters of the globe, and the
      vessels of the enemy could nowhere move in safety while his coast was kept
      in continual alarm.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Fortune still seemed to smile on Napoleon. According to outward appearance
      everything was still in his favour. On the 20th of March his cup of
      prosperity seemed to be full; for his empress, Maria Louisa, was safely
      delivered of a son, to whom was given the titles of Napoleon Francis
      Charles Joseph, Prince of the French Empire, and King of Rome!
      Congratulatory addresses were poured in from all the departments and all
      the principal cities of France, as well as from Belgium, Holland, the
      Hanse Towns, the confederated states of the Rhine, and from Italy. Soon
      after this Napoleon opened the session of the <i>Corps Législatif</i>. In
      his speech he told the members that his son would answer the expectations
      of France, and bear to their children the sentiments which his father now
      bore to them; that they must never forget that their happiness and glory
      were dependent on the prosperity of the throne which he had raised,
      consolidated, and aggrandized by them and for them, and that the love of
      France was their first duty. This must have sounded oddly in the ears of
      some of the members; for at this time Dutchmen from Holland, &amp;c,
      Germans from the Hanse Towns, Swiss from the Valais, which was now
      incorporated with France, and Italians from the confiscated states of the
      church had taken their seats in the <i>Corps Législatif</i>. With
      conscious pride Napoleon also declared to these "complaisant tools of
      tyranny," that French dominion during the last year had been extended over
      sixteen departments, containing five millions of people; the mouths of the
      Rhine, Meuse, and Scheldt, together with the whole course of the latter
      river, were now French; that improvements on a gigantic scale had taken
      place throughout the empire; and that its finances were in such a state
      that France could go on for ten years without borrowing money. It is
      possible, however, that Napoleon in making this last assertion had an eye
      to the plunder of some rich kingdoms, for it was well known that France
      was not in a prosperous condition. At this very time, indeed, the French,
      having lost their colonies, were substituting roasted horse-beans for
      coffee, and extracting sugar from beet-root. The boast of Napoleon,
      however, was pleasing to a vain-glorious people, and none dared dispute
      his word. Subsequently to making it, accompanied by his young empress, he
      visited Ostend, Antwerp, and Amsterdam, where he announced the division of
      the departments of Holland, and their proportion of the annual expenses.
      On his return to Paris, however, the course of events bid fair to run more
      roughly with Napoleon than they had hitherto done. All the cabinets of
      Europe were at this time anxious to break their fetters, and a rupture
      with Russia had become inevitable. The czar was offended by Napoleon's
      seizure of Oldenburg, the extension of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and the
      continued occupation of Dantzic, and prepared for a contest; and Napoleon
      replied to his menaces by angry complaints, and by calling out fresh
      conscripts in order to meet him in the field. At the close of the year
      1811 the preparations for war were on such a gigantic scale, that most men
      in France saw they would be followed by an unprecedented campaign.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1812&mdash;1814
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Augmentation of the Civil List.....
     Bill for Prohibiting the Grant of Offices in Reversion,
     &amp;c...... Changes in the Ministry, &amp;e...... Attacks upon
     Ministers..... Assassination of Mr. Perceval.....
     Administration of Lord Liverpool..... Financial
     Statements..... Population Returns, &amp;c...... Bill for
     Preservation of the Peace..... Bill to extend the Privileges
     of Dissenters..... Prorogation of Parliament, &amp;e......
     Capture of Ciudad Rodrigo by the British..... Storm and
     Capture of Badajoz..... Operations in Spain..... War between
     France and Russia..... War with   America..... Meeting of
     the New Parliament..... Debates on the War with America.....
     Financial Statements..... Renewal of  the East India
     Company's Charter..... The Catholic Question..... Curates'
     Bill, &amp;c...... Appointment of  Vice-Chancellor..... Delates
     on the Treaty  with Sweden..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Affairs of Spain..... American Campaign.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Bill for allowing the Militia to
     volunteer into the Line.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1812
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament re-assembled on the 7th of January, when the speech of the
      prince-regent was delivered by commission. It dwelt chiefly on the events
      which had happened in the Peninsula, and on the differences which existed
      between England and America. The addresses were carried in both houses
      without a division, though not without debate and censure. In the lords,
      Grenville and Grey denounced the measures of government in no very soft
      language as regarded their war and foreign policy, and uttered some
      predictions of calamities which must follow any new rupture with America.
      In the commons Sir Francis Burdett proposed instead of an address a strong
      remonstrance to the regent, containing an elaborate statement of
      grievances, among which the constitution of the house was one of the most
      conspicuous. In making this proposal, the right honourable baronet
      declared that Englishmen for the last eighteen years had been daily losing
      their liberty; that a detestation of French liberty had produced the
      present war; that nothing had been done for Spain, and that if its cause
      was now taken up by the British government it had become hopeless; that
      the victories won by our armies were useless; and that parliament should
      be reformed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AUGMENTATION OF THE CIVIL LIST.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time no change had taken place in the indisposition of the king.
      The general impression on the minds of the people, indeed, was that his
      recovery was hopeless, that the remainder of his days would be spent in
      mental debility. This impression was heightened when, in the house of
      commons, in a committee to consider the question of the king's household,
      Mr. Perceval stated that, according to the physicians, the expectation of
      his majesty's recovery was diminished. Under these circumstances he laid
      before the house the measures proposed to be adopted. Several objections
      were taken to his plan; but the following resolutions were finally agreed
      to:&mdash;"1. That, for making provision for the due arrangement of his
      majesty's household, and for the exercise of the royal authority during
      the continuance of his majesty's indisposition, and for the purpose of
      enabling the queen to meet the increased expenses to which, in consequence
      of such indisposition, her majesty may be exposed, there be granted out of
      the consolidated fund of Great Britain the yearly sum of £70,000. 2. That
      it is expedient that provision be made for defraying the expenses incident
      to the assumption of the personal exercise of the royal authority by his
      royal highness the prince regent, in the name and on the behalf of his
      majesty." The bill framed upon these resolutions encountered some
      opposition, but they passed triumphantly. A large addition was also
      subsequently made to the income of the princesses; and it was in vain that
      some honourable members pleaded internal distress, and urged that such
      demands were not needed: the courtly zeal of parliament prevailed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR PROHIBITING THE GRANT OF OFFICES IN REVERSION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the bill for prohibiting the grant of offices in reversion was now
      about to expire, Mr. Bankes introduced a new bill in order to render the
      measure permanent. This was opposed on the second reading by Mr. Perceval,
      and thrown out; and then Mr. Bankes proposed a bill for the same purpose,
      but limited to two years. This met with no opposition in the commons, and
      it was carried through the lords after the rejection of an amendment
      proposed by Earl Grosvenor for continuing its operation to 1840. At a
      later date Mr. Bankes brought in a bill for utterly abolishing many
      sinecure places, and this was carried against ministers by a majority of
      one hundred and thirty-four against one hundred and twenty-three. On the
      7th of May Mr. Creevey also called the serious attention to the
      tellerships of the exchequer, now held by the Marquess of Buckingham and
      Lord Camden, which offices were as old as the exchequer itself, and
      conferred a vested right, with which it was held parliament could not
      interfere. He moved a series of resolutions, the last of which declared:&mdash;"That
      it is the duty of parliament in the present unparalleled state of national
      expenditure and public calamity, to exercise its rights still further over
      the fees now paid out of the public money at the exchequer, so as to
      confine the profits of the two tellers to some fixed and settled sum of
      money more conformable in amount to the usual grants of public money for
      public services, etc." Ministers opposed this motion, and it was lost
      without a division. An amendment, likewise, proposed by Mr. Brand, for
      appointing a committee to inquire into precedents, was rejected by a large
      majority. In these debates the greater part of the opposition took the
      part of ministers, but in the minority were Whitbread, General Fergusson,
      Lord Tavistock, Lord Archibald Hamilton, and Mr. Brougham. But though
      parliament would not interfere in these vested rights, in November of this
      year the two noble tellers intimated their intention of appropriating to
      the public service a third of their salary and fees from the 5th of
      January next to the end of the war: this was an act of true patriotism.
      Before the session closed an attack was made upon another patent place,
      that of the office of registrar of the admiralty and prize courts. A bill
      for regulating this office was brought in by Mr. Henry Martin, but it was
      rejected by a majority of sixty-five against twenty-seven. In the course
      of this last debate it was made to appear that Lord Arden, the registrar,
      whose fees amounted to about £12,000 a year, had made £7000 a year more by
      interest and profits of suitors' money, and that he had sometimes above
      £200,000 of such money employed at interest. A bill, however, proposed by
      Mr. Perceval himself, which declared that the registrar should be entitled
      to one-third part only of the fees of his office, and that the remaining
      two-thirds should go to the consolidated fund, was carried, though not
      without some opposition. This was noble conduct on the part of Mr.
      Perceval; for this office had been granted in reversion to his elder
      brother, Lord Arden, and after Lord Arden's death it was to revert to Mr.
      Perceval himself. Its merits were, however, lowered by the consideration
      that the reductions of emoluments were not to take place till after the
      expiration of the existing present and reversionary interests; that is,
      till after the deaths of Lord Arden and Mr. Perceval.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period the present cabinet was not only weak but distracted. The
      Marquess Wellesley, indeed, who was dissatisfied with some of his
      colleagues, had signified his intention of resigning almost as soon as
      parliament met, although he agreed to hold office till the expiration of
      the year to which the restrictions on the regent were limited. He resigned
      on the 19th of February, and he was succeeded as secretary for foreign
      affairs by Lord Castlereagh. Six days before the resignation of Marquess
      Wellesley the regent wrote a letter to his brother, the Duke of York, in
      which he began with alluding to the fast approaching expiration of the
      restrictions; stated that motives of filial affection had induced him to
      continue the present cabinet; adverted to the success of his first year's
      administration, and expressed a hope that a new era was arriving. He
      concluded with these words:&mdash;"Having made this communication of my
      sentiments, I cannot conclude without expressing the gratification I
      should feel if some of those persons with whom the early habits of my
      public life were formed would strengthen my hands, and constitute a part
      of my government. With such support, and aided by a vigorous and united
      administration, founded on the most liberal basis, I shall look with
      additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most arduous contest in
      which Great Britain was ever engaged. You are authorized to communicate
      these sentiments to Lord Grey, who I. have no doubt will make them known
      to Lord Grenville." The prince's letter was shown to both Grey and
      Grenville, but they flatly refused to join the Perceval administration.
      The letter, and their reply to the Duke of York, were published in all the
      newspapers of the kingdom, and from this moment the Whigs began to revile
      the Prince of Wales, whom they had so long flattered and applauded. They
      had anticipated a return to power under his rule; and when they discovered
      that he adhered to his father's line of policy, they no longer looked up
      to him as their rising sun. The old cry was indeed raised, that there was
      something behind the throne stronger than the throne itself, something
      that was subversive of the constitution. Earl Grey declared in the house
      of lords that the ministry depended for its existence upon an unseen
      influence; a power alien to the constitution; a disgusting and disastrous
      influence which consolidated abuses into a system, and which prevented
      both complaint and advice from reaching the royal ear; an influence which
      it was the duty of parliament to set its branding mark upon. Both in and
      out of parliament it was asserted that Lord Castlereagh's return to office
      was the effect of the influence of a certain lady, and the auspices of the
      Hertford family.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTACKS UPON MINISTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      These murmurs broke out into open attacks upon the cabinet. On the 19th of
      March Lord Boringdon moved in the house of lords for an address to the
      prince regent, beseeching him to form an administration so composed as to
      unite the confidence and good will of all classes of his majesty's
      subjects. His real meaning was that the regent should form a Grey and
      Grenville administration; but his irregular, if not unconstitutional
      motion, was got rid of by an amendment proposed by Lord Grimstone, which
      was carried by one hundred and sixty-five against seventy-two. A more
      violent attack on the ministry was subsequently made by Lord Donoughmore,
      when he moved for a committee on the Roman Catholic claims; but though his
      lordship's motion was seconded by the Duke of Sussex his motion was lost:
      his speech was too much tainted with private pique to be heeded by
      parliament. A similar motion, urged by the eloquence of Mr. Grattan in the
      commons, met with a similar fate. At a later period, however, Mr. Canning
      carried a motion in opposition to ministers, pledging the house to
      consider early next session the state of the laws affecting the Roman
      Catholics of Great Britain and Ireland. In the lords a similar proposal
      made by the Marquis Wellesley was rejected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ASSASSINATION OF MR. PERCEVAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, as the continuance of outrages in several of the
      manufacturing counties continued, a severe law was enacted, which made the
      breaking of frames and administration of oaths a capital felony. These
      commotions were generally attributed to the operation of our orders in
      council, diminishing the demands for articles of British manufacture; and
      petitions were presented to both houses for a revocation of these edicts.
      In compliance with the general wish, a formal inquiry was instituted; but
      while it was depending, its leader was suddenly cut off by a tragical
      death. As Mr. Perceval, on the 11th of May, was entering the lobby of the
      house of commons he was shot through the heart, and after uttering a
      slight exclamation and staggering a few paces, he expired. The assassin,
      whose name was Bellingham, made no attempt to escape, and he was
      immediately arrested. Apprehensions were at first entertained that there
      might be a conspiracy; but it was soon discovered that no other person had
      been concerned with him, and that there was no mixture of political
      feeling in his motives. Bellingham had been a merchant; and in a
      commercial visit to Russia some time before he had met with serious
      losses, which he attributed to violence and injustice. He had repeatedly
      addressed Lord G. Leveson Gower, who had been our ambassador at
      Petersburgh, and he had presented memorials to the treasury, soliciting a
      compensation for losses; but these losses not having been incurred in the
      course of any public service, were considered as affording him no title to
      compensation. Mr. Perceval had rightly refused to listen to his
      applications; but Bellingham was enraged at his refusal, and resolved to
      sacrifice his life. He was found guilty of murder at the Old Bailey, and
      he underwent the extreme sentence of the law within one week of his
      perpetration of the fearful deed. Two days after the assassination
      parliament voted £50,000 for the children of the sacrificed minister, and
      £2000 to his widow for life. Subsequently another pension was voted to his
      eldest son, as was also a monument for the deceased in Westminster Abbey.
      The talents of Mr. Perceval were not splendid, but as chancellor of the
      exchequer he displayed considerable skill in augmenting the public burdens
      at a time when the war was conducted on a scale of unprecedented
      expenditure. His advancement seems to have been owing to his inflexibility
      on the Catholic question, at a time when a majority of the talented
      members of parliament was in favour of some concession. But if Mr.
      Perceval's talents were not of the highest order, in private life few
      persons were more deservedly respected, and whose death was in consequence
      more lamented. Sir Samuel Romilly, in his "Diary of Parliamentary Life,"
      remarks that he could hardly have accompanied his refusal to listen to
      Bellingham with any harshness, for few men had ever less harshness in
      their nature than he had. A recent writer also says:&mdash;"We remember
      well walking through the populous streets and suburbs of the capital on
      that afternoon and evening, and seeing the mixed feelings of horror and
      pity expressed on almost every countenance."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ADMINISTRATION OF LORD LIVERPOOL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Considerable difficulty was experienced in supplying the vacancy
      occasioned by the death of Mr. Perceval. Overtures were made to the
      Marquis of Wellesley and Mr. Canning; but they refused to associate
      themselves with government, assigning as their reason the avowed
      sentiments of ministers on the Catholic question. An address was moved to
      the prince regent on the 21st of May, by Mr. Stuart Wortley, praying that
      he would take such measures as might be best calculated to form an
      efficient government. This address was carried; and in his reply the
      prince regent said he would take it into his most serious consideration.
      The Marquis of Wellesley was the first applied to; and he proposed, as the
      chief conditions on which the new cabinet should be formed, the early
      consideration of the Catholic question, and the more vigorous prosecution
      of the war in Spain. He attempted to form a ministry on these conditions,
      but failed; and at length, on the 8th of June, Lord Liverpool informed the
      house of lords that the prince regent had that day appointed him first
      commissioner of the treasury, and had authorized him to complete the
      arrangements for the ministry. The principal accessions made to the
      cabinet by Lord Liverpool were Lord Sidmouth as secretary of state for the
      home department; the Earl of Harrowby as lord president of the council;
      and Mr. Vansittart as chancellor of the exchequer.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 17th of June Mr. Vansittart, the new chancellor of the exchequer,
      brought forward his budget, which had been nearly arranged by his
      predecessor. The charges were stated at £7,025,700 for Ireland; and
      £55,350,648 for Great Britain. This was a terrible extent of charge, he
      said; but great as it was, the resources of the country were still equal
      to it. By an enumeration of ways and means, he produced a result of
      £55,390,460, including a loan of £15,650,000; but there had been
      previously a loan of £6,789,625; which, added to the new loan, and to
      exchequer-bills funded this year, created an annual interest of
      £1,905,924. To provide for this Mr. Vansittart proposed to discontinue the
      bounty on printed goods exported, and to increase the duties on tanned
      hides, glass, tobacco, sales by auction, postage of letters, and assessed
      taxes. The aggregate product of these increased duties were estimated at
      £1,903,000. The augmentation of the duty on leather was strongly opposed;
      but the whole budget received the sanction of the house.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POPULATION RETURNS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session returns under the population act were laid before
      parliament. From these returns it appeared that Great Britain in 1801 had
      a population of 10,472,048 souls, and in 1811 no less than 11,911,644.
      These results revived the question of population compared with its means
      of subsistence. It appeared by accounts produced about this time, that
      during eleven years, from 1775 to 1786, the average quantity of grain
      imported was 564,143 quarters, from 1786 to 1798, 1,136,101 quarters, and
      from 1799 to 1810, 1,471,000 quarters. The average prices were in the
      first period named thirty shillings per quarter, in the second forty
      shillings, and in the third sixty shillings. During the last year no less
      a sum than £4,271,000 went out of the country to purchase subsistence for
      its inhabitants. It must be remembered, however, that at this period vast
      tracts of land remained uncultivated, and that the science of agriculture
      was but imperfectly understood.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR PRESERVATION OF THE PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of June the regent sent a message to each house of parliament,
      acquainting them that he had ordered copies to be laid before them of the
      information recently received relative to riots which had recently
      occurred in the cotton manufacturing districts of Lancashire and part of
      Cheshire, the clothing districts of Yorkshire, &amp;c, confiding in their
      wisdom to adopt measures for restoring tranquillity. These papers were
      referred to a secret committee in each house, and the result was the
      introduction of a severe bill for the preservation of the public peace in
      the disturbed districts. Some members questioned the extent of the danger
      and the policy of the coercive bill; but it was carried through both
      houses.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO EXTEND THE PRIVILEGES OF DISSENTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of July Lord Castlereagh brought in a bill to extend the
      privileges of the dissenters. This bill, which proposed to repeal certain
      intolerant statutes and to amend others, relating to religious worship and
      assemblies, &amp;c. was carried. A bill for improving the ecclesiastical
      courts in England also received the sanction of the legislature.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 30th of July by commission; and on the
      20th of September a proclamation was issued by the prince regent,
      announcing its dissolution.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF CIUDAD RODRIGO BY THE BRITISH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the latter months of the preceding year Lord Wellington had been
      secretly preparing the means of recapturing Ciudad Rodrigo, the possession
      of that place still serving the French as a basis of operations on one of
      the frontiers of Portugal. His situation, says a Peninsular historian, was
      simply that of a man who felt that all depended on himself; that he must
      by some rapid and unexpected stroke effect in the field what his brother
      could not effect in the cabinet. Mar-mont favoured his designs on this
      place; for, deceived by his apparent careless attitude, the French armies
      were spread over an immense tract of country, and Ciudad Rodrigo was left
      unprotected. Lord Wellington marched against it early in January; and in
      twelve days from its first investment Ciudad Rodrigo was recaptured. In
      the assault the British suffered severe loss, there being in the whole
      about 1000 killed and wounded, among whom were many officers. General
      Mackinnon, and many of his brigade, were blown up by the explosion of a
      powder-magazine on the ramparts, and General Craufurd was mortally
      wounded. The loss of the garrison was also about 1000, besides 1700
      prisoners. For the capture of this piece the Spanish Cortes passed a vote
      of thanks to Lord Wellington, and conferred on him the title of Duke of
      Ciudad Rodrigo. In England also his lordship obtained a step in the
      peerage, being created Earl of Wellington, with an annuity of £2000
      annexed to the title. Thanks were voted by parliament both to him and his
      brave army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The recapture of Ciudad Rodrigo was attended with fearful scenes. Colonel
      Napier says:&mdash;"Throwing off the restraint of discipline the troops
      committed frightful excesses: the town was fired in three or four places;
      the soldiers menaced their officers, and shot each other; intoxication
      soon increased the tumult; and at last the fury rising to absolute
      madness, a fire was wilfully lighted in the middle of the great magazine,
      when the town, and all within it, would have been blown to atoms, but for
      the energetic courage of some officers and a few soldiers, who still
      preserved their senses." After order had been restored, orders were given
      to repair the breaches and level the intrenchments, while means were taken
      to provision the place.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1812&mdash;1814
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STORM AND CAPTURE OF BADAJOZ.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having recovered Ciudad Rodrigo, Wellington resolved to attempt the
      recovery of Badajoz. In preparing for this enterprise great secrecy was
      maintained; and when all was ready, his lordship, leaving one division of
      his army on the Agueda, marched with the rest from the northern to the
      southern frontier of Portugal. His artillery had previously been conveyed
      from Lisbon by sea to the Setubal river, whence it was carried by land
      across the Alemtejo to the banks of the Guadiana; and on the 16th of March
      Lord Wellington crossed that river, and immediately invested Badajoz. The
      Picurina, an advanced work separated from the body of the place by the
      small river Ribillas, was taken on the 25th, and on the 26th two batteries
      opened on the town. Expedition was essential; for at this time Marshal
      Soult was preparing for its relief, and Marmont, in the hope of effecting
      a diversion had entered Portugal, and was ravaging the country east of the
      Estrella. Thus called upon to action on the 6th of April, after three
      breaches were reported to be practicable, Lord Wellington gave orders for
      storming the place at ten o'clock that night. Badajoz was captured, but it
      was with great loss, owing to the formidable obstacles encountered by the
      allies. General Philippon, the governor of Badajoz, had adopted such an
      ingenious defence that effectually stopped the way of the British, that
      had not General Picton succeeded in carrying and establishing himself in
      the castle, and General Walker in entering the town by escalade in an
      opposite direction, the attempt might have failed. These successes
      distracted the French; and Lord Wellington, who had ordered his divisions
      to retire from the attack, now directed them again to advance, and then
      every obstacle was overcome. General Philippon with a few hundred men
      escaped across the Guadiana, and threw himself into Fort St. Cristoval,
      where he surrendered on the following morning. On the side of the allies
      about 1000 were slain, and from 4000 to 5000 wounded. The French lost
      about 1500 men slain, and nearly 4000 were taken prisoners. In Baclajoz
      from 3000 to 4000 Spaniards, English, and Portuguese, who had been taken
      prisoners by the French, were found, and were consequently released. It
      was on the 7th of April that Lord Wellington captured Badajoz, and on the
      8th Soult had collected his army at Villa-franca, between Llerena and
      Merida; but hearing of the fall of the place he commenced a retreat to
      Seville. He was warmly pursued by the British cavalry, who cut up his
      rear-guard at Villa Garcia.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As soon as Lord Wellington had captured Badajoz he endeavoured to put the
      place into a state of defence. His lordship, however, had but little time
      to attend to this important measure. Marmont was at this time making
      himself strong in the north, and was blockading both the Spanish fortress
      of Ciudad Rodrigo and the fortress of Almeida. Leaving General Hill in the
      south, therefore, his lordship, on the 13th of April moved the main body
      of his army back to the north. Marmont now retreated to Salamanca, hoping
      to effect a junction with Soult; but he was prevented from this step by
      the capture of the strong forts which the French had erected at Almaraz on
      the Tagus, and which were captured by General Hill. At length, on the 13th
      of June, Lord Wellington broke up from his cantonments between the Coa and
      the Agueda with about 40,000 men, leaving General Hill near Almaraz with
      12,000 more. As his lordship advanced into Spain, he received reports that
      Marmont was about to be re-enforced by a division consisting of nearly
      seven thousand men. Marmont already counted 40,000 infantry, 3000
      artillery, and 4000 cavalry, so that he already had a decided superiority
      in numbers. Still Wellington pursued his march, and the whole of his army
      arrived upon the Val Musa rivulet, about six miles from Salamanca, on the
      16th of June. Some of the cavalry and infantry of the enemy lay in front
      of the town of Salamanca; but they were driven in by the British, and
      Marmont evacuated the town in the night, leaving a garrison of some eight
      hundred men, in forts constructed on the rains of colleges and convents,
      which commanded the bridge that crosses the river Tormes. The allies,
      however, forded the river in places above and below the bridge, and on the
      17th entered the town. Marmont made some efforts to relieve the forts
      which were now invested; but they were all taken by the 27th, and he then
      took up a strong position on the northern bank of the Duero. He was
      followed by Wellington, who took up a line on the southern bank of that
      river directly opposite to his opponent. Early in July Marmont was
      re-enforced by the expected division, and on the 11th of that month he
      threw two divisions across the Duero at Toro, when Wellington moved his
      army to the left to concentrate it on the Guareha, an affluent of the
      Duero. Marmont now ascended the northern bank of the river with his whole
      army, and again crossed over to the southern bank of the Duero, and
      assembled at Nava del Bey. He succeeded in re-establishing his
      communications with King Joseph and the army of the centre, which was
      advancing from Madrid to join him. The two armies remained on the opposite
      banks of the Guarena till the 20th of July, on which day they moved
      towards the Tormes in parallel lines. They crossed the Tormes on the
      following day; the allied army passing by the bridge of Salamanca, and the
      French by the fords higher up the river. The hostile troops were still
      facing each other, and both armies were still near Salamanca. In the
      course of the night Lord Wellington was informed that Marmont was about to
      be joined by the cavalry and horse-artillery of the north. No time was to
      be lost, and his lordship determined, if circumstances should not permit
      him to attack Marmont on the morrow, he would then move towards Ciudad
      Rodrigo. The morning of the morrow was spent in anxious suspense by the
      allies, birt the enemy gave no indication of his design to commence battle
      till noon, when some confusion was observed in his ranks. After a great
      variety of skilful manouvres on both sides, Marmont, inspired with the
      hope of destroying at one blow the whole English army, extended his line
      in order to enclose his allies within the position which they had taken
      up. This was an error of which Wellington immediately took advantage.
      Nearly the whole of his army was brought opposite to the enemy's left, and
      an attack was commenced upon that wing. Three divisions, under Generals
      Leith, Cole, and Cotton, charged in front, while General Pakenham formed
      another across the enemy's flank. This movement decided the victory. The
      left wing first, then the centre, and finally the right wing were
      defeated, and as the evening closed the whole force of the enemy was in
      total rout. The first great blow was given to the power of the French in
      Spain. In this battle the French lost three generals slain, and Marmont,
      Bonnet, and Clausel were wounded. Their total loss in killed and wounded
      was very great, and they left 7000 prisoners, eleven guns, and two eagles
      in the hands of the conquerors. The loss of the allies was also great,
      nearly 5000 being slain and wounded: among the slain was General Le
      Marchant, and among the wounded Generals Beresford, Leith, Cole, Spry, and
      Cotton; The pursuit of the enemy was renewed next day beyond the Tormes,
      when the British troops succeeded in capturing three brigades. In the
      course of the day Marmont was joined by a corps of 1200 cavalry from the
      army of the north, which covered the retreat of the centre as it hastened
      toward Valladolid. The pursuit was continued on the 24th, and the enemy
      was driven from Valladolid towards Burgos. Lord Wellington reached
      Valladolid the eighth day after the battle, and here he gave over the
      pursuit in order to make another important movement. On the day after the
      battle of Salamanca King Joseph had marched from the Escurial with 20,000
      men, for the purpose of joining Marmont. On arriving at Arevalo he heard
      of Mar-mont's defeat, and he then marched off by the right to Segovia, to
      attempt a diversion in favour of Clausel, who was now leading the
      retreating army. Lord Wellington therefore quitted Valladolid, recrossed
      the Duero, and marched against King Joseph, leaving a force on the Duero
      under General Paget to watch Clausel. King Joseph now retreated towards
      Madrid, whither he was followed by Lord Wellington, and from whence he was
      driven by his lordship. The British forces entered Madrid on the 12th of
      August, and was received with enthusiastic acclamations. Joseph fled to
      the left bank of the Tagus to rally his army between Aranjuez and Toledo,
      leaving a garrison in the Retiro palace. The troops found in the Retiro,
      however, were made prisoners of war on the 14th of August, so that Lord
      Wellington had complete possession of the Spanish capital. He appointed
      Don Carlos de Espaha Governor of Madrid, and the new constitution which
      the Cortes had made at Cadiz was proclaimed with great exultation. The air
      resounded with the shouts of "Long live the Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo! long
      live Wellington!" Subsequently a deputation waited upon his lordship with
      a congratulatory address, to which he wisely replied: "The events of the
      war are in the hands of Providence."
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of the capture of Madrid Soult raised the blockade of
      Cadiz, abandoned the whole of Western Andalusia, and concentrated his
      forces in Grenada. His retreat to Grenada was very disastrous: his army
      suffered greatly from the attacks of the allied force of the English and
      Spanish, the occasional attacks of the armed peasantry, and from the
      excessive heat and famine. In the meantime General Hill advanced from the
      Guadiana to the Tagus, and connected his operations with those of
      Wellington. On his approach, Joseph Buonaparte abandoned the line of the
      Tagus, and fell back to Almanza in Murcia, that he might preserve the line
      of communication with Soult in Granada, and Suchet on the borders of
      Valencia and Catalonia. By the close of August General Hill occupied all
      the places on the south of Madrid, and which occupation enabled him to
      cover the right of the allied army. These successes, however, were far
      from completing the recovery of Spain, and the situation of Lord
      Wellington in the Spanish capital was yet very critical. So ineffective
      was the aid which the natives afforded, and so great the military power
      which yet remained to be subdued, that a triumphant result was still
      uncertain. In a little time, indeed, Lord Wellington saw himself menaced
      by the three armies of the south, the centre, and the north, and he was
      compelled to retreat from Madrid. Before he commenced his retreat he made
      an attempt to capture Burgos: an attempt which failed chiefly from want of
      the requisite means of success. Lord Wellington now moved towards the
      Duero, and marched upon Salamanca, where he hoped to establish himself;
      but Soult having united his forces with those of Souham, which had
      advanced from Burgos, obliged him to continue his retreat. He effected his
      retreat in a masterly manner, before an army of 90,000 men, against which
      he could only oppose about 50,000, and on the 24th of November, he fixed
      his head-quarters at Freynada, on the Portuguese frontier. King Joseph now
      returned once more to Madrid, while Soult, who took the chief command of
      the combined French armies, established his head-quarters at Toledo, with
      his right wing resting on Salamanca. A great outcry was raised against
      Lord Wellington in England, on account of this retreat; but, fortunately,
      ministers were satisfied with the explanation of his motives, and resolved
      to send him all the assistance in their power. His lordship employed the
      winter months in rendering his army more effective, that he might in the
      ensuing campaign enter on a more decisive and extended course of
      operations. For this purpose he proceeded to Cadiz, to make arrangements
      for the co-operation of the Spanish armies, when it was settled that
      50,000 troops should be placed at his disposal. This was full proof that
      the Cortes still placed confidence in him. They augured, indeed, that
      under the direction of so great a leader, those troops would pitch their
      tents on the banks of the Seine. The president remarked, "It would not be
      the first time that the Spanish lions had there trampled on the old <i>fleur-de-lys</i>
      of France."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the Emperor of Russia had declared war against
      Napoleon. Thwarted in his ambitious views upon the Ottoman empire, which
      he had been led to expect would be realized from the treaty of Tilsit,
      Alexander first became cool towards his brother spoliator, and then openly
      broke with him. Great preparations were made on both sides for the
      gigantic struggle, and Napoleon resolved to humble the czar in his own
      dominions. With an army of about 800,000 men he crossed the Vistula in
      June, and his onward march was a series of triumphs. The Russians
      everywhere retreated before him, until he came to the plains of Moscow,
      where he fought a hard battle with an army under Kutusoff, over whom he
      gained a victory. Moscow now fell into the hands of the conqueror. He
      entered it on the 14th of September, and took up his residence at the
      Kremlin, the ancient palace of the czars. But here his triumphs ended. The
      Russians had only retreated before him in order to allure him to
      destruction. Their plan was to avoid a battle till the enemy should be cut
      off from support, and till winter, famine, and fatigue had wasted his
      resources. And in order to ensure this final result they were willing to
      make large sacrifices. Smolensko was reduced to ashes, while Napoleon was
      on his route to Moscow, lest it should afford a shelter to his troops, and
      Napoleon had not been long in the imperial city, when the flames were seen
      casting their lurid glare to heaven on every side. In a brief space Moscow
      was in ruins, and Napoleon was compelled, in the month of October, to give
      orders to his troops to return to France. Few of his proud army, however,
      were destined again to behold their native country.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Now did the Most High
     Exalt his still small voice; to quell that host,
     Gathered his mighty power, a manifest ally;
     He, whose heaped waves confounded the proud boast
     Of Pharaoh, said to Famine, Snow, and France,
     'Finish the strife by deadliest victory.'"
     &mdash;Wordsworth
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      Scarcely had Napoleon commenced his retrograde march when the snow, like a
      violent storm of the Alps, beat around the devoted heads of his soldiers,
      and their progress was henceforth a combat against their pitiless foes the
      Cossacks, who hovered around them, and the still more pitiless elements.
      Danger awaited him at every step and on every hand, and when he arrived on
      the margin of the Beresina, his vast army was reduced to about 14,000 men.
      And not all these reached France. The Russians under Wittgenstein now
      appeared in his rear, and one of his divisions was either destroyed or
      captured. Napoleon had passed over the Beresina with a part of his army by
      means of two frail bridges, leaving the defence of the retreat to Victor.
      A scene ensued which defies description. The retreating French tumbled
      each other into the stream, or voluntarily rushed in to escape the fire of
      the Russians; and in the midst of their terror one of the bridges gave
      way, and the crowd passing over it perished. When that river was frozen,
      it presented to the eye of the beholder one vast heap of human beings.
      Those who gained the opposite bank were saved, and Napoleon, leaving them
      under the care of Murat, repaired to Paris. He was stripped of everything;
      and yet he hoped to repair his fortunes. It is said that in the beginning
      of the next year, when the snow had melted away, 300,000 human bodies and
      160,000 dead horses were burnt upon the Russian soil.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      WAR WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the disputes between England and America broke out into a
      war. On her part England had done what she could to bring these disputes
      to an amicable adjustment: even offering to suspend the offensive
      regulations of which the Americans complained, if the Americans would
      repeal the restrictive acts by which they had marked their resentment. The
      person, however, who now directed the councils of the United States was
      inimical to the interests of Great. Britain, and devoted to the views and
      interests of Napoleon. War was declared, and the world saw with surprise,
      a government calling itself free banding with a military despotism which
      had not its parallel In the world's history. The Americans commenced the
      war by the invasion of Canada; but they were defeated in two engagements,
      and compelled to relinquish the enterprise. They consoled themselves,
      however, for these disasters by their success at sea, they having captured
      two English frigates, chiefly from the superiority of their own in size,
      weight of metal, and number of men. Similar disasters also attended our
      naval armaments on the lakes, arising chiefly from the above-mentioned
      cause. The English cabinet was much censured for want of foresight, in not
      having been prepared with ships of sufficient size to cope with their
      antagonists, but neither ministers nor people expected a long continuance
      of this war, as it was well known that in the northern states there
      existed a large and powerful party averse to it, as it was prejudicial to
      their interests. Proposals, apparently conciliatory, were, indeed, made by
      both parties, but the year closed without witnessing a suspension of
      hostilities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament, with a newly-elected house of commons, assembled on the 24th
      of November; and on the 30th, the regent delivered an address from the
      throne, which embraced a variety of topics, the most prominent of which
      was the war in the Peninsula, that in Russia, and the contest in America.
      In the debates on the addresses, these events gave rise to much discussion
      in both houses, but they were carried unanimously. The most prominent;
      measures previous to the Christmas recess were a grant of £100,000 to the
      Marquess of Wellington for his services in Spain, and of £200,000 for the
      relief of the sufferers in Russia. The bullion question was also again
      discussed; but the house repeated Mr. Vansittart's resolution of last
      year; namely, that guineas and bank-notes were of equal value in public
      estimation. Without such a resolution the war could not have been carried
      on, for there was not sufficient gold in the country to maintain the
      public credit.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE WAR WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1813
    </p>
    <p>
      On the re-assembling of parliament in February, several stormy debates
      took place on the American war. In these debates the opposition not only
      blamed the ministry for the negligent manner in which the maritime part of
      the conflict had been conducted, but also with being the aggressors, and
      with having provoked an unnecessary and fatal contest. In order,
      therefore, to clear themselves from all imputations, Lord Castlereagh, on
      the 18th of February, moved an address to the prince regent, expressing
      entire approbation of the resistance proposed by his royal highness to the
      unjustifiable claims of the American government, a full conviction of the
      justice of the war on our part, and the assurance of a cordial support
      from that house. The opposition reiterated their complaints; but they
      would not venture upon a division, and the address was agreed to <i>nem.
      con</i>. Another address of a similar nature also passed the lords in the
      same triumphant manner.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget was introduced on the 31st of March. The supplies demanded were
      £72,000,000 out of which England and Scotland were to furnish £8,500,000.
      This was a larger amount than had been voted in any preceding year, but as
      the American war promised to be expensive, and as it was generally felt
      that we should put forth all our strength in order to finish the contest
      in Spain, and prolong our aid to Russia, &amp;c, all the estimates were
      voted by large majorities. Among the ways and means were taxes to the
      amount of £21,000,000; a fresh loan to the same amount and a vote of
      credit for £6,000,000.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most important questions which came before parliament during
      this session was the renewal of the East India Company's charter. On the
      22nd of May Lord Castlereagh observed that the term of the existing
      charter would expire in May, 1814, and his majesty's ministers had to
      consider these three propositions.&mdash;"Whether the existing government
      in India should be allowed to continue in its present state;&mdash;whether
      an entire change should take place in the system;&mdash;or whether a
      middle course should be adopted." Evidence was heard at the bar of the
      house in order to throw light upon this important subject; and the
      witnesses, chiefly persons who had occupied high stations in India, were
      generally against opening the trade, or allowing missionaries to repair to
      the East for the purpose of converting the natives to the Christian
      religion. Finally, a bill was enacted for the prolongation of the
      company's territorial power to April, 1834. At the same time it was
      resolved that such measures ought to be adopted as might tend to the
      introduction of useful knowledge, and of religious and moral improvement
      among the natives. The church establishment of the British territories in
      India was now, indeed, placed under the direction of a bishop and three
      archdeacons, and missionaries were to be licensed for the propagation of
      the gospel among the natives.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Grattan carried a motion for referring the
      Catholic claims to a committee of the whole house. On the 30th of April,
      he presented to the house a bill for the removal of the civil and military
      disqualifications under which his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects
      laboured; but this bill, though read a second time, was lost on its
      passage through the committee, Mr. Abbott, the speaker, having divided the
      house on the clause by which Catholic members were to be admitted to a
      seat in Parliament. This was rejected by a majority of two hundred and
      fifty-one against two hundred and forty-seven, and then the bill was
      abandoned by its supporters.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CURATES' BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The toleration displayed in the debates on the Catholic question induced
      Mr. Smith, one of the members for Norwich, to bring in a bill for the
      relief of Unitarian dissenters from the pains and penalties to which they
      were subject by a statute of William III. This bill passed into a law;
      neither the ministers nor the bench of bishops opposing its principle.
      Another bill, introduced by Lord Harrowby, was also passed, for the
      augmentation of stipends payable to curates; a class of divines who,
      though they bear "the burden and heat of the day," have always, even to
      the present hour, been inadequately paid for their labours.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      APPOINTMENT OF VICE-CHANCELLOR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the great accumulation of business in the court of
      chancery, a bill, proposed by Lord Redesdale, was passed this session, for
      the appointment of a vice-chancellor of England. This new official was to
      have full power to determine all cases of law and equity in the court of
      chancery to the same extent as the chancellors had been accustomed to
      determine; and his decrees were to be of equal validity, only they were to
      be subject to the revision of the lord chancellor, and not to be enrolled
      until signed by him.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE TREATY WITH SWEDEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 11th of June a treaty with Sweden was laid before parliament, which
      excited strong animadversion. By the solicitations of the Emperor of
      Russia the king and crown-prince had been induced to enter into the
      confederacy against France; and it was resolved, that, as the Danes had
      been subservient to French interests, they should be deprived of Norway
      for the gratification of the Swedes. To this stipulation the British court
      had acceded for two reasons:&mdash;first, that by the occupation of Norway
      the Swedes would be better enabled to secure their independence; and,
      secondly, because it was desirable that a country which abounded with
      naval stores should be possessed by a power friendly to England. The
      Swedes, also, were to receive a subsidy of one million from the English
      treasury; and the island of Guadaloupe was to be ceded to its monarch, on
      condition of his opening a depot for British goods at Gottenburg and other
      ports, in defiance of the continental system. Lord Holland deprecated the
      transfer of Norway; denounced the cession of Guadaloupe; and opposed the
      subsidy as inconsistent with the financial difficulties under which the
      country was labouring. The treaty was disgraceful, he said, both to Russia
      and Great Britain; and he expressed his disgust at the gross inconsistency
      of the two courts, which had so loudly exclaimed against Napoleon's
      encroachments. Earl Grey was equally severe in his censures; but Lord
      Holland's proposal to suspend the execution of the treaty was rejected. In
      the commons a similar debate took place; Mr. Ponsonby taking the lead as
      the opposer of the agreement; but a proposal to the same effect as that
      made by Lord Holland was rejected, and the prince regent was subsequently
      gratified with a compliant address.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session closed on the 22nd of July with a speech from the throne, in
      which the prince regent expressed satisfaction at the favourable state of
      affairs on the continent, regret at the continuance of the war with the
      United States, and his approval of the arrangements for the government of
      British India. He concluded by expressing his resolution to employ the
      means placed in his hands by parliament in such a manner as might be best
      calculated to reduce the extravagant pretensions of the enemy, and
      facilitate the attainment of a safe and honourable peace.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1812&mdash;1814
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Russian campaign had operated favourably for the progress of the
      British arms in Spain. The catastrophe by which it was concluded not only
      prevented Napoleon from re-enforcing his marshals in Spain, But it also
      obliged him to recall the best of them; and among them Marshal Soult,
      whose generalship had cost Lord Wellington very serious thoughts. Still
      the French in Spain were formidable. Soult left behind him 70,000 men to
      oppose Wellington; and there was still an army, under Suchet, in the
      eastern provinces. At the opening of this year the French armies were thus
      disposed:&mdash;the army of Portugal, under General Reille, was in and
      around Valladolid; the army of the centre, under Drouet, was distributed
      round Madrid; and the army of the south was at Toledo. All these forces
      were under King Joseph, who was assisted by Marshal Jourdan; Generals
      Clausel and Foy commanded separate divisions in Aragon and Biscay. Against
      these forces Lord Wellington could only bring 63,000 British and
      Portuguese infantry and 6,000 cavalry, on whom he could rely; for, though
      measures had been taken to improve the Spanish troops, their slothfulness
      and indiscipline were evils which could not be suddenly remedied; and
      therefore his lordship did not expect great things from them. He commenced
      operations about the middle of May, making the allied army enter Spain in
      three separate bodies; the left under Sir Thomas Graham, the right under
      General Hill, and the centre under his own command. The French were
      alarmed; and on the 1st of June they were in full retreat before Graham.
      Subsequently the three divisions of the allied army united; and Wellington
      was also joined by the Spanish army from Galicia, and by a Spanish force
      from the south. Thus strengthened Lord Wellington advanced towards Madrid;
      and as he advanced Joseph Buonaparte again took refuge in flight. The
      French army retired to Burgos; but as Wellington approached they blew up
      the fortifications of the castle, and retreated to the Ebro. A strong
      garrison was thrown into the fortress of Pancoros, a little in advance of
      the river, and they conceived that they could defend this line; but Lord
      Wellington found out a new road through a rugged country, completely
      turned their position on the Ebro, and drove them back upon Vittoria,
      after a successful engagement at Osma. Lord Wellington still pursued them;
      and on the 21st of June he gained a complete victory over them on the
      plains of Vittoria. In this battle the enemy lost one hundred and
      fifty-one pieces of cannon, four hundred and fifteen waggons of
      ammunition, all their baggage, provisions, and treasures, with the French
      commander's, Jourdan's, baton of a marshal of France. Their loss in killed
      and wounded, according to their own statement, amounted to eight thousand
      men; while the total loss of the allies was seven hundred and forty
      killed, and four thousand one hundred and seventy-four wounded. The French
      army was, indeed, reduced to a total wreck; and they saved themselves from
      utter destruction only by abandoning the whole <i>materiel</i> of the
      army, and running away from the field of battle like an undisciplined mob.
      About one thousand were taken prisoners in their flight; but, lightened of
      their usual burdens, they ran with so much alacrity that it was generally
      impossible to overtake them. The spoils of the field also occupied and
      detained the troops of Wellington, they thinking more of the money and the
      wine than the flying foe. Lord Wellington, however, continued the pursuit;
      and on the 25th took the enemy's only remaining gun. This victory was
      complete; and the battle of Vittoria was celebrated in England by
      illuminations and fêtes; while the Cortes, by an unanimous vote, decreed a
      territorial property to Lord Wellington, in testimony of the gratitude of
      the Spanish nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the battle of Vittoria was fought General Clausel, with about 14,000
      men, had commenced his march to support Joseph; but now changing his
      direction, he turned towards Logrono, and then to Saragossa, with the
      guerilla forces of Mina and Sau-chez hanging on his rear. As for Joseph he
      scarcely looked back before he reached the walls of Pamplona in Navarre.
      Joseph was admitted into its walls; but the fugitives from Vittoria were
      refused an entrance; and when they attempted to scale the walls they were
      fired upon by their own countrymen, as if they had been mortal foes; and
      they were compelled to continue their flight across the Pyrenees towards
      France. Subsequently General Clausel retreated by the central Pyrenees
      into France; and General Foy likewise, who was with another division of
      the French army at Bilboa, fell back rapidly upon French territory and the
      fortress of Bayonne. Except on the eastern coast, where Suchet was with
      about 40,000 men, there was not a spot in all Spain where the French dared
      show themselves. Lord Wellington, under these circumstances, turned his
      attention to the capture of some of the strongholds in which French
      garrisons were maintained. He established the blockade of Pamplona, and
      directed Graham to invest San Sebastian; and he then advanced with the
      main body of his army to occupy the passes of the Pyrenees from
      Roncesvalles to Irun, at the mouth of the Bidassoa. Early in July, having
      driven the enemy to his own soil, his sentinels looked down from the
      rugged frontier of Spain upon the lovely and fertile plains of France. In
      forty-five days he had conducted the allied army from the frontiers of
      Portugal to the Pyrenees; he had marched four hundred miles; had gained a
      great and complete victory; had driven the French through a country
      abounding in strong positions; had liberated Spain; and now stood as a
      conqueror upon the skirts of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      The campaign was not yet over. Sensibly affected by this defeat of
      Jourdan, Napoleon immediately superseded that officer in the command, and
      appointed Soult to succeed him, with the title of Lieutenant-general of
      the empire. His directions were to re-equip the defeated troops, to gather
      formidable re-enforcements, to lead his masses speedily against
      Wellington, to clear the French frontier and the passes of the Pyrenees,
      relieve Pamplona and San Sebastian, and to drive the allied army behind
      the Ebro. Soult undertook to do all this; and having collected all manner
      of disposable forces, on the 13th of July he joined the disorganized
      fragments of Jourdan's army. On his arrival he forthwith issued one of
      those boastful addresses for which the French emperor and his marshals had
      become celebrated. He remarked:&mdash;"I have borne testimony to the
      emperor of your bravery and zeal: his instructions are that you must drive
      the enemy from those heights, which enable them to look proudly down on
      our fertile valleys, and then chase them beyond the Ebro. It is on the
      Spanish soil that your tents must be pitched and your resources drawn. Let
      the account of our successes be dated from Vittoria, and let the fête-day
      of his majesty be celebrated in that city." At this time Wellington's
      attention was divided between the care of his army on the frontier of
      France and the siege of San Sebastian. He was returning from San Sebastian
      to his head-quarters on the night of the 17th of July, when he received
      intelligence that the great army of Soult, from 70,000 to 80,000 strong,
      was in rapid motion; that the French had overpowered his troops in two of
      the mountain passes on the right of the allied army; had penetrated into
      the valleys of the Pyrenees, and were pressing onwards for Pamplona. "We
      must do the best to stop them," was the prompt reply; and stop them he did
      after a week's almost incessant fighting. From the 25th of July to the 2nd
      of August a series of engagements took place, the result of which was the
      retreat of Soult from the Spanish frontiers into France, with a loss, in
      killed and prisoners, of nearly 20,000 men. In a private letter, just
      after the "battles of the Pyrenees," Wellington wrote, "I never saw such
      fighting as we had here. It began on the 25th of Jury, and, excepting the
      29th, when not a shot was fired, we had it every day till the 2nd of
      August. The battle of the 28th was fierce bludgeon work. The fourth
      division was principally engaged, and the loss of the enemy was immense. I
      hope Soult will not feel any inclination to renew his expedition. The
      French army must have suffered considerably. Between the 25th of last
      month and the 2nd of this they were engaged seriously not less than ten
      times, on many occasions in attacking very strong positions, in others
      beat from them or pursued. I understand their officers say they have lost
      15,000 men: I thought so; but as they say so, I now think more. I believe
      we have about four thousand prisoners. It is strange enough that our
      diminution of strength up to the 31st did not exceed 1,500 men, although I
      believe our casualties are 6,000." In his retreat Soult was closely
      followed by his adversaries; but, after meeting with severe loss,
      especially in crossing the Bidassoa, he conducted the main body of his
      army in safety to France. Lord Wellington at first designed to follow the
      enemy into his own country, but weighty considerations induced him to
      abandon this design; and the two armies therefore rested quiet in their
      respective positions. In the interval of repose efforts were made by the
      French to relieve San Sebastian; and these were met by an increased
      activity on the part of the allies to capture both, that place and
      Pamplona. In his attempt to relieve San Sebastian Soult was defeated by
      the Spanish troops alone, and the place was captured on the 8th of
      September, when the garrison, consisting of about 1,800 men, were made
      prisoners. On the 31st of October, also, the French in Pamplona, having
      lost all hope of relief, surrendered prisoners of war to Don Carlos de
      Espana, who had latterly commanded the blockading forces. But before the
      reduction of Pamplona Lord Wellington had called down part of his troops
      from the heights of the Pyrenees, and had led them forward a march or two
      on French ground. Early in October he took possession of the French hills
      of La Rhune; and on the 10th of November he called down the rest of the
      allied army, and began to descend into the valleys on the French side.
      Before taking this decisive step he told the officers and soldiers of the
      various nations that followed his standard, to remember that they were at
      war with France because the ruler of the French would not allow them to be
      at peace, and wanted to force them to submit to his yoke; and he exhorted
      them not to retaliate on the peaceable inhabitants of France the injuries
      that the soldiers of Napoleon had inflicted on their own countrymen. It
      was difficult to convince the Spanish and Portuguese troops that they
      ought not to retaliate upon the French; but the Portuguese at least
      attended to the exhortation. The admirable discipline maintained, indeed,
      the care bestowed to see that the property and persons of the French were
      protected, converted all around into friends, and they came flocking to
      the English camp with provisions and wine as to a friendly market. Men,
      women, and children, struck with admiration at their conduct, followed our
      troops and wished them success in their enterprise. In the meantime, Soult
      had retired to a strong position on the Nivelle, his right resting upon
      St. Jean de Luz, and his left upon Ainhoe. From this position he was
      driven on the 10th of November, and Lord Wellington established his
      head-quarters at St. Jean de Luz, on the right bank of the Nivelle, while
      the allies went into cantonments between the sea and the river Nive, where
      their extreme right rested on Cambo. The enemy guarded the right bank of
      the Nive from Bayonne to St. Jean Pied de Port; but Lord Wellington, being
      straitened for room and supplies for his army, resolved to cross the Nive,
      and occupy the country between that river and the Adour. This was
      effected, and the French were driven to Bayonne. Subsequently, during the
      month of December, Soult made several attempts to dislodge the British;
      but all his attacks were repulsed with great loss, and the French marshal
      finally drew off his troops in despair, and retired into his entrenched
      camp The allied army had also need of rest and re-enforcements, and it
      went into winter-quarters. The campaign of 1813, in which the troops of
      France had been taught the frail tenure of human fame, was terminated.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime, ill-success had attended the British arms on the eastern
      coast of the Peninsula. On the 3rd of June, General Sir John Murray had
      invested Tarragona, but after advancing his batteries against it he
      received reports that Suchet was marching from Valencia for its relief,
      and he immediately re-embarked his army, leaving his cannon in the
      batteries. General Murray was succeeded in his command in August by Lord
      William Bentinck, who resumed the siege of Tarragona, but it was abandoned
      on the approach of Suchet, and the French marshal entered the city,
      destroyed the works, withdrew the garrison, and retired towards Barcelona.
      At this time the state of affairs in Sicily, and the ill-success of
      political changes there, rendered it necessary for Lord Bentinck to repair
      thither, and the command devolved on Sir William Clinton; who as soon as
      arrangements could be made for restoring the works at Tarragona and
      supplying with provisions the Spanish troops attached to his command,
      fixed his head-quarters at Villa-franca With an inadequate force, Sir
      William had to prevent Suchet from following up his recent advantages, and
      so to occupy his attention, as to stop the succours which he might send to
      Soult.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AMERICAN CAMPAIGN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the midst of the important affairs on the continent, the events of the
      war with the United States scarcely attracted public attention. These
      events were various, though unimportant. In the month of January the
      Americans collected a large force in the back settlements, and again
      approached Detroit, when Colonel Proctor routed their advanced guard, and
      captured five hundred men, with their commander, General Winchester. In
      April, the American general, Dearborn, took possession of York, at the
      head of the Lake Ontario, from whence General Sheaffe and the garrison was
      compelled to retire. About the same time, also, General Vincent was
      obliged by superiority of numbers to vacate Fort St. George, on the
      Niagara frontier, and on the 5th of June he compelled the enemy to fall
      back again on Niagara; but soon after Colonel Proctor was attacked by the
      American General, Harrison, with 10,000 men, who captured nearly the whole
      of his force, he himself escaping with a few attendants. Towards the end
      of October three American armies, each amounting to 10,000 men, marched
      from different points upon Lower Canada: but this great effort was
      frustrated by the vigilance of Sir George Prévost. During the autumn a
      squadron of six British vessels was captured by a superior American
      squadron, on Lake Erie, but on the whole the campaign was honourable to
      the British arms. When defeated, it was only by dint of overwhelming
      numbers. Between the "Shannon" and the "Chesapeak," ships of superior
      force, there was a fierce battle in Boston Bay, which resulted in the
      capture of the American vessel, the "Chesapeak," although she had in
      number and weight of guns, as well as in the number of its crew, a
      considerable superiority over the "Shannon." After a fierce conflict of
      fifteen minutes' duration, the "Chesapeak" was on its way with the
      conqueror, Captain Broke, to Halifax. In St. George's Channel, also, an
      American sloop of war was captured by the British sloop, "Pelican."
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 4th of November. In his speech the prince declared
      that no disposition to require sacrifices from France, inconsistent with
      her honour and just pretensions, would ever be an obstacle to peace; and
      that he was ready to enter into discussion with the United States, on
      principles not opposed to the established maxims of public law and the
      maritime right of the British empire. The speech naturally noticed the
      successes which had crowned his majesty's arms and those of his allies in
      the present year, and it also spoke of the now prosperous state of British
      commerce, despite the enemy's efforts to crush it. The speech of the
      prince regent was received with universal assent and joy. The voice of
      opposition, indeed, was entirely hushed, and in both houses the addresses
      were carried <i>nem. con</i>.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      BILL FOR ALLOWING THE MILITIA TO VOLUNTEER INTO THE LINE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Lord Castlereagh introduced a bill for allowing
      three-fourths of any militia regiment to volunteer for foreign service,
      which bill passed with-out opposition. Parliament also gave its ready
      sanction for a loan of £22,000,000 as well as for subsidies to Sweden,
      Russia, and Austria. Previous to this, £2,000,000 had been advanced to
      Spain, two to Portugal, and one to Sweden: the sum to be allowed to Russia
      and Prussia was estimated at £5,000,000 and the advance to Austria
      consisted of £1,000,000, together with 1,000,000 stand of arms and
      military stores in proportion. At this time men of all parties, from a
      desire to humble our one great foe, concurred in supporting the foreign
      policy of our cabinet. The desired grants being obtained, parliament
      adjourned to the month of March.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1814-1818
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Parliamentary Measures..... Campaign of Lord Wellington.....
     The Allies enter Paris; Napoleon dethroned, &amp;c...... Treaty
     of Peace..... Honours conferred on Wellington, &amp;c......
     Visit of the Allied Sovereigns..... Congress of Vienna.....
     Campaign in America, &amp;c...... Treaty of Peace with America,
     &amp;c.....Meeting of Parliament..... Return of Napoleon from
     Elba..... Trial by Jury, &amp;c...... War resolved on; Financial
     Measures..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Congress of
     Vienna..... Affairs of France..... Battle of Waterloo.....
     Capture of Paris..... Surrender of Napoleon, &amp;c...... Return
     of Louis XVIII. to Paris..... Britain gains Possession of
     the Island of Ceylon..... East India Affairs..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Debates on the Treaties..... Financial
     Statements..... Royal Marriages..... Various Motions.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Riots,   &amp;c...... Expedition
     to Algiers..... Meeting of Parliament..... Measures of
     Economy..... Restrictions on Public Liberty..... Committee
     on the Poor Laws, &amp;c...... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     Riots at Manchester, &amp;c...... Death of the Princess
     Charlotte.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1814
    </p>
    <p>
      The legislative measures of parliament, when it met in the month of March,
      are of little historical importance. The budget was laid before the
      commons on the 30th of July, and the whole amount of supplies exceeded
      £75,600,000. The session was closed on the 30th of July by the prince
      regent in person. Nor did the autumnal session present any matter of
      historical interest. It was opened on the 8th of November by a speech
      again delivered by the regent in person, and on the 2nd of December the
      houses adjourned till the 9th of February, 1815. But in the meantime
      events of the greatest importance took place on the continent which demand
      attention.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN OF LORD WELLINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The last act of the drama was played during this year with great rapidity.
      At the commencement of this year the progress of Lord Wellington was
      retarded by the state of the weather, but as soon as it became favourable
      he broke up his cantonments, resolving to penetrate as far as possible
      into the interior of France. He first cleared the ground on his right wing
      by driving the enemy eastward, and by pushing forward his centre with a
      corresponding movement, after which he prepared with his left wing, under
      Sir John Hope, to invest Bayonne. Marshal Beresford was also detached with
      two divisions to occupy Bordeaux, the mayor and inhabitants of which, on
      his arrival, of their own accord, proclaimed Louis XVIII. Lord Wellington
      himself, with the main army, advanced to Vig Bigorre, while Soult
      retreated to some good positions at Tarbes, and then to Toulouse. Soult
      arrived at Toulouse on the 24th of March, and on the 27th Wellington was
      close to him in front of that city. Between them lay the deep and rapid
      river Garonne, and it was not till the 9th of April that Wellington was
      enabled to get the allied army to the right bank of that stream. On the
      10th of April was fought the bloody battle of Toulouse, in which
      Wellington was again victorious. Soult was driven from his entrenched camp
      on the eastern side of the city of Toulouse with a terrible loss: the
      victors also suffered severely. Soult evacuated Toulouse on the 11th of
      April, retiring by Castlenaudry to Carcassonne. He left behind him in the
      town 1,600 wounded men, and three generals, besides artillery and
      ammunition, all of which were taken by the allies, Wellington entered the
      city on the 12th, when a deputation waited on him, requesting him to
      receive the key of the good and loyal city in the name of King Louis
      XVIII. The battle of Toulouse was the last real battle that Wellington had
      to fight during this campaign. Four days after Soult's defeat, indeed, and
      when the allies were in possession of the city, and the French were flying
      from it, General Thouvenot, who commanded in Bayonne, chose to make a
      desperate sortie on the allies in their cantonments, while the troops were
      all buried in sleep, but though he succeeded in cutting off many, he was
      repulsed with an equal loss. In the meantime the English Colonel Cooke and
      the French Colonel St, Simon arrived from Paris with the news that the
      allies had entered the French capital; that a provisional government had
      been established in the name of Louis XVIII.; and that Napoleon had
      abdicated at Fontainbleau, on the 4th of April. These officers were
      despatched from Wellington's head-quarters to those of Marshal Soult, and
      after some negociation a friendly convention was signed, and a line of
      demarcation drawn between the two armies. This convention was signed on
      the 18th of April, and on the 21st Lord Wellington, by general orders,
      congratulated his army on the near prospect of the termination of their
      toils and dangers, and thanked them for their valour in the field, and for
      their conciliating conduct towards the inhabitants of the country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ALLIES ENTER PARIS; NAPOLEON DETHRONED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At length the "world-tyrant" was humbled. Equitable terms of peace had
      been recently proposed to Napoleon by the confederated princes on the
      Rhine, where they were assembled in great force, but they were rejected by
      him with disdain. The confederated princes had collected their armies on
      the Rhine after Napoleon's disastrous retreat from Moscow, resolved either
      to restrain his insatiate ambition, or to hurl him from his throne. There
      were three armies arrayed against him. Bernadotte, crown prince of Sweden,
      menaced him from the north; Blucher with a Prussian army from the east;
      and Schwartzenberg, with the grand army from the mountains of Bohemia, on
      the south. In the whole they numbered about 500,000 men, and Napoleon by
      fresh conscriptions was enabled to face them with an army of 300,000. He
      had recently gained victories over the Prussians at Lutzen, and the
      Russians at Bautzen, and these victories seem to have led him on to ruin.
      He calculated upon victory still, and therefore, when his generals advised
      him to retreat at once to the Rhine, he refused, and bade them obey his
      commands. He marched to Dresden, recently taken by Schwartzenberg, and
      victory again waited on his steps; his enemies were routed with the loss
      of their cannon and 20,000 prisoners. But this victory was counterbalanced
      by the capture of the whole force of Vandamme by the Russians and
      Prussians, and by the defeats of Oudinot by the Prince of Sweden at
      Buelow; and of Macdonald at Katzbach. Napoleon now retreated to Leipsic,
      whither he was followed by the Russians, Prussians, and Austrians. In the
      plains of Leipsic was fought the battle of nations, in which God gave the
      victory to the allies. This battle lasted from the 14th to the 19th of
      October, 1813, and it ended with the terrible loss of 80,000 men on the
      side of Napoleon, and 50,000 of the allies. The French fled towards
      Erfurt, and finding no refuge there, continued their flight to Mentz and
      the Rhine. As he hastened towards the Rhine his path was intercepted by an
      army of Bavarians, who had taken up their position at Hanau; but he routed
      them, and then established his troops on the Rhine, the allies encamping
      opposite, and occupying Frankfort as their head-quarters. After the battle
      of Leipsic, Europe gained her freedom, and seeing every nation taking up
      arms against him, Napoleon sued for peace. He was offered France, with the
      Rhine for its boundary, but he rejected this dominion as too limited for
      his sway. War continued; and in January, 1814, the allies crossed the
      Rhine, and invaded France. Thus menaced, the entire male population of
      France was summoned to arms, 30,000 of the national guard of Paris were
      put in motion, and the last resources of France called into action.
      Napoleon was defeated by the Austrian and Prussian forces at Brienne, in
      which battle he lost many cannon and prisoners. Peace on equitable terms
      was again offered him, but peace was again refused: he resolved to conquer
      or perish. Victory again waited on his arms at Champaubert, where the
      Prussians had arrived in their onward march to Paris, and he subsequently
      gained a victory over the Prussians at Montmirail, and also over the
      Austrians at Montereau. After the battle of Montmirail, a last effort was
      made to bring him to terms with the allies, but he refused to sheathe his
      sword. He gained a victory over the Russians at Craonne, but his loss was
      so great that it was tantamount to defeat. The Russians retreated to Laon,
      where they united with the Prussians, and where, three days after, they
      routed and destroyed the French division of forces under Marmont. Hope now
      fled, and Napoleon sought peace on any terms. But it was now too late: the
      allies had recently agreed to drive him from his throne as a ruler
      dangerous to the peace of the world. His own subjects moreover, were now
      conspiring against him. Paris, Bordeaux, and other cities, were sending
      upwards shouts for the return of the reign of the Bourbons. Rendered
      desperate, Napoleon now turned to combat with the Austrians under
      Schwartzenberg at Arcis; but after a faint struggle his troops retreated.
      In the meantime the Russians and Prussians were hastening onwards to
      Paris. It was on the 27th of March that the Parisians heard the sound of
      war approach their gates. Marmont, Mortier, and Joseph Buonaparte placed
      themselves with some forces in and around the city for its defence; but on
      the 30th they were driven from their positions, and then Paris was
      delivered into the hands of the Russians and Prussians. When Napoleon
      heard of the fall of Paris he was hastening to its relief, and astounded
      at the news he returned to Fontainbleau. He still clung to hope, and
      talked of vindicating his rights by the sword, but his marshals refused to
      support him, and some hinted that he was no longer emperor. Then his proud
      spirit was humbled, and he drew up a declaration, which stated that as he
      was the sole obstacle to the peace of France, he was willing to resign his
      crown, and leave her shores, if the succession of his son and the regency
      of the empress were ensured by the allied sovereigns. But this could not
      be: his unconditional abdication was demanded, and as there was no
      alternative, he signed a treaty on the 11th of April, which declared him
      and his descendants to have forfeited the throne of France for ever. By
      this treaty the island of Elba was assigned to him in full sovereignty,
      and on the 20th of April he departed with four hundred of his guard to
      lord it over this island instead of a world. Thus expired the dynasty of
      Napoleon: a dynasty founded in blood, and which, therefore, by the
      immutable law of the Ruler of the universe, was doomed to perish. Before
      Napoleon signed his abdication, the senate, hitherto obsequiously
      submissive to him, had decreed that he had forfeited the throne of France,
      and had created a provisional government, charged with the office of
      re-establishing the functions and administration of the state. The
      installation of this provisional government was signalized by an address
      to the French armies, in which they were told that they were no longer the
      soldiers of Napoleon, that the senate and all France had released them
      from their oath. Subsequently it was resolved by the senate that the
      Bourbon dynasty should be restored; and Louis XVIII. soon after arrived
      from England, whither he had been residing in rural retirement, and made
      his solemn entry into Paris. A definitive treaty of peace was signed at
      Paris between Louis and the allies on the 30th of May and peace was again
      restored to the distracted world.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY OF PEACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The treaty of peace and amity signed at Paris, secured to France its
      boundaries as they existed in January, 1792. The contracting parties
      agreed that Holland should have an increase of territory; that the lesser
      German states should be independent, and united by a Germanic federal
      league; that Switzerland should enjoy its independence under the
      government of its own choice; and that Italy, beyond the limits of the
      Austrian dominions, which were to be restored, should be composed of
      sovereign independent states. France recovered her colonies from England,
      with the exception of Tobago, St. Lucie, and the Isle of France with its
      dependencies. Malta was to be retained by England, which country had
      recently obtained the Cape of Good Hope by a separate treaty with Holland.
      French Guiana was restored by Portugal, and the rights of France of
      fishery on the bank of Newfoundland were all to be restored as they were
      by the peace of 1783. As a proof of their sincerity in the repeated
      declarations they had made, that they meant no ill to France&mdash;that
      they waged war only against Napoleon, the allies agreed that their armies
      should evacuate France, and that all the French prisoners should be
      restored. This treaty was considered final as regards France; but there
      were other affairs of an extensive and complicated nature still to be
      settled, the greater part of Europe requiring reorganization, and her past
      misfortunes demanding some preconcerted defences for the future&mdash;and
      it was therefore agreed in a separate article that all the powers engaged
      in the late war should send plenipotentiaries to a congress to be held at
      Vienna, for the object of completing the pacific dispositions of the
      treaty of Paris, and of preventing the recurrence of such a war as that in
      which they had for so many years been engaged, and by which the countries
      of Europe had been desolated.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HONOURS CONFERRED ON WELLINGTON, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The news of the important events which had taken place in Fiance arrived
      while the spring session of the British parliament was sitting. Loud
      acclamations were heard from every part of the house when Lord
      Castlereagh, who had been our negociator at Paris, appeared again in the
      house; but louder and longer still were the shouts of applause, when the
      great general, who had recently been raised to a dukedom, took his seat
      among them. A splendid provision was settled on him by parliament. In
      addition to a former grant of £100,000 the chancellor of the exchequer
      moved a farther vote of £300,000 for the purchase of an estate for him,
      but at the suggestion of Whitbread and Mr. Pousonby, two leading members
      of opposition, it was increased to £400,000. Moreover, the house of
      commons conferred on his grace the unprecedented distinction of sending a
      deputation to offer him its thanks, as well as congratulations on his
      return to his own country. The duke acknowledged this compliment in person
      on the 1st of July, on which occasion he was greeted by all the members
      with enthusiasm, and addressed by the speaker in an appropriate and
      animated speech. Nor were the duke's companions forgotten. Grants and
      peerages were bestowed on Sir Thomas Graham, Sir William Beresford, Sir
      Rowland Hill, Sir John Hope, and Sir Stapleton Cotton. But there was one
      name omitted in this list which gave general dissatisfaction in the
      country&mdash;the name of "Picton," by whose sword the British troops were
      led to the victorious assault of Ciudad Rodrigo; by whose daring hand the
      British standard was planted on the castle of Badajoz; whose battalions,
      when the usurper of the Spanish throne was driven to his last stand at
      Vittoria, filled the centre of that formidable line, before which the
      troops of France fled in dismay; and by whose skill, prudence, and valour,
      exerted in a critical hour, the enemy was foiled in his desperate attempt
      to break through the barrier of the Pyrenees. Picton received the thanks
      of the house for his valorous conduct for the seventh time; but that was
      all, his services were left unrewarded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VISIT OF THE ALLIED SOVEREIGNS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As soon as the allied sovereigns had imagined their work was completed in
      Paris, the Emperor of Russia with his sister, and the King of Prussia with
      his two sons, came to England on a visit to the prince regent. They were
      accompanied by a numerous body of counts, barons, dukes, princes,
      marshals, and generals, among whom were Blucher, and Platoff the Hettman
      of the Cossacks. The reception given these distinguished visitors was both
      honourable and flattering; such continuous shows, spectacles, and fêtes
      were given in honour of their visit as London never before witnessed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONGRESS OF VIENNA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The congress of Vienna was opened on the 1st of November. There were
      present at this assembly the Emperors of Russia and Austria; the Kings of
      Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria, and Wurtemburg; the Elector of Hesse: the
      Grand-duke of Baden; the Dukes of Saxe Weimar, Brunswick, Nassau, Coburg,
      and several other places. The principal ambassadors and ministers were&mdash;from
      the pope, Cardinal Gonsalvi; from Austria, Prince Metternich; from Russia,
      Prince Rasumoosky, with Counts Stakelburg and Nesselrode; from Great
      Britain, Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington; from Prussia, Prince
      Hardenburg and Von Humboldt; from France, Talleyrand and Dalburg; from
      Spain, Don Labrador; from Portugal, Counts Palmella and Lobo da Silveria;
      from the Netherlands and Nassau, Spoen and Gagern; from Denmark,
      Bernstorf; from Sweden, Lowenheim; from Sardinia, St. Marsan, &amp;c.,
      &amp;c. One of the first acts of congress was to recognise a new regal
      title annexed to the British crown, that of Elector of Hanover not being
      considered suitable to existing circumstances, or to the sixth article of
      the treaty of Paris respecting the independence of the German states and
      their federal union. In accordance with the new title annexed to the
      British crown, a general diet assembled in Germany on the 15th of
      December, which was opened by the Duke of Cambridge, and which agreed to
      the plan of a new constitution founded on a representative system. In the
      same month a protocol from congress announced to the astonished Genoese
      that their republic would be incorporated with the territories of the king
      of Sardinia. The fate of its old rival, Venice, was similar; the whole of
      Lombardy with its fine capital, Milan, was subjected to the leaden yoke of
      Austria. Of all the sovereigns by right of French conquest Murat, King of
      Naples, alone was permitted to hold his acquisitions undisturbed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 7th of January the president of congress presented copies of
      letters which had passed between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Monroe, in which
      the former proposed to appoint commissioners to treat about terms of
      peace, either at London or Gottenburg. The appointed place of meeting was
      Gottenburg; but the negociations were removed to Ghent, and they did not
      commence till the following August. In the meantime war continued. Early
      in February the American general, Wilkinson, moved his head-quarters to
      Bridlington and Platsburg; and he subsequently attacked a post commanded
      by Major Hancock, but was repulsed with considerable loss. In the month of
      May Sir James Yeo and General Drummond reduced the fort of Oswego, on the
      Lake Ontario, an achievement which was chiefly serviceable by retarding
      the equipment of the enemy's armament on that water. Soon after this,
      however, the Americans became the assailants. General Brown, crossing the
      Niagara, compelled the garrison of Fort Erie to surrender prisoners of
      war; and then attacked the British lines at Chippawa, and compelled
      General Riall to retreat on Fort George. This officer, however, being
      re-enforced by some troops under General Drummond, returned, and compelled
      the enemy to take refuge under the cannon of Fort Erie. About this time
      the British government, on the dethronement of Napoleon, having resolved
      to prosecute the contest with increased vigour, a numerous fleet arrived
      in the St. Lawrence with 14,000 of the brave troops that had fought in the
      Peninsula. Sir George Prévost commanded them, and in the month of
      September he entered the American territory, and advanced against
      Platsburg, on Lake Champlain, in conjunction with a flotilla under Captain
      Dordnie of the navy. This expedition, however, resulted disastrously, and
      Sir George Prevost was recalled to answer charges preferred against him by
      Sir James Yeo; but he did not live to await his trial. Success, however,
      attended the British arms in other quarters. During this year Admiral
      Cochrane destroyed the Baltimore flotilla in the Patuxent; General Ross
      captured and set fire to the city of Washington, after having encountered
      and defeated an army of 9,000 Americans; General Pilkington reduced Moose
      Island, and two others, in the bay of Passamaquoddy; and the English
      frigate "Phobe" captured the United States' frigate "Essex," off
      Valparaiso, on the western coast of South America. On the other hand, a
      British sloop of war was captured by the American sloop "Wasp;" and an
      expedition, under Admiral Cochrane and Sir E. Pakenham, against New
      Orleans failed, after a severe rencontre with the American troops who
      defended the city. The final event of the war was the capture of Fort
      Bowyer, by the British, in the Gulf of Mexico. But before this event took
      place, a treaty of peace and amity had been signed at Ghent, which was
      afterwards ratified by both governments.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1814-1818
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY OF PEACE WITH AMERICA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The treaty of Ghent was negociated on the part of America by Messrs.
      Adams, Bayard, Clay, Russel, and Gallatin; and of Great Britain by Lord
      Gambier, Mr. Goulburn, and Dr. Adams. On the grand cause of the war, and
      the primary object of dispute&mdash;the right of search, the treaty was
      wholly silent: the Americans tacitly abandoning their resistance to the
      maritime claims of England. The treaty restored conquests on both sides,
      and concluded a settlement of boundaries on the Canadian frontier, to be
      afterwards adjusted. Both parties bound themselves to do their utmost in
      abolishing the slave-trade&mdash;yet America is the land of slaves unto
      this day. The Indians were to be restored to the rights and possessions
      which they held in 1812. During the interval of the actual conclusion of
      this treaty and the circulation of the intelligence thereof, a sea-fight
      took place between the "President," one of the largest American frigates,
      and the "Endymion," a British frigate, commanded by Captain Hope: the
      "President" was captured.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1815
    </p>
    <p>
      The British parliament re-assembled on the 9th of February. The first
      measure brought under notice was the state of the corn-laws. Mr. Frederic
      Robinson proposed that no wheat should be imported while the price of a
      quarter remained under eighty shillings in the United Kingdom; but that it
      might be introduced from the British territories in North America when the
      price was sixty-seven shillings. He argued that it was highly impolitic to
      depend on foreign supplies; and that the greatest encouragement ought to
      be given to the production of such a quantity of corn as would preclude
      famine and the necessity of importation. This argument was forcibly
      controverted by Mr. Baring, who alleged that the practice of importation
      was not inimical to the progress of agriculture; that the accommodation of
      general consumers ought to be consulted before the interests of landlords;
      and that the suggested standard was improperly calculated on the supposed
      continuance of the present expenses of the latter class. Numerous
      petitions from the manufacturing and commercial towns were presented
      against any alterations in the corn-laws, but the bill passed both houses.
      When it was passed, the corporation of London addressed the prince regent,
      in hopes that he would withhold his assent from a measure so generally
      disliked by the nation, but it received his sanction. From that day to
      this the corn-law question has been a source of constant clamour and
      discontent. The ferment which the bill occasioned was great: the mob
      attacked the houses of its supporters, and the military were obliged to be
      called in to the aid of the civil power before the riots could be quelled:
      two individuals were shot by the soldiers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RETURN OF NAPOLEON FROM. ELBA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While England was thus agitated an event took place which compromised the
      peace of Europe; this was the return of Napoleon from his insular kingdom
      to repossess himself of his old French empire. A message from the prince
      regent was delivered to each house on the 6th of April, communicating this
      information, and stating that his royal highness had been induced to give
      directions for the immediate augmentation of our land and sea forces, and
      to lose no time in communicating with our allies, for the purpose of
      forming such a concert as might effectually provide for the general and
      permanent security of Europe. The address in the house of lords passed
      without a division, but in the commons Mr. Whitbread moved an amendment
      expressly recommending the preservation of peace. He was under the
      impression that the address covertly pledged the house to war, but others
      of his party thought not, and his amendment was lost by a majority of two
      hundred and twenty against thirty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL BY JURY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the beginning of this session an important act was passed for extending
      the trial by jury to Scotland. Its provisions differed from those of the
      English law, and the granting such a trial was made optional in each case
      with the judges; but the lord chancellor, by whom the bill was introduced,
      expressed a hope that at no distant period the principle of the bill would
      receive a further extension. At a later date a bill was passed for the
      continuance of the restriction of cash-payments by the Bank of England
      till the 5th of July, 1816.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR RESOLVED ON; FINANCIAL MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The question of peace or war was discussed at the latter end of May in
      consequence of a message from the throne. In the lords Earl Grey urged the
      necessity of a pacific policy, while Lord Grenville advocated war. In the
      commons Mr. Grattan came forward, and with vehement and eloquent
      indignation declaimed against the despoiler of Europe, and advocated the
      most energetic measures to hurl him from his usurped throne. War was
      resolved on by both lords and commons, and the latter granted the
      necessary supplies. And this they did munificently; no less a sum than
      £90,000,000 was voted for the public service. Out of this sum £9,000,000
      was to be paid in subsidies to our allies, they still requiring the gold
      of England to urge them onwards to action. In order to meet the
      expenditure the unjust and inquisitorial income-tax was continued, and
      £42,000,000 were obtained by loan. The Irish proportion of the supplies
      was £9,760,814; the rest was furnished from the inexhaustible sources of
      Great Britain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July by a speech from the throne,
      in which the prince regent, after recapitulating the events which led to
      the glorious termination of the war&mdash;for the war, as will be seen,
      had terminated&mdash;trusted that there would be no relaxation in the
      exertions necessary to establish the permanent peace and security of
      Europe.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONGRESS OF VIENNA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Congress of Vienna continued its sitting at the commencement of this
      year. The result of the deliberations of the allied sovereigns may be thus
      briefly stated:&mdash;The King of Prussia obtained the electorate of
      Saxony, Swedish Pornerania, and a great portion of the territory between
      the Rhine and the Meuse; Russia obtained the grand duchy of Warsaw under
      the name of the kingdom of Poland; Austria, as before related, recovered
      Lombardy, etc.; Tuscany was given to the Archduke Ferdinand; Genoa was
      bestowed upon the King of Sardinia; Parma and Placentia were ratified to
      the ex-empress Maria Louisa; the foreign policy of the German states was
      submitted to the decision of a federal diet, under the control of Austria
      and Prussia; Sweden acquired Norway at the expense of Denmark; England was
      gratified by the acquisition of Heligoland, the Cape of Good Hope, the
      Isle of France, the Ionian Islands, Malta, and all the colonies won during
      the war; and Holland and Belgium were confirmed as the kingdom of the
      Netherlands, under the House of Orange. The allied sovereigns were thus
      engaged in parcelling out the world, when Talleyrand informed them that
      the prisoner of Elba had returned to France, and was again seated on the
      throne of the Bourbons.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although Napoleon consented to retire to the island of Elba over which he
      was to rule, it was never his intention to remain there. No sooner had he
      arrived, in fact, than he commenced his intrigues, in order to effect a
      return to France and empire. Under the plea of nonnecessity he dismissed
      his few troops, and these joined their old regiments for the purpose of
      preparing the general mind to receive back the emperor, who had so often
      led them on to victory. All these regiments were, in fact, almost to a man
      in his favour; the tri-coloured cockade was preserved in their knapsacks,
      and his memory in their hearts. These sentiments were reported to
      Napoleon; and on the 27th of February he embarked in a brig of war,
      followed by six light barks, and, stealing cautiously over the
      Mediterranean, arrived on the 1st of March at Camres. He had with him one
      thousand soldiers, and his three generals, Bertrand, Drouet, and
      Cambronne. With these he proceeded onwards to Paris; and during several
      days he marched without meeting any forces. On the 7th of March, however,
      a body of seven hundred men presented themselves at the defile of Vizille,
      near Grenoble; and the officer in command threatened to fire on his party.
      But Napoleon was not afraid of being shot by Frenchmen. Advancing alone,
      and throwing open his riding coat, he remarked:&mdash;"Soldiers, it is I!
      Look upon me! If there is a man amongst you who would slay his emperor, he
      comes with uncovered breast to offer himself to his weapon!" Instead of
      the sound of musketry the loud shout of "Long live the emperor!" rent the
      air; and, hoisting the same standard with his own troops all marched
      together upon Grenoble. They were soon after joined by Colonel Labédoyère,
      at the head of the seventh regiment; and Ney was the next to join his
      ranks. Ney had been sent by the French government to check his progress;
      and he had boasted that he would bring Napoleon to Paris in an iron cage:
      but no sooner had he reached Auxerre than he declared the Bourbon cause
      hopeless, and at the head of 14,000 men joined his old emperor's standard.
      Finally, with the exception of Marmont, Macdonald, and some other
      marshals, all the army deserted the cause of the Bourbons. Louis fled
      from, and Napoleon entered Paris in triumph.
    </p>
    <p>
      Napoleon resumed the reigns of empire in the midst of the loud
      acclamations of the Parisians; though there were many who preserved an
      ominous silence. All, however, seemed to go well; for at an extraordinary
      assembly in the Champ de Mai of the electoral colleges, a new constitution
      was sworn to by the emperor and men of all parties. But there was a storm
      arising in the horizon which was to shatter his throne into pieces for
      ever. All Europe was preparing to crush his newly risen power. Britain,
      Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Holland entered into a treaty, binding
      themselves to support the house of Bourbon; to preserve inviolate the
      treaty of Paris; to bring into the field 150,000 men each; and not to lay
      down their arms until Napoleon was for ever crushed.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Napoleon saw the storm arising, and prepared to ward off its fury. France
      became an immense camp. Armies were dispatched towards Belgium, Lorraine,
      Franche Comte, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. The head-quarters of the grand
      army were at Laon, from whence communications were preserved with
      Valenciennes, Mauberge, Lisle, and the armies assembled on the Moselle.
      Napoleon joined that section of the army destined to enter Belgium, his
      design being to "measure himself with Wellington." The army raised for
      this project consisted of about 125,000 men and three hundred and fifty
      pieces of cannon. Against this force Wellington could only oppose 76,000
      men, not one half of which were British, and but some eighty-four pieces
      of cannon. The duke's headquarters were at Brussels; and on his left, in
      and around Namur, lay Marshal Blucher, with about 80,000 men and two
      hundred cannon. Napoleon commenced operations by crossing the Sombre and
      taking Charleroi, which was garrisoned by Prussians. This accomplished,
      Napoleon hastened towards Brussels, resolving to strike a signal blow
      against the British. The Duke of Wellington was at a ball when
      intelligence arrived of this movement; and he gave orders for every man to
      repair to his post. At first the English took up their position at Quatre
      Bras; but tidings having arrived that Napoleon had again defeated the
      Prussians at Ligny, the Duke fell back with his army to the position of
      Waterloo. It was at the dawn of the 18th of June that Napoleon discerned
      the British on the heights of Waterloo; and in the exuberance of his joy
      he exclaimed, "Ah! I have these English!" The position taken up by the
      duke was in front of the village of Waterloo, and crossed the high roads
      from Charleroi and Nivelles. It had its right thrown back to a ravine near
      Merke-Braine, and its left extended to a height above the hamlet of Ter la
      Haye; in front of the right centre the troops occupied the house and
      gardens of Hougomont, which covered the return of that flank; and in front
      of the left centre they occupied the farm of La Haye Sainte. By his left
      the duke communicated with Blucher at Havre, who promised to support him
      with one or more corps if necessary. In the rear of the British centre was
      the farm of Monte St. Jean, and a little further behind a village of the
      same name. While stationed at Quatre Bras a partial engagement had taken
      place between the two armies&mdash;Ney commanding the French&mdash;and
      Wellington had lost 2.380 in wounded, and three hundred and fifty in
      killed: his force united in the position at Waterloo, therefore, was not
      73,000 men, 21,000 of whom were Belgian and Nassau troops, mostly of an
      inferior quality. Napoleon had lost many in his conflicts with the
      Prussians at Charleroi and Ligny, and with the British at Quatre Bras. He
      had also despatched 32,000 men, under Grouchy, to follow the Prussians,
      and to prevent their joining the English, so that his army was reduced to
      about 78,000 men when the battle of Waterloo commenced. But his troops
      were veterans almost to a man, and there were at least 100,000 soldiers of
      the same quality behind them in France. He collected his army on a range
      of heights in front of the British position, and not above a mile from it.
      His right was in advance of Planchenois, and his left rested on the
      Genappe road, while his rear was skirted by thick woods. On the morning of
      the 18th, when Napoleon mounted his horse to survey Wellington's position,
      he could see but few troops, and he was induced to fancy that the British
      general had made a retreat. "Wellington never exhibits his troops," said
      General Foy; "but if he is yonder, I must warn your majesty that the
      English infantry in close fighting are very demons." Soult added his
      warning to that of Foy; but, nevertheless, Napoleon commenced the battle
      confident of victory. It was shortly after ten o'clock on the Sabbath-day&mdash;a
      day sacred to devotion and rest&mdash;that a stir was observed along the
      French lines, and especially near the farm of Rossome, where Napoleon
      stood with his celebrated old guard. The post of Hougoumont, on the right
      of Wellington's centre, was first attacked, which post was occupied by
      General Byng's brigade of guards: but the attack was vain; the post was
      maintained, notwithstanding the desperate and repeated efforts of large
      bodies of the enemy to obtain possession. This first attack was
      accompanied by a heavy cannonade on the whole line of the British; which
      was answered from Wellington's cannon, and which committed a fearful havoc
      among the French columns, which successively attacked the post of
      Hougoumont. The object of Wellington was to maintain his positions till
      the arrival of some Prussian corps; and the object of Napoleon was to
      crush him before Blucher could send a single battalion to his support.
      Hence it was that he repeated his attacks with heavy columns of infantry,
      with a numerous and brilliant cavalry, and with his formidable artillery.
      But from every charge his columns returned shattered and thinned. Scarcely
      a gleam of success dawned upon Napoleon during the whole day. In one of
      their attacks, indeed, the farmhouse of La Haye Sainte was carried by the
      French; but it was not till the German legion which defended it had
      perished to a man. Thus affairs stood when Napoleon ordered his cavalry to
      charge the British infantry in squadrons and in masses&mdash;to charge
      home, and to find a passage through their glittering bayonets. Their
      efforts were determined, but they all proved fruitless; the British
      infantry formed in squares, and the best of his horsemen bit the dust.
      Still Napoleon's cry was "Forward!" thus goading them on to destruction.
      Their overthrow was hastened by a charge of British cavalry, which had
      hitherto been very little more than a spectator of the battle. Seizing the
      moment favourable for the charge, Wellington called up Lord Ernest
      Somerset's brigade of heavy cavalry, consisting of the life-guards, the
      royal horse-guards, and the first dragoon-guards, and directed them to
      charge the already crippled cavalry of Napoleon. These regiments proved
      irresistible; horses and men fell on every hand; and the French
      cuirassiers, whose breastplates had glittered in so many battles and
      victories, were completely destroyed. When Lord Ernest Somerset's brigade
      returned from their charge, they brought with them about two thousand
      prisoners, and an imperial eagle. By this time, about seven o'clock in the
      evening, every part of the French army, except the guards, who had been
      kept as a reserve had been engaged, repulsed, and beaten. The British loss
      in killed and wounded had also been immense; but they had not lost a
      single position, and they were yet full of heart and confidence in their
      leader. It was evident, indeed, that even if no Prussians should arrive
      Napoleon would be defeated. At this critical moment, however, a numerous
      body of men was seen in the distance; and anxiety was depicted in the
      faces of both Napoleon and Wellington. Napoleon hoped it might be Grouchy,
      and Wellington hoped it might be Blucher. Onwards the moving mass came,
      and it proved to be the Prussians under Blucher: he had left a body of men
      to confront Grouchy, and hastened to support Wellington, As soon as the
      French generals discovered who the new comers were, they advised Napoleon
      to retreat; but although his defeat was now morally certain, his cry was
      still, "Forward!" Calling forward his guard, he bade them make a desperate
      effort on the British left centre, near the farm of La Haye Sainte. This
      guard advanced in two massy columns, leaving four battalions of the old
      guard in reserve, near to the spot where Napoleon sat on his horse, rigid
      as a statue, watching their motions. They moved on resolutely under a
      destructive fire from the British position; and when within fifty yards
      from the British line they attempted to deploy. The close fire upon them,
      however, was too terrible to admit of this movement; their flanks were
      enclosed by some of our guards; they got mixed together in a mass; and in
      that mass they were broken and slaughtered, or compelled to hasten down
      the hill in irretrievable confusion. The grand army of Napoleon never
      again stood to face its enemies; it was in fact destroyed, for "all the
      rest of the work was headlong, unresisted pursuit, slaughter of fugitives
      who had entirely lost their military formation, and capture of prisoners,
      artillery, and spoils." As the imperial guards reeled from the British
      position, and just as Blucher joined in person with a corps of his army to
      the left of the British line, Wellington moved forward his whole line of
      infantry, supported by the cavalry and artillery, and swept all before
      him. At every point the attack succeeded. The French fled in the utmost
      confusion; Napoleon himself setting them the example; and one hundred and
      fifty pieces of cannon, with all their ammunition, fell into the hands of
      the conquerors. Wellington and Marshal Blucher met at a farm-house, called
      Maison Rouge; and here the duke gave orders for his troops to halt, and
      left the task of pursuit to the Prussians. Blucher declared that he would
      follow up the French with his last horse and his last man; and he
      instantly started off with two Prussian corps in pursuit of them. The
      fugitives dispersed all over the country; but the Prussians did fearful
      execution upon them, knocking them down in heaps like cattle: at one place
      eight hundred of them were thus dispatched. Many of the French ran across
      fields and into woods, where numbers were afterwards found dead or
      grievously wounded. As for the high-road it resembled the seashore after
      some fearful shipwreck&mdash;cannon, caissons, carriages, baggage, arms,
      and wreck of every kind were picked up by the pursuers. One of the first
      hauls, indeed, which Blucher made, was sixty pieces of cannon belonging to
      the imperial guard; and with these were captured carriages, baggage, &amp;c,
      belonging to Napoleon himself. The retreat, in a word, was most
      disastrous; the French did not cease flying until they had passed all
      their frontier fortresses; and then they dispersed all over the country,
      selling their arms and their horses, and running to their homes. In the
      battle and in the retreat the French had lost thirty thousand men in
      killed and wounded; and, what was more fatal to them, by this event their
      spirits were broken, and they could not again take the field. The loss on
      the part of the allies was also immense; the British and the Hanoverians
      alone having 2,432 killed, and 9,528 wounded, in which number there were
      more than six hundred officers. Among the slain were Generals Picton, Sir
      William Ponsonby, Lieutenant-colonel the Honourable Sir Alexander Gordon,
      and Colonel de Lancy, Wellington's quarter-master general. Among the
      wounded, the Earl of Uxbridge, General Cooke, General Halkett, General
      Barnes, General Baron Allen, Lieutenant-colonel Lord Fitzroy Somerset, and
      the Prince of Orange. Of Wellington's staff, indeed, there was scarcely an
      officer who did not receive a wound. Such was the battle of Waterloo: the
      victory was gained at a great price; but by it this long and terrible war,
      which had desolated hearths and firesides and the fair face of nature for
      many a long year, was finished. So fearful was the scene after the battle
      that the Duke of Wellington, forgetting the exultation of victory,
      exclaimed, as he viewed it in the bright moonlight night which succeeded,
      "My heart is almost broken by the terrible loss I have sustained of my old
      friends and companions, and my poor soldiers." Such a sentiment does
      honour to humanity.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkimage-0015" id="linkimage-0015">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_360_waterloo.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Battle of Waterloo" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_360_waterloo_th.jpg"
      alt="360.jpg Battle of Waterloo "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      CAPTURE OF PARIS.&mdash;SURRENDER OF NAPOLEON, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first man that carried the news of the disaster to Paris was Napoleon
      himself. Leaving his brother Jerome on the frontier to try if he could
      rally some of the remains of his army, he flew to the capital, where he
      arrived on the night of the 20th. It is evident that he still calculated
      upon the devotion of the <i>corps législatif</i> to his cause; but he soon
      discovered that he had forfeited their affection. Had he been victorious
      they would, doubtless, still have fawned upon him; but now he was
      thoroughly beaten, they demanded his abdication. Both chambers declared
      that there was but one man between France and peace; and Napoleon found
      himself compelled to sign his second abdication. He did this in favour of
      his son; but the chambers refused to pronounce his son emperor, and formed
      a temporary government for the purpose of conducting the administration.
      In the meantime the allies had been marching towards Paris. They were
      opposed by French troops at St. Cloud, Issy, and Mendon, but no successful
      opposition could be made; and Blucher prepared to take a terrible revenge
      on Paris for the calamities brought on suffering Europe. His vengeance,
      however, was averted. On the 3rd of July Massena, commander-in-chief of
      the French forces, signed a capitulation with the allies, by which it was
      agreed that Louis XVIII. should be restored to his throne; that the French
      troops should evacuate Paris; and that Paris should be garrisoned by the
      allied armies Thus deserted, Napoleon resolved to retire from France. A
      frigate was waiting at Rochefort to convey him to America; but the English
      cruisers were hovering about the port, and he found escape impossible. In
      this extremity he presented himself with his suite on board the English
      ship, Bellerophon, from whence he wrote a letter, asking the prince
      regent's protection. He imagined that he would be allowed to reside in
      England in a private capacity; but his known restless ambition precluded
      the possibility of this favour being extended to him. Taught by experience
      that his ambition was irrepressible, an order was given to convey him to
      St. Helena; and soon afterwards he was conveyed to that rock which was
      destined to be his retreat, his restraint, and for a time his tomb. The
      dream of his ambition had passed away for ever.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Fame is the shade of immortality,
     And in itself a shadow; soon as caught
     Contemn'd, it shrinks to nothing in the grasp."
     &mdash;Young
</i>
</pre>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1814-1818
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RETURN OF LOUIS XVIII. TO PARIS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Louis XVIII. returned to his capital on the 8th of July. It was not,
      however, until the 7th of October that the two French chambers,
      corresponding with the British parliament were assembled. At that time a
      treaty or convention of the allies was formally announced, and on the 20th
      of November it received the final signature of the contracting powers. By
      this treaty&mdash;seven French fortresses were to be occupied by 150,000
      of the allied troops at the expense of France for a period not exceeding
      five years, and France was to pay 700,000,000 francs as an indemnity.
      Among the concessions made, was that of the Ionian Islands being declared
      independent, under the protection of England. On their part, the allies
      engaged to employ their united forces on any future occasion, should the
      same revolutionary principles which supported the usurpation of Napoleon
      under other forms again disturb France, and menace the repose of other
      states. This was planting an iron foot upon the neck of rebellion, but it
      was the only means of securing the peace of Europe. The French government
      and the nation at large felt the bitterness of the terms: but, conscious
      of their justice, they submitted to them without a murmur. On the
      re-establishment of the kingly government in France, measures were taken
      for the punishment of those who had been most active in the late
      rebellion. Among those who were punished with death was the celebrated
      Marshal Ney: "he had sown the wind, and he reaped the whirlwind."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITAIN GAINS POSSESSION OF THE ISLAND OF CEYLON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this eventful year the sovereignty of Great Britain was extended
      over the island of Ceylon. The King of Candy, who possessed the interior,
      by his atrocities, compelled the inhabitants to throw off his yoke. Early
      in the year, General Brownrigg, the governor cf the British possessions on
      the coast, issued a proclamation declaring that he made war on the tyrant
      alone, and that protection would be afforded to his oppressed subjects. He
      penetrated to the capital amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants; the
      king-was delivered into his hands; and a treaty was concluded by which the
      British authority was established in the whole island, the rights and
      immunities of the chiefs being secured: torture and mutilation were
      abolished, and no sentence of death was to be executed without a warrant
      from the British governor. Thus this fine and fruitful island was added to
      "Britain's wide domain."
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the East Indies some disputes took place this year between the British
      government and the state of Nepaul, respecting boundaries. Dispute was
      followed by hostility, and a force of 30,000 men was ordered by the
      governor-general, Lord Moira, to penetrate that mountainous and intricate
      country. Several gallant but unsuccessful attempts were made upon the fort
      of Kalunga, in one of which General Gillespie the commander, was slain.
      The fort, however, was finally evacuated by its garrison; but a series of
      warlike operations was continued for several months with great bravery on
      both sides, and with various success. The final result of the war,
      however, was favourable to the British. After a campaign of great
      difficulty, the whole country from Kemaoon to the Sutlej was ceded to the
      British company.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1816
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament assembled on the 1st of February, when, in consequence of the
      indisposition of the prince regent, it was opened by commission. The
      speech congratulated the two houses upon the successes obtained by his
      majesty's arms with those of his allies, and expressed a hope that it
      would be followed by the lasting repose and security of Europe, The prince
      regent lamented the heavy pressure which the late extraordinary exertions
      had produced upon the country; but he assured the houses that they might
      rely on every disposition on his part to concur in such measures of
      economy as might be found consistent with the interest of the country, and
      with that station which it occupied in Europe. The address was agreed to
      in the lords <i>nem. con.</i>, and in the commons an amendment, moved by
      Mr. Brand, censuring ministers for the length of the late prorogation,
      which had caused delay in public affairs of importance, was negatived by
      ninety against twenty-three.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE TREATIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 9th of February Mr. Brougham moved for a copy of the treaty
      concluded at Paris, and designated by the title of "the Holy Alliance." By
      this document, the three potentates by whom it was signed&mdash;the
      sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and Prussia&mdash;declared their resolution
      to take for their guide the precepts of the Christian religion, both in
      their domestic administration and foreign relations. Mr. Brougham
      observed, that there was something so singular in the wording of this
      document as to warrant jealousy of their designs. He could not imagine
      that it referred to objects merely spiritual, for the partition of Poland
      had been prefaced by similar language, and the proclamation of the Empress
      Catherine, which concluded that fatal tragedy, was couched in nearly the
      same terms. Lord Castlereagh vindicated the motives of the confederated
      sovereigns, and stated that the prince regent&mdash;whose accession to
      this alliance was prevented by the forms of the British constitution&mdash;expressed
      his satisfaction in its tendency. He opposed the production of the
      document, because it was contrary to the practice of parliament to call
      for copies of treaties to which this country was no party.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      From an abstract of the net produce of the revenue in the years ending the
      5th of January, 1815, and the 5th of January, 1816, the amount appeared to
      be £66,443,802, showing an excess of £1,013,821 over that of the preceding
      year. But notwithstanding this excess the chancellor of the exchequer
      announced his intention of proposing an income-tax of five per cent.,
      there being no mode, he observed, less oppressive, or so economical. With
      a view of gaining over the great mass of the people, he declared himself
      ready to exempt all incomes under £150 per annum, and farms paying less
      than that sum in rent. But the people were not thus to be bribed. Such a
      storm of opposition was raised against it by the nation at large that when
      a motion for the continuance of the income-tax was made, it was negatived
      by two hundred and thirty-eight against two hundred and thirty one. Thus
      defeated, the chancellor of the exchequer had recourse to a loan; and this
      loan was increased by £2,000,000, by the voluntary relinquishment of the
      war-tax on malt, which tax was relinquished in order to afford some relief
      to the agriculturists, who were at this time labouring under great
      distress. In bringing forward the budget on the 27th of May, the
      chancellor of the exchequer announced that the surplus of the preceding
      year's grants in hand amounted to £5,663,755. The supplies for the year
      were estimated at £39,400,000, and the ways and means to meet them as
      deficient about £2,500,000; which deficiency was made up by a loan of
      £3,000,000, obtained from the directors of the Bank of England, at three
      per cent. The amount of the army estimates provoked a long and vehement
      discussion; but ministers were successful in their favourite object of
      maintaining a large standing army, their principal argument being that the
      situation of the continent rendered such a measure necessary. The number
      voted was 176,615 men, including 30,000 stationed in France; and a vote of
      33,000 men for the navy was also agreed to, after a violent debate. Out of
      the large military force voted 25,000 men were to be stationed in Ireland,
      in order to keep that country in awe. The necessity of such a force
      naturally excited some surprise, and led to some animadversions on the
      measures of the existing cabinet. But no cabinet: which has ever existed
      can fairly be charged with all the evils and the abuses which have plagued
      that country. Generally speaking, these evils and abuses have arisen from
      the Irish people themselves, their factious spirit having elicited the
      severe laws enacted to preserve peace. Mr. Peel, who had lately commenced
      his political career, justly ascribed the disturbances in Ireland to a
      systematic violation of all laws, which loudly called for the introduction
      of a military force. The general routine of motions for inquiry into the
      state of Ireland, and the repeal of Catholic disabilities were followed by
      their usual results; but a measure of some importance&mdash;the
      consolidation of the British and Irish exchequers&mdash;was effected in
      the course of this session. A bill was also passed for a new silver
      coinage.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ROYAL MARRIAGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A message from the prince regent to both houses on the 14th of March,
      announced the marriage contract of his daughter, the Princess Charlotte
      Augusta, with his serene highness, Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg. An
      annual sum of £60,000 was voted to them during their joint lives, the
      whole to be continued, should the prince die first, and £50,000 to him
      should he be the survivor; £60,000 were also granted by way of outfit. The
      nuptials were celebrated on the 2nd of May; the nation partaking in the
      joy, not only from the lively interest which the people took in the
      personal character of the princess, but from the circumstance that she
      united herself with the object of her own choice. Two months after the
      marriage of the Princess Charlotte, another marriage took place, between
      the Princess Mary, fourth daughter of his majesty, and the Duke of
      Gloucester, her cousin. Their establishments were formed on a scale which
      rendered a further application to the public purse unnecessary.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      VARIOUS MOTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, Mr. Tierney moved the abolition of the office of
      secretary of state for the department of war and the colonies, which was
      lost by a great majority. A proposition that the expenditure of the civil
      list should not exceed the revenue, &amp;c, was also rejected. A bill
      relative to the registry and regulation of slaves, which had been
      introduced by Mr. Wilberforce towards the close of the last session,
      became the subject of warm debates, in consequence of an insurrection
      which had taken place at Barbadoes. A petition from the merchants of
      Bristol deprecated the measure, as disclosing a spirit of interference
      with the local legislation of the colonies; and on the suggestion of Lord
      Castlereagh, Mr. Wilberforce postponed his motion, and moved for papers on
      the subject. Mr. Palmer, who argued that the insurrection arose from
      expectations among the slaves of entire emancipation, fostered by the
      proposed registry-bill, moved an amendment to the effect that the colonial
      authorities should be recommended to promote the moral and religious
      improvement, as well as the comfort and happiness of the negroes: this
      amendment was carried.
    </p>
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      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 2nd of July. The speech of the prince
      regent expressed regret at the distresses suffered by many classes of his
      majesty's subjects; but which it was hoped would be found to have arisen
      from causes of a temporary nature.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      RIOTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The general distress felt at this period arose from the expensive war in
      which England had been so long-engaged. As the year, advanced, the
      calamities of an inclement season and a deficient harvest were added to a
      general stagnation of trade and commerce. The consequence of all this was
      a sudden rise in the price of the necessaries of life, which was combined
      with a reduction of wages and want of employment among the poor. Distress
      engendered discontent; and, unfortunately, there were mischievous
      characters abroad, who availed themselves of the irritated feelings of the
      people to stir them up to sedition. Serious tumults took place in the
      counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and various other parts of the
      kingdom; and in the Isle of Ely an organized insurrection broke out which
      was not suppressed without great difficulty. Some of the rioters were
      taken, and twenty-four were found guilty, of whom five suffered the
      extremity of the law. The metropolis had continued tranquil until nearly
      the close of the year, but at length the distress felt goaded the
      multitude on to seditious acts. Two meetings were convened in Spa-fields
      by some of the mob-orators, to petition the regent for a reform of abuses;
      and a vast concourse of rabble attended which on the second occasion led
      to a serious riot. Mr. Henry Hunt figured as the principal demagogue; but
      though his language was seditious and inflammatory, he had the prudence to
      withdraw before the consequences of his harangue were manifested. Like
      Gash-ford, however, he had stirred up mischief, though he retired before
      it was committed. A band of his more desperate associates, who had
      attended him with a tri-coloured flag, and other symbols of a
      revolutionary nature, endeavoured to lead the mob into the city. Some few
      followed their standard; and on their march they broke into the shop of a
      gunsmith, on Snowhill to obtain arms, and a young man, named Watson, there
      shot a gentleman who offered some resistance. Seizing all the arms they
      could find in that and other shops, they proceeded to the Royal Exchange,
      when the lord mayor and aldermen, after vainly exhorting them to disperse,
      boldly secured some of the most forward, and shut the gates against the
      remainder. The mob fired, but without effect, over the gates on the
      magistrates; but a strong body of troops having been quickly marched into
      the city, the rioters were finally overpowered, and compelled to disperse.
      Some examples were made of the ringleaders; but the greatest criminal,
      Watson, effected his escape to America. The vigilance of government was by
      these events excited; and, after experience of this danger, every popular
      meeting in the vicinity of the metropolis was watched by large bodies of
      the military and special constables.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXPEDITION TO ALGIERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The piratical state of Barbary had for ages infested the commerce of the
      Mediterranean, and subjected Christians to the most dreadful slavery. No
      check had been given them in their career, although during the late war
      the fears of the barbarians had induced them to respect the British flag.
      The renewed freedom of commerce, however, after the peace, tempted the
      three principal states of Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers to augment the
      number of their corsairs; and the ferocious system of depredation which
      they carried on against the vessels of nations in alliance or under the
      protection of Great Britain, rendered it imperative on the mistress of the
      ocean to vindicate her honour. For this purpose Lord Exmouth, at this time
      commanding in the Mediterranean, was instructed to demand security from
      these piratical states for the commerce of the Ionian Islands; to
      negociate a peace for Naples and Sardinia; and, if possible, to obtain a
      general abolition of Christian slavery. His lordship proceeded first to
      Algiers, where he obtained the release of all Ionian captives, and the
      ratification of a pacific treaty for Naples and Sicily: the former nation
      paying a ransom of five hundred dollars, and the latter three hundred
      dollars per head for their redeemed slaves. His lordship then proceeded to
      Tunis and Tripoli, the deys of which places appeared disposed to accede to
      any terms. Lord Exmouth proposed a treaty, for ever prohibiting the making
      of Christian slaves, and that such prisoners as might be taken in war
      should be treated according to the practice of civilized Europe. These
      stipulations were agreed to and the treaties signed. In the meantime he
      had received instructions to claim from Algiers the privilege of selling
      and refitting privateers in its port. On his return to that place upon
      this mission, he took the opportunity of pressing on that state the
      abolition of Christian slavery; but his request was haughtily refused, and
      when his lordship was returning to the fleet he was insulted by the crowd,
      and narrowly escaped assassination. As Lord Exmouth had not received
      definite instructions from the admiralty, he did not think himself
      justified in proceeding to extremities; and he therefore agreed that the
      dey should appoint an ambassador, who might proceed first to
      Constantinople, for the purpose of gaining the sanction of the Ottoman
      Porte, and thence to London, to treat on his proposal. His lordship then
      returned to England; but before he reached its shores, accounts arrived,
      which determined government at once to exact satisfaction for the past and
      security for the future. On the 21st of May the dey had ordered the
      British consul, Mr. Macdonald, to be confined, and all the English vessels
      in Oran to be seized. The Algerines likewise murdered the crews of several
      Italian vessels under the British flag, that were engaged in the
      coral-fishery at Bona. Thus braved, ministers resolved to punish the
      Algerines, and to enforce obedience on the common enemies of the civilized
      world. Lord Exmouth received instructions to complete his work; and he
      sailed on the 28th of July, in the "Queen Charlotte" of 110 guns, with
      four other ships of the line, five frigates, with sloops, bomb-vessels,
      &amp;c, for that purpose. With this fleet he arrived at Gibraltar on the
      9th of August, where he met with a Dutch squadron of five frigates and a
      corvette, commanded by Vice-admiral Von Capellem, who, on learning the
      object of the expedition, solicited and obtained leave to assist in the
      enterprise. The Algerines expected this attack, and had been preparing for
      it by the removal of every article of value, and by strengthening their
      already formidable fortifications. The city of Algiers is built on the
      declivity of a hill, in a triangular shape; the base being the sea-front,
      which rises directly from the water, and is about a mile in length. It was
      strongly defended by batteries rising one above another, and along a
      tongue of land, which defends the entrance into the inner part of the
      harbour, and also the approach to it, was a range of strong batteries,
      which our ships were obliged to pass, to take their station near the town,
      for the purpose of bombarding it. In the whole, the city was defended by
      about one thousand pieces of ordnance. During a conversation with Captain
      Brisbane, Lord Nelson had named twenty-five ships of the line as the force
      requisite to attack Algiers, but Lord Exmouth was satisfied he could
      accomplish the enterprise with the small fleet above described. He arrived
      off Algiers on the 27th of August; and all proposals for conciliation, and
      all demands for the relief of the British consul being ineffectual, the
      fleet passed the batteries and commenced their appointed work. The "Queen
      Charlotte" led the attack, and she answered to the guns of the batteries
      with a broadside which swept off' about five hundred men from the crowded
      mole, soldiers and spectators. Before the battle became general, the
      "Queen Charlotte" had demolished the fortifications on the mole; then
      drawing her broadside more to the northward, she soon brought down the
      tower of the light-house. Gun after gun fell from the batteries, and the
      last of them was dismounted just as the artillery-men were in the act of
      discharging it. The battle had not long commenced when the enemy's
      flotilla of gim-boats advanced with daring courage to board the "Queen
      Charlotte," which by this time was seconded by the "Leander;" but as soon
      as they were discovered in the midst of the smoke, a few guns from both
      these ships sent thirty-three of the Algerine gun-boats to the bottom. The
      cannonade, which was of the most awful description, had continued for an
      hour without producing any signs of submission, and then Lord Exmouth
      determined to destroy the enemy's ships. This was effected by throwing
      laboratory torches and carcass-shells on board of the nearest frigates,
      which, taking fire, communicated the flames to the rest, until they were
      burnt to the water's edge. The bombardment continued, with little
      intermission, till nearly eleven: the Algerines fighting all the time with
      the utmost fury and desperation. About ten it was deemed advisable to take
      a large offing during the night. It was extremely dark: but the darkness
      was illuminated by a violent storm of lightning accompanied with thunder,
      and by the incessant fire of the batteries. The firing ceased about
      half-past eleven, and Lord Exmouth collected in his cabin all the wounded
      that could safely be moved to join with him and his officers in
      thanksgiving to the Almighty for their victory and preservation. The work
      was indeed effected: at the dawn of the returning day the city and harbour
      of Algiers exhibited a shattered heap of ruins. In the conflict, the loss
      of the Algerines amounted to about 7,000: the British had 128 killed, and
      690 wounded, and the Dutch, who nobly aided in this enterprise, thirteen
      killed and fifty-two wounded. The dey was now humbled. Lord Exmouth now
      repeated with effect the proposals which had been before rejected, and the
      result of the victory was, that the dey agreed to abolish Christian
      slavery; to deliver up all the slaves in his dominion, of whatever nation
      they might be; to return all the money received for the redemption of
      slaves since the commencement of the present year; and to make reparation,
      and a public apology to the British consul for the wrongs and indignities
      to which he had been subjected. Before Lord Exmouth quitted the bay of
      Algiers every Christian prisoner was set at liberty, and the dey had
      refunded 382,500 dollars to the governments of Naples and Sardinia. The
      squadron quitted the bay on the 3rd of September, with the conscious
      satisfaction of having rescued the British character from the imputation
      of tamely permitting the atrocities which these piratical states had so
      long exercised against the weaker powers, and with the proud consciousness
      that every man had done his duty. Lord Exmouth, who was twice slightly
      wounded in the action, was raised from the dignity of baron to that of
      Viscount, and a considerable promotion likewise took place among the
      officers who had so nobly participated in the chastisement of the
      barbarian foe of the Christian world.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1817
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by the prince regent in person. The chief topics of
      his speech were the continued assurances of amity received from foreign
      powers; the recent victory at Algiers; and the still existing deficiency
      in the revenue. He concluded thus:&mdash;"In considering our internal
      situation, you will, I doubt not, feel a just indignation at the attempts
      which have been made to take advantage of the distress of the country for
      the purpose of exciting a spirit of sedition and violence. I am too well
      convinced of the loyalty and good sense of the great body of his majesty's
      subjects, to believe them capable of being perverted by the arts which are
      employed to seduce them; but I am determined to omit no precautions for
      preserving the public peace, and for counteracting the designs of the
      disaffected. I rely with the utmost confidence, also, on your cordial
      support, and co-operation, in upholding a system of law and government
      from which we have derived inestimable advantages; which has enabled us to
      conclude, with unexampled glory, a contest whereon depended the best
      interests of mankind, and which has been hitherto felt by ourselves, as it
      is acknowledged by other nations, to be the most perfect that had fallen
      to the lot of any people."
    </p>
    <p>
      The prince regent had good reason to complain of the turbulent spirit
      displayed by the factions: for on his way to the house he had been
      assailed with tumultuous expressions of disapprobation; and on his return
      from it, he was assailed by missiles of every description, and the glass
      of his carriage was broken by what was supposed to be two balls from an
      air-gun, aimed at his person. This outrage was communicated to the lords
      by Lord Sidmouth; and a conference was held with the house of commons, at
      which a joint address, congratulating his royal highness on his escape,
      was agreed upon. The consideration of the usual address in answer to the
      speech was postponed till the following day, when Earl Grey moved in the
      lords an amendment, chiefly for the purpose of expressing an opinion that
      the prince regent was under a delusion respecting the degree and probable
      duration of the pressure on the resources of the country. He declared this
      to be much more extensive in its operations, more severe in its effects,
      more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed,
      than that which had prevailed at the termination of former wars. Added to
      this declaration in the amendment, was a profession of regret that the
      prince regent should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of
      rigid economy and retrenchment, especially with respect to our military
      establishments; and a resolution that the house should go immediately into
      a committee on the state of the nation. This amendment, however, was
      negatived without a division; and a similar one moved in the commons was
      rejected by two hundred and sixty-four against one hundred and twelve.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1814-1818
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES OF ECONOMY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 7th of February a communication was made by Lord Castlereagh from
      the prince regent, stating that out of sympathy to a suffering people he
      had determined upon a cession of £50,000 per annum of that part of his
      income which related to his personal expenses, during the continuance of
      the existing distress. At the same time his lordship communicated the
      intention of ministers to dispense with one-tenth of their official
      incomes, while the necessities of the state should require such a
      sacrifice. Lord Camden, also, one of the tellers of the exchequer,
      relinquished, <i>pro tempore</i>, the whole of his large profits with the
      exception of £2,500, the regulated income of the other tellers. On the
      reduced scale the expenditure of the year was estimated at £6,500,000 less
      than that of the preceding year, and a further saving of upwards of
      £1,000,000 was calculated upon for the year 1818. On the same day that
      Lord Castlereagh made the above communication to the house, he moved for
      the appointment of a committee of inquiry respecting the income and
      expenditure of the state. The first report of this committee was made on
      the 5th of May, when Mr. Davies Gilbert stated that, in recommending the
      suppression of certain offices, it was at the same time necessary that his
      majesty should be enabled to reward meritorious persons, by the power of
      granting pensions according to merit and length of service. A bill,
      entitled "the Civil Services Compensation Bill," was accordingly
      introduced, with another for abolishing the offices of wardens and
      justices in Eyre, both of which passed the houses with very little
      opposition. About the time this bill passed Mr. Abbott resigned the
      speakership, and was created Lord Colchester, with a pension of £4000 to
      himself and his immediate successor. He was succeeded by Mr. Charles
      Manners Sutton, eldest son of the Archbishop of Canterbury.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESTRICTIONS ON PUBLIC LIBERTY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of February a message was communicated to both houses,
      announcing that the prince-regent had ordered the production of papers
      which contained an account of certain meetings and combinations held in
      various parts of the country, tending to disturb public tranquillity, to
      alienate the affection of the people from his majesty's person and
      government, and to overthrow the whole frame of the laws and constitution.
      His royal highness recommended these papers to the immediate consideration
      of parliament; and they were accordingly referred by each house to a
      secret committee. It was expected that coercive measures would be adopted;
      but in the face of this a mob, headed by Henry Hunt and others, met in
      Spa-fields on the 10th of February, under the pretext of petitioning for
      parliamentary reform. The reports of the secret committees were presented
      on the 18th of February; and, on their recommendation, stringent acts were
      passed to correct the evil. The first consequence of these reports was the
      apprehension of the elder Watson, Preston, Hooper, and Keene, who were
      committed to the Tower on a charge of high-treason; a reward of five
      hundred pounds was also offered for the apprehension of a man named
      Thistle-wood; and he was also taken and lodged with his associates. The
      measures adopted by parliament for the security of the public peace, were
      the suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Act until the 1st of July next;
      an extension of the act of 1795, for the security of the king's person, to
      that of the regent; the revival of an act of 1795 against corresponding
      societies; and a reenactment of that regarding the seduction of soldiers
      and sailors from their allegiance. Petitions were presented against these
      restrictions on public liberty, and they were opposed in every stage by
      the opposition; but they were carried in both houses by large majorities.
      Although these acts appeared to infringe on the public liberty, yet they
      were effectual in saving the country from violence and bloodshed, if not
      from the horrors of anarchy. Powerful measures are required for the
      restraint of hydra-headed faction. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus
      struck an unexpected blow against the hopes and plans of the apostles of
      reform; and Mr. William Cobbett, who at this period figured as one of the
      most ardent reformers, deemed it prudent to retire to America, promising,
      however, to return as soon as England should be again under the protection
      of her constitution, and in the meantime to transmit his weekly register
      from the land of his voluntary exile.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the assembling of the peers after the Easter recess, it was ordered, on
      the motion of Lord Grey, that a copy of the circular-letter recently
      addressed by the secretary of state for the home department to the
      lord-lieutenants of counties, relative to seditious or blasphemous
      publications, be laid before the house. In this document Lord Sidmouth had
      stated, as it was of the greatest importance to prevent, if possible, the
      circulation of the blasphemous and seditious pamphlets and writings then
      distributed in great numbers through the country, he had thought it his
      duty to consult the law-officers of the crown, whether a person found
      selling, or in any other way publishing such writings, might be brought
      immediately before a justice of peace by warrant to answer for his
      conduct; and the law-officers had given their opinion to the effect, that
      a justice of the peace might issue his warrant for the apprehension of a
      person charged before him, on oath, with the publication of such libels,
      and compel him to give bail to answer such charge. Under these
      circumstances the attention of the lord-lieutenants was earnestly called
      to the subject; and they were requested to notify such opinion to the
      chairman of the quarter-sessions, in order that magistrates might be led
      to act upon it. When this circular was produced Lord Grey addressed their
      lordships in a speech, in which he contended against the principle that a
      justice of the peace might be called on by any common informer to decide
      what was, or what was not a libel, and to commit or hold to bail, on his
      sole judgment, the accused party. His lordship argued that such a specific
      intimation to magistrates regarding the mode in which they were to
      construe the law, even supposing the law itself to be clear and
      undisputed, was a high offence against the constitution. He moved for the
      production of a case that had been submitted to the law-officers; but it
      was negatived on a division by a majority of seventy-five against
      nineteen. A similar motion was made in the commons by Sir Samuel Romilly,
      and a similar decision given. As towards the close of the session the
      spirit of disaffection throughout the country was not subdued, a further
      suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Act to the 1st of March, 1818, was
      carried by a large majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE ON THE POOR-LAWS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session a committee on the poor-laws, with Mr. Sturges Bourne
      for its chairman, was appointed. This committee made its report in July;
      but not much new light was thrown upon the subject, as the object of the
      members seemed to be that of neutralizing every topic as much as possible;
      probably from ministerial instructions, as the cabinet were averse to
      making experiments. On the 9th of July Mr. Wilberforce moved for an
      address to the prince regent, submitting in dutiful, but urgent terms, the
      expression of our continued solicitude for the universal and final
      abolition of the slave-trade amongst the European powers, which was agreed
      to <i>nem. con</i>. On the same evening a discussion of considerable
      interest took place upon a series of resolutions on finance, which had
      been brought forward by Mr. Tierney; and after a debate of great length
      the previous question was carried upon each of these resolutions, and
      counter resolutions, moved by Mr. Grant, adopted in their stead. The last
      important debate of the session took place in the commons on a motion made
      by Mr. Brougham, for an inquiry into the state of the nation; a motion
      introduced chiefly for the purpose of enabling the mover, as the organ of
      opposition in the lower house to enter a protest, in detail, against the
      whole of the acts and proceedings of ministers. In exposing the false
      system on which parliament had long legislated on the subject of commerce,
      Mr. Brougham remarked:&mdash;"The period is now arrived when, the war
      being closed and prodigious changes having taken place throughout the
      world, it becomes absolutely necessary to enter on a careful but fearless
      revision of our whole commercial system, that we may be enabled safely,
      yet promptly, to eradicate those faults which the lapse of time has
      occasioned or displayed; to retrace our steps where we shall find that
      they have deviated from the line of true policy; to adjust and accommodate
      our laws to the alteration of circumstances; to abandon many prejudices,
      alike antiquated and senseless, unsuited to the advanced age in which we
      live, and unworthy of that sound judgment which distinguishes this
      nation." The motion was negatived without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of July. In his speech the prince
      regent expressed regret at the king's continued indisposition; glanced at
      the subjects which had been considered during the session; and noticed the
      prospect of an abundant harvest, not only in this country, but on the
      continent, from which he anticipated an improvement in the commercial
      relations of this and other countries.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RIOTS AT MANCHESTER, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the last report of the secret committee of the house of commons,
      mention was made of disturbances which had been experienced at Manchester.
      These disturbances appear to have been of an extraordinary description. A
      large body of men, calling themselves friends of parliamentary reform, and
      urged by the resolution of despair, determined to proceed to London to
      explain their distress to the regent in person. Each individual provided
      himself with a blanket and a small stock of provisions. On the day of
      their departure they met near St. Peter's church; and such crowds
      assembled around them that the magistrates thought it expedient to call
      out the military. The principal instigators of the mob were arrested; but,
      nevertheless, a considerable number set out on their mission to London.
      More than five hundred proceeded as far as Macclesfield, where a troop of
      yeomanry was stationed to provide against contingencies. All, however,
      remained quiet; and this "Blanketeering Expedition" penetrated into
      Staffordshire, where it ended; the poor creatures who composed it being
      obliged to give it up from exhaustion and the want of sustenance. But
      these riots had at least one effect, it filled the prisons throughout the
      country with objects of suspicion or of crime. Many of these were as
      arbitrarily released by the authorities as they had been committed; but
      the more prominent leaders were either detained in custody, or sent, for
      greater security, to the metropolis. The trial of the prisoners in the
      Tower was commenced in the month of June; but Watson, the first tried, being
      acquitted by the jury, the other cases were abandoned. The prisoners
      captured in the riots which took place in the northern and midland
      counties were tried at Derby by a special commission, and twenty-three
      received sentence of death; three of them only, however, suffered the
      extreme penalty of the law. The last prosecution was that of a man named
      Hone, for some political parodies on the Litany and other parts of our
      church-service. He was tried for a blasphemous libel; but he was
      acquitted, chiefly on the ground that his parodies were political, and
      hence not blasphemous; and the public sympathized with the demagogue by
      raising a subscription, in order to reimburse him for his expenses, and to
      reward him for the trouble and fatigue which he had undergone in the
      prosecution. Hone seems to have profited by the lesson he had received;
      for he withdrew from the disgraceful career which he had commenced, and
      engaged in literary pursuits more worthy of a rational and thinking being,
      and of a good citizen of the world.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The close of this year was marked by an event that filled the nation with
      mourning; this was the death of the idolized hope of a free nation, the
      Princess Charlotte: she whose looks of health and gladdening smiles had
      been long hailed by the nation with heartfelt satisfaction by her future
      subjects, expired on the 6th of November, after giving birth to a
      still-born child. The indications of sorrow on this event becoming known
      were unusually general and sincere. The civic procession and entertainment
      on the Lord Mayor's Day was abandoned; public entertainments were
      suspended; and on the 19th, the day of her interment, every shop was
      closed, and funeral sermons were preached in churches and chapels to large
      and attentive congregations. The day of her funeral was one of voluntary
      humiliation, and of sorrowful meditation on the instability of human
      happiness. Brief as were the days of this good princess, she had not lived
      in vain; her life was a bright illustration of piety and virtue. "Put not
      your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help.
      His breath goeth forth, he returneth to the earth; in that very day his
      thoughts perish."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1818&mdash;1820
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Motion for Secret Committees
     preparatory to a Bill of   Indemnity..... Extension   of
     the  Bank  Restriction..... Treaty with Spain..... Royal
     Marriages..... The Supplies..... The Alien  Act, &amp;c......
     Prorogation of Parliament..... State of the Manufacturers of
     Lancashire, &amp;c..... Death of Queen Charlotte..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Duke of. York appointed Guardian to His
     Majesty..... Committee on the Criminal Code..... Measures
     for   Resumption   of   Cash-Payments..... Financial
     Statement..... Catholic   Claims..... Foreign   Enlistment
     Act..... Slave-Trade, &amp;c...... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Seditious Assemblages..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Motion for Inquiry  into the State of tha
     Nation..... Parliamentary Reform..... Cession of Parga to
     the Turks..... Death of George III.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1818
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened on the 27th of January by commission. The principal
      topics of the speech were the continued indisposition of his majesty; the
      death of the Princess Charlotte; an assurance of the continued friendly
      disposition of foreign powers; the improved state of industry and public
      credit; the restored tranquillity of the country; the treaties with Spain
      and Portugal on the abolition of the slave-trade; and a recommendation
      that additional churches should be built, "to meet the increased
      population of the country, and to promote the religious and moral habits
      of the people." In the lords the address was voted <i>nem. con</i>.; in
      the commons it met with animadversion from Lord Althorp and Sir Samuel
      Romilly, who deprecated the demoralizing system of <i>espionnage</i>, as
      well as the arbitrary imprisonment and tyrannical persecutions which had
      lately been carried on by government; but the address passed without a
      division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR SECRET COMMITTEES PREPARATORY TO A BILL OF INDEMNITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 4th of February Lord Castlereagh brought down a bag of papers
      respecting the internal state of the country, for the examination of which
      he proposed a secret committee. As this was understood to be a preliminary
      step to a general bill of indemnity for all acts performed under the
      suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Act, by which the persons then
      imprisoned, and since liberated without trial, would be deprived of all
      legal remedy for such imprisonment, the appointment of a committee was
      strenuously resisted by opposition, who contended that a different sort of
      inquiry was called for by the conduct of the administration. The green bag
      and its contents formed the subject of much sarcasm; but the appointment
      of a secret committee was agreed to, and a similar committee was also
      appointed in the upper house. The report of the committee in the house of
      lords was presented on the 23rd of February. It related chiefly to recent
      disturbances in the counties of Nottingham, Derby, and York; to the
      progress and the check which it had received by various arrests and
      trials; and to the necessity which existed for continued vigilance against
      a spirit of conspiracy still active, particularly in the metropolis. The
      report stated that forty-four persons had been arrested, and discharged
      without trial; but that such arrests were justified by circumstances, and
      that no warrant of detention appeared to have been issued, except in
      consequence of information on oath; the persons detained and not
      prosecuted had been discharged at different times; and the committee were
      of opinion that government had exercised the powers vested in them with
      discretion and moderation. A bill of indemnity, founded on this report,
      was brought in by the Duke of Montrose on the 25th; and on its second
      reading the Marquess of Lansdowne proposed, as an amendment, that it
      should be postponed for a fortnight, to give time for all the petitions
      recently received from persons who had been imprisoned to be brought up.
      This amendment, however, was negatived, as was another on the third
      reading of the bill, the object of which was to do away with it
      altogether. When introduced in the commons on the 10th of March, it was
      strongly opposed by Sir Samuel Romilly, who contended that it was
      improperly called a bill of indemnity. The object of indemnity, he said,
      was only to protect individuals against public prosecution, without
      interfering with the rights of private men; but the object of the bill was
      to annihilate all such rights, to take away all legal remedies from those
      who had suffered an illegal and arbitrary exercise of authority, and to
      punish those who presumed to have recourse to such remedies by subjecting
      them to the payment of double costs. Mr. Lambton moved an amendment that
      it be read again that day six months, but this was lost by one hundred and
      ninety to sixty-four. The bill was read a second time on the next day, but
      the chief discussion took place on the order for committing it, when
      several petitions, complaining of grievous oppression, were presented to
      the house: the bill, however, passed on the 13th, and four days after
      received the royal assent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXTENSION OF THE BANK RESTRICTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At an early period of the session, Mr. Grenfell inquired of the chancellor
      of the exchequer whether any event had occurred, or was likely to occur,
      which would prevent the resumption of cash-payments by the Bank in July.
      He observed that the public stood in the situation of debtor to the bank
      for £3,000,000 advanced without interest, and for £6,000,000 at an
      interest of four per cent; but as the Bank had secured possession of
      public money deposited in their hands, which for the last twelve years had
      amounted on an average to £11,000,000 for the repayment of these sums, he
      asked whether any arrangement was made for discharging, or placing them on
      a better footing. In reply, the chancellor of the exchequer stated, that
      the Bank had made ample preparation for resuming cash-payments at the time
      fixed by parliament, but that pecuniary transactions were going on with
      foreign powers which might probably require an extension of the
      restriction: as regards the loan of £6,000,000, he said, he should shortly
      submit a proposal for its repayment, allowing the country still to enjoy
      the benefit of that on which no interest was paid. Later in the session,
      in submitting some propositions to a committee of the house, he observed
      that in January, 1817, the Bank had given notice of its readiness to pay
      in specie outstanding notes of a particular description, for which cash to
      the amount of about £1,000,000 might have been demanded, but a very
      considerable sum was called for. At that time, gold bullion was £3. 18s,
      6d., and silver 4s. 10d. the ounce: in October notice was given that the
      Bank was ready to pay in cash all the notes dated prior to January, 1817;
      but the result was very different, for upwards of £2,500,000 were drawn
      out, of which scarcely any portion remained in circulation. This arose
      from the large remittances to foreign countries, consequent on the
      importation of corn; the residence of Englishmen on the continent; and the
      negociation of a loan in this country by France. It now therefore became
      inexpedient for the Bank to resume cash-payments, and the restriction was
      continued till the 5th of July, 1839.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TREATY WITH SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session a treaty with Spain, by virtue of which, in
      consideration of a subsidy of £400,000, that country consented to abolish
      the slave-trade on all the north coasts of the line, received the sanction
      of parliament. But this was only a half measure: Spain still continued the
      privilege of retaining the traffic south of that limit. A right of search
      was stipulated for each nation, but no detention of vessels was to take
      place, unless when slaves were found on board.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ROYAL MARRIAGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year marriages were contracted between the Duke of Clarence
      and the princess of Saxe Meningen; the Duke of Kent and the Princess
      Leiningen; and the Duke of Cambridge with the Princess of Hesse.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the recommendation of the prince regent to parliament, suitable
      provisions were made for the royal personages, though not on an
      extravagant scale. During the discussions on the provision to be made for
      them, Mr. Wilberforce inveighed in strong terms against the royal marriage
      act: an act which prevented the several branches of the family on our
      throne from entertaining the best feelings, and from forming connexions
      which might at once promote their happiness, and guarantee their virtue.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The supplies of this year were estimated at £20,952,400. To meet this, in
      addition to the ways and means, a three-and-a-half per cent, stock was
      created to the amount of £14,000,000, so that no new taxes were levied,
      nor any additions made to those existing.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ALIEN ACT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session it was resolved that the alien act should be continued
      for two years longer; it being necessary to keep out as well as send out
      of Great Britain persons who might take advantage of the vicinity of
      France, to excite a spirit hostile to the security of this and other
      European governments. Sir Samuel Romilly introduced a bill to do away with
      the capital part of the act respecting private stealing in shops, &amp;c,
      setting forth in his preamble, that extreme severity of punishment tends
      to procure indemnity for crime; but the house was not yet prepared to
      legislate in a merciful spirit: the bill was rejected. Before the close of
      the session Mr. Brougham succeeded in his motion for a committee of
      inquiry respecting the education of the poorer classes; the first step
      towards that system of popular instruction in which he has effected so
      much. Fourteen commissioners were to be appointed by the crown, six of
      whom were to have no salaries. This bill, however, underwent many
      alterations in the upper-house, chiefly through the exertions of Lord
      Eldon, who used all his influence against it. The commissioners to be
      appointed were limited to the investigation of charities connected with
      education; they were precluded from investigating the state of education
      among the poor generally; and they were directed to traverse the country
      and to call witnesses before them, without possessing any authority for
      enforcing attendance, or for demanding the production of documents. As Mr.
      Brougham observed, the bill as it came from the lords left everything to
      the good will of those who had an interest at variance with the inquiry.
      Yet much good, he anticipated, might result from the exercise of the
      powers possessed by the house. The means to be used were, that the
      commissioners should proceed and call witnesses; that they should report
      to the house, and make returns of the names of all those who refused to
      give information or produce documents without alleging any just cause of
      refusal; and the committee, which would be reappointed next session, might
      be empowered to call those persons before them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 10th of June by the regent in person. In
      his speech his royal highness stated his intention of giving direction for
      a new parliament, after which he observed:&mdash;"I cannot refrain from
      adverting to the important change which has occurred in the situation of
      this country, and of all Europe, since I first met you in this place. At
      that period, the dominion of the common enemy had been so widely extended
      over the continent, that resistance to his power was, by many, deemed to
      be hopeless; and in the extremities of Europe alone was such resistance
      effectually maintained. By the unexampled exertions which you enabled me
      to make, in aid of countries nobly contending for independence, and by the
      spirit which was kindled in so many nations, the continent was at length
      delivered from the most galling and oppressive tyranny, under which it had
      laboured; and I had the happiness, by the blessing of Providence, to
      terminate, in conjunction with his majesty's allies, the most eventful and
      sanguinary contest in which Europe had for centuries been engaged, with
      unparalleled success and glory. The prosecution of such a contest for so
      many years, and more particularly the efforts which marked the close of
      it, have been followed within our own country, as well as throughout the
      rest of Europe, by considerable internal difficulties and distress. But,
      deeply as I felt for the immediate pressure upon his majesty's people,
      nevertheless I looked forward without dismay, having always the fullest
      confidence in the solidity of the resources of the British empire, and in
      the relief which might be expected from a continuance of peace, and from
      the patience, public spirit, and energy of the nation. These expectations
      have not been disappointed. The improvement in the internal circumstances
      of the country is happily manifest, and promises to be steadily
      progressive; and I feel perfect assurance that the continued loyalty and
      exertions of all his majesty's subjects will confirm these growing
      indications of national prosperity, by promoting obedience to the laws,
      and attachment to the constitution from which all our blessings are
      derived."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE MANUFACTURERS OF LANCASHIRE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Distress, though mitigated, as stated in the regent's speech, still
      prevailed in the country. The cotton-spinners as well as other classes of
      manufacturers of Lancashire remained in a state of organized opposition to
      their masters on the subject of wages. From this cause disturbances took
      place at Burnley, Stockport, and other places, which could only be quelled
      by the prompt exertions of the Manchester yeomanry. À diversion from these
      troubles was created by the general election which took place during the
      summer. Men were too busily employed in securing the election of their
      favourites to think of the troubles by which they were surrounded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the last session of parliament, in consequence of the Queen's
      declining health, two amendments had been made in the regency bill; the
      first empowering her majesty to add six new members, resident in Windsor
      to her council, in the event of her absence from that residence; and the
      second repealed the clause which rendered necessary the immediate
      assembling of a new parliament in the event of the queen's death. These
      amendments were opportunely made, for her majesty, after a lingering
      illness of six months, expired at Kew Palace, on the 17th of November, in
      the 75th year of her age. Her remains were interred at Windsor on the 2nd
      of December, and the day was observed with every suitable mark of respect.
      Queen Charlotte possessed those accomplishments which add grace and
      dignity to an exalted station. As a wife and a mother she was a pattern to
      her sex; performing all the tender and maternal offices of a nurse to her
      offspring, which is so seldom performed by persons even in less exalted
      stations than that which she occupied. Her morality was, also,
      unquestionably of the highest order: during the period in which she
      presided over the British court, she preserved it from the contamination
      of vice, notwithstanding the dangers proceeding from the licentious
      examples of other European dynasties, as well as from that moral
      relaxation which our own prosperity was so well calculated to produce.
      During the reign of Geo-ge III., indeed, England presented from the throne
      the example of those virtues that form the great and binding link of the
      social chain. To this may be in part ascribed our happiness in having
      withstood the storm which visited the rest of Europe with all the horrors
      of invasion or anarchy. "The wicked are overthrown, and are not; but the
      house of the righteous shall stand."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1819
    </p>
    <p>
      The new parliament met on the 14th of January when Mr. Manners Sutton was
      reelected speaker, and Chief Baron Richards took his seat on the woolsack
      <i>pro tempore</i>, in consequence of the lord chancellor's indisposition.
      Both houses were occupied till the 21st in swearing in their respective
      members, on which day the session was opened by commission. The chief
      topics of the royal speech were the king's health: the demise of the
      queen; the evacuation of France by the allied troops; the favourable state
      of the revenue; the improved aspect of trade, manufactures, and commerce;
      the favourable result of the war in India; and the extension of the
      commercial treaty now existing between this nation and the United States
      of America to a further term of eight years. In both houses the addresses
      were carried without a division, though ministers were severely censured
      by Lord Lansdowne in the lords, and Mr. Macdonald in the commons, for the
      want of truth in their statements concerning the state of the nation, and
      for their many political blunders.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE DUKE OF YORK APPOINTED GUARDIAN TO HIS MAJESTY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the death of the queen rendered it necessary that a guardian of his
      majesty's person should be appointed, Lord Liverpool named the Duke of
      York, and his nomination met with general approval. The duke was appointed
      guardian with a salary of £10,000 per annum out of the public purse for
      the performance of this filial duty. The grant met with severe opposition,
      and was only carried by a small majority; and subsequently several debates
      took place respecting the establishment at Windsor, the expenses of which
      excited much freedom of remark. It was represented as a mockery of the
      national distress, no less than of the melancholy visitation of the aged
      monarch, kept up for the purpose of ministering to the prodigality of the
      regent, and the rapacity of his courtiers. These sentiments were shared by
      the people at large.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE ON THE CRIMINAL CODE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early this session the attention of parliament was called to the state of
      the criminal code: a subject deeply interesting to the best friends of
      humanity. Philanthropists had long deplored the state of our statute-book,
      more than two hundred crimes being defined by it as worthy of death. This
      state of things had been denounced as a national disgrace, and Sir Samuel
      Romilly had frequently brought it under the notice of parliament, and in
      some instances had been the means of softening down the rigour of our
      laws. That great man was now dead; but in this session the subject was
      taken up by Sir James Mackintosh, who proved to be a worthy successor to
      the deceased philanthropist. A petition from the corporation of London,
      complaining of the increase of crime, and pointing out the commutation of
      capital punishment, was referred to a committee for the examination of the
      discipline and police of the different prisons throughout the country. The
      appointment of this committee was moved by Lord Castlereagh; but it was
      thought by some that a distinct committee should be appointed, for the
      purpose of taking the whole subject into consideration. A motion to this
      effect was made by Sir James Mackintosh on the 2nd of March; and though
      Lord Castlereagh opposed it, as unnecessary, it was carried by one hundred
      and forty-seven against one hundred and twenty-eight. In his speech on
      this occasion, Sir James Mackintosh, after setting forth a great variety
      of facts and observations, illustrating the system of subterfuge which the
      extreme severity of the law in many cases had produced among prosecutors,
      witnesses, and jurors, with the consequent impunity and increase of crime,
      proceeded to explain his views of melioration, observing that it was
      neither his wish nor intention to form a new criminal code. He did not, he
      said, even propose to abolish capital punishment; but, on the contrary, he
      regarded it as a part of that right with which societies are endowed. He
      held it to be, like all other punishments, an evil when unnecessary; but
      capable, like them, of producing, when sparingly and judiciously
      inflicted, a preponderance of good. He aimed not at the establishment of
      any universal principle; his object was, that the execution of the law
      should constitute the majority, and its remission the minority of cases.
      Subsequently Sir James divided the cases connected with capital punishment
      into three classes: those in which it was always, those in which it was
      frequently, and those in which it was never put in force. The first and
      second of these cases he proposed to leave untouched; the third, which
      comprised more than one hundred and fifty crimes, he contended should be
      expunged from the statute-book, as a monument of barbarous times,
      disgraceful to the character of a free and enlightened nation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES FOR RESUMPTION OF CASH-PAYMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of February Mr. Tierney moved for a committee to inquire into
      the effects of the Bank restriction act. This was met by an amendment from
      the chancellor of the exchequer, directing an investigation of the state
      of the Bank of England, with reference to the expediency of its resumption
      of cash-payments at the appointed period; such information to be reported
      by the committee as might be disclosed without injury to the public
      interests. The first report, which was brought up by Mr. Peel on the 5th
      of April, represented that the Bank, having been induced to pay in specie
      all notes issued previous to 1817, had been drained of cash to the amount
      of more than £5,000,000, most of which had gone to the continent, and had
      been there recoined; and that, to prevent this drain continuing, and to
      enable the Bank to accumulate a larger store of bullion, with a view to
      the final resumption of cash-payments, it was expedient to restrain the
      further payment of notes alluded to in specie. A bill was brought in to
      this effect, and, the standing orders of the house having been suspended,
      it was passed through its different stages in the same evening. In the
      upper house Lord Harrowby moved the suspension of the standing orders,
      that the bill might pass at one sitting; but Earl Grey and others opposed
      it at considerable length, contending that, if necessary, it would have
      been better for ministers to issue an order of council for suspending Bank
      payments on their own responsibility. The bill, however, was read a third
      time on the following day and passed; and a similar measure was also
      carried in both houses for the protection of Ireland. The second report
      was presented on the 5th of May, when two bills were passed, founded on a
      plan recommended by the committee for a gradual return to cash-payments.
      The principal provisions of these bills were, that a definite period
      should be fixed for the termination of the restriction, while preparatory
      measures should be taken, with a view to facilitate and ensure, on the
      arrival of that period, payment of the promissory notes of the Bank of
      England in legal coin of the realm; that provision ought to be made for
      the repayment of £10,000,000, being part of the sum due to the Bank on
      account of advances for the public services; that from the 14th of
      February, 1820, the Bank shall be liable to deliver on-demand, gold of
      standard fineness, having been assayed and stamped at the mint, a quantity
      of not less than sixty ounces being required in exchange for notes at the
      rate of £4. 1s. per ounce; that from the 1st of October, 1820, the Bank
      shall be liable to deliver gold at the rate £3. 19s. 6d. per ounce: and
      from the 1st of May 1821, £3. 17s. 10d.; that the Bank may at any period
      between the 1st of February and the 1st of October, 1820, undertake to
      deliver gold as before mentioned, at any rate between tha sums of £4. Is.
      and £3. 19s. 6d. per ounce, and at any rate between the 1st of October,
      1820, and the 1st of May, 1821, at any rate between the sums of £3. 19s.
      6d. and £3. 17s. 10 1/2 per ounce, but that such intermediate rate having
      been once fixed by the Bank, that rate shall not subsequently be
      increased; that from the 1st of May, 1823, the Bank shall pay its notes,
      on demand, in the legal coin of the realm; and that it is expedient to
      repeal the laws prohibiting the melting and the exportation of the coin.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another select committee was appointed this session, on the motion of Lord
      Castlereagh, to inquire into the income and expenditure of the country.
      The receipts for the year ending the 5th of January, 1818, were
      £51,665,458, while those for the following year were £54,620,000. There
      were, however, certain arrears of war-duties on malt and property, which
      reduced the income of 1818 to £49,334,927, while the arrears due to
      January, 1819, amounted only to £566,639: the expenditure was also less by
      about £650,000 than was expected, so that the result was a total surplus
      of £3,518,000, applicable to the reduction of the national debt. If one
      million were allowed for the interest on the loan, observed Lord
      Castlereagh, there remained two millions and a half of surplus revenue.
      Mr. Tierney remarked, that an old debt on the sinking-fund, of £8,300,000,
      which must be liquidated before the surplus in question could be made
      available for the expenses of the current year, had been altogether
      concealed. The various taxes, taken together, exceeded £7,000,000; but
      this was the extreme of the amount applicable to the army, navy, ordnance,
      and miscellaneous services; how then, he asked, could it be possible that,
      with an income of only £7,000,000, and an expenditure of £20,000,000, both
      ends should be made to meet, and a surplus be left? Would it not be a
      gross delusion to speak of the sinking-fund as applicable to the public
      service, while government were obliged to borrow £13,000,000 a year to
      support it? The chancellor of the exchequer answered, that this statement
      included certain particulars, which could not be admitted in making a fair
      comparison. By taking the whole charge of the consolidated-fund and the
      sinking-fund, it had been shown that our expenditure exceeded our
      receipts. This must necessarily be the case, since a great portion of the
      war-taxes had been abolished. Parliament had relieved the country of
      £15,000,000 of taxes; and thus they prevented the effect which would have
      been produced in the redemption of the debt by such an annual sum. With
      respect to any financial plans for the present year, the chancellor stated
      he should reserve to himself the power of adopting that which the
      situation of public affairs rendered most expedient.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1818&mdash;1820
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A series of financial resolutions was moved by Mr. Vansittart on the 3rd
      of June. These resolutions stated, that by the removal of certain taxes,
      the revenue of Great Britain was reduced by £18,000,000; that the interest
      and charge of the funded and unfunded debt of Ireland exceeded the whole
      revenue of the country by £1,800,000; that it was necessary to provide, by
      a loan or other means, for the service of the present year, the sum of
      £13,000,000, which, deducted from the sinking-fund of £15,000,000, reduced
      it to £2,000,000; and that for the purpose of raising this sinking-fund to
      £5,000,000, it was necessary to impose annually the amount of £3,000,000.
      This sum parliament agreed to raise by a large duty on foreign wools, and
      by smaller duties on other articles, such as tobacco, tea, coffee, and
      cocoa-nuts. Two loans of £12,000,000 each were also raised; one of them
      supplied by monied men, the other derived from the sinking-fund. Out of
      these sums there was to be a surplus, of which £5,000,000 were to go
      towards the repayment of the debt due to the Bank, as recommended by
      parliament previous to the resumption of cash-payments; and £5,597,000 to
      the reduction of the unfunded debt. "In adopting this course," the speaker
      observed to the prince regent at the close of the session, "his majesty's
      faithful commons did not conceal from themselves that they were calling
      upon the nation for a great exertion; but well knowing that honour,
      character, and independence have at all times been the first and dearest
      objects of the hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there was no
      difficulty that the country would not encounter, no pressure to which she
      would not cheerfully submit, in order to maintain pure and unimpaired that
      which has never yet been shaken or sullied&mdash;her public credit and
      good faith."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CATHOLIC CLAIMS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of May, after numerous petitions had been presented both for
      and against the claims of Roman Catholics, this great question of internal
      policy was again brought before the commons by the eloquent Grattan. The
      causes of disqualification, he observed, were of three kinds&mdash;the
      combination of the Catholics, the clanger of a pretender, and the power of
      the pope. Grattan asserted, that not only had all these causes ceased, but
      that the consequences annexed to them were no more; and he concluded by
      moving for a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the
      laws by which oaths or declarations are required to be taken or made as
      qualifications for the enjoyment of office, or the exercise of civil
      functions so far as the Roman Catholics were affected by them. This motion
      was lost by a majority of only two in a full house; but a corresponding
      proposition made in the lords by Earl Donoughmore was lost by a majority
      of one hundred and forty-seven against one hundred and six. Subsequently
      another effort was made in the lords by Earl Grey; but, as before, without
      effect. The bill Earl Grey introduced was for abrogating so much of the
      acts of the 25th and 30th of Charles the Second, as prescribed to all
      officers, civil and military, and to all members of both houses of
      parliament, a declaration against the doctrines of transubstantiation, and
      the invocation of saints. His motion was rejected by a majority of one
      hundred and forty-two against eighty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 13th of May, in consequence of complaints made by the Spanish
      ambassador that English officers were aiding the cause of independence in
      South America, the attorney-general brought in a bill for prohibiting the
      enlistment of British subjects into foreign service, and the equipment of
      vessels of war without licence. The first of these objects, he observed,
      had been in some measure provided for by the statutes of George the
      Second, by which it was an offence, amounting to felony, to enter the
      service of any foreign state. If neutrality were to be observed, however,
      it was important that the penalty should be extended to the act of serving
      unacknowledged as well as acknowledged powers; and part of his intention
      therefore was to amend those statutes, by introducing after the words,
      "king, prince, state, potentate," the words, "colony or district, which do
      assume the powers of a government." It was his wish, he said, to give to
      this country the right of preventing its subjects from breaking the
      neutrality towards acknowledged states, and those assuming the power of
      states; and upon a similar principle, he wished to prevent the fitting out
      of armed vessels, and also the fitting out or supplying other vessels with
      warlike stores in any of his majesty's ports, These propositions met with
      stem opposition. Sir James Mackintosh warned the house, that, in whatever
      manner the motion might be worded and its real object concealed, the bill
      ought to be entitled,&mdash;"A bill for preventing British subjects from
      lending their assistance to the South American cause, or enlisting in the
      South American service." The statutes of George the Second, he said, were
      not to have been laws of a general nature, applying to all times and
      circumstances; but, on the contrary, "intended merely for the temporary
      purpose of preventing the formation of Jacobite armies, organized in
      France and Spain against the peace and tranquillity of England." He
      concluded by reprobating the measure as one which was virtually an
      enactment to repress the liberty of the South Americans, and to enable
      Spain to reimpose that yoke of tyranny which they were unable to bear,
      which they had nobly shaken off, and from which, he trusted in God, they
      would finally and for ever be enabled to extricate themselves. In reply,
      Lord Castlereagh argued that the proposed bill was necessary to prevent
      our giving offence to Spain, whom that house was too just and generous to
      oppress because she was weak, and her fortunes had declined. In the
      subsequent stages of the bill, ministers avowed that the measure had been
      suggested by the stipulations of a treaty with Spain in 1814, and by the
      representations which the ministers of Ferdinand VII. had considered
      themselves entitled by such stipulations to address to the British
      government. This admission excited severe remarks on Ferdinand's
      character; but the bill was carried&mdash;in the commons by one hundred
      and ninety against one hundred and twenty-nine, and in the lords by one
      hundred against forty-nine. But though this bill was rigorous in its
      propositions, it was by no means rigorously enforced.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SLAVE-TRADE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Wilberforce complained in parliament of the
      reluctance displayed by the two great powers to enter into the
      arrangements necessary for carrying into effect the total abolition of the
      slave-trade. It grieved him, he said, to cast this reproach on a
      high-minded people like the French; and he was still more grieved to find
      that America was not free from blame; but he still trusted that all
      nations would unite in their endeavours to civilize the inhabitants of
      Africa. He concluded by moving an address to the prince regent, to renew
      his exertions for the attainment of this noble object, which was agreed to
      unanimously, as was a similar one in the lords, on the motion of Lord
      Lansdowne.
    </p>
    <p>
      An act of grace for reversing the attainder of Lord Edward Fitzgerald,
      also passed this session without opposition. The preamble of the bill
      stated that his lordship had never been brought to trial; that the act of
      attainder did not pass the Irish parliament till some months after his
      decease; and that these were sufficient reasons for mitigating the
      severity of a measure decreed in unhappy and unfortunate times. The
      attainder itself, as passed by the Irish parliament, was an instance of
      contemptible servility to the ruling powers by that corrupt assembly. A
      bill was introduced in the commons on the 11th of May, for enabling the
      public to accept the Marquis Camden's liberal sacrifice of the surplus
      profits accruing from his unreduced tellership of the exchequer, as
      mentioned in a previous page. It was necessary to carry a bill to
      authorize contributions by his majesty's ministers and other public
      officers, lest his donation of £69,000 per annum might be considered an
      illegal benevolence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The only other business of importance this session was the granting of
      £50,000, for the purpose of enabling government to divert the current of
      emigration from the United States to the Cape of Good Hope, the colony to
      which, it was considered, that it might be most advantageously directed.
      This money was to be spent in defraying the expenses, &amp;c, of those who
      emigrated to that colony.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of July. The prince regent in his
      speech expressed a confident expectation that the measures adopted for the
      resumption of cash-payments would be productive of beneficial
      consequences; regretted the necessity of additional taxation; anticipated
      important advantages from the efforts made to meet our financial
      difficulties; and avowed a determination to employ the powers provided by
      law for the suppression of sedition, which still existed in the
      manufacturing districts.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SEDITIOUS ASSEMBLAGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Many causes operated after the war in producing general distress among the
      poor, both in the agricultural and manufacturing districts. The
      agricultural population being more thinly scattered, and more passive by
      habit and education, bore their sufferings with exemplary patience; but
      the manufacturing labourers in the midland and northern districts, as well
      as in some parts of Scotland, exhibited a contrary spirit. Secret
      combinations and seditious assemblages became the order of the day in
      these parts; nor could all the efforts of parliament put down their
      factions. At this time a party, which had denominated themselves "Radical
      Reformers," obtained much notice by their active exertions, and acquired
      much influence from the sedulity which they propagated the notion that
      such a reform of parliament, as would make its members true
      representatives of the people, would be the surest means of putting an end
      to present and future sufferings. One of the most notorious of the
      demagogues was Henry Hunt, a man whose only merit consisted in bold daring
      and mob oratory. The first step of this association was to apply to the
      Manchester magistrates to convoke a meeting for the alleged purpose of
      petitioning against the corn bill. This request was refused; and in
      consequence the meeting was held without authority. Hunt was the hero of
      the day; and it was not his fault that the assemblage dispersed without
      tumult. The example thus set by Manchester was followed by the reformers
      of Glasgow, Leeds, Stockport, and other places; and many were the
      dangerous doctrines broached by the orators. The strong measures of
      precaution, however, taken by the local authorities, in most instances,
      had the effect of preserving order and tranquillity; but it was feared
      that if these meetings were allowed still to be held, the inflammatory
      harangues of their orators would one day stir up the multitude to acts of
      mischief. Government, indeed, resolved to interfere. At a meeting held at
      Birmingham the reformers hazarded a bolder experiment than any before
      displayed. This was the election of a member to represent that great and
      populous town in the house of commons. Sir Charles Wolseley was put in
      nomination, and instantly chosen by show of hands. Soon after this Sir
      Charles attended a meeting at Stockport; and he was taken into custody on
      account of seditious expressions used at that meeting. Subsequently a
      meeting took place at Smithfield, when a man named Harrison was arrested
      for the same offence; and both were tried next year at the assizes,
      convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment. The officer by whom they were
      apprehended narrowly escaped assassination at Stockport; and government
      immediately adopted vigorous measures for the discovery of the offenders,
      and to put a stop to these seditious meetings. A proclamation was issued
      against them; but still the reformers were resolved to agitate. Those of
      Manchester being informed that a meeting they had given notice of, to be
      held for the purpose of proceeding to the election of a representative as
      at Birmingham, was illegal, relinquished it; but they held another for the
      avowedly legal object of petitioning for a reform in parliament. The
      estimated numbers present were 60,000; and among them were two bands of
      female reformers, under white silk banners. Hunt was again the lion of the
      day; but no sooner had he commenced speaking, than the commanding officer
      of a body of yeomanry, who advanced with drawn swords to the stage, took
      him into custody. Several other persons were also apprehended, and the
      yeomanry then aimed at the destruction of their banners. A scene of
      dreadful confusion arose; many persons were trampled under the feet of the
      horses, and some were cut down by sabres. A few were killed, while there
      were between three and four hundred wounded. In a short time the ground
      was cleared of the mob, and military patroles were stationed in the
      streets to preserve tranquillity. Hunt and his associates were, after a
      short examination, conducted to solitary cells, on a charge of
      high-treason. The next day notices were issued by the magistrates,
      declaring the practice of military training, alleged to have been carried
      on secretly for treasonable purposes, to be illegal; and government
      applauded all that had been done. But the public did not look upon the
      proceedings at Manchester with the same favourable eye as the cabinet. A
      meeting was held at the Crown and Anchor in London, at which a series of
      resolutions was adopted, strongly censuring the conduct of the magistrates
      and military, and returning thanks to Hunt and his colleagues. Meetings in
      a similar spirit were held at Smithfield and in the precincts of the
      palace-yard, Westminster; and at the latter an address to the prince
      regent, founded on resolutions conspicuous for their violence, was
      unanimously agreed to. Subscriptions were entered into, likewise, at all
      these meetings, and throughout the country, for the purpose of defraying
      the expenses of defending the prisoners. Government contemplated the trial
      of Hunt and his associates for high-treason; but the circumstances of the
      case were not sufficiently treasonable to warrant such a course; and the
      prisoners were told that they would be prosecuted for a conspiracy only.
      This was a bailable offence; but Hunt refused to give bail, resolved to be
      a martyr in the true sense of the word. Some of his friends, however,
      liberated him; and his return from Lancaster to Manchester had the
      appearance of a triumphal procession. He was the mob's idol; and he was
      attended by thousands on horseback and on foot, who hailed him with loud
      shouts as the assertor of British freedom. His trial took place in the
      next year, at York, when he was sentenced to two years and a half's
      imprisonment at Ilchester jail, and then to find security for good
      behaviour during five years. Three of his associates were also condemned
      to one year's imprisonment in Lincoln Castle, and were likewise ordered to
      find sureties. Still faction prevailed. It requires an iron foot to put
      down a democratical spirit. Meetings were still held at Leeds, Glasgow,
      and other places; and the orators had the horrible details of the events
      at Manchester, Birmingham, and other places, wherewith to entertain their
      auditory. The sufferers at those places were compared to the Russells,
      Hampdens, and Sidneys of ancient times, and ensigns of mourning were
      established. The corporation of London even ventured to present an address
      to the regent, censuring the authorities; but the regent administered to
      them a forcible rebuke, as prejudging the matter without having had any
      opportunity of understanding it. In order to counteract the effects of
      these meetings, and the exertions of the regular opposition, or whig
      party, loyal addresses and offers to raise yeomanry corps were promoted by
      the friends of the administration. At the close of this year, indeed,
      parties became bitterly exasperated against each other; and as persons of
      property generally adhered to the ministerial side of the question, the
      lower orders began to entertain a deep-seated indignation against their
      superiors. But all this exhibition of feeling ended finally in happy
      results; it contributed greatly to the reform of our institutions. When
      the minds of men became sobered, the general wish was, as it ever will be
      in the breasts of true born Englishmen, to promote the general welfare. It
      cannot be denied that the artisans of our manufacturing districts had
      their grievances; but there is no state, however well ordered it may be,
      in which one class of persons are not called upon to suffer more than the
      others. But if one member suffers, it should always be remembered that
      every member suffers with it.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 23rd of November. In allusion to these disturbances
      the prince regent remarked in his speech:&mdash;"I regret to have been
      under the necessity of calling you together at this period of the year;
      but the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manufacturing
      districts of the country have been continued with increased activity since
      you last assembled in Parliament. They have led to proceedings
      incompatible with the public tranquillity, and with the peaceful habits of
      the industrious classes of the community; and a spirit is now fully
      manifested, utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and
      aiming at not only the change of those political institutions which have
      hitherto constituted the pride and security of this country, but at the
      subversion of the rights of property and of all order in society. I have
      given directions that the necessary information on this subject shall be
      laid before you; and I feel it to be my indispensable duty to press on
      your immediate attention the consideration of such measures as may be
      requisite for the counteraction and suppression of a system, which, if not
      effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation." The
      regent promised to lay before parliament all the information requisite to
      direct them in their deliberations, and pressed on the attention of lords
      and commons, the enactment of such regulations as might tend to suppress
      the evil. An amendment to the address was moved in the upper house by Earl
      Grey; in which, whilst the necessity of checking practices dangerous to
      the constitution was admitted, a strong opinion was expressed of the
      expediency of conciliation, and of inquiry into the transactions of
      Manchester, to allay the feelings to which they had given birth, and
      satisfy the people that their lives could not be sacrificed with impunity.
      Lord Sidmouth, in reply, stated that there had been more exaggeration,
      misrepresentation, and falsehood applied to the transactions at
      Manchester, &amp;c, than to any other public transaction in his knowledge.
      His lordship defended both the magistrates and yeomanry, denying that they
      had done anything beyond their duty. The greatest authorities maintained,
      he said, that the magistrates were justified in the orders they had given,
      and that the meetings at which the disturbances took place were illegal.
      The original address was carried by one hundred and thirty-nine against
      thirty-four, and in the commons, ministers were equally triumphant. A
      similar address to Earl Grey's, was moved by Mr. Tierney, and was rejected
      by a large majority. The mover of this address drew a melancholy picture
      of the state of the country, affirming that ministers had brought it to
      the verge of ruin, Lord Castlereagh declined following him in his remarks
      on the state of the country, because the only definite proposition
      offered, was one for inquiry into the transactions at Manchester,
      respecting which he should lay a mass of information before the house on
      the next day and explain the measures contemplated by government. On the
      next day the promised documents were produced; consisting partly in the
      correspondence of official persons with the home secretary, and partly in
      communications made by parties whose names were not made known. The
      letters from the Manchester magistrates set forth that apprehensions were
      entertained of a formidable insurrection being in contemplation. At the
      same time they bore testimony to the alarming distress of the
      manufacturing classes, and assigned hunger as a natural inducement with
      the poor to adopt pernicious doctrines, as projects for the amelioration
      of their sufferings. Other depositions stated that the practice of secret
      training prevailed to a great extent among the reformers, but merely with
      a view of enabling themselves to march in the semblance of military array
      to their meetings, sticks being their only weapons. Lord Fitzwilliam
      stated in a communication that in the West Riding of Yorkshire the rage
      for seditious assemblies might be safely left to die away of itself, as
      the good sense of the people already began to feel they were in error. Sir
      John Byng, military commander of the district, stated, that simultaneous
      meetings were to be held in various towns, but that the plan had been
      frustrated by the disunion existing among the leaders. Other
      communications represented that pistols, pikes, and other weapons were
      being manufactured in the factious districts, both in England and
      Scotland. Finally, the grand jury of Cheshire expressed the alarm which
      was felt in that county for life and property by his majesty's subjects.
      This body of evidence having been submitted to the two houses, ministers
      proceeded to open their measures of defence. As a preliminary step, the
      lord chancellor introduced a bill for the purpose of taking away from such
      as should be tried for seditious practices the right of traversing;
      allowing the court, however, to postpone the trial, on his showing reason
      for delay. Against this measure as well as others in preparation, Earl
      Grey entered his protest; they being calculated, he said, to bring misery,
      if not ruin on the country. On the second reading of the bill it was
      opposed by Lords Erskine and Liverpool: and Lord Holland urged on
      ministers the necessity of legislating on both sides of the question, so
      as to prevent the delays which occurred in prosecutions on <i>ex-officio</i>
      informations, as well as in those of indictment. In compliance with this
      suggestion, the lord chancellor, on the third reading, proposed an
      additional clause, compelling the attorney-general to bring a defendant to
      trial within a year, or to enter into a <i>noli-prosequi</i>, and the bill
      thus amended passed without further opposition. The additional measures
      introduced in the upper house by Lord Sidmouth, and in the commons by Lord
      Castlereagh were to the following effect:&mdash;"An act to render the
      publication of a blasphemous or seditious libel punishable, on a second
      conviction, at the discretion of the court, by fine, imprisonment,
      banishment, or transportation; and to give power, in cases of a second
      conviction, to seize the copies of the libel in possession of the
      publisher: a stamp duty, equal to that paid by newspapers, on all
      publications of less than a given number of sheets, with an obligation on
      all publishers of such pieces to enter into recognizances for the payment
      of such penalties as might be in future inflicted on them." The press
      being thus restrained, seditious meetings were to be controlled by the
      following provisions:&mdash;"That a requisition for holding of any meeting
      other than those regularly called by a sheriff, boroughreeve, or other
      magistrate, should be signed by seven householders: and that it should be
      illegal for any persons not inhabitants of the place in which such meeting
      was held to attend it: also, that magistrates should be empowered, within
      certain limitations, to appoint the time and place of meeting." To repel
      danger from the muster of an illegal force, it was proposed to prohibit
      military training, except under the authority of a magistrate or
      lieutenant of the county; and in the disturbed districts, to give to
      magistrates a power of seizing arms believed to be collected for unlawful
      purposes, and also to apprehend and detain persons so carrying arms. All
      these bills met with stern opposition, except that for the prevention of
      secret military training. A clause in the act concerning blasphemous and
      seditious libels, which decreed the punishment of transportation on a
      second conviction was withdrawn in the commons, but the penalty of
      banishment, hitherto unknown in England, was enacted in its stead. The
      seditious meeting bill was also subjected to a modification, by which all
      meetings held in a room or building were exempted from its operations.
      Several alterations, moreover, were admitted into that which subjected
      small publications to the newspaper stamp duty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After passing the celebrated "six acts," the Marquess of Lansdowne moved
      for a select committee to inquire into the state of the nation, and
      especially in those districts where distress and radicalism prevailed. His
      lordship said that the principle called radicalism existed in exactly the
      same proportion as that of distress in the respective districts; and that
      he had a right to infer this from the agricultural part of the country
      being yet untainted, and from the spirit of the principle having reached
      its height in the manufacturing districts both of England and Scotland.
      The distress, he thought, arose from the long war, which gave us the
      carrying trade of the world, and which created a fixed capital, which
      still existed, and filled the markets, while no vent could be found for
      their produce. It was also increased, he thought, by the poor laws, the
      paper currency, and the spirit of speculation. Two propositions were
      enforced by his lordship on the house for the alleviation of the distress:
      namely, to rescind the duties on articles which had decreased in various
      districts, as tea &amp;c.; and the establishment of favourable commercial
      treaties, which government had not yet succeeded in accomplishing. The
      Marquess Wellesley deprecated all such inquiries, as did other noble
      lords, and the motion was negatived by a large majority.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE III. 1818&mdash;1820
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the time appeared very unfavourable for a discussion on reform,
      yet Lord John Russell called the attention of the commons to the
      unrepresented towns, many of which had risen into great commercial wealth
      and importance, while certain boroughs which sent representatives to
      parliament, had fallen into decay. His lordship adduced examples from
      history, to show that the principle of change had been often acknowledged,
      and the suffrage withdrawn and conferred on various occasions. He proposed
      several resolutions in accordance with them, the last being for the
      disfranchisement of Grampound, the corruption of which borough was
      notorious. At the suggestion of Lord Castlereagh, who appeared willing to
      concur in the motion to a certain extent, Lord John withdrew his motion;
      but he subsequently brought in a bill for the disfranchisement of
      Grampound, and the transfer of its privileges to some populous town, the
      second reading of which was deferred until after the Christmas recess.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CESSION OF PARGA TO THE TURKS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year a convention was concluded between Great Britain and
      Turkey by which the fortress of Parga, which remained after the war in
      British protection, was ceded nominally to the latter power, but in
      reality to its bitter foe, Ali Pasha. Considerable animadversion was
      excited in the political circles by the fulfilment of this convention. The
      Parghiotes were the last of the Christians in Epirus who had successfully
      resisted the tyranny of Ali Pasha. In 1807, after the treaty of Tilsit had
      given the Ionian Isles to Napoleon, they had solicited and obtained a
      French garrison from Corfu; and in 1814 they had placed themselves under
      British protection. During the command of General Campbell they enjoyed
      security; but his successor, Sir T. Maitland, after much intriguing with
      Ali Pasha, ordered them either to submit to the Albanian despot or to quit
      their country. Finding their fate inevitable, and knowing the vindictive
      nature of Ali Pasha, they chose the latter alternative. An estimate was
      made of their buildings, lands, and plantations, amounting to nearly
      £500,000; but the compensation ultimately obtained for them was less than
      a third of that sum. When this circumstance, and the harshness of all the
      decrees against this brave but unfortunate people are considered, it is no
      wonder that the whole continent rang with exclamations against the British
      government, and that they were reiterated even in our own country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF GEORGE III.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1820
    </p>
    <p>
      The protracted existence of the venerable monarch who had so long swayed
      the British sceptre was drawing to a close. Virtually his long reign
      terminated in 1810, with the establishment of the regency; but he was
      still alive, and was still dear to the hearts of his people. In November
      of the preceding year, however, his health underwent a considerable
      change, and a general decay of the constitution ensued, which betokened
      dissolution. Yet the strong was taken away before the weak. On the 21st of
      January the Duke of Kent, after a short illness, died, leaving behind him
      an estimable character, a devoted wife, and a princess who now fills the
      throne. Eight days after this his royal father expired without a struggle,
      in the 82nd year of his age, and, counting the ten years of the regency,
      in the 60th year of his reign. Over the last nine years of his reign a
      dark and mysterious veil had been drawn. In the periods of the deepest
      national solicitude his mind had felt no interest; and in the hour of the
      most acute domestic feeling his eye had not been wet with the tears of
      affection. All was dark within and without, for both reason and sight had
      departed from him. It does not appear, indeed, that any temporary return
      of reason allowed him to comprehend and rejoice at the issue of the
      momentous struggle in which he left his country when his malady drove him
      into retirement.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Why," said a London mechanic, with tears in his eyes, as he viewed the
      festivities and rejoicings in Hyde Park for the peace of Paris,&mdash;"Why
      is not our good old king well and here to see this sight?" This question
      displays the general feeling of the nation for the "good old king."
      Although the latter part of his life had been a blank, his people had
      never lost sight of him: their interest had not been wearied by his long
      seclusion, nor had their love expired in the flood of victories that
      distinguished the regency. The least information concerning him was read
      with avidity, while the tear of pity and affection rolled down the cheeks
      of the reader. When he died, the nation went into mourning; and the writer
      of this section of the history well recollects the intense anxiety
      displayed by his subjects to catch a sight of his coffin and the crown
      that he once wore, when he lay in state. Day after day thousands upon
      thousands waited at the gate of royalty to gain admittance; and many were
      the tears shed, and many were the sighs heaved from the full heart, as
      they paced through the chamber of death. All felt that they had lost a
      father. The influence of his virtuous character, in preserving the nation
      from the contagion of French principles; the steady progress which civil
      and religious liberty had made during his reign: the desire which he had
      ever evinced to improve the moral and intellectual condition of his
      people, still lived in their memory, and taught them to feel when he
      descended into his grave that they had lost a benefactor. He was mourned
      over as "the dear old king," and "the good old king," and he will be
      venerated as such as long as the roll of British history remains in
      existence.
    </p>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1820-1821
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Accession of George IV...... Declaration of the King,
     &amp;c..... Dissolution of Parliament..... Cato-Street
     Conspiracy..... Meeting of Parliament..... Bills for
     amending the Criminal Code..... Education Bill..... Motion
     for a Committee on the Corn Laws..... Motion for a Committee
     respecting Free Trade..... The Civil List, &amp;c...... Message
     respecting the Queen..... Trial of the Queen.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      ACCESSION OF GEORGE IV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1820
    </p>
    <p>
      GEORGE IV. had long governed the empire, so that the acquisition of the
      crown effected no other change than that of the title of regent to king.
      The assumption of this new dignity, however, was followed by perplexities
      of great magnitude. He had long repudiated his wife, now Queen Caroline,
      and she had been living in foreign lands as an exile. This step had
      alienated the affections of his people from him; and at his accession to
      the throne, when he was induced to extend the limits of the hostility he
      had displayed towards his consort, they became, out of sympathy for an
      injured and helpless female, still more embittered against him. His
      accession to the throne, however, gave Caroline an opportunity of
      retaliation, which, as will be seen, she was not backward in exercising.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DECLARATION OF THE KING, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first public act of the new king was to summon a council, at which the
      emblems of office, having been surrendered by the officers of the crown,
      were immediately restored to their former possessors. His majesty then
      made a declaration, in which, after having alluded to the demise of his
      father, and his own long exercise of the royal prerogative, he remarked
      that "nothing but the support which he had received from parliament and
      the country, in times most eventful and circumstances most arduous, could
      inspire him with that confidence which his present situation demanded." He
      added, that he trusted the experience of the past would satisfy all
      classes of his people, that it would ever be his desire to promote their
      prosperity and happiness, as well as to maintain unimpaired the religion,
      laws, and liberties of the kingdom. This declaration, at the request of
      the council, was made public; and on Monday, the 31st of January, the king
      was proclaimed, first, under the portico of the palace, and then at
      various stations throughout his good city of London. On the same day the
      members of parliament were sworn in, and they adjourned to the 17th of
      February. In the meantime, however, alarming reports arose concerning his
      majesty's health. He was attacked by a severe inflammation of the chest,
      which had lately proved fatal to his brother; and his physicians were in
      doubt about the result. Their forebodings, however, proved groundless;
      after the lapse of a week he was declared out of danger, although it was a
      considerable time before his health was re-established.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      According to the principles of the British constitution, the demise of the
      crown is followed by a dissolution of parliament within the next six
      months. On the meeting of parliament a royal message announced an
      immediate design of calling a new parliament, and invited them to concur
      in the necessary arrangements for carrying on the public service during
      the interval, Loyal addresses, suitable to the occasion, were voted <i>nem.
      con.</i>; and next day ministers obtained a pledge that the desired
      measure for the wants of government should be adopted. When the requisite
      votes of money were proposed, however, Mr. Hume, that pertinacious
      interrogator, took occasion to ask a very embarrassing question. In the
      necessary alteration of the form of prayer for the royal family, by his
      majesty's command, the name of the queen was omitted. Mr. Hume desired to
      know whether any provision was to be made for her as queen? As Princess of
      Wales, her former allowance had of course ceased on the death of the late
      king: was she, as Queen of Great Britain, to be left to wander in beggary
      through foreign lands? or would parliament make a suitable provision for
      the maintenance of her dignified station? Lord Castle-reagh endeavoured to
      evade this subject, and to elude an acknowledgment of the queen's title,
      by stating that the "exalted personage" should suffer no pecuniary
      difficulties. In reply, Mr. Tierney, by commenting on the omission of her
      majesty's name from the liturgy, on the rumours in circulation against her
      character, and on the report of a commission sent abroad to collect
      evidence against her, strove to force ministers into a direct
      consideration of the question; but they still preserved a cautious
      silence. Other members also endeavoured to provoke them to a discussion on
      the question; but they still adhered to their text&mdash;the required
      supplies, and these were suffered to pass without a division. This done,
      parliament was dissolved by commission on the 28th of February.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In his speech on the occasion of the dissolution of parliament, the lord
      chancellor referred, in vindication of their late enactments, to a
      sanguinary conspiracy which had just been detected, and which, he said,
      was sufficient to open the eyes of the most incredulous to the dangers of
      the country. The conspiracy referred to was one of the most desperate that
      could have been conceived by the perverse mind of man. It had for its
      object the overthrow of the government, and the irremediable confusion of
      national affairs, by the assassination of the whole cabinet. The chief
      leader of this plot was Arthur Thistlewood, who had once served as a
      subaltern in the West Indies. He had imbibed republican principles in
      America, and these had been confirmed by a residence in France during the
      darkest period of the revolution. He had recently been tried as an
      accomplice of the elder Watson; and when he was acquitted he sent a
      challenge to Lord Sidmouth, for which offence he was sentenced to a fine
      and imprisonment. On his liberation he determined to take revenge, and
      that of the most ample nature. For this purpose he gathered around him men
      of bold daring and reckless characters. The principal of these accomplices
      were, Ings, a butcher; Davidson, a Creole; and Brunt and Tidd, shoemakers.
      After a series of meetings the united band of these desperadoes determined
      to destroy his majesty's ministers. Their plan was this:&mdash;that forty
      or fifty of them were to commit the tragical act under a pledge of
      forfeiting their own lives should their resolution fail them; and that
      other detachments were to seize on the field-pieces at the
      artillery-ground, and at the London Station in Gray's Inn, and then to
      occupy the Mansion-House and the Bank, and to set fire to the buildings of
      the metropolis at different places. This plot was determined upon on,
      Sunday, the 20th of February; and it was to be put into execution on the
      following Wednesday, when there was to be a cabinet-dinner at Lord
      Harrowby's, in Grosvenor Square. It was agreed that a single conspirator
      should go to Lord Harrowby's with a note addressed to his lordship; that
      when the outer door should be opened others should rush in; and that while
      some proceeded to bind the domestics, the rest should perpetrate the
      horrid massacre. The heads of Lord Sidmouth and Castlereagh were to be
      brought away as trophies of their success. The whole of the Wednesday was
      passed in preparations for this fearful tragedy. Arms and ammunition were
      provided; proclamations were written, ready to be affixed to those
      edifices which were devoted to the flames; and strict watch was kept on
      Lord Harrowby's mansion, in order to ascertain whether any of the police
      or military entered it or were concealed in its vicinity. Towards the
      evening the conspirators crept towards their place of rendezvous, and by
      six o'clock all had assembled. The place of rendezvous was a stable in
      Cato-street, near the Edgeware-road; a building which consisted of two
      upper rooms, the ascent to which was by a ladder. In the largest of these
      rooms the conspirators were seen, by the glimmering light of one or two
      small candles, making ready for their bloody enterprise. They were
      rejoicing in the speedy prospect of revenge; but their projected crime had
      been unfolded. Among them was one Edwards, who, though a pretended
      colleague, was a spy. This man had given them the information of the
      cabinet-dinner, and then gave the cabinet information of all the
      proceedings of the conspirators. Every precaution was adopted by ministers
      to lull suspicion; and the preparations for dinner had been going on as
      though the ministers would really assemble. By this means the conspirators
      were detected with arms in their hands. Their capture was effected by a
      party of police, headed by Mr. Birnie, the magistrate, and supported by a
      detachment of the Coldstream Guards. The conspirators were on the point of
      starting for Grosvenor-square, when on a sudden the police entered the
      room in which they were assembled, and called upon them to surrender.
      Smithers, an active police-officer, rushed forward to secure the
      ringleader; but he was pierced through with the desperado's sword, and
      fell. The lights were now extinguished, and the conflict became general,
      while some of the gang endeavoured to make their escape. Although, indeed,
      the police were soon aided by thirty soldiers of the Coldstream Guards,
      nine of the conspirators only were taken. Thistlewood himself escaped;
      but, in consequence of £1,000 being offered for his apprehension, he was
      seized next morning in bed. Others were apprehended also during the two
      following days; and on the 27th of March true bills, on a charge of
      high-treason, were returned against eleven of the prisoners. Thistlewood,
      Ings, Tidd, Brunt, and Davidson were severally tried and condemned, the
      other six being permitted to withdraw their plea and to plead guilty; five
      of them received sentence of transportation for life, and the other, who
      appeared to have been ignorant of the destined purpose of the meeting in
      Cato-street, received a free pardon. Thistlewood and his condemned
      associates were brought to the scaffold; and he, with three of them, died
      with great hardihood, glorying in their purpose, regretting its failure,
      and declaring themselves martyrs to the prostituted name of liberty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although the country was still in a disturbed state, and seditious
      meetings were held on every hand, yet the elections proceeded without any
      acts of outrageous violence. The result of the elections was that
      opposition gained a slight accession of strength; but the new parliament
      appeared to take the complexion of that by which it had been preceded. Its
      members began to assemble on the 21st of April; but the session was not
      opened until the 27th of that month. On that day the king declared in his
      speech that he should follow the example of his father in solicitude for
      the welfare of the nation, and that the regal dignity should be supported
      without any additional burdens on the people. He expressed a determination
      to maintain public peace and tranquillity, lamented the pressure of
      distress and the prevalence of sedition, and concluded with a hope that
      the misguided multitude might be brought back to a sense of their errors.
      The usual addresses were carried unanimously.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILLS FOR AMENDING THE CRIMINAL CODE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early this session Sir James Mackintosh moved for leave to bring in six
      bills, founded on the suggestions of the committee appointed by the last
      parliament to consider the important subject of the amendment of our
      criminal code. Three of these bills passed into law. The first of these
      was to repeal the act by which private stealing in shops, to the amount of
      forty shillings, was made punishable with death; the penalty, however, was
      still retained against those who should so steal to the amount of ten
      pounds and upwards; by which it would appear that our legislators
      conceived that a man's life was not equal in value to such an amount. The
      second went to repeal certain acts which denounced death to any Egyptian
      who should remain in England one year, on all notorious thieves who should
      take up their residence in Cumberland or Northumberland, and on every one
      who should be found disguised in the mint, or injuring Westminster Bridge.
      The third repealed various clauses in certain acts, which constituted the
      offences specified in them capital, and which were converted into simple
      felonies. Among the offences thus modified were, that of taking away any
      woman, whether maid, wife, or widow, for the sake of her fortune; the
      receiving of stolen goods; the destroying of trees, breaking down banks of
      rivers, and wounding of cattle; the sending of threatening letters; and
      all the capital offences created by the marriage act and laws of
      bankruptcy. For these offences, transportation, imprisonment, or hard
      labour were substituted for death, at the discretion of the judges. Thus
      the statute-book of England was purified from many grievous stains; but it
      was still blotted by many imperfections, and even to this day it contains
      much that requires purging by enlightened legislators.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EDUCATION BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After having rendered important service to his country by his efforts to
      establish a system for detecting and remedying abuses in charitable funds
      and establishments, Mr. Brougham brought forward his plan for the
      education of the poor. This subject, however, was not destined to receive
      the concurrence of parties at this period, though the object in view was
      generally admitted to be desirable. The chief difficulty, and that which
      induced Mr. Brougham to abandon the bill, arose from the dissenters. They
      opposed it because they conceived that some of the enactments originated
      in imperfect information respecting the dissenters in this country, and
      because, overlooking their numbers, property, and intelligence, and
      religious character, the whole affair was to be under the management of
      the clergy of the established church. The consequence of this opposition
      was that, after the first reading of the bill on the 11th of July, it was
      abandoned. But this failure only seemed to give an additional incentive to
      the zeal of Mr. Brougham, and he subsequently reaped the fruit of his
      labours.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Holme Sumner moved for a select committee to take
      into consideration the agricultural state of the country. The table of the
      house was loaded with petitions on this subject from all quarters. The
      petitions complained of distress; and their general prayer was for
      additional restrictions, fora high permanent duty in place of a limited
      prohibition, The debates arising from the motion occupied much time and
      attention. It was seconded by Mr. Western, and supported by Mr. Gooch, who
      repeated the statement, that without protection the agriculturists of this
      country were unable to compete with foreign growers; that the act of 1815
      afforded no protection; and that measures more effectual were
      indispensable. Mr. Robinson, president of the board of trade, in reply,
      deprecated the motion as tending to excite hopes which could not be
      realized. He was followed by Messrs. Baring and Ricardo, the latter of
      whom entered into a luminous exposition of the principles of political
      economy, and condemned all restrictions on the freedom of the corn-trade
      as injurious in their tendency. The landed interests, however, prevailed,
      and the motion for the committee was carried. On the following evening,
      however, ministers succeeded in neutralizing its effects, by proposing
      that its inquiries should be limited to the best mode of ascertaining the
      weekly average of corn prices. This was opposed as a trick of state; but
      it passed by a large majority, and every material alteration of the
      corn-laws was deferred till a more convenient season.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE RESPECTING FREE TRADE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A commercial question of still greater importance than that of the
      corn-laws was also, during this session, introduced into parliament.
      Petitions from the city of London, and from Glasgow, prayed for free
      trade; and Mr. Baring, who presented that of the London merchants to the
      commons, insisted that freedom from restriction is calculated to give the
      utmost extension to foreign trade, as well as the best direction to the
      capital and industry of the country. No formal motion was made in the
      commons on this subject; but in the lords, on the 26th of May, Lord
      Lansdowne moved for a committee of inquiry concerning the foreign trade of
      the empire. This proposal elicited a speech from the Earl of Liverpool, in
      which his lordship, as head of the administration, declared his assent to
      the principles of free trade, expressing his conviction that it would have
      been better for the world had such principles always been acted upon, and
      advising the recognition of such exceptions only, as the policy of the
      world and the laws of the country dictated. The motion was carried
      unanimously.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CIVIL LIST, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The civil list was settled at £1,057,000; and on the 19th of June the
      chancellor of the exchequer produced his financial statement. There was an
      increase both in the army and navy estimates, owing to the augmentation of
      force, necessary from the peculiar state of the country. The sum total for
      the service of the year, including the interest of the debt, was estimated
      at £50,500,000. The ways and means proposed to meet this large expenditure
      were, exclusive of permanent revenues, a continuation of the usual annual
      taxes; the sum of £2,500,000 from the produce of the temporary excise
      duties, which had remained in force during the war; £240,000 arising from
      the lottery; £260,000 from old naval stores; exchequer bills for
      £7,000,000 to be funded; and £12,000,000 from the sinking-fund. But all
      questions, whether financial, commercial, or political, were swallowed up
      in one absorbing topic&mdash;this was the arrival of Queen Caroline from
      Italy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MESSAGE RESPECTING THE QUEEN
    </h2>
    <p>
      Queen Caroline had retired to Italy to avoid persecution in 1814, by the
      advice of Mr. Canning. The persecutions to which she had been subjected
      arose in a quarter from which she least expected it&mdash;from her
      husband, the regent. Her name was not often mentioned in England during
      her absence; but though the public seemed regardless of her existence,
      subsequent disclosures showed that she had not been forgotten by her
      persecutors. Spies had been sent into Italy to watch her conduct; and the
      result was that she was finally charged with living in open adultery with
      an Italian courier, named Bergami, a man whom she had raised from that
      station to the first office in her household. In consequence of these
      movements, Mr. Brougham, her legal adviser, made a proposal, in June,
      1819, to Lord Liverpool, that the income of £35,000 per annum enjoyed by
      her royal highness, but which was to expire on the death of his majesty,
      George III., should be secured to her for life, provided she consented to
      remain abroad without assuming the title of Queen of England. This
      singular proposition was stated at the time to be made without the
      knowledge of the princess; and the reply given was, that when the king
      came to give attention to the subject, there would be no indisposition to
      acquiesce in such terms, provided she would give her consent. Thus matters
      rested till she became Queen of England. Government then thought it
      necessary that some line of conduct should be taken regarding her, which
      might prevent disclosures that were on all accounts to be deprecated, and
      a compromise, founded on Mr.| Brougham's former proposal, was transmitted
      to her: she was to receive £50,000 on condition of renouncing the royal
      title, and residing in foreign lands. She had heard of the death of her
      father, and the accession of her husband in February, while at Rome, and
      she immediately assumed the royal title, and demanded a guard of honour
      from the papal government. This demand was not complied with, because no
      official communication had been received from the king or his ministers on
      the subject: his holiness, indeed, represented that he did not know
      whether the Queen of England was in Rome or not. Incensed at this reply,
      her majesty drew up a narrative, dated Match 16th, relating her wrongs,
      and in which she stated her determination to repair to England. This
      document, together with a letter written by her to Lord Liverpool,
      demanding that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and that a
      palace should be prepared for her on her arrival, appeared in the papers
      about the middle of April, and a general idea prevailed that she was
      rapidly proceeding towards England. Various reasons, however, concurred
      which induced her to prolong her sojourn at Rome, so that she did not
      arrive at Geneva till the 9th of May. From Geneva she dispatched a letter
      to Mr. Brougham requiring his attendance either there, or at one of the
      sea-ports. In consequence of this communication, Messrs. Denman and
      Brougham, with other friends of the queen, held a consultation, in which
      they agreed to request her to repair to Calais without loss of time. Her
      majesty quitted Geneva instantly on receiving this advice, and in her
      route thither she was joined by Lady Anne Hamilton, who had formerly been
      in her service, and by Alderman Wood, one of the representatives of the
      city of London. On the 20th she arrived at Villeneuve le Roi, whence she
      wrote two letters, one to the Duke of York, and the other to Lord
      Liverpool, declaratory of her intention, to be in London within five days,
      reiterating also her demand for a palace, and requesting that a royal
      yacht might be in readiness at Calais to convey her to England. At St.
      Oroers she was met by Mr. Brougham, and Lord Hutchinson, a personal friend
      of the king, who was entrusted with a confidential communication. The fact
      is, ministers had determined, from the evidence in their possession, that
      the queen could not be received in England with the honours due to
      royalty, and Lord Hutchinson was sent to intimate this, and to make a
      similar proposition to that which had before been made. Ministers proposed
      to settle £50,000 per annum on her for life, subject to such conditions as
      the king might impose; which conditions Lord Hutchinson stated he had
      reason to believe, were, that she was not to assume the style and title of
      Queen of Great Britain, or any other title attached to the royal family of
      England; and that she was not to reside in England, or even to visit that
      country: the consequence of such a visit would be an immediate message to
      parliament, and an entire end of all compromise or negociation. The
      threatened message to parliament was understood by the queen and her
      counsellors to signify that a public charge of adultery would be exhibited
      against her; and, indignant at such treatment, the proposal was rejected
      as one that could not be listened to for a moment. Lord Hutchinson still
      made attempts at negociation, but they were all vain; nothing could induce
      her to change her purpose. Irritated by studied insults abroad; incensed
      by threats of ministerial vengeance; brooding over the wrongs she had
      endured from one who had promised before the altar of God to love and
      cherish her through life; and, above all, assured of the popular support,
      she pursued her way; and she reached the shores of England on the 6th of
      June. Although government had made no preparation for her reception, the
      people's hearts gave her a ready welcome. Multitudes met her on the beach
      at Dover, with loud acclamations, banners, and every sign of popular
      enthusiasm. Her progress to London resembled a triumphal procession, and
      she was met in the metropolis by 200,000 persons, all shouting her welcome
      at the top of their voices. They would have conducted her at once to
      Carlton House, but she was induced to go to Alderman Wood's mansion in
      South Audley Street, there to wait the issue of the matter.
    </p>
    <p>
      The king was now obliged to take the field against a woman in, whose
      favour the British people were generally interested. On the 6th of June a
      message was read from the woolsack, communicating certain papers relative
      to the conduct of her majesty since her departure from England, which the
      king recommended to the immediate and serious attention of their
      lordships. A similar message was also delivered to the commons: and in
      both houses ministers expressed their intention of moving for an address
      to the king, and a reference of the papers to a secret committee on the
      following day. In the commons the minister was anticipated on the 7th by
      Mr. Brougham, who presented a communication from her majesty, setting
      forth that she had returned to England for the purpose of maintaining her
      innocence and rights; protesting against any secret tribunal appointed by
      her accusers; complaining of the insults received from foreign courts,
      influenced by that of Great Britain; and appealing to the justice of the
      commons of England. In reply, after the cheers with which this document
      was received had subsided, Lord Castlereagh said that ministers were
      neither persecutors nor prosecutors: the king's message was most gracious;
      and the secret committee was only a preliminary step to ascertain whether
      there was any case to proceed with. The trial should be, he added, if
      there was any trial, open and honourable, Mr. Brougham strongly resisted
      the appointment of the committee, since although not final, it must deeply
      affect her majesty's character. Mr. Canning vindicated the conduct of
      ministers, and Mr. Wilberforce recommended delay, that, if possible, some
      compromise might be entered into. In consequence of this suggestion of Mr.
      Wilberforce the house adjourned to the Friday following; and in the
      interval the queen, on the advice of her friends, made a communication to
      Lord Liverpool, through Mr. Brougham, in which, deferring to the expressed
      opinion of the house of commons, she declared herself ready to take into
      consideration any arrangement consistent with her dignity and honour. In
      reply, Lord Liverpool referred her to the memorandum placed in the hands
      of her own attorney-general and the queen declared that this document,
      which had been superseded by Lord Hutchinson's proposition, was now
      submitted to her for the first time. She added that the recognition of her
      rank and privileges must form the basis of any arrangement. In reply,
      ministers declared that any proposition on the part of the king must have
      for its basis the queen's residence abroad. To this her majesty rejoined,
      that she was willing to leave her cause in the hands of any person or
      persons of high station and character, whom both parties might select;
      their decision being subject to the approbation of parliament. This
      proposal was accepted. On the part of the king the Duke of Wellington and
      Lord Castlereagh were appointed, while Messrs. Brougham and Denman were
      appointed on behalf of the queen. Meanwhile parliament, to give time for
      their negociations, was further adjourned. The referees met on the 15th of
      June; but it was all to no purpose. The protocol set forth that "the queen
      must not be understood to admit nor the king to retract any position,"
      with which insuperable barrier before them the negociations finished as
      they had commenced: it was contended <i>in limine</i>, on her majesty's
      behalf, that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and as this was
      refused by the king, the conference was broken up. This failure in
      negociations was reported on the 19th; but on the following day Mr.
      Wilberforce asked and obtained further delay, in order that he might make
      a proposition, which he conceived might set the matter at rest. This
      proposition was made on the 22nd, and it consisted of two resolutions; one
      regretting the recent failure of negociation, and the other soliciting her
      majesty to gratify the house by conceding a few points, for the sake of an
      amicable arrangement. Lord Archibald Hamilton moved as an amendment that
      the queen's name should be inserted in the liturgy, which was ably
      supported by Sir Francis Burdett, who delivered a speech, censuring
      ministers, which produced a great sensation in the house. In reply, Mr.
      Canning stated, that, however much provoked by the honourable baronet's
      speech, he should abstain from entering the lists with him till a future
      day; which determination produced a sarcastic retort from Mr. Tierney, who
      observed, that, "as the better part of valour was discretion, he commended
      Mr. Canning's prudence, in postponing his defence of ministers till the
      effect of Sir Francis's speech was done away: the fact proved that it was
      unanswerable." Mr. Wilberforce's motion, however, was carried by three
      hundred and ninety-one against one hundred and thirty-four. A deputation
      waited on the queen with the message of the commons; but she peremptorily
      rejected their advice, and its members were, on their return, hissed and
      hooted by the populace. Every hope of conciliation being now at an end on
      the motion of Lord Castlereagh, the commons voted a further adjournment,
      in order to leave initiatory proceedings to the house of lords. But though
      the commons waited quietly till their lordships made a further movement in
      the matter, the country did not. The whole kingdom was turned into one
      great arena of disputation, in which the innocence or the guilt of the
      queen was advocated according to the different views of the people.
      Addresses were sent to the queen from all quarters; and in answer to that
      presented by the common-council of London, she made this declaration,&mdash;"In
      the many and deep sorrows and afflictions with which it has pleased
      Providence to visit me, I have derived unspeakable consolation from the
      zealous and constant attachment of this warm-hearted, just, and generous
      people; to live at home with, and to cherish whom, will be the chief
      happiness of the remainder of my days."
    </p>
    <p>
      The secret committee made their report on the 4th of July. This report
      stated that the charges appeared calculated so deeply to affect, not only
      the honour of the queen, but also the dignity of the crown, that in the
      opinion of the committee it was necessary they should become the subject
      of a solemn inquiry, which might best be effected in the course of a
      legislative proceeding. This was followed, on the 6th of July, by a motion
      in the lords, moved by the Earl of Liverpool, for a bill of pains and
      penalties; or an act which, according to precedents in former ages, might
      pronounce the queen guilty of an adulterous intercourse; degrade her from
      her exalted station; and dissolve the marriage between her and the king.
      This bill was read a first time as a preliminary step to the introduction
      of evidence, and then a copy of it was sent to her majesty by the usher of
      the black rod. The day fixed for the second reading was the 17th of
      August, on which day counsel appeared in support of the bill and on behalf
      of the queen.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime addresses were presented to her from cities, towns, and
      villages in every part of the United Kingdom. Encouraged by the popular
      support, the queen took a house at Hammersmith, on the banks of the
      Thames, and thither processions went every day, except Sundays, numbering
      on an average 30,000 people. Eventually she was obliged to appoint certain
      days in the week for receiving them: the other days were employed in
      riding about the city and its environs, in which she was always followed
      by a vast concourse of people. The king was, also, compelled to endure
      some noise and bustle. In their processions to and fro, the people
      generally stopped opposite his palace, but it was only to show him the
      bitter feelings which they entertained towards him. So unpopular had he
      become by this persecution of his wife, that he was compelled to go from
      London to the cottage, and from the cottage to London under cover of the
      night; and even then the people were on the watch to salute him roughly as
      he passed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      TRIAL OF THE QUEEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 17th of August mobs of the most terrific description surrounded the
      two houses of parliament, and filled every street in the vicinity. In this
      state of things the lords took their places to try the queen: the judges
      being requested to assist at the deliberations. The names of the peers
      having been called over, Lord Liverpool moved the order of the day for the
      second reading of the bill of pain and penalties. The Duke of Leinster
      moved as an amendment that the order should be rescinded; but this was
      negatived, and the Earl of Liverpool then moved that counsel be called in
      and heard in support of the preamble of the bill. On the appearance of the
      counsel Mr. Brougham obtained leave to state his objections to the
      principles of the bill in its present state of progress, which he did in a
      speech of great length, and with extraordinary talent. Taking advantage of
      the popular feeling he concluded in these terms:&mdash;"True it is, that
      your committee has reported in favour of the bill, but that cannot pledge
      the house: and he is the greatest of all fools who consults his apparent
      consistency at the expense of his absolute ruin. The sooner you retrace
      the step into which you may may have been led at an unwary moment, the
      greater will be the service you render to the country. If you decide that
      this bill ought not to proceed, you will be the saviours of the state."
      Mr. Denman followed on the same side with a speech of great eloquence; and
      the speeches of the queen's counsel were answered by the king's attorney
      and solicitor-general. Mr. Brougham replied: urging a variety of arguments
      in favour of his original proposition, and showing the impolicy of the
      principle contended for by ministers. Successive attempts were made by
      Lords King and Grey to stop all further proceedings; but their motions
      were negatived, and the attorney-general was ordered by the lord
      chancellor to state his case. His statement occupied two days, and the
      examination of witnesses engaged the attention of the peers to the 6th of
      September. The evidence in support of the bill was summed up on the 7th of
      September, and on the 9th an adjournment took place to the 3rd of October,
      in consequence of an application from her majesty's counsel. On that day
      Mr. Brougham entered on the defence in a speech of great power; and he was
      followed by Mr. Williams, who declared that he should be able to rebut
      many of the prominent points sworn to in the prosecution by the clearest
      testimony. The examination of the witnesses for the defence lasted from
      the 5th of October to the 24th, and Mr. Denman proceeded to sum up the
      evidence. At the conclusion of his speech he remarked:&mdash;"We have
      fought the battles of morality, Christianity, and civilized society
      throughout the world; and in the language of the dying warrior I may say:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     'In this glorious and well foughten field
     We kept together in our chivalry.'
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      "While he (Mr. Brougham) was achieving the immortal victory, and the
      illustrious triumph, protecting innocence and truth by the adamantine
      shield of his prodigious eloquence, it has been my lot to discharge only a
      few random arrows at the defeated champions of this disgraceful cause."
      Dr. Lushington followed on the 26th of October, with a luminous view of
      the case, and the king's attorney and solicitor-general replied. The peers
      then debated, and on the 6th of November divided on the second reading of
      the bill, Which was carried by one hundred and twenty-three against
      ninety-five. Many peers entered strong protests; and a protest was read
      from the queen by Lord Dacre, in which she made the most solemn assertions
      of innocence. In this protest it was observed, that "unless these
      unexampled proceedings should bring the bill before the commons, the queen
      would make no reference whatever to the treatment experienced by her
      during the last twenty-five years." This <i>innuendo</i> produced its
      effects. The lords, indeed, now evidently began to tremble, lest they
      should be precipitated into the gulf which by their recent vote they had
      approached. It was felt, moreover, that the king did not come into court
      "with clean hands;" and therefore when the divorce clause came under
      discussion several peers, and among them several bishops, who considered
      the queen guilty, declared their aversion on religious scruples, to vote
      for it. The partisans of the queen, headed by Earl Grey, seized the
      advantage offered to them by this difference of opinion among her
      opponents, and they gave their strong support to it, and the clause was
      carried. But by this movement the fate of the bill became evident. It was
      read a third time by a majority of nine on the 10th of November; but there
      was yet one question to be put,&mdash;"that this bill do now pass," and
      ministers shrunk from the point. The queen petitioned to be heard by
      counsel against this final step; but Lord Liverpool, in reply, declared
      that with so small a majority, in the actual state of public feeling, he,
      and his colleagues felt bound to abandon the bill. A motion was made that
      the question should be put off to that day six months, which was carried;
      and thus ended, in defeat and disgrace, the domestic war which George IV.
      had been carrying on for twenty-five years against his consort. On the
      29th of November, her majesty went in state to St. Paul's to return public
      thanks, on which occasion she was surrounded by such multitudes as to make
      it difficult for her to reach the cathedral. The general joy was also
      manifested by illuminations, ringing of bells, firing of cannon, and the
      presentation of addresses of congratulation. But Queen Caroline was soon
      destined to see her popularity wane. Tired with the constant rout, orders
      were given that addresses should only be presented on one day of the week;
      and she gradually withdrew herself from the leaders of the whig party.
      This was the signal for the desertion of her cause. What Queen Caroline
      was doing soon became as indifferent to the people as what other members
      of the royal family were doing, and her final fate an object of curiosity
      more than of interest. At the close of the trial of Queen Caroline,
      parliament was prorogued to the 23rd of January.
    </p>
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    <div class="fig" >
      <img alt="chap33 (381K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-chap33.jpg"  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1821&mdash;1823.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of  Parliament..... Debate on the Holy Alliance.....
     The Catholic Question..... Motions for Parliamentary
     Reform, &amp;c...... Report of the Agricultural Committee.....
     The Navigation Laws..... The Supplies, &amp;c. Coronation of
     George IV...... Death of Queen Caroline..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Changes in   the Cabinet..... Motion   to
     restore   Roman Catholic Peers to their Seats in
     Parliament..... Motion on Agricultural Digress, &amp;c..... Acts
     for the Reduction of Expenditure..... Debates on the
     Currency..... Reduction  of Imposts, &amp;c...... Motion   for
     Parliamentary Reform..... Cause of the Greeks.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Change in the Cabinet.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1821
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of January, and was opened by the king
      in person. In his speech, he expressed satisfaction at decreasing evils
      with reference to domestic concerns; and in noticing foreign commotions,
      he stated, that his great object would be to preserve the blessings of
      peace. He noticed the queen, but it was only to suggest the settlement of
      a provision upon her. But notwithstanding these pacific demonstrations the
      opposition in both houses prepared all their strength for the overthrow of
      the ministry. The whigs joined the radicals, and one of the results of
      this alliance was the presentation of petitions praying for the
      restoration of her majesty's name to the liturgy; reprobating the late
      bill of pain and penalties; and requesting the house to exert its
      influence with the king to dismiss his ministers. In consequence of these
      petitions a motion was made on the 26th of January, by Lord Archibald
      Hamilton, for a vote of censure on ministers for the omission of the
      queen's name in the liturgy; but though ably supported by Messrs.
      Brougham, Hobhouse, Scarlett, Wetherell, and Sir James Mackintosh, the
      motion was lost by a large majority. A few days afterwards, on a
      proposition by Lord Castlereagh, for a committee to take into
      consideration a provision for the queen, Mr. Brougham stated that her
      majesty was resolved not to accept of any settlement, while her name was
      excluded from the liturgy. But notwithstanding this statement, his
      lordship proposed a provision of £50,000 per annum, and after vehement
      debates the vote passed without a division, and a bill for this annuity
      was forwarded through the usual stages. On the 5th of February, Lord
      Tavistock renewed the attack on ministers, by a motion of direct censure
      on the whole proceedings against the queen, with a view of compelling the
      ministers to resign. This motion, however, was lost by a large majority;
      and a last effort made in the queen's cause, namely, a motion made for the
      restoration of her name to the liturgy, met with a similar fate. In the
      meantime the queen had been reduced to the necessity of either being left
      without any provision, or of accepting the voted settlement, in
      contradiction to the statement made by her counsel. Her acceptance of it
      was necessary to her very existence, but the inconsistency of this
      determination extinguished all her influence over the public mind. By the
      issue of this trial, indeed, both the king and the queen were lowered in
      the public estimation: the respect of the nation for the throne and its
      occupant especially was greatly impaired.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE HOLY ALLIANCE
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the consideration of foreign affairs was brought
      before parliament by motions from Lord Grey in the lords, and by Sir James
      Mackintosh in the commons. The ostensible object of these motions was the
      production of all communications between his majesty's government and
      foreign states on the concerns of Naples. In reality, however, the purpose
      of these motions was to elicit the minister's sentiments concerning the
      conduct of the Holy Alliance, whose manifesto, recently published at
      Troppau, had excited feelings of alarm among all the friends of
      constitutional liberty throughout Europe. In his speech Lord Grey adverted
      to a document published at Hamburgh, purporting to be a circular of the
      allied powers, in which a claim was set up of a general superintendence
      over European states, and the suppression of all changes in their internal
      administration, hostile to what the alliance deemed legitimate principles
      of government. These monarchs, his lordship said, had assumed the
      censorship of Europe; sitting in judgment on the internal transactions of
      other states, and even taking on themselves to summons before them an
      independent sovereign, in order to pronounce sentence on a constitution
      which he had given to his country. Ministers, in their defence, said that
      our government was in no respect a party to the league; and the motion for
      the production of the papers was negatived. When the declaration against
      Naples arrived, however, the subject was renewed by a motion made by Lord
      Lans-downe, for an address to his majesty for a remonstrance with the
      allied powers. But this was met by the pretext of a strict neutrality
      adopted by Great Britain; and Naples was left to fall into the hands of
      the Austrians.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Grattan, the great advocate of Catholic emancipation, had recently
      departed this life; but there were still men in parliament able to
      advocate his principles. On the 28th of February the question was brought
      forward by Mr. Plunkett, whose able and lucid speech elicited acclamations
      from all parts of the house. Mr. Peel was the chief opponent of the
      measure; but the motion for a committee was carried by a majority of six
      votes. The house resolved itself into a committee on the 2nd of March,
      when six resolutions, proposed by Mr. Plunkett, received the sanction of
      the house. On these resolutions he framed two bills; one repealing
      disabilities, and the other enacting securities for the safety of the
      Protestant succession to the crown, and of the Protestant church. These
      bills passed the commons; but in the upper house the atmosphere was not
      quite so congenial to their existence. Their fate was decided on the
      second day's debate, by a speech delivered by the Duke of York,
      presumptive heir to the throne. He remarked in that speech:&mdash;"Educated
      in the principles of the established church, the more I inquire, and the
      more I think, the more I am persuaded that her interests are inseparable
      from those of the constitution. I consider her as an integral part, of
      that constitution, and I pray that she may long remain so. At the same
      time there is no man less an enemy to toleration than myself; but I
      distinguish between the allowance of the free exercise of religion and the
      granting of political power." This speech had its effect: the bill was
      thrown out by a majority of one hundred and fifty-nine against one hundred
      and twenty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the peers were thus engaged the commons were considering the subject
      of parliamentary reform. Mr. Lambton proposed to divide the kingdom into
      elective districts, extend the franchise to all householders, and limit
      the duration of parliament to three years. This plan being rejected, Lord
      John Russell proposed another, which would have extended the right of
      electing members to populous towns then unrepresented in parliament, and
      disfranchise every borough convicted hereafter of corruption. The house,
      however, was not yet prepared to go even thus far, for the motion was
      rejected by a majority of one hundred and fifty-five. But one decided
      measure of practical reform was at least effected this session; this was
      the disfranchisement of the corrupt borough of Grampound, and the transfer
      of its privileges to the populous county of York.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      REPORT OF THE AGRICULTURAL COMMITTEE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session, from numerous petitions presented on the prevalence
      of agricultural distress, and on the motion of Mr. Gooch, a committee had
      been granted to investigate this subject. The report of this committee was
      presented to the house on the 18th of June; and it stated that the
      complaints of the petitioners were founded in fact, in so far as they
      represented that, at the present price of corn, the returns to occupiers
      of arable land, after allowing for the interests of investments, were by
      no means adequate to the charges and outgoings. It also acknowledged that
      the committee, after much anxious inquiry, had not been able to discover
      any means calculated to relieve the present pressure. The report, in fact,
      when made public, extinguished all hopes which had been entertained from
      the labours of the committee. It stated, "So far as the pressure arises
      from the superabundant harvests, it is beyond the application of any
      legislative provisions; so far as it is the result of the increased value
      of money, it is not one peculiar to the farmer, but extends to many other
      classes of society." This was essentially true; and our legislators,
      perceiving that they could not alleviate the distress by legislation, left
      the matter to be ameliorated in the progression of time.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of the last session ministers had proclaimed views in favour
      of free trade; and these were more formally developed this year by series
      of resolutions, proposed by Mr. Wallace, president of the board of trade,
      the object of which was to pave the way for a complete revisal of the
      navigation laws, and the removal of those restrictions which forbade the
      free interchange of commodities in foreign shipping. Leave was given to
      introduce bills for the enactment of these important measures in the
      ensuing session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The total amount of supplies for this year was £20,018,200; and in aid of
      the ways and means £13,000,000 were taken from the sinking-fund. A sum of
      £500,000, also, arose from the pecuniary indemnity paid by France. A
      preposition to repeal the malt-tax was negatived; but ministers afforded
      some relief to agriculturists by removing the duty from horses employed in
      husbandry. In the debates on the estimates of expenditure, Mr. Hume
      pursued his plan of sifting and disputing almost every item of supply; and
      though he did not succeed in effecting any reduction of expense, yet by
      this system ministers were compelled into the necessity of originating
      measures of retrenchment. Parliament was prorogued by commission on the
      11th of July.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CORONATION OF GEORGE IV.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It had been intended that the king's coronation should have taken place in
      August, 1820; but the queen's appearance had set that intention aside. Her
      trial further delayed it; but after the storm of passion with which that
      was accompanied had subsided, it was announced that the coronation would
      take place on the 19th of July of the present year. This announcement
      brought the queen again into the field. On the 25th of June she preferred
      a claim to be crowned like her royal predecessors; and the case was
      argued, at the king's request, before the privy-council. Her majesty's
      claim, however, was rejected; and as soon as she received it, she stated
      her fixed determination to be present at the ceremony, and demanded a
      suitable place to be provided for her accommodation. This also was
      refused; and the queen then requested the Archbishop of Canterbury to
      crown her alone, a request with which he had not the power to comply. Thus
      repulsed she prepared a protest, which she determined to deliver
      personally into the king's hands on the day of his coronation. This
      occasioned expectations that the celebration of the coronation would be
      interrupted, if not prevented, by some popular commotion or infraction of
      the peace. Every precaution, however, was taken by ministers to preserve
      the public tranquillity, and to draw off public attention from the queen.
      Shows, balloons, fireworks, and all sorts of entertainments attracted the
      populace from the vicinity of the abbey, while, in case any commotion
      should arise, every disposable regiment was brought into or near the
      metropolis. There needed, however, no warlike preparation; for while the
      queen's popularity had abated, that of the king had so much increased as
      almost to fulfil Lord Castlereagh's prediction, that, at the end of six
      months after the trial of the queen, his majesty would be the most popular
      man within his dominion. He had, in fact, from that time been courting
      popularity, and the goddess had greatly favoured him. On the day of the
      coronation, therefore, no tumult was created in favour of the queen; she,
      in fact, on whom the populace, almost as one man, had, but a little time
      before, waited with addresses, assuring her of support and commiseration,
      was allowed to go from door to door of the abbey seeking admittance, and
      to be at every door rejected with contumely and scorn, with impunity.
      George IV. was crowned without interruption; and a ceremony more august
      and imposing in all its parts, or more, calculated to make the deepest
      impression both on the eye and the feelings, could not be conceived. But
      the propriety of the pomp and magnificence displayed may be questioned, as
      the nation was still suffering from the effects of the late expensive war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although Queen Caroline had borne her wrongs and injuries proudly up to
      the coronation of her husband, yet, by the treatment she on that day
      received, not only from officials, but the populace, her spirit was at
      length subdued. She had placed her last stake on the hazard of a day; and
      having totally failed in her object, sunk under the deepest humiliation.
      But death came to the relief of all her anxieties and all her woes. Soon
      afterwards she was attacked with an obstruction of the bowels, which, in
      her state of mind and body, brought on mortification, and terminated
      fatally on the 7th of August. Her ruling passion was strong in death. She
      directed that her remains should be interred in her own country, and that
      this inscription should be engraved on her tomb:&mdash;"Here lies Caroline
      of Brunswick, the injured Queen of England." Her funeral procession was
      attended with riots of a serious description. The first stage, where it
      was to cross the sea, was to Romford in Essex. The road that led to that
      place from her residence on the banks of the Thames was through the heart
      of the capital, by her husband's palace, and St. Paul's Cathedral.
      Ministers unwisely sought to prevent the corpse from proceeding in this
      direction, and endeavoured by the military to force it up a narrow street
      or lane, so that it might reach the northern outskirts of London, and get
      into the Romford road without occasioning any popular commotion. The
      populace, however, whose predilection for the queen, now that she was
      dead, seems to have returned, were determined that the procession should
      proceed by the natural route. To this end the pavement was torn up,
      trenches made in the road, and the avenues blocked up in every other
      direction. The people triumphed; but at Hyde-Park upper-gate a conflict
      between the military and the people took place, and two of the latter were
      shot dead. At length the hearse was forced into the city; and here the
      procession was joined by the lord mayor and other authorities; the shops
      being closed, and the bells of the different churches tolling. It is said
      that his majesty, who, at the time these commotions took place, was
      enjoying the pleasures of conviviality in Ireland, expressed in somewhat
      contemptuous terms his dissatisfaction at the want of arrangement and
      energy on the part of ministers. But this seemed to proceed from the
      failure of their plans rather than from any respect to his deceased queen.
      She was persecuted even to the last. In the course of the procession Sir
      Robert Wilson remonstrated with some soldiers on duty, and this humane
      interference deprived him of his commission; the directing civil
      magistrate, also, who consulted humanity in preference to his orders, was
      dismissed from office. It was unmanly to persecute the departed while in
      the land of the living; it was unworthy of manhood to carry resentment
      beyond the grave.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1822
    </p>
    <p>
      On the meeting of parliament in January, one of the first subjects taken
      into consideration was the state of Ireland. For some years that country
      had been comparatively peaceable, but distress and outrage were again
      walking hand in hand in every part. To repress the spirit of lawless
      outrage, the Marquess of Londonderry&mdash;Lord Castle-reagh, who had
      succeeded to that title at his father's death&mdash;introduced and carried
      two bills for arming the administration with additional powers, the
      insurrection act, and the suspension of the <i>habeas corpus</i>. Several
      members wished the state of Ireland to be thoroughly investigated; but
      this did not accord with the views of ministers. At length a famine, from
      the failure of the potatoe-crop in 1821, spread over the country, and
      disease waited in its train. A fever, of the typhus kind, swept off its
      thousands, while starvation carried off its thousands more. Government, on
      discovering this, placed £500,000 at the disposal of Lord Wellesley, the
      lord-lieutenant, to be dispensed in charitable relief, or in employing the
      poor on works of public utility, and private charity afforded even more
      effectual aid; but still the people of Ireland could not be wholly rescued
      from the calamity which had overtaken them. Many were snatched from the
      jaws of death by this timely relief, but many more perished.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGES IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The continued distress of the agriculturists in England, at the
      commencement of this year led to some modification in the state of public
      parties. At many county meetings such a loud and imperative call for
      retrenchment and remission of taxation, was made by both landholders and
      farmers, that the treasury-bench began to feel alarm. This, in fact, drove
      them to the expediency of strengthening their ranks by opening the doors
      of office to the Grenville party; which, though not united with the whigs,
      was generally opposed to ministers. Lord Grenville, the political head of
      the party, had retired from public life, but the Marquess of Buckingham
      was gratified by a ducal coronet, and Mr. Charles Wynne was made president
      of the board of control. A greater accession was gained in the exchange of
      Lord Sidmouth for Mr Peel, as secretary of state for the home department.
      Lord Sidmouth, however, was permitted to retain a seat in the cabinet, but
      Mr. Canning was compelled to retire, the part which he had taken in the
      affairs of the queen having created feelings of resentment against him in
      the king's mind.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION TO RESTORE ROMAN CATHOLIC PEERS TO THEIR SEATS IN PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of April, Mr. Canning, "wishing perhaps to give éclat to his
      departure from the scene of his glory," moved in the house of commons for
      leave to bring in a bill for restoring the right of sitting and voting in
      parliament to Roman Catholic peers. In his speech he asked; "Do you
      imagine it never occurred to the representatives of Europe, when
      contemplating the imposing spectacle of the coronation; that it never
      occurred to the ambassadors of Catholic Austria, of Catholic Fiance, or of
      states more bigoted, if there be any more bigoted, to the Catholic
      religion, to reflect, that the moment this solemn ceremony was over, the
      Duke of Norfolk would become disseized of the exercise of his privileges
      among his fellow peers? stripped of his robes of office, which were to be
      laid aside, and hung up, until the day, when the coronation of a successor
      to his present most gracious sovereign should again call him forth to
      assist at a similar solemnization? Thus after being exhibited to the peers
      and people of England, to the representatives of princes and nations of
      the world&mdash;the Duke of Norfolk, highest in rank among the peers&mdash;the
      Lord Clifford and others, like him, representing a long line of
      illustrious ancestors, appeared as if they had been called forth and
      furnished for the occasion, like the lustres and banners that flamed and
      glittered in the scene; and were to be, like them, thrown by as useless
      and temporary formalities. They might, indeed, bend the knee and kiss the
      hand; they might bear the train, or rear the canopy; they might perform
      the offices assigned by Roman pride to their barbarian forefathers&mdash;<i>Purpurea
      tollant auloa Britanni</i>&mdash;but with the pageantry of that hour their
      importance faded away. As their distinction vanished, their humiliation
      returned: and he who headed the procession of peers to-day, could not sit
      among them as their equal, to-morrow." This motion was strongly opposed by
      Mr. Peel, who was unable to see any reason for exempting Roman Catholic
      peers from political restrictions to which a community professing the same
      tenets were by law subject. The bill, notwithstanding, passed the commons
      by a majority of five; but it was rejected by the lords.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Mr. Brougham moved that it was the duty of the house
      to relieve agricultural distress by a reduction of taxes. This motion was
      made with a view of trying the strength of parties, as the small corps of
      Grenvillites, which had lately joined their ranks, could not support
      ministers, if the country members deserted them. Lord Londonderry met this
      covert attack on the ministers, however, by an assurance, that they
      intended to propose measures for that purpose, so that the arrow aimed at
      them fell pointless to the ground. The motion was negatived from this
      assurance, and his lordship soon after proposed the reappointment of the
      agricultural committee. On the report of this committee he submitted a
      plan of relief to the house; the principal heads of which were a repeal of
      the annual malt-duty, and a loan of £1,000,000 in exchequer-bills to the
      landed interest, on the security of warehoused corn. It was also enacted
      that when wheat should reach eighty shillings a quarter, a new scale of
      duties should be brought into permanent operation. At the same time the
      chancellor of the exchequer brought forward two financial operations. The
      first of these was a reduction of the navy five per cents., to stock
      carrying only four per cent; the holders having the option of being paid
      off at par, or of accepting the lower rate of interest with a small
      increase of capital as a bonus: the second was a plan to diminish the
      present charge for naval and military half-pay and civil pensions, known
      in financial jargon under the name of the dead-weight, by extending it in
      the form of annuities over a period of forty-five years, instead of
      allowing it to be gradually extinguished through the death of annuitants.
      This scheme appeared fallacious to many members, and unintelligible to
      others; but it was passed by the house, though subsequently the chancellor
      of the exchequer had to remodel his plan, as the great capitalists
      complained of its principles. The arrangement was completed in the
      following year by a bargain with the Bank of England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACTS FOR THE REDUCTION OF EXPENDITURE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session ministers felt themselves obliged to yield to the loud
      call made upon them for the reduction of expenditure. Encouraged by the
      co-operation of many of the landed proprietors, opposition commenced a
      series of attacks on the cabinet on these grounds. The first attack was
      made by a motion to repeal the salt-duty, which was defeated by the small
      majority of four only. Sir M. W. Ridley next moved for the reduction of
      two out of seven lords of the admiralty, which was carried by a large
      majority against ministers. Thus encouraged, Lord Normandy proposed an
      address to the throne for the dismissal of one of the two post-masters
      general, and opposition again triumphed. They now assailed one of the
      strongholds of corruption, the diplomatic expenditure of the country. But
      here they were defeated. Lord Londonderry declared that if the house
      persisted in going into a committee on that subject, it would be the
      signal for breaking up the administration. This menace had the effect of
      bringing over the country gentlemen to vote with the cabinet as
      heretofore, and the motions for inquiry were lost by large majorities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE CURRENCY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In order to relieve the agricultural distress, Mr. Western brought forward
      a motion on the subject of the currency. He moved for a committee to
      inquire into the effect which the act of 1819, for the resumption of
      cash-payments by the Bank, had produced on our manufacturing and
      commercial interests. In his speech he assigned the alteration of the
      currency as the chief cause of the calamity, since it operated injuriously
      on all classes except the fundholder and annuitant, and by its ruinous
      effects on private contracts, as well as public payments, was calculated
      to endanger all kinds of property. Mr. Huskisson combated his views at
      considerable length; and moved as an amendment, "that this house will not
      in any way alter the standard of gold and silver." The house then
      adjourned; and on the following day the debate was resumed. After many
      members had spoken on both sides of the question, Mr. Peel rose, and said,
      that "he would not enter on the discussion of abstract subjects. From the
      reasonings of gentlemen, down to the speech of the honourable member for
      Westminster, he was at a loss to guess the objects of the committee. The
      honourable baronet fairly stated that the real object of the motion was to
      repeal the bill of 1819; he had declared that the aim of the honourable
      gentleman, Mr. Western, was to establish a new standard of value, and to
      reduce the value of one pound to fourteen shillings. The house, he hoped,
      would pause before they adopted a proposition for reducing the value of
      the currency by one-third. An honourable gentleman had talked of
      establishing and securing the foundations of public prosperity; but what
      would be the consequence to-morrow if that night they adopted the
      proposition of the honourable gentleman? Every man of common sense would
      buy up every guinea in the country; the whole of our mercantile
      transactions would be disturbed, and all private contracts be open to
      inquiry and to defeat. Seven or eight years had already elapsed since the
      house had pledged itself to return to the ancient standard of value. In
      1814 the house came to a resolution that the Bank of England ought to
      return to cash-payments; in 1816, when his right honourable friend
      proposed a resolution on the subject, the Late Mr. Horner would not
      consent until an express declaration was made, that the legislative would
      see that cash-payments should soon be resumed; and his proposition was
      accordingly adopted. But the restriction was continued to enable the Bank
      to resume cash-payments with greater convenience; so that since 1814 the
      country was accommodating itself to this new state of things; and after
      having accomplished that object, the house was told that the intent of the
      honourable gentleman's motion was to reduce the value of money from twenty
      to fourteen shillings. With respect to the situation of the public
      creditor, he has been paid in a depreciated currency. The public creditor
      lent his money in 1798 and 1800 on the understanding that, when the Bank
      restriction should expire, he would be entitled to his demand in the
      ancient standard of value. If the house, therefore, were to come to any
      adjustment of the value proposed by the honourable gentleman, undoubtedly
      the creditor would have a right, and would demand the full payment of his
      debt. It should be recollected that a great number of persons held
      debentures who were not the original purchasers, but had bought them for a
      full and valuable consideration; could the government turn round upon
      these persons, and say, The original holder gave for this debenture only
      eighty pounds, you gave ninety-five pounds, but we will not pay you more
      than eighty pounds? If the house were to proceed upon this principle there
      would be an end for ever to the very idea of national faith&mdash;that
      faith which had supported us under every difficulty, and which constituted
      the pride, the glory, and the support of this country." These arguments
      prevailed; parliament determined not to interfere with the currency. On a
      subsequent day, however, as the distress among the agriculturists grew to
      an alarming height, ministers repealed that part of the bill of 1819 which
      confined the issue of small notes to the period of 1823; the privilege was
      extended till January, 1833. This measure had the effect of causing
      symptoms of returning prosperity. Country bankers increased their paper
      issues; farmers obtained a higher price for their produce; landlords were
      paid a higher rate for their land; and the natural consequence of all this
      was the prosperity of trade and commerce. At the same time it proved to be
      an illusive prosperity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REDUCTION OF IMPOSTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Warned by their recent defeats, ministers, on the completion of their
      financial arrangements of this year made several reductions in the
      imposts. They had resisted the abolition of the salt-tax, but they now
      announced an intention of lowering it from fifteen to two shillings a
      bushel. They also remitted the annual duty on malt, the additional tax on
      leather, and that on windows and hearths in Ireland. By these means a
      reduction of taxation was effected to the amount or £3,500,000. These
      important measures were followed by several bills having for their objects
      the relaxation of the navigation laws, and the promotion of the system of
      free trade. Ship-owners raised a loud outcry against these enlightened
      enactments; but time has shown that they were equally beneficial to
      themselves as to the community at large. It was said that the repeal of
      the ancient navigation laws would enable other states to outstrip our own
      and prepare our ruin; but so far from increasing foreign competition, and
      diminishing British production, it has been the means of decreasing
      foreign importation, and of increasing our domestic manufactures.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Lord John Russell called the attention of the
      commons to the subject of parliamentary reform. The scheme he proposed was
      to add one hundred members to the house, to be returned by the counties
      and larger towns, and to divest the minor boroughs of half the privileges
      they enjoyed. This was a moderate proposal, and yet it met with the most
      strenuous opposition, and especially from Mr. Canning. He conjured the
      house to oppose the introduction of any visionary schemes; and asserted,
      that a search after abstract perfection in government was not an object of
      reasonable pursuit, because it would prove vain. He added:&mdash;"I
      conjure the noble lord to pause before he again presses his plan on the
      country. If, however, he shall persevere, and if his perseverance shall be
      successful, and if the results of that success be such as I cannot help
      apprehending&mdash;his be the triumph to have precipitated those results,
      mine be the consolation, that to the utmost, and the latest of my power I
      have opposed thorn." The motion was negatived; and the proposal of a
      general resolution by Mr. Brougham on the influence of the crown, which
      was introduced with the same ultimate views of reform, shared the same
      fate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAUSE OF THE GREEKS&mdash;PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The contest which was raging between the Greeks and their oppressors this
      year came under the notice of parliament. The Mussulmen had everywhere
      committed the most atrocious cruelties, and the sensations of horror which
      they produced in England caused Mr. Smith to put a question in the
      commons, regarding connivance, or at least neglect of remonstrance on the
      part of our diplomatic agents. Lord Londonderry answered in a flippant
      manner, that a calamity had occurred in which ten or twelve hostages had
      been executed, but which was justified by the barbarity of the Greeks. Sir
      James Mackintosh now took up the question in a strong remonstrance. He
      asked whether it was mentioned in any of the despatches that the markets
      of Smyrna and Constantinople were filled with Greek ladies and children?
      whether ministers could afford the nation any account of the new
      slave-trade recently established in the East for Christian families? and
      whether any of those persons who had been murdered at Constantinople had
      been under the protection of the British minister, or had surrendered
      themselves to the Turks under any pledge, promise, or assurance of safety
      from our ambassador? Lord Londonderry now confessed that eighty or ninety
      individuals had been executed; but he denied that they could be considered
      at all under the protection of the British government, or in such a
      situation as to require our interference.
    </p>
    <p>
      Many questions of minor importance were discussed this session, but none
      that requires our consideration except the foregoing. Parliament was
      prorogued on the 6th of August: and then, on the 10th, the king paid a
      visit to Scotland; to drink "health to its chieftains and clans, and to
      bless the land of cakes."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHANGE IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the king was in Scotland an event occurred which caused a change in
      the cabinet: this was the death of Lord Londonderry who put a period to
      his own existence. The difficulty in finding a successor to the deceased
      minister was so great as to subdue the resentment which the king
      entertained toward Mr. Canning. He had recently been appointed governor of
      India; but just as he was preparing to set sail he was invited to take the
      high office of secretary of state, which he accepted. About the same time
      Mr. Robinson was made chancellor of the exchequer, and Mr. Huskisson
      president of the board of trade. About the time of his death Lord
      Londonderry was about to join the congress of Verona, and the Duke of
      Wellington was deputed to take that place. His grace nobly endeavoured to
      stem the despotic acts of the sovereigns assembled; but all his endeavours
      proved unavailing.
    </p>
    <p>
      They still pursued the despotic measures they had commenced, and Spain
      especially was doomed to feel their tyranny.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIV
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1823&mdash;1825
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Affairs of Agriculture and
     Commerce..... The Supplies..... The Catholic Question.....
     Affairs in Ireland..... Motions to Reform the Criminal
     Law..... Motion to Reform the Scotch  Representation.....
     New Loudon Bridge Bill..... Motion respecting the Duty on
     the Leeward Islands..... Expenses of the Coronation.....
     Munificence of George IV...... Irish Tithe Commutation Bill,
     &amp;c&mdash;Prorogation of Parliament..... State of the Country.....
     Meeting of Parliament..... Attack on Ministers with
     Reference to Spain, &amp;c...... Financial Statements..... The
     Trade Question..... Alien Bill, &amp;c...... Discussion on the
     Revolt in Demarara,&amp;c...... State of the British
     Colonies..... East India Affairs.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1823
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 4th of February. It was opened by
      commission; and in the speech his majesty declared that he would be no
      party to those proceedings at Verona which sanctioned the interference of
      France with the internal affairs of Spain; and that he would endeavour to
      avert the calamity of war between those countries. This declaration
      elicited general approbation; but it was thought by some that more
      energetic measures should be taken than those adopted by ministers. During
      the session Lord Ellenborough moved in the upper house for an address to
      his majesty, expressing, in high terms, a condemnation of the conduct of
      France and other allied powers, as well as of the British cabinet, in
      requiring Spain to alter her constitution at their dictation. The majority
      of the lords, however, seemed to consider that ministers had used every
      judicious and practicable effort to prevent the attack on Spain; and the
      motion was rejected. A similar disposition prevailed in the commons. Some
      few thought further interference necessary, and Mr. Mac-donald introduced
      a motion to that effect, but it was lost by a majority of three hundred
      and seventy-two against twenty. So Spain was left to the mercy of the
      despots: soon after despotism was restored in that country, together with
      Ferdinand VII.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The distress of the landed interests was early discussed in the commons,
      and it led to a proposition made by Mr. Whitmore for reducing the import
      price of grain two shillings a year till it should fall to sixty
      shillings. This was negatived; but government manifested a disposition to
      open the trade in corn. At the same time the foreign committee was
      reappointed, and further steps taken to free commerce from restrictions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new chancellor of the exchequer brought forward his budget on the 21st
      of February. The total revenue of the year was estimated at £57,096,988,
      and the expenditure, at £49,852,786. This left a surplus of above
      £7,000,000, and Mr. Robinson proposed to relieve the burdens of the
      country by a repeal of assessed taxes to the amount of £ 2,000,000,
      retaining the other £5,000,000 toward the liquidation of the national
      debt. His views and statements obtained much applause, so that he carried
      his estimates for the year triumphantly.
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    <h2>
      THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A motion was made on the 17th of April for a committee on the Catholic
      claims by Mr. Plunkett The discussion on this subject was chiefly
      remarkable for an attack made by Mr. Brougham on Mr. Canning. After
      praising the conduct of Mr. Peel, who had never swerved from his opinions,
      and who had not taken office with the secret understanding to abandon the
      question in substance, while he continued to sustain it in words, alluding
      to Mr. Canning, he remarked that when the point was, whether he should
      submit to a sentence of transportation to India, or be condemned to hard
      labour at home&mdash;when his fate depended on Lord Chancellor Eldon, and
      his own sentiments on the Catholic question, he had exhibited the most
      incredible specimen of monstrous truckling for office, which the whole
      history of political tergiversation could furnish. At this moment Mr.
      Canning suddenly started up and exclaimed "It is false." A deep silence
      ensued; after which the speaker called on the right honourable secretary
      to retract an expression which he must know violated the rules and orders
      of the house. Mr. Canning replied that though he was sorry to have used
      any word which might violate the decorum of the house, yet he would not
      retract the sentiment. This declaration was repeated; and as Mr. Brougham
      would not explain till Mr. Canning had retracted, Mr. Bankes moved that
      both members be taken into custody by the serjeant-at-arms. All parties,
      however, were extricated from their situation by the suggestion made by
      Sir Robert Wilson, of an hypothetical and mutual explanation. Mr. Bankes
      then withdrew his motion, and the belligerents declared that they would
      forget their recriminations. The motion which gave rise to this scene was
      lost.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A large portion of this session was wasted in discussing the insolence
      exhibited by the agents of the ascendant party in Dublin. Lord Wellesley
      had prohibited the Orange faction to dress up the statute of King William
      in College Green: a ceremony which perpetuated animosity and frequently
      led to strife and bloodshed. This gave the Orangemen great offence; and on
      one occasion, when his lordship visited the theatre, a bottle was thrown
      at him from the gallery. Three persons were taken into custody, and the
      attorney-general indicted them for a misdemeanour; but the grand jury
      would only find bills of indictment against two of them, and as two
      persons cannot commit a riot, the finding released them all. Mr. Plunkett
      then filed an ex-officio information against those persons, whom he, on
      evidence received, believed guilty; but the petty jury would not agree in
      their verdict, and the prisoners were discharged. This matter was
      investigated in parliament; but the result merely showed in what a daring
      manner juries were packed, and the name of justice was abused in Ireland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS TO REFORM THE CRIMINAL LAW.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 21st of May Sir James Mackintosh renewed his efforts to reform our
      criminal code. He moved a series of resolutions on the subject; and though
      these were rejected, four bills were afterwards brought in to the same
      effect by Mr. Peel. By these bills government was enabled to employ
      convicts in hard labour, and the judges were relieved from the obligation
      of passing sentence of death on certain malefactors, except in case of
      murder. Subsequently Mr. Lennard obtained leave to bring in a bill to
      abolish the old and barbarous law which sentenced the corpse of one guilty
      of <i>felo de se</i> to be buried at two cross-roads with a stake driven
      through it; leaving the burial to be performed in private, without the
      ceremonies of the church.
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    <h2>
      MOTION TO REFORM THE SCOTCH REPRESENTATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of June, Lord Archibald Hamilton proposed five resolutions on
      the state of the Scotch representation, the last of which went to pledge
      the house to take the subject into its serious consideration during the
      next session, with a view to effect some extension of the number of votes,
      and to establish some connexion between the elective franchise and the
      landed property of the country. His lordship invited the attention of Mr.
      Canning to this subject, as one with which he had not grappled, and as
      perfectly different from the question of English reform; but he failed in
      securing his approbation, and the motion was negatived by one hundred and
      fifty-two against one hundred and seventeen voices.
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    <h2>
      NEW LONDON BRIDGE BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Brogden brought up the report of a bill on the 6th of June, by which
      the sum of £150,000 was to be advanced by government toward the
      construction of New London Bridge. Mr. Hume objected against this advance
      in the shape of a gift, and Mr. Ricardo agreed with him. Mr. Alderman
      Wood, however, argued that the work was one of great national utility, and
      not intended exclusively for the benefit of the city of London; that the
      money was to be paid by instalments, extending over a time of seven years;
      and that the corporation were ready to give up nearly £200,000 that was in
      their hands, and to raise £400,000 more on mortgage. The report was
      received, and the resolution for the proposed advance carried.
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    <h2>
      MOTION RESPECTING THE DUTY ON THE LEEWARD ISLANDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 9th of June Mr. Creevey called the attention of the house to a
      grievance under which the Leeward Islands were oppressed, by what was
      called the four and half per cent. duty. He held petitions in his hands
      from five of these islands, setting forth their distress, stating their
      utter inability to bear such a tax, and throwing themselves on the
      liberality of parliament. Mr. Creevey proposed the abolition of this
      impost; an impost on which were saddled so many pensions granted to the
      aristocracy. He thought it hard that these five islands should maintain so
      many ladies and gentlemen in England. He was, he said, the last man to
      interfere with the private arrangements of the royal family, but the king
      had given pensions to two of his sisters at the expense of the unfortunate
      Leeward Islands, and why these islands were singled out for such a purpose
      he could not conceive. Then there were pensions of £500 each to the Misses
      Fitzclarence; and there were also gentlemen high in office who
      condescended to allow the Leeward Islands to support their families. Right
      honourable gentlemen, he continued, could not say that they were ignorant
      of the colonies; their own acts proved their knowledge of the fact. They
      could support the colonies and urge their distress in a particular way;
      they could tax East India sugar, and the consumer of West India sugar in
      England; but they could not abate that tax out of which their own pensions
      were derived. Mr. Canning, who received one of these pensions, replied at
      great length, objecting to this motion as affecting the right of the crown
      to this branch of revenue, and its right of appropriating the same in any
      manner deemed suitable by his majesty's government. With respect to his
      own case, to which Mr. Creevey had made allusion, he remarked:&mdash;"It
      was true that many years ago he had held an office; on retiring from
      which, by uniform practice, and that sanctioned by law, he be-came
      entitled to a pension of £1200 per annum. He had waived his claim to that
      annuity; and it was true that such right was afterwards commuted for a
      pension of half the amount for a person who had direct claims on him for
      protection. It was certainly open to parliament to deliberate on
      particular instances in the disposal of this fund, and he would not
      complain of the manner in which the right honourable gentleman had exerted
      his right in the present instance; yet he well knew that he could be
      taunted with the names of persons in the same situation, and connected
      with parties whom he highly respected. That mode, however, was too
      invidious to follow: the house had a right to examine into supposed abuses
      as to the application of this as well as any other branch of the revenue;
      but the honourable gentleman had not made out any case calling for
      censure." The motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and three
      against fifty-seven.
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    <h2>
      EXPENSES OF THE CORONATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the expenses of the coronation came under
      consideration. Mr. Hume inveighed not only against the length of time
      which had elapsed before they were laid on the table, but against their
      enormous extent. The chancellor of the exchequer, he said, had promised
      that they should not exceed £100,000; but they were £238,000, the surplus
      having been taken from French indemnities. Estimates at variance with the
      expenses were a farce. And of what service, he asked, was it to attempt
      the relief of public burdens by cutting down small clerks, and inflicting
      distress on other individuals, when such sums were expended for such
      purposes as the decoration of Westminster-hall, which cost £111,000, and
      the habiliments of his majesty, for which the master of the robes was paid
      £27,700? Mr. Hume also reproached the ministry with bad faith, in calling
      for a smaller, and expending a larger sum. He also accused the chancellor
      of the exchequer and his colleagues with violating the public faith, by
      taking money to which they had no right in order to pay the difference. He
      thought the house would fail in its duty to the public, if it did not call
      for an examination into the profligate extravagance of this affair: and he
      concluded with a proposal for a committee for such purpose, and more
      especially to inquire by what authority the sum of £138,000 had been
      applied to the coronation expenses without the previous sanction of the
      house. This motion was negatived; and the house next went into committee,
      in which the sum of £160,000 was proposed toward the civil contingencies
      of 1823. This gave Mr. Hume an opportunity of exhibiting the extravagant
      system of expenditure pursued, particularizing items as proofs. He moved
      for a reduction of £52,799 from the sum required; but Mr. Canning defended
      the expenditure, and satisfied the house, so that this motion also was
      negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MUNIFICENCE OF GEORGE IV.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year the king gave an instance of royal munificence, calculated to
      benefit not only the present age, but to extend its advantages to remote
      generations. By a letter addressed to Lord Liverpool he signified his
      intention of presenting the valuable library collected by his father to
      the British nation. This letter, with certain resolutions of the trustees
      of the British Museum on the subject, was by his majesty's command laid
      before the house of commons. The letter and resolutions were referred to a
      committee, and on the 16th of April this committee made a report which
      noticed the great value and extent of the library, and expressed an
      opinion that if his majesty's magnificent donation were placed under the
      care of the trustees of the British Museum, the greatest benefit would
      accrue to the public. The report recommended that a building should be
      raised for its reception, and that successive grants should be made to
      effect the purposes above specified. In consequence of this report the
      house voted a sum of.£40,000 to commence the work, and the foundation of
      the structure was forthwith laid. The building was completed in 1827, and
      the following summer this valuable library was transferred to the Museum.
      It is a splendid monument of the good taste and patriotic spirit of George
      IV., and will to the latest ages redound to his honour.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH TITHE COMMUTATION BILL, ETC.&mdash;PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session an act was passed for the commutation of tithes in
      Ireland. A motion was made in the upper house by Lord Lansdowne for the
      second reading of the dissenters' marriage bill, which might enable them
      to perform the ceremony of marriage in their own chapels. This was warmly
      supported by Lords Ellenborough, Calthorpe, and Liverpool; but if, was
      thrown out by a majority of twenty-seven against twenty-one. The session
      was closed by commission on the 19th of July.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the prosperity of the country appeared to advance, and
      the confidence of the people in the government to be established. This
      feeling was chiefly attributable to the altered tone of the
      administration, and the tenor of their measures. From their measures
      commerce and manufactures revived, and, by a natural consequence,
      agriculture was improved. Unfortunately this revival of prosperity gave a
      dangerous activity to enterprise, and generated a spirit of headlong
      speculation, which produced disastrous consequences in a subsequent year.
      It was during this year, indeed, that the memorable era of joint-stock
      schemes commenced, which ended in the ruin of many families. They that
      will be rich often fall into a snare.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1824
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 3rd of February. It was opened by
      commission, and one of the leading topics of the speech was, the general
      prosperity of the country; which congratulations were echoed back in the
      addresses of both houses.
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    <h2>
      ATTACK ON MINISTERS WITH REFERENCE TO SPAIN, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session the affairs of Spain occupied the attention of both
      houses. In the upper house Lord Lansdowne deplored the fate of that
      country, which was occupied by French troops, and thought that a greater
      advance should have been made towards our complete recognition of South
      American independence. In the commons, Mr. Brougham attacked the tyranny
      and particular cruelties of the Austrians in one peninsula and of
      Ferdinand in the other, and denounced the impotent efforts of government
      to ward off the blow from the constitutionalists. Subsequently our foreign
      policy was discussed, on motions made by Lords John Russell and Nugent,
      but Mr. Canning successfully vindicated it. He showed that the conduct of
      Great Britain had been regulated by a due regard for her own interests and
      dignity, as well as by an honourable attention to the first principles of
      international law; and that while we preserved peace, we had by bold
      remonstrances paralysed schemes formed by the holy alliance for extending
      their system of interference from the government of Spain to the internal
      condition of her colonies. These explanations were satisfactory to the
      house, and the motions were not pressed to a division. Before the close of
      the year, ministers gave a pledge of their sincerity by admitting the
      South American colonies into the rank of independent powers. Treaties of
      amity and commerce were concluded with Mexico, Columbia, and Buenos Ayres,
      which gave a fresh impetus to trade and commerce.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS
    </h2>
    <p>
      With the prosperity of the country the public revenue improved. Taxes had
      been remitted last year to a considerable amount, but notwithstanding this
      the revenue had increased. It produced £57,672,999, leaving a clear
      balance of £1,710,985 over the expenditure, besides the established
      sinking-fund of £5,000,000. The chancellor of the exchequer proposed to
      employ a part of this surplus in a grant of £500,000 for the erection of
      new churches; of £300,000, for the renovation and improvement of Windsor
      Castle; and of £60,000 for the purchase of the Angerstein pictures, in
      furtherance of a design to establish a national gallery for the fine arts.
      In his financial calculations for this year the chancellor of the
      exchequer anticipated a continued surplus, on the strength of which he
      proposed a further repeal of taxes to the amount of more than £1,000,000;
      and as an auxiliary measure, he suggested the discontinuance of certain
      bounties on fisheries and manufactures, which he considered no longer
      necessary. In his arrangement an extension of the scheme for reducing the
      interest of the national debt formed a prominent feature. He proposed to
      convert the old four per cent, stock, amounting to £75,000,000, into a new
      fund, bearing interest at three and a half per cent.; and giving the
      holders the option of being-paid off at par, or of acceding to the new
      plan. This arrangement met with the decided approbation of parliament, and
      was carried into execution with great facility. It may be mentioned that
      during this year Austria unexpectedly repaid £2,500,000 for loans advanced
      by the British government during the late war. This was but a small
      dividend on the debt due to England, but it enabled the ministers to be
      liberal, as they were disposed.
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    <h2>
      THE TRADE QUESTION
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session important steps were taken towards a more unrestricted
      system of trade. One important measure consisted in a repeal of what were
      still left of the protecting duties between Ireland and Great Britain.
      Enactments were also passed tending to withdraw British silk manufacturers
      from the protection of laws which prohibited the importation of foreign
      silks. The plan adopted for this was to lower the import duties on raw and
      thrown silk; to repeal all bounties on the exportation of this article of
      manufacture; and to substitute a duty of thirty per cent, on foreign
      silks, instead of prohibiting their importation. This scheme met with the
      opposition of partial interests, but it was carried by a large majority.
      Among other important measures of relaxation passed this year was the
      immediate removal of all unequal restrictions on the import and export
      trade of wool, with a gradual approach to the same system in the linen
      manufactures. All these measures greatly tended to increase the trade and
      commerce of England, and to benefit the community at large. The British
      silk trade is increased two-fold since their enactment, although utter
      ruin was predicted by the silk manufacturers, and the articles
      manufactured, though lower in price, vie in beauty with the silks produced
      by and Indian looms.
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    <h2>
      ALIEN BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The alien bill was renewed this session. It was vehemently opposed by Mr.
      Hobhouse and Sir James Mackintosh; and from their opposition, the act,
      though carried, henceforward operated with less stringency than before.
      Much discussion arose on the subject of the abuses in the church of
      Ireland, but it led to no legislative enactment. Much attention was also
      given to the state of Ireland; a committee of inquiry being appointed in
      both houses. But nothing effectual was done to improve the condition of
      that country. The close of this year, indeed, saw the establishment of a
      political engine of extraordinary power in the Catholic Association. Mr.
      O'Connell, a barrister of eminence, soon became the acknowledged leader of
      the disaffected party, and encouraged them to effect by union and
      agitation what had been denied to petition. This association subsequently
      extended its correspondence, and appointed agents for every Roman Catholic
      parish in the kingdom, and then levied a large revenue under the
      denomination of Catholic rent, for the support of the demagogues who were
      at its head. This "rent" continues to be collected to this day, and Mr.
      O'Connell and his party divide it among them, promising great things in
      return, but failing to perform their promises from utter, inability.
      Ireland, therefore, is still hood-winked by interested agitators: stop the
      "rent," and then they would be silent. Their patriotism depends upon the
      amount they receive from their miserable, poor, and suffering countrymen.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS ON THE REVOLT IN DEMARARA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Brougham called the attention of the commons to
      the circumstances of a revolt in Demarara. The negroes of that island had
      been led to believe that their freedom had been granted by parliament, and
      was withheld by the colonial assemblies. This delusion caused an
      insurrection; and a missionary, named Smith, was tried by martial law, on
      a charge of exciting the negroes to revolt, and was condemned to death.
      His case was sent to England for the consideration of the privy-council;
      but he died in prison before the pardon extended to him could arrive. Mr.
      Brougham moved that the court-martial held on him was illegal, and the
      sentence unjust; and it was with great difficulty that ministers could
      procure a small majority to acquit his judges. This discussion, however,
      led to beneficial results. Government formed plans for abolishing the
      habitual use of the lash; for regulating the punishment of refractory
      slaves; for preventing the separate sale of husband, wife, and children;
      for protecting the property of slaves, admitting their evidence, and
      facilitating their manumission; and for providing them religious
      instruction, and a regular ecclesiastical establishment, with two bishops
      at its head; one presiding over Jamaica, and the other over the Leeward
      Islands, These were the principal measures of parliament during the
      present session.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE BRITISH COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time our settlements at the Cape of Good Hope were greatly
      disturbed by the unpopularity of the governor, Lord Charles Somerset.
      Another part of the great African continent was also the scene of more
      tragical events. The administrators on the Gold Coast having taken part in
      the quarrels of the natives, and violated the terms of a treaty concluded
      some years before with the Ashantee monarch, he led a well-appointed army
      against them. Sir Charles Macarthy, Governor of Sierra Leone, advanced
      against him with a few Europeans and some thousands of barbarian allies;
      but the King of the Ashantees was victorious. Sir Charles Macarthy was
      slain, and his forces were defeated with dreadful carnage. Alarm was
      entertained for the safety of the principal settlements at Cape Coast
      Castle; but the "Thetis" frigate having arrived with a few troops, and the
      garrison being strengthened by some auxiliaries from Acra, the enemy were
      repulsed. They were afterwards overthrown in several engagements by
      Colonel Sutherland, and compelled to desist from hostilities. In North
      America our colonies were in the enjoyment of great commercial prosperity,
      though in Lower Canada dissensions had commenced, which portended future
      important consequences. From the continent of Australia, also, the most
      pleasing prospects continued to be unfolded. In New South Wales and Van
      Diemen's Land the population, from emigration, had doubled itself; and
      important returning cargoes of wool, &amp;c, began to compensate for the
      expenditure of the mother country. A brisk trade was also carried on from
      thence with India and the remotest regions of the world. Similar pleasing
      features were unfolded in the Society Islands and the Sandwich Isles; in
      the former of these Christianity was established. In New Zealand, also,
      there was a marked improvement in the manners of the natives: they began
      to eat potatoes, which they derived from trafficking with New South Wales,
      instead of human flesh. These improvements were the elements of a new
      order of things, to be developed fully in the lapse of time.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year a serious war broke out between the East India Company
      and the Burmese sovereign. For some years a misunderstanding had existed
      between the two powers, arising from a mutual claim to the countries of
      Chittagong and Dacca, Moorshedabad and Cassimbazar. These, the Burmese
      monarch said, did not belong to India; and on several occasions he had
      demanded them of the company, threatening to destroy their country if the
      revenues were not given up. It was the Rajah of Ramere who actually laid
      claim to them; but he could do nothing without the aid of the Burmese
      king; and the latter took up his quarrel. Under the administration of Lord
      Teignmouth and Lord Hastings various petty encounters with the Burmese
      troops had been sustained, as well as with other predatory hordes of
      India. The contest between the British government and the Burmese empire
      did not actually commence till the present year. The Burmese forces had
      advanced for the purpose of restoring the deposed Rajah of Cachar, who had
      sought refuge in the Burmese dominions, and whose successor was supported
      by the British. For this and other acts committed by the Burmese
      sovereign, it was resolved to chastise him. Early in this year orders were
      given for equipping a force of about six thousand men at the presidencies
      of Forts William and St. George; and the two divisions were directed to
      assemble at Port Cornwallis, in the Great Andaman island, whence the
      combined forces were to proceed to attack Rangoon, the principal seaport
      in the Burmese territories. The command was given to Major-general Sir
      Archibald Campbell; and the total number of troops under him was 8,071,
      about half being British. The expedition put to sea on the 5th of May, at
      Calcutta; and a part of the force was detached, under General McCreagh,
      against the island of Cheduba, and another, under Major Wahab, against
      Negrais. The rest of the fleet sailed up the Rangoon river on the 11th of
      May, and anchored off the town. As the place was not prepared for
      resistance, the governor, after a few shots had been fired from the
      principal battery, which was quickly silenced by one of the ships,
      directed the inhabitants to retire into the recesses of the jungle. The
      city, with its mud houses, was abandoned to the invaders, and everything
      that could serve for provision was removed far beyond their reach. It had
      been imagined that the capture of Rangoon, or any part of the enemy's
      maritime possessions, would induce the king to accept the terms of
      government. It was soon found, however, that not only the Burmese monarch,
      but the people of Pegu, whose co-operation had been reckoned upon, were
      preparing for decided hostilities. Distress soon prevailed among the
      British troops, for there were no provisions near, and the boatmen of the
      Rangoon had removed every serviceable vessel out of their reach. To add to
      the distress of the army, the rainy season set in; and it was also kept in
      continual alarm by the nightly irruption of the enemy into its lines. The
      chief command, however, had been given to an officer of ability and zeal;
      and every obstacle was finally surmounted. On hearing of our offensive
      operations, the court of Ava lost no time in making preparations for our
      expulsion. Every town and village within three hundred miles of Bangoon
      was obliged to send its complement of armed men, under their respective
      chiefs; and the Irrawaddy was covered with fleets of warriors from all the
      towns on its banks, proceeding to the general rendezvous of the army. The
      Burmese monarch had said that the English should not disturb the women
      cooking their rice at Rangoon; and now that they had not only been
      disturbed, but driven from their homes, he resolved to be revenged on
      them. The first conflict took place on the 16th of May, when Captain Birch
      dislodged the enemy from the village of Kemmendine, a war-boat station
      three miles above Rangoon. Nothing daunted, however, the enemy, as their
      numbers increased, gradually approached the British position, and threw up
      stockades in the jungle within hearing of our advanced posts. Of this work
      the British commander took no notice, as it was his wish to come into
      close contact with his antagonists, he being unable to attempt any distant
      operation. On the 28th of May an advanced corps was stockaded within
      little more than musket-shot distance from our piquets; and Sir Archibald
      Campbell, with four companies of Europeans and four hundred native
      infantry, with two field-pieces, moved out to reconnoitre. His advanced
      guard soon came on the first stockade thrown across the path; but the work
      being incomplete its defenders retired after exchanging a few shots.
      Continuing its march, after a progress of about five miles, the column
      came to a narrow wooden bridge over a morass, where the enemy was
      beginning to form. This bridge had just been forced by the fire of the
      artillery, when one of those tempests which usher in the south-west
      monsoon came on; and as the field-pieces could be dragged no further, the
      general left them in charge of the native infantry, and advanced with his
      European troops. They moved on by <i>échellon</i> of companies; and the
      left flank, which passed close to the jungle, found some villages defended
      in front by two stockades, whence proceeded shouts of defiance from the
      enemy. These stockades were attacked at the point of the bayonet; and a
      fierce and sanguinary conflict took place, in which great numbers of the
      enemy were slain. During this attack on the stockades the Burmese general
      in the plain made no movement for their defence; but as soon as the
      British were seen in possession of the works, a horrid yell was heard, and
      the whole line of Burmese troops was seen to advance towards them. They
      were checked by a company which had not yet been engaged, and by the
      appearance of those troops which had carried the works, who moved forward
      to receive these new opponents. An attempt at negociation was now tried by
      the enemy; but it was rather to gain time than to seek peace. They were,
      in fact, still occupied in erecting fortifications; and our troops were
      obliged again to attack the war-boat station of Kemmendine, as well as
      other stockades in different parts. Before the end of June, however, the
      enemy recovered from their panic; and, having received large
      re-enforcements, advanced again, under Sykia Wongee, third minister of
      state. The jungles were animated with living masses, and their tumultuous
      preparations for battle contrasted strangely with the stillness and quiet
      of the British lines. Our troops at this time had been much diminished by
      sickness and death; but they were recruited by the eighty-ninth British
      regiment from Madras, and the detachments that had been sent to the
      capture of Cheduba and Nagrais, places which soon fell into their hands.
      Early in July a battle took place round the great pagoda, in which the
      Burmese were signally defeated. Sykia Wongee was recalled in disgrace; but
      his successor, Soombe Wongee, was not more successful. This latter general
      lost his life, with eight hundred men, in the fortification; and the
      jungles and villages around were filled with unhappy creatures who were
      left to perish. Soon afterward the rains were at their height, and
      operations ceased in this quarter; but an expedition was sent eastward,
      under Colonel Miles, who reduced the whole coast of Tenasserim. During the
      season of tranquility the princes of Tonghoo and Irmwaddy joined the
      Burmese army, in order to inspire them with confidence, and to keep the
      officers to their duty. They were accompanied by numerous astrologers, as
      well as by a corps called "Invulnerables:" men curiously tattooed, and
      accustomed to exhibit the war-dance of defiance, and to expose themselves
      to the hottest fire of an enemy, that they might inspire the rest with
      courage and confidence. The astrologers were some time before they could
      mark out a propitious day for attacking the British position. At length,
      however, they fixed on the night of the 30th of August. The invulnerables
      promised to assault and carry the great pagoda, that the princes and
      grandees might celebrate the grand annual festival in that sacred place.
      On the night in question, therefore, this body advanced with swords and
      muskets, uttering clamorous imprecations against the invaders. They
      advanced toward the northern gateway; but they were greeted with showers
      of grape-shot and successive volleys of musketry, which made such havoc in
      their masses, that they were compelled to seek shelter in an adjacent
      jungle. At length the Burmese monarch determined to repair the loss of
      honour which his troops had sustained. He had sent his most celebrated
      general, Maha Bandoola, to take the command of the Arracan army, destined
      for the invasion of Bengal. Maha Bandoola had routed a detachment of
      native infantry at Ramoo, and was busied in erecting stockades as the
      basis of future operations, when an order arrived for him to return to the
      defence of the golden empire. His return to Ava not only restored
      confidence to the Burmese troops opposed to the British, but acted as a
      spell to draw the reluctant people round his banners. In the meantime,
      whilst a large fleet of war-boats, with a train of artillery was preparing
      to fall down the river, and orders were issued for the various detachments
      to join Bandoola on his progress, the British ranks were thinned by the
      endemic fever of the rainy season, and a severe dysentery. It was
      determined to remove the sufferers to Mergui and Tavoy, two towns on the
      coast of Tenasserim, where they rapidly recovered, and were soon restored
      to their comrades. In the early part of November, the rains having ceased,
      and the men again become fit for action, they anticipated with joy a
      forward movement. At this time re-enforcements were received from
      Calcutta; and a regiment of cavalry, a troop of horse-artillery, and a
      rocket corps were ordered to join. Before, however, the British could
      advance, they had to dispose of the whole military force of wa, This force
      now consisted of 35,000 musketeers, 700 Cassay cavalry, and other troops,
      amounting in the whole to 60,000 men. On the 30th of November this great
      force assembled in the forest of Rangoon, fronting the great Shoedagon
      pagoda. On the following night the low hum of voices proceeding from the
      encampment suddenly ceased, and it was succeeded by the distant but
      gradually increasing sounds of a multitude moving stealthily through the
      woods. The British commander soon became aware that the enemy's masses had
      approached to the edge of the jungle, ready to rush from their cover at
      break of day. A great number of war-boats had been seen in the morning, by
      the "Teignmouth," coming down the river; and in the evening they came
      forward with fire-rafts. The post was left open to a furious attack by
      land and water; but it was courageously defended by the garrison under
      Major Yates, supported on the river by a small naval force. Hostilities
      commenced on the morning of the 1st of December with a heavy fire of
      musketry and cannon at Kemmendine, where the "Teignmouth" was again driven
      from her station by fire-rafts. The yells of the assailants were
      distinctly heard by our troops at the great pagoda; but when the firing
      ceased, and the smoke dispersed, the masts of our ships were still seen at
      their old station off the fort. In the course of the morning, Burmese
      columns appeared on the west side of the river, marching in five or six
      divisions; and when they reached the bank of the river opposite Rangoon,
      they commenced stockades and batteries for the destruction of our
      shipping. Later in the day columns were seen issuing ont of the forest,
      with flags and banners, about a mile in front of the eastern face of the
      pagoda; and the different corps, successively taking up their positions
      along a sloping woody ridge, formed the left of the line, the centre of
      which extended from the pagoda to Kemmendine. When this position was
      taken, the troops began to apply their intrenching tools with such
      activity and skill, that, in about two hours their moving masses were
      concealed behind a mound of earth. A detachment of the British army,
      however, soon forced these intrenchments, and drove the whole line from
      their cover. The intrenchments were discovered to be a succession of
      holes, capable of receiving two men each, and so excavated as to shelter
      their occupants from the weather as well as from the enemy. Every hole
      contained a supply of water, rice, and fuel, and a bed of brushwood, on
      which one man could sleep while the other kept watch. The Burmese
      re-occupied these trenches in the evening, which they protected by a
      strong corps; and on the next day they intrenched themselves within
      musket-shot of the northern face of the great pagoda. As their fire could
      now be brought to bear on the barracks of the soldiers, it became
      necessary to dislodge them from various points; and a series of attacks
      and combats commenced which lasted seven clays. Great spirit was
      manifested by the Burmese troops; for when their left wing was defeated,
      it merely retreated on the right, and the struggle was renewed until that
      division also was routed, with the loss of 5,000 men. Still undismayed,
      the Burmese general intrenched himself within four miles of the great
      pagoda, at the village of Kokeen, but he was driven from his post after
      several brilliant exploits, in which the operations of the army were
      powerfully seconded by the flotilla. This was the last conflict during
      this year: after it had taken place the Burmese general retired to
      Donoobew, about fifty miles up the river. After their defeat the Burmese
      had recourse to negociations; but they were found to be not sincere, and
      therefore were unheeded. As a great number of inhabitants had returned to
      Bangoon, they introduced incendiaries into that town, who lighted up a
      conflagration which was not extinguished until more than a fourth part of
      the place was destroyed. During the whole of this campaign the British
      vessels and their boats were occupied in destroying fire-rafts, most of
      which were about one hundred feet square, and composed of dry wood piled
      up, with oil, turpentine, gunpowder, and other combustibles.
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1825&mdash;1826.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Bill for the Suppression of
     Unlawful Associations in   Ireland..... Catholic Relief
     Bill..... Committee of  Inquiry into  the State of
     Ireland..... Mr. Hume's Motion against the Irish Church
     Establishment, &amp;c...... State of the Irish Charter
     Schools..... Debates on Alleged Abuses in Chancery.....
     Regulation of the Salaries of the Judges..... Rejection of
     the Unitarian Marriage Act, &amp;e...... Act against
     Combinations  among   Workmen..... Free   Trade
     System..... Surrender   of  the Charter   of   the Levant
     Company..... Report of  Treaties..... Financial
     Statements..... Proposals for the Abolition of certain
     Taxes, &amp;c...... Prorogation of  Parliament..... Great
     Commercial  Panic..... The  Burmese War..... Review of
     Foreign Relations.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by commission on the 3rd of February. The speech
      took a pleasing view of all our affairs, foreign and domestic, except
      those of Ireland, where strife and animosity still prevailed. The usual
      addresses were carried by large majorities.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF UNLAWFUL ASSOCIATIONS IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The proceedings of the Catholic Association in Ireland created alarm in
      the minds of ministers. It was clear, however, to them that public opinion
      would be against the enactment of a partial law against that body, while
      the Orange societies, which were also mischievous in their tendency, were
      tolerated. A bill, therefore, was introduced by Mr. Goulburn "to amend the
      acts relating to unlawful associations in Ireland." This produced a warm
      discussion, which extended by adjournment through four nights. In the
      course of this debate Mr. Canning vindicated himself against the
      insinuations of those who considered him estranged from the Catholic
      cause. He remarked:&mdash;"I have shown that, in 1812, I refused office
      rather than enter an administration pledged against the Catholic question.
      Nor is this the only sacrifice I have made to the Catholic cause. From the
      earliest dawn of my life, ay! from the first visions of my ambition, that
      ambition was directed to one object, before which all others vanished
      comparatively into insignificance; that object, far beyond all the
      blandishments of power, beyond all the rewards and favours of the crown,
      was to represent in this house the university at which I was educated. I
      had a fair chance of accomplishing it, when the Catholic question crossed
      my path. I was warned, fairly and kindly warned, that my adoption of that
      cause would blast my prospects; I adhered to the Catholic cause, and
      forfeited all my long-cherished hopes and expectations. Yet I am told that
      I have made no sacrifice; that I have postponed the cause of the Catholic
      to views and interests of my own." Mr. Goulbum's bill was carried by large
      majorities; but though the Catholic Association yielded to legal authority
      and became defunct, it was soon resuscitated under a different form.
      Ostensibly regulating itself according to the late act, it disclaimed all
      religious exclusions, oaths, powers of acting in redress of grievances,
      and correspondence with depending societies; and, concealing its
      intentions under the mask of charitable purposes, it pursued its original
      course with impunity.
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    <h2>
      CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the above bill had passed, Sir Francis Burdett brought forward a
      plan, in which the principal bill for the removal of Catholic civil
      disabilities was accompanied by two others: one to enact a state provision
      for the Roman Catholic clergy, and the other to raise the Irish franchise
      from forty shillings to ten pounds. The principal of these bills passed
      the commons with large majorities; but it was clearly foreseen that it
      would not in the lords. In the interval of the second and third readings
      the Duke of York, in presenting a petition to the upper house from the
      Dean and Chapter of Windsor, declared that the concession of Catholic
      claims was repugnant, not only to the king's coronation, but to the
      principles of the constitution. He added:&mdash;"I will oppose them to the
      last moment of my life, whatever may be my situation, so help me God!"
      This declaration was extolled by those who opposed the claims, as the most
      manly, patriotic, and noble expression of sentiment that could be uttered
      at a critical moment; and it was printed in letters of gold, and became
      their watchword. On the other hand it gave rise to bitterness of feeling
      among that class of politicians who were in favour of the bill. Its effect
      on them was strongly displayed by an intemperate sally into which, on the
      very next night, Mr. Brougham broke out in the house of commons against
      the speech of the royal duke, in which he was several times called to
      order. The great bulk of the nation, however, concurred in the principles
      to which his royal highness had declared his adherence, from an honest
      conviction that such concessions to the Roman Catholics were inconsistent
      with the coronation oath, and fraught with danger to the cause of
      Protestantism.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was carried up to the lords, and read a first time on the 11th of
      May; and on the 17th Lord Donoughmore moved the second reading. He was
      supported by Lords Camden, Darnley, Lansdowne. Harrowby, and Fitzwilliam,
      and the Bishop of Norwich; and opposed by Lords Colchester, Longford, and
      Liverpool, and the Bishop of Chester, and the lord chancellor. The debate
      presented little novelty; on the one side the right of the Catholics to
      political equality was insisted upon, together with the innoxiousness of
      their religious creed, &amp;c.; while, on the other hand, it was contended
      that, with respect both to the nature of the religion in its political
      consequences, and to the inconsistency of admitting Catholic elements of
      power into a Protestant constitution, the reasons for excluding Catholics
      ought to be as operative now as at any other period. The most remarkable
      circumstance in the debate, was the vehemence with which Lord Liverpool
      opposed the measure. In allusion to the grand argument in favour of the
      bill, that of conciliation, he remarked:&mdash;"I cannot bring myself to
      view this measure as one of peace and conciliation. Whatever it might do
      in this respect in the first instance, its natural and final tendency will
      be to increase dissensions and to create discord, even where discord did
      not previously exist. I entreat your lordships to consider the aspect of
      the times. The people are taught to consider Queen Mary as having been a
      wise and virtuous queen, and that the world had gained nothing whatever by
      the Reformation. Nay, more than this: it was now promulgated that James
      the Second was a wise and virtuous prince, and that he fell in the
      glorious cause of toleration. Could the house be aware of these facts, and
      not see that a great and powerful engine was at work to effect the object
      of re-establishing the Catholic religion throughout these kingdoms? And if
      once established should we not revert to a state of ignorance, with all
      its barbarous and direful consequences? Let the house consider what had
      been the result of those laws, what had been the effects of that
      fundamental principle of the British constitution which they were now
      called upon to alter with such an unsparing hand. For the last hundred and
      thirty years the country had enjoyed a state of religions peace, a
      blessing that had arisen out of the wisdom of our laws. But what had been
      the state of the country for the hundred and thirty years immediately
      preceding that period? England had been the scene of the most sanguinary
      religious contentions. The blessings of the latter period were to be
      attributed solely to the nature of those laws which granted toleration to
      all creeds, at the same time that they maintained a just, a reasonable,
      and a moderate superiority in favour of the established church. Their
      lordships were now called upon to put Protestants and Catholics on the
      same footing; and if they consented to do this, certain he was, that the
      consequence would be religious dissension, and not religious peace." Upon
      a division the bill was thrown out by a majority of one hundred and
      seventy-eight against one hundred and thirty. The two auxiliary bills,
      called, by way of derision, "the wings," after this failure were of course
      abandoned, although they also would have passed the commons by large
      majorities.
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE OF INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the last session a committee of the lords had been appointed to inquire
      into the state of those districts in Ireland which were subject to the
      operation of the insurrection act. Early in this session another committee
      was appointed to inquire into the state of Ireland generally. The result
      of the labours of the committee was a brief and vague report, but
      accompanied by a mass of evidence, which threw great light upon the
      condition of the general body of the Irish people. It showed that they
      lived in the most degraded state; that they were without property; and
      that their existence was sustained by an insufficient quantity of food of
      the most unwholesome kind. This report, however, was presented at too late
      a period of the session to be made the basis of any enactments; and though
      various discussions took place during the session on particular
      circumstances connected with the state of Ireland, none of them led to any
      result affecting the condition of the people.
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    <h2>
      MR. HUME'S MOTION AGAINST THE IRISH CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 14th of June Mr. Hume moved two resolutions relative to the
      Protestant church of Ireland:&mdash;first, "That the property now in the
      possession of the established church in Ireland is public property, under
      the control of the legislature, and applicable to such purposes as in its
      wisdom it may deem beneficial to the best interests of religion and of the
      community at large, due regard being had to the rights of every person in
      the actual enjoyment of any part of that property." And second, "That this
      house will, early in the next session of parliament, appoint a select
      committee, for the purpose of considering the present state of the Irish
      church, and the various charges to which ecclesiastical property is
      liable." The first of these resolutions was negatived without a division,
      and the second was lost by a majority of one hundred and twenty-six
      against thirty-seven.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE IRISH CHARTER SCHOOLS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the report of the commissioners on education, which
      showed that great abuses existed in the chartered schools of Ireland, Sir
      John Newport called the attention of the commons to that subject. After
      detailing at considerable length the condition of the funds of these
      schools, and the barbarous manner in which the pupils placed in them were
      treated, he moved, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty,
      expressing the marked sentiments of regret and indignation with which the
      house of commons perused the details of unwarrantable cruelty practised on
      the children in several of the charter schools of Ireland, contained in
      the report presented to both houses of parliament by the commissioners
      appointed by his majesty for examination into the state of the schools of
      Ireland; and praying that his majesty may be pleased to direct the
      law-officers of the crown in that part of the United Kingdom to institute
      criminal prosecutions against the actors, aiders, and abettors of these
      dreadful outrages, as far as they may be amenable to law." Mr. Peel
      admitted that the system of charter schools was one which did not admit of
      correction, but ought to be extinguished altogether. He stated that an
      order had been sent prohibiting the admission of any more children upon
      those foundations. He thought, also, that if any of the masters could be
      proved judicially to have been guilty of such atrocities as were stated in
      the report, they ought not only to be dismissed, but prosecuted. At the
      same time he hoped that Sir J. Newport would so far alter the wording of
      the motion, as not to assume the existence of the guilty practices which
      were to constitute the subject of inquiry. In consequence of this
      suggestion the right honourable baronet withdrew the original motion, and
      substituted the following:&mdash;"That an humble address be presented to
      his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions to the
      law-officers of the crown in Ireland, to institute criminal proceedings
      against the persons concerned in the cruelties detailed in the report of
      the commissioners, so far as they may be amenable to law," This motion was
      agreed to <i>nem. con.</i>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON ALLEGED ABUSES IN CHANCERY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A commission of inquiry had been appointed last session to inquire into
      the abuses which were said to exist in the court of chancery. The report
      of this commission had not yet been made, but nevertheless the subject was
      again mooted in the commons. Two discussions on it took place in the
      present parliament. The first of these was introduced on the 31st of May,
      by Mr. J. Williams, on the occasion of presenting some petitions
      complaining of particular proceedings in chancery. The speech which Mr.
      Williams made was an attack not merely upon the court of chancery, but
      upon the whole law of England. He particularly animadverted upon the law
      of real property, upon which, notwithstanding, he declared himself
      ignorant; and the most important part of his speech went to prove, that
      courts of common law should cease to be so, and that the equitable and
      legal jurisdiction should be confounded. The subject was brought under
      discussion again on the 7th of June, by Sir Francis Burdett, who moved
      that the evidence taken by the commission instituted to investigate the
      practice of the court of chancery be printed. Mr. Peel opposed this
      motion, because to print such evidence, without any accompanying report,
      was contrary to the practice of the house; and that if it were printed,
      the session was too far advanced to take the subject into consideration.
      These attacks were chiefly made against Lord Eldon; and in the course of
      the discussion, Sir W. Ridley made a remark to which his own party, from
      whom those attacks came, would have done well to attend. "He wished," he
      said, "as much as any man to see the system altered, but he must object to
      the mode in which an individual was attacked night after night. He was
      persuaded such attacks did no good; for Lord Eldon stood very high in the
      estimation of the people of England." Mr. Brougham, however, did not
      profit by this advice; for he broke forth into an uncalled-for and
      indelicate attack upon Lord Gifford, who had been distinguished by the
      patronage of the chancellor, and was then deputy-speaker of the house of
      lords. The motion was rejected by a majority of one hundred and fifty-four
      against seventy-three. A remarkable circumstance in all the debates which
      took place on the court of chancery was, that none of its assailants
      ventured beyond general declaration. No part of the system in which the
      alleged evil lay was specified, and no remedy was propounded. All that
      these discussions could lead to, therefore, was to render the court of
      chancery the subject of popular odium, and to lower the general
      administration of justice in the public estimation.
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    <h2>
      REGULATION OF THE SALARIES OF THE JUDGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this, session the chancellor of the exchequer brought forward a
      measure for augmenting the salaries of the judges, and at the same time
      for prohibiting the sale of those ministerial offices which the chiefs of
      the respective courts had been allowed so to dispose of. It was proposed
      at first to allow the puisne judges £6,000 a year; but the scheme
      ultimately adopted was to give £10,000 a year to the chief-justice of the
      king's bench; £7,000 to the chief-baron of the court of exchequer; £8,000
      to the chief-justice of the court of common pleas, and £5,500 to each of
      the puisne justices of the courts of king's bench, common pleas, and the
      exchequer. This arrangement met with considerable opposition, some of the
      members as Messrs. Hume, Denman, and Hobhouse, arguing that the dignity of
      a judge did not depend upon money, and that the cheapest mode of doing the
      judicial business of the country was the best. On the contrary, Mr.
      Scarlett argued that the arrangement was improper because it diminished
      the emoluments of the lord chief-justice of England; and he moved an
      amendment, which was lost, that the sum of £12,000; should be given to
      him. Mr. Brougham, in a different spirit, proposed that £500 a-year should
      be taken from the salary of the puisne judges, but that alteration was
      also rejected.
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    <h2>
      REJECTION OF THE UNITARIAN MARRIAGE ACT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Unitarian marriage act was this year again rejected, although
      supported in the lords by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of
      Lichfield, and Lord Liverpool. The same fate was awarded Mr. Serjeant
      Onslow's bill for the repeal of the usury laws, though Mr. C. Wynne stated
      that not only himself, but the chancellor of the exchequer, and most of
      the cabinet ministers, were favourable to their abolition. Ministers had
      left the house when the subject was discussed, anticipating that the
      division on the bill would not take place till a late hour, and that their
      presence was not necessary for its success. While they were absent the
      bill was rejected by a majority of forty-five against forty. This decision
      was owing partly to the arguments of the solicitor-general against the
      measure. Borrowers, he said, might be divided into three classes:
      mercantile borrowers, landed borrowers, and persons who might be
      considered general borrowers; they not belonging to either of the above
      classes. Mercantile borrowers, he continued, generally obtained a loan to
      profit by it. They did not borrow from necessity, but to trade; and if
      they could make ten or twelve per cent, on the borrowed money, there was
      no reason why they should not pay the lender seven or eight per cent. But
      was there, he asked, any landed proprietor so ignorant, as not to see,
      that, if the monied man could lend to the trade, at a higher rate than
      five per cent., he would not lend to him at that sum. It was one advantage
      to the lender, that he could recall his capital at pleasure, or get it
      back at a short notice. Now when a man lent capital to a trader, he was
      generally enabled to command the use of it when he pleased; but if he lent
      his money on land he could not do this: there was all the trouble and
      inconvenience of a mortgage; he could not recall it for two or three
      years; and therefore in proportion as he could not command the use of his
      capital when he lent it to the landowner, he would make him pay a higher
      rate of interest for it than the trader. He believed he was not wrong when
      he stated that eight out of every ten estates in the kingdom were loaded
      with debt. Now under what circumstances did the country gentlemen borrow
      money? Was it to employ it at some seasonable crisis, when by prudence and
      dexterity he might obtain vast profit? No. The benefits which he could
      receive as its produce were fixed: he never could obtain from a borrowed
      sum beyond a determined amount. Could any one say, therefore, that the
      repeal of the usury laws would be beneficial to the latter class? But if
      the terms of borrowing were so unfavourable to the landed class, what
      expectation could the general borrower entertain of being able to obtain a
      loan under any other than oppressive terms? These persons generally stood
      in need of only small sums; their necessities were pressing, and therefore
      they were exposed to the most grinding demands. They could have no choice
      but to submit to the terms imposed upon them, be they never so oppressive.
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    <h2>
      ACT AGAINST COMBINATIONS AMONG WORKMEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In a former session, Mr Hume had obtained the passing of an act repealing
      both the statute and common law concerning combinations among workmen.
      This act was attended with mischievous effects; and therefore, during this
      session, Mr. Huskisson called the attention of the house to the subject.
      In his speech he detailed some painful reports regarding it which had been
      forwarded to the secretary of the home department: reports which went to
      show that the most atrocious acts of outrage and violence had been
      committed by workmen on their employers. Misconceiving the real object of
      the legislature in the late act, they had, he said, manifested a
      disposition against the masters, and a tendency to proceedings destructive
      of the property and business of the latter. This disposition, if it
      remained unchecked, he asserted, would produce the greatest mischiefs in
      the country; and the evil was growing to so alarming a pitch in some
      districts that if not speedily arrested, it would soon become a subject
      for Mr. Peel to deal with in the exercise of his official functions. As a
      general principle, he admitted that every man had a right to carry his own
      labour to the best market, as labour was the poor man's capital. On the
      other hand, he contended for the perfect freedom of those who gave
      employment to them; whose property, machinery, and capital ought to be
      protected. Mr. Huskisson entered into details to show the nature of the
      system which was acted upon in several quarters. Associations were formed,
      he said, which, if persevered in and prosecuted successfully, must
      terminate in the ruin of the very men who were parties to them. The
      associations had their delegates, their presidents, their committees of
      management, and every other sort of functionary comprised in the plan of a
      government. By one article in a set of regulations it was provided, he
      remarked, "that the delegates from all the different works should assemble
      at one and the same place," on certain occasions; so that it was not the
      combination of all the workmen of one employer against him, or even of one
      whole trade against the masters, but systematic union of the workmen of
      many different trades, and a delegation from each of them to one central
      meeting. Thus there was established as against the employers a formal
      system of delegation, a kind of federal republic, all the trades being
      represented by delegates, who formed a sort of congress. Another
      regulation which Mr. Huskisson noticed was to this effect:&mdash;"Each
      delegate shall be paid out of his own work with, these exceptions only&mdash;the
      president, the secretary, and the treasurer are to be paid out of the
      general funds." The delegates are elected for six months, and may be
      re-elected. Here he remarked was a tax levied upon each workman for the
      maintenance of general funds applicable to purposes of a most mischievous
      character. Other articles declared that it was the duty of the delegates
      to point out the masters disliked, and to warn such masters of the danger
      in which they were placed in consequence of this combination. Here, Mr.
      Huskisson rightly observed, was an acknowledgment of the dangerous nature
      of these associations. But, he asked, what followed? Why another duty of
      the delegates was to try everything which prudence might dictate to put
      the disliked masters out of the trade: not everything which fairness and
      justice might dictate to workmen who sought to to obtain a redress of
      grievances, but everything which "prudence" might dictate. In such a
      position, "prudence" must be understood as implying that degree of
      precaution that might prevent the "Union" from being brought within a
      breach of the law, such as the crime of murder. Was it, he asked, fit,
      right, or reasonable that persons engaged in commercial or other pursuits
      should, by combinations thus organized, be kept in constant anxiety and
      terror about their interest and their property. After noticing other
      regulations of this class of associations, Mr. Huskisson went on to show
      that others were governed by regulations, if possible, more extraordinary.
      One of these regulations was, that no man coming into any given district
      or county within the control assumed by the associating parties, should be
      allowed to work without previously paying five pounds sterling, to be
      applied to the funds of the association. In a similar spirit, another
      regulation set forth, that any child being permitted to assist, should at
      ten years old be reckoned a quarter of a man, and pay a proportionate sum
      accordingly. It was also provided that any man being called in by any
      collier to his assistance should not be at liberty to work, unless
      previously adopted, like the collier, by the society, and unless, like
      him, he should previously pay his five pounds. Mr. Huskisson rightly asked
      whether this amercement of five pounds, and this subscription of one
      shilling a week to the funds of the association, which every member was
      called upon to pay and contribute, would not produce to each of the
      parties, if placed in a saving-bank, far more beneficial and advantageous
      results? and whether there were not, among these combinations, men anxious
      for the enjoyment of the power and distinction which they considered the
      attainment of certain posts would confer upon them? With reference to Mr.
      Hume's act, he declared that when he looked at the way in which it was
      worded, and the artful misconstruction that might be put upon it by those
      who best knew how to mislead and deceive the men who had engaged in these
      combinations, he was not surprised that the associators should consider
      themselves to be warranted in their proceedings under that act. It
      repealed all former statutes, and then enacted that no proceedings at
      common law should be had by reason of any combinations or conspiracies of
      workmen formerly punishable under those repealed statutes. Without
      imputing to the framers of the bill the slightest idea that any
      misapprehensions could be entertained of its enactments, he did not doubt
      that a great portion of the associated and combined workmen in the country
      did actually believe, that so far from violating the law, its second
      section proved that they were only pursuing a course strictly conformable
      to the legislature. It declared that "journeymen, workmen, and other
      persons who shall hereafter enter into any combination to obtain higher
      rates of wages, &amp;c, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any
      manufacture, trade, or business, or the management thereof, shall not be
      subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution for a criminal
      conspiracy or combination, or to any other proceeding or punishment
      whatever, or under the common statute law." "Would not," Mr. Huskisson
      asked, "any person, on reading this sentence, suppose it was something fit
      and commendable for workmen to conspire together to regulate and control
      the management of any manufacture?" In conclusion, he said, that under
      this act, the plotting together for the destruction of machinery, and even
      threatening life or property were no longer any criminal offence; and that
      he considered the existing law was not adequate to put down an evil which
      was increasing to a formidable extent: not the evil of committing the
      offences to which the act adverted, but the evil of workmen being
      permitted to plot, and the bold, open avowal of carrying such permission
      into effect. He moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into
      the effects of this act, and to report their opinion how far it might be
      necessary to repeal or amend it. This motion was agreed to, and the
      committee, after a laborious investigation, made a report, in which they
      recommended the repeal of Mr. Hume's bill; the effect of which would be to
      restore the operation of those laws which were suspended by the second and
      third clauses of that act. But while recommending that the common law
      should be restored, the committee expressed an opinion that an exception
      should be made to its operation in favour of meetings and consultations
      amongst either masters or workmen, the object of which was peaceably to
      consult upon the rate of wages to be either given or, received, and to
      agree to co-operate with each other in endeavouring to raise it or lower
      it, or to settle the hours of labour; an exception which, while it gave to
      those in the different classes of masters and workmen ample means of
      maintaining their respective interests, would not afford any support to
      the assumption of power or dictation in either party to the prejudice of
      the other. But in recommending that liberty of associating and
      co-operating together, so far as wages or labour were concerned, should be
      preserved alike to masters and workmen, the committee deemed it requisite
      to propose that the resolution of any such association should be allowed
      to bind only parties actually present on personally consenting; all
      combination beyond this should be at the risk of the parties, and open to
      the animadversion of the common law, and should be dealt with according to
      the circumstances of each case. The committee further proposed that every
      precaution should be taken to ensure a safe and free option to those who
      were not inclined to take part in such associations. The language of the
      report on this subject is emphatic. "The most effectual security," it
      says, "should be taken that legislative enactment can afford, that, in
      becoming parties to any association, or subject to their authority,
      individuals should be left to act under the impulse of their own free will
      alone; and that those who wish to abstain from them, should be enabled to
      do so, and continue their service, or engage their industry, on whatever
      terms, or with whatever master, they may choose, in perfect security
      against molestation, insult, or personal clanger of what kind soever." The
      punishment of offences of the nature alluded to recommended by the
      committee, was, in case of conviction, six months' imprisonment, with or
      without hard labour, according to the circumstances of the case. A bill
      founded on this report was brought into the commons, and after
      considerable discussion, was passed into a law. In the committee several
      of its clauses were resisted, and especially that which made it penal to
      induce any man to leave his work by threat, or intimidation, or by
      molesting, or in any way obstructing him. This was said by Mr. Hume to be
      too vague, as what one man might consider an obstruction, another might
      not; and by Mr. Mansfield, as being deprecated by the workmen. In reply,
      Mr. Huskisson said, that he had no intention of acting harshly towards the
      operative mechanics: the object of the bill was to protect the weak
      against the strong; to afford to the man who chose to give his labour for
      a certain value that protection against the combination of large bodies to
      which every man was entitled. Upon a division the clause objected to was
      carried by a large majority; the members rightly conceiving that man is
      free to act upon his own responsibility, and that he should not suffer
      from the control of others. If a man chooses to give his labour for a
      certain rate of wages he should be at liberty to do so without
      intimidation or molestation. And he is the more entitled to act thus
      independently of his fellow-workmen's interference, because no man will
      throw away his labour. Self-interest is, in fact, the best protection from
      oppression. A skilful mechanic with a good character can always obtain the
      true value of his labour without the aid of his fellow-operatives. He can
      act as a man; can ask, and obtain his just wages.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FREE-TRADE SYSTEM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Many petitions had been presented in the course of this session for and
      against the existing system of the corn-laws. On the 25th of April Mr.
      Whitmore was induced to move for a committee of the whole house to
      consider of these laws; but his motion was rejected. Previous to this,
      however, Mr. Huskisson, in pursuance of the scheme of commercial policy
      which he had adopted, brought forward three important subjects: first,
      "The system of our commercial policy in respect to our colonies;"
      secondly, "The expediency of revising many of the duties payable upon the
      import of the raw materials used in our manufactures, and of relaxing the
      prohibitory duties which, under the name of 'protection,' were enforced
      against the manufactured productions of other countries;" and, thirdly,
      "The means of affording some further degree of relief and assistance to
      the interests of our shipping and navigation." The alterations he proposed
      in our colonial system were explained by him on the 23rd of March, when,
      by entering into historical details at great length, he proved to
      demonstration that all those articles of manufacture which had been most
      fostered had most languished; that excessive duties made the smuggler's
      fortune, while the manufacturer was disappointed, and the exchequer
      defrauded; that the apprehension which guarded our fabrics with high
      duties was unfounded; and that the true policy of the state, as well as
      the advantage of individuals, would be consulted by the reduction of
      duties sufficiently to countervail whatever might be imposed upon the raw
      material used in the different manufactures. Having shown the ungrateful
      return made by the United States of America, which had been allowed to
      trade with our colonies, he proposed to open their ports to all friendly
      powers on the same principle, though with some modifications, as that on
      which they now traded with Jersey or Ireland. With the further view of
      encouraging our own trade and that of our colonies with the countries of
      South America, he proposed to extend to certain ports in those colonies
      the benefits and regulations of our warehousing system as it was
      established in this country, by allowing goods from all parts of the world
      to be bonded and deposited in warehouses without payment of duty till
      proper opportunities of selling or exporting them should occur. Another
      boon proposed by him to our colonies and trade was, the abolition of the
      large fees which were levied for the benefit of public officers in almost
      all our colonial ports. He further proposed two alterations of a local and
      specific nature; the one relating to the Mauritius, and the other to
      Canada. That relating to the Mauritius lowered the duty on sugar to the
      same rate as that from the West Indies, and that relating to Canada
      admitted the importation of corn from thence on a fixed and permanent
      duty. The resolutions embodying Mr. Huskisson's views were adopted <i>nem.
      con.</i>, and were afterwards, with one trifling exception, carried into
      effect. That exception was, that the bill for establishing the free
      intercourse in the article of corn, subject to the duty of five shillings
      per quarter, between Canada and this country, should not be permanent, but
      limited in its operation to a period of two years.
    </p>
    <p>
      The other part of Mr. Huskisson's scheme for promoting commerce was
      brought forward on the 25th of March. These parts referred to protection
      rather than revenue, and to the affording relief to the shipping and
      navigation interests. He began by proposing a reduction of duties on the
      cotton and woollen trade, as well as those on manufactured linen. In some
      cases these rose as high as one hundred and eighty per cent.; and Mr.
      Huskisson proposed to lower them to ten, fifteen, and twenty-five per
      cent, respectively. He next adverted to foreign paper, books, and glass,
      which were almost prohibited by excessive duties. He proposed a duty upon
      all books, bound and unbound, imported into this country, of sixpence per
      pound; on paper threepence per pound; and upon glass bottles three
      shillings per dozen. He next proceeded to the duties on metallic
      substances, as iron, copper, zinc, and lead. The duty on foreign iron was
      to be reduced from £6. 10s. to £1. 10s. per ton; that on copper from £54
      to £27 a ton; that on zinc from £28 to £14 a ton; and that on lead from
      £20 to £15 per cent. <i>ad valorem</i>. Upon tin he proposed to reduce the
      duty from £5. 9s. 3d. to £2. 10s. the cwt. Mr. Huskisson next proceeded to
      consider how far it was possible to reduce certain imposts on raw
      materials which interfered with the success of the capitalist, who was
      obliged to use them in his manufactures. He instanced the cases of
      articles used in dyeing, as well as olive and rape-oil. He wished to take
      off the duty from the latter altogether, and thereby enable the
      manufacturer to supply the farmer with cake instead of compelling him to
      procure it at a large cost in the foreign market. He proposed also to
      reduce the duty on all foreign wool imported at a lower price than one
      shilling the pound to one halfpenny. He concluded with proposing measures
      to relieve the commerce and navigation of the country. There was already a
      bill on the table to do away with the quarantine duties, which the
      committee on foreign trade had proposed to lay on the community at large.
      Mr. Huskisson thought this proposition was equitable, as the amount of
      these duties was considerable; and they were placed on the shipping
      interest for the protection of the country. lie proposed further the
      abolition of all fees on commerce with our colonies, and the removal of
      the duty payable on the transfer of any share in a ship, or of a whole
      ship, from one person to another. There was still another mode by which he
      proposed to relieve the shipping interest. This consisted in a reduction
      of stamps for bonds, required from exporters of certain goods to be
      delivered at certain places, from forty shillings to four shillings. He
      also proposed to apply the same principle to Custom-house debentures, or
      documents given by way of security to those who were entitled to
      drawbacks. As conducive to the same end, he further proposed an alteration
      in the system of our consular establishments, granting instead of fees a
      regular salary to the officers who superintended them, retaining only
      certain fees, which were to be small, for acts which were extra consular.
      Though some members of the house expressed an apprehension that these
      changes might prove injurious, yet in general they were acceptable both to
      parliament and the country. The resolutions in which they were embodied
      were adopted unanimously; and they were afterwards carried into execution
      by bills framed in conformity with them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SURRENDER, OF THE CHARTER OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Connected with the above changes was the surrender of the charter of the
      Levant Company. That company was established by royal charter in the reign
      of James the First, when considerable privileges were bestowed upon it.
      Thus they were allowed to appoint all the consuls in the seaports in the
      Levant; to levy duties on all English ships for the maintenance of their
      consuls; and to exercise a certain jurisdiction within the territories of
      the Ottoman Porte. These powers and trusts had been exercised by the
      servants of the company with general fidelity for two centuries; but,
      considering the state of the countries in which the company's consuls
      resided, in apolitical point of view, it was now deemed expedient that the
      public servants of this country in Turkey should hold their appointments
      from the crown. A meeting of the company was called in consequence of a
      communication from the ministers; and Lord Grenville, the governor, having
      proposed the surrender of their charter, the company acceded to it; and an
      act of parliament was subsequently passed for carrying that surrender into
      effect.
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    <h2>
      REPORT OF TREATIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of May the secretary for foreign affairs laid three
      papers on the table of the house of commons, which were of considerable
      importance. The first of these papers was a treaty of commerce with the
      independent states of Rio de la Plata; the second, a treaty concluded with
      Russia, settling the disputed claims which had existed between the two
      countries with regard to territories on the north-west coast of America,
      and to certain rights of trade and navigation in the Pacific Ocean; and
      the third was a treaty between Great Britain and Sweden, having for its
      object the abolition of the slave-trade, as carried on under the flag of
      either nation. The effectual measure of visitation and detention was, with
      a manly policy, adopted by both powers; so that the cruisers of either
      under certain limitations, were permitted to stop, and bring in for
      adjudication, slave-vessels trading under their respective colours.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 28th of February the chancellor of the exchequer gave an exposition
      of the financial situation of the country, and of the pecuniary
      arrangements for the year. From his statement it appeared that,
      notwithstanding the reductions made in taxation during the last session,
      the finances continued to improve. There was a surplus, he said, of
      £1,437,774; and he proceeded to show that the receipts of the customs,
      though about one million pounds sterling had been taken off some of the
      articles it comprised, had been equal to those of former years. He asked:&mdash;"What
      are the causes which have produced this result? The proximate cause,
      doubtless, is the increased capacity of the people of this country to
      consume the produce of other countries, aided and invigorated by the
      reciprocal facility which our consumption of foreign articles gives to
      other nations in the extended use of the products of our own industry.
      That increase may arise in some degree from the demonstrated tendency of
      population to increase; but, independently of that cause, there is a
      principle in the constitution of social man, which leads nations to open
      their arms to each other, and to establish new and closer connexions by
      ministering to mutual convenience; a principle which creates new wants,
      stimulates new desires, seeks for new enjoyments, and, by the beneficence
      of Providence, contributes to the general happiness of mankind." The
      chancellor of the exchequer next stated that the produce of the excise and
      of stamps had been greater than had been anticipated by government; and
      then proceeded to make his calculations for the present year. He
      calculated the produce of everything at £56,445,370; and that the
      expenditure would be £56,001,842, including £5,486,654 for the
      sinking-fund. This would leave a clear surplus of £443,528. He argued from
      this, that a surplus of £864,676 might be expected for 1826; and of
      £1,254,676 for 1827. This, together with the surplus of 1824, namely
      £1,437,744, would make a total of £4,000,624; and in applying this surplus
      to the diminution of the public burden, the chancellor of the exchequer
      explained that he had three objects in View: increased facility of
      consumption at home, in conjunction with increased extension of foreign
      commerce; the restriction of smuggling; and some alleviation of the
      pressure of direct taxation. To accomplish these objects, he proposed to
      lower the taxes on various articles to the amount of £1,526,000. This
      relief was in general judiciously applied: the imposts reduced were on
      hemp, coffee, wines, British spirits and rum, cider, and those articles in
      the assessed taxes, as husbandry-horses let to hire, taxed carts, etc.,
      which pressed particularly on the lower classes of society. Of this it was
      calculated that there would be lost during the present year about
      £600,000, so that the total surplus of this and the two ensuing years,
      estimated at more than £4,000,000, would be sufficient to meet the
      diminution. Some parties were dissatisfied because there was not a greater
      diminution of direct taxation; others, because greater relief was not
      given to the West Indian interests; and others, because the duties on
      tobacco were not lowered. On the whole, however, Mr. Robinson's financial
      statements were satisfactory to the public at large. The estimates for the
      year were voted with little opposition.
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    <h2>
      PROPOSALS FOR THE ABOLITION OF CERTAIN TAXES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Maberly moved for the repeal of the assessed
      taxes, which was lost by a great majority. On the 5th of May, also, a
      resolution, proposed by the same member, respecting the duties on beer was
      negatived. The same fate awaited a motion made by Mr. Hobhouse, for the
      repeal of the window-tax; and likewise a motion for the repeal of the
      duties on soap and candles. A more than ordinary share of the time of the
      members was occupied this year in the consideration of private bills. So
      great was the passion for joint-stock companies, and so abundant the
      capital ready to seek employment in schemes of local improvement, &amp;c,
      that four hundred and thirty-eight petitions for private bills were
      presented, and two hundred and eight-six private acts were passed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 6th of July by commission. The speech
      announced that foreign powers were amicably disposed; regretted the
      continuance of the war in the East Indies; and expressed satisfaction at
      the measures adopted by parliament for the extension of commerce. "These
      measures," said the speech, "his majesty is persuaded, will evince to his
      subjects in those distant possessions the solicitude with which parliament
      watches over their welfare. They tend to cement and consolidate the
      interests of the colonies with those of the mother country; and his
      majesty confidently trusts that they will contribute to promote that
      general and increasing prosperity on which his majesty had the happiness
      of congratulating you on the opening of the present session, and which, by
      the blessing of Providence, continues to pervade every part of the
      kingdom."
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    <h2>
      GREAT COMMERCIAL PANIC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The golden prospects unfolded in the speech of the chancellor of the
      exchequer when making his financial statements, and reiterated in that of
      his majesty at the close of the session, soon vanished away. The causes of
      this reverse were manifold. The abundance of capital, and the consequent
      low rate of profit, during the last three years, had greatly increased
      export manufactures. As the system of country banks continued in
      operation, this apparent prosperity of manufactures attracted much capital
      to them; and a system of credit was generated which caused a still further
      extension. Speculation added its impulse to this system; until, in the
      course of this year, paper money thrown into circulation, increased the
      currency beyond what the causes determining the supply of gold could
      sustain. The exchanges now turned against us; the currency became
      depreciated; and gold, the sinews of a nation's prosperity, began to flow
      out of the country. The Bank of England finding that the demand for gold
      diminished its stock of coin, contracted its issue of notes and its
      discounts. In this way, if the state of trade had been good, the currency
      might have been reduced so as to restore the exchanges to par; but the
      reduction in quantity took place first among those who had pushed their
      credit to the utmost; and these persons being unable to meet their
      engagements became bankrupts. The distress soon reached the bankers
      themselves. Some of the country banks stopped payment; and apprehensions
      springing up from thence with respect to the stability of the London
      banks, caused such a run upon them, that many failed. In the month of
      December all the usual channels of credit were stopped, and the
      circulation of the country completely deranged. In this state of affairs
      several cabinet deliberations took place; and it was at length determined
      that one and two pound bank notes should be issued for country
      circulation. This measure was carried into effect on the 16th of December;
      and an order was also issued to the officers of the Mint to expedite an
      extraordinary coinage of sovereigns. For one week one hundred and fifty
      thousand were coined daily. In the meantime meetings were held in London
      and the great trading towns, in which resolutions were adopted for the
      support of commercial credit and these had the effect of restoring mutual
      confidence to a considerable extent. Such was the contrast between the
      commencement and the close of the present year: it began in visions of
      prosperity, it closed with a certainty of adversity. The derangement of
      commercial affairs doubtless arose from the dangerous mania of
      speculation, aided by a vicious system of making paper money, which
      increased the currency, drove gold out of the country, and then caused a
      demand for it in exchange for paper, which it was impossible to meet. The
      natural consequence was an almost general breaking up of those who
      depended on paper money, and an approach to its utter annihilation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BURMESE WAR.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1825&mdash;1826.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year the hostilities against the Burmese were prosecuted
      actively and successfully, but yet without producing any decisive result.
      After the successes gained by Sir Archibald Campbell, towards the end of
      the previous year, he remained unmolested at Rangoon; and the only
      military operations in that quarter in the month of January were some
      unimportant skirmishes. During that month it was discovered that the
      Burmese generalissimo had stationed himself at Donoobew, about fifty miles
      up the river, where, having drawn to his army all the resources of the
      Pegu vice-royalty, he prepared himself to sustain an attack. It was now
      determined by Sir Archibald Campbell, though his invading force was small,
      and his Siamese allies reluctant to join him, to advance into the interior
      of the empire. He joined the camp on the 13th of February at Mienza,
      passing through forests lined with formidable stockades, a deserted
      country, and destroyed villages. On the 26th he arrived at Soomza, of
      which the governor of the place gave him possession by retiring from his
      post. In the meantime, Donoobew had been attacked by a division of the
      British force which had proceeded thither by water, under
      Brigadier-general Cotton. The outworks of Donoobew were carried, but the
      main-work was too strong to risk a further advance, and the troops were
      withdrawn for a time. By the 18th of March General Campbell crossed the
      Irrawaddy to the west bank in some of the country canoes, and on the 25th
      reached Donoobew. He pitched his camp before the extensive works of Maha
      Bandoola on the 2nd of April. During that morning the enemy kept up a
      heavy fire on our ranks; but towards noon it ceased. A calm succeeded; but
      it was the harbinger of a storm. About ten o'clock, when the moon was fast
      verging towards the horizon, a sharp sound of musketry mingled with
      war-cries roused the sleeping camp. The soldiers seized their muskets and
      formed into a line; and this was scarcely effected, when the opposing
      columns advanced with an intention of turning our right, and at the same
      time keeping up a distant fire against the left and centre. On their
      outflanking the right, our two extreme regiments changed front, and by a
      constant discharge of musketry checked every attempt, so that the
      assailants were compelled to retreat. A series of various petty actions
      now took place by river as well as by land; but in the meantime
      preparations were being made for the attack of the enemy's works. The
      mortar-batteries and rockets began their work of destruction on the 1st of
      April, and on the following day the breaching batteries opened, when two
      Lascars, who had been left prisoners in the fort, came out to inform Sir
      Archibald Campbell that Bandoola had been killed the day before by a
      rocket, and that the garrison, in spite of the remonstrances of the other
      chiefs, had fled. This information was quite correct; for the enemy had
      retired, leaving behind them all their guns and a large depot of grain. In
      this service the British commander was ably seconded by the navy under
      Captains Alexander and Chads, who assisted in forcing the stockades,
      capturing the formidable war-boats, and conveying our troops to the best
      places of attack. After the dispersion of Bandoola's army, Prome was
      considered the best place to stop the invading troops, and the utmost
      energies of the local authorities were employed in fortifying that place
      and organizing a force for its defence. All the disposable force of the
      empire was, in fact, concentrated at this spot: a spot memorable for the
      many battles fought there with the people of Pegu. But all the Burmese
      preparations were wholly disconcerted by the rapid movement of our army:
      Sir Archibald Campbell entered Prome on the 25th of April without firing a
      shot. Before they withdrew, the enemy had set fire to a part of the town,
      and one quarter of it was reduced to ashes. In their flight, also, the
      Burmese troops burned and laid waste all the villages in their route,
      driving thousands of helpless people to the woods. This now became their
      mode of warfare; and it has been said that Russia in her memorable
      resistance to the French armies did not offer to the invading hosts such a
      scene of desolation as did the Burmese empire to the British troops.
      Neither man nor beast escaped the retiring columns; and heaps of ashes,
      with groups of howling dogs, alone indicated the spots where villages and
      towns had stood. While these movements occurred, a series of actions had
      put the British in possession of the kingdom of Arracan, and the Burmese
      were totally expelled from Cachar and Assam. Thus terminated the second
      campaign of this desolating war. The British army took up its
      winter-quarters at Prome, where cantonments were provided for the troops,
      and preparations made for future operations. Nor was the Burmese monarch
      idle; rejecting all overtures made by the British general, troops were
      levied in every part of the kingdom, and the tributary Shan tribes
      bordering on China were called on to furnish their contingent force.
      Before the end of September a disposable force of 70,000 men was ready to
      act against the British, who threatened to advance on the capital. At the
      close of the year an armistice was agreed upon, and negociations were
      entered into for a definitive treaty of peace; but as there was no honesty
      on the side of the Burmese, and no lack of penetration on that of the
      British, all proposals failed.
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    <h2>
      REVIEW OF FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the events of this year that which seemed pregnant with the most
      important consequences to Europe, was the death of the Emperor Alexander
      of Russia. This appeared capable of putting not only the tranquillity of
      the empire in jeopardy, but of changing the whole course of its foreign
      policy. This event however, was not felt beyond the limits of Russia; the
      grand duke Nicolas succeeded to the throne, and professed a determination
      to pursue that course of policy which had been adopted by his predecessor.
      France was this year occupied in the coronation of its monarch, whom the
      people was soon again to repudiate. Sweden, Denmark, and Germany remained
      without much alteration of circumstances; but Spain was not only in the
      possession of foreign troops, but was distracted by the miseries of
      factions, revolts, and changes of administration. In Portugal, the king
      was induced, chiefly through British influence, to recognise the
      independence of Brazil, the sovereignty of which was ceded to his eldest
      son, Don Pedro. The interior state of Brazil, however, was much disturbed
      by the tyrannical, conduct of its new emperor, and war was also commenced
      between Brazil and Buenos Ayres. In Italy and Austria all were tranquil;
      but the relations between Turkey and Russia still continued to be in a
      very critical state, though no hostilities were commenced on either side.
      Greece was torn by internal dissensions, and assailed by barbarian foes,
      who reduced Navarino, and invested Missolonghi. In the United States, Mr.
      John Quincy Adams was chosen president; and in South America the various
      republics were proceeding to consolidate their power, though Chili was
      much disturbed, and Paraguay had fallen under the tyranny of D Francia.
      The independence of the united provinces of Rio de la Plata was formally
      recognised by Great Britain, and a treaty of commerce and friendship was
      concluded between the two powers. A treaty of amity and commerce was also
      concluded with the congress of Columbia, and with the new sovereign of
      Brazil.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1826&mdash;1827
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Measures proposed for relieving
     commercial Distress..... Bill to enable private Banks to
     have an unlimited Number of Partners, &amp;c..... Appointment of
     a Committee on Emigration..... Modification of the Corn-
     Laws..... Debates on Free trade..... Financial
     Statements..... Bill to prevent   Bribery at Elections.....
     Parliamentary Reform..... Alteration of the criminal
     Code..... Case of Mr. Kenriek..... State of the Colonies.....
     Motion for amending the Representation of Edinburgh,
     &amp;c...... Resolution for the Regulation of private
     Committees..... Motion to disjoin the Presidency of the
     Board of Trade from the Treasurership of the Navy......
     Motion to hold Parliament occasionally in Dublin and
     Edinburgh..... Restoration of forfeited Scotch Peerages.....
     Catholic Emancipation, &amp;c..... India Jury Bill, &amp;e......
     Naturalization Act, &amp;c...... Prorogation and Dissolution  of
     Parliament..... General Election..... The  Burmese War.....
     Meeting of the New Parliament..... Motion for a select
     Committee on Joint Stock Companies, &amp;c..... King's Message
     respecting the Conduct of Spain, &amp;e...... Resolutions
     against Bribery at Elections.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1826
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 2nd of February, when the speech was again
      delivered by commission. Its principal topic was the depression of
      manufactures and commerce which still existed. The commissioners remarked:&mdash;"We
      are commanded by his majesty to inform you that his majesty has seen with
      regret the embarrassment which has occurred in the pecuniary transactions
      of the country since the close of the last session of parliament. This
      embarrassment did not arise from any political events, either at home or
      abroad. It was not produced by any unexpected demand upon the public
      resources, nor by the apprehension of any interruption to the general
      tranquillity. Some of the causes to which this evil must be attributed lie
      without the reach of direct parliamentary interposition; nor can security
      against the recurrence of them be found, unless in the experience of the
      sufferings which they have occasioned. But to a certain portion of this
      evil, correctives, at least, if not actual remedies, may be applied; and
      his majesty relies upon your wisdom to devise such measures as may tend to
      protect both private and public interests against the like sudden and
      violent fluctuations, by placing on a more firm foundation the currency
      and circulating credit of the country." The commissioners further stated
      that they had his majesty's commands to lay before parliament copies of
      conventions, founded on the acts relative to trade and commerce passed
      last session, which had been concluded with France, and the Hanseatic
      towns of Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg. They concluded by stating that his
      majesty's attention had been directed to certain measures recommended in
      the last session of parliament for the improvement of Ireland, and that
      his majesty had the satisfaction of acquainting the peers and members
      assembled, that the industry of that part of the United Kingdom was in the
      course of a gradual and general advancement; an advancement mainly
      attributable to the tranquillity which now prevailed in that country. The
      addresses in both houses passed without any serious opposition, although
      much discussion took place on every topic on which the speech touched, and
      on some to which it made no allusion. In the upper house Lord King, after
      ascribing the pecuniary embarrassments to over-issues of paper money by
      the Bank of England, attacked the corn-laws, and urged the necessity of a
      complete alteration in them. He moved an amendment to the address,
      pledging the house to revise the corn-laws in this session; but this
      proposal was resisted as too precipitate, and the amendment was negatived
      without a division. The principal object of Lord King, however, and of
      other peers who spoke on the occasion, was to elicit from the minister
      some general description of the measures alluded to in the speech, as
      likely to be proposed for the purpose of preventing future pecuniary
      embarrassments. Lord Liverpool, in gratifying them, attributed the
      embarrassments to the mad spirit of speculation which had existed for the
      last two years; a spirit doubly mischievous, because it had affected the
      issues of the country banks to such a degree that they had increased in a
      far higher proportion than those of the Bank of England. He showed that in
      the course of the last two years the issues of the country banks had
      increased from four to eight millions. The correctives government intended
      to apply were to prohibit the circulation, after a certain period, of
      notes under £2, whether issued by the Bank of England, or by any private
      banker; to increase the stability of private banks by enabling them to
      augment their capital; and to repeal that clause in the charter of the
      Bank of England which rendered it unlawful for any private banking
      establishment to consist of more than six partners. In the commons, on the
      occasion of the debate on the address, Mr. Brougham stated that he
      believed that the distress now existing proceeded from causes much more
      complicated than those to which the speech ascribed to it. He believed it
      to be universal; and he took occasion to combat the opinion of those who
      derived it from the late introduction of more liberal principles into a
      commercial policy. He remarked.&mdash;"If the embarrassment were confined
      to any one branch of our commerce, for instance, to the silk trade, then
      an argument might be raised, and, without any great violence to facts, the
      distress might be attributed to our new commercial policy. But when it is
      observed that not only silk, but wool, cotton, and linen are equally
      affected, it is in vain to deny that the nature of the facts rebut the
      assertion of any connexion between the present distress and the principles
      of free trade." The chancellor of the exchequer maintained that many of
      the difficulties arose beyond the control of government, although he
      allowed that some were within its reach, and that their influence might at
      least be modified. The principal of these, he said, were the great
      increase of the issues of the country banks, and the weak foundation on
      which many of these establishments stood in point of capital. Mr. Hume
      denied this hypothesis, and maintained that the true causes of the
      distress were to be found in the pressure of taxation, and the lavish
      expenditure of government. The whole empire, he said, presented one scene
      of extravagant misrule, from the gold lace and absurd paraphernalia of
      military decoration of the guards up to the mismanagement of the Burmese
      war: it was a farce, he added, to attribute the distress to the banking
      system. Other members defended the country banks from the imputations cast
      upon them; and Mr. Baring passed a high eulogy on the conduct of the
      directors of the Bank of England in this crisis. He remarked that it was
      impossible for any public body, for any set of men, to have acted with
      more honour, promptitude, or good sense, than the Bank evinced upon that
      emergency. Although it was not till the 10th that the propositions for
      proscribing the small notes and enlarging bank partnerships were formally
      brought forward, yet they were incidentally up to that period the subject
      of discussion. The views of different members on the subject, however,
      will be better seen in the debates which ensued when the measure was
      proposed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES PROPOSED FOR RELIEVING COMMERCIAL DISTRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of February the whole house having resolved itself into a
      committee on the Bank charter bill, the chancellor of the exchequer
      brought forward the proposition for prohibiting the circulation of small
      notes. In doing so he said that though fluctuations were inseparable from
      trade, in defiance of any precautions which ingenuity could invent, yet
      their effects were often aggravated by a state of currency, and a facility
      of speculation like those produced by the existing issues of paper. The
      small notes especially carried the consequences of these changes among
      those on whom they pressed most severely. These notes were chiefly in the
      hands of the labouring classes, and a few of them constituted a poor man's
      fortune; consequently when a panic took place he hastened to save his
      little store by withdrawing it from the banker. As the alarm spread, the
      more wealthy imitated this example, and a sudden run brought with it the
      downfall of the bank. From this he argued that if these notes were
      replaced by a metallic currency, the security of the banks would be
      ensured, and the misfortunes which their failures would otherwise produce
      limited. This measure, he said, was not a novelty, but had been the
      regular policy of the country; for an act had been passed in 1775
      prohibiting the tissue of bank-notes, and in 1777 another act had
      prohibited their issue under the sum of five pounds. The chancellor of the
      exchequer argued that any apprehensions of injury to commerce from the
      proposed measure must be founded upon this&mdash;that the prohibition of
      small notes would diminish the circulation by the amount of these notes;
      that their absence could not be supplied by gold; and, that, therefore,
      manufactures and trade would, to this extent, be left without their
      necessary and legitimate purposes. He went on to show that these
      apprehensions were visionary; that the withdrawal of the small notes,
      while it gave security to the bank which issued, and to the party who held
      them, would not operate injuriously on the currency, or on the trade and
      manufactures of the country. There were two ways, he said, of effecting
      this withdrawal: one by enacting that no small notes should be stamped
      after a certain period; the other by allowing those already in circulation
      to run a certain course till a fixed period, and prohibiting any new ones
      to be created. In three years the first of these modes might lead to
      unsatisfactory results; for if the power of stamping were to remain
      unlimited during that period, so considerable a number might be stamped as
      to subject the country, in its ultimate endeavours to get rid of them, to
      all its present evils. It was intended therefore to propose, that no new
      notes should be stamped, and that those in circulation should cease to
      circulate at the end of three years. In conclusion, the chancellor of the
      exchequer moved the following resolution:&mdash;"That it is the opinion of
      this committee, that all promissory notes payable to the bearer on demand,
      issued by licence, and under the value of five pounds, and stamped
      previous to the 5th of February, 1826, be allowed to circulate until
      February 5th, 1829, and no longer." Mr. Baring took the lead in opposition
      to the measure, objecting to it as being inadequate to meet the evils
      complained of, and ill-suited to the present state of the country. He
      could not agree, he said, in attributing the existing embarrassments
      either to speculation or over-trading: much of it had been owing to the
      conduct previously pursued by the Bank. The resolution was likewise
      opposed by Sir John Wrottesly, Alderman Thompson, Alderman Heygate, and
      Mr. Wilson, who were adverse to it on various grounds: that it would be
      wholly inoperative to give any effectual relief; that it would be
      positively mischievous; and that the present state of the country required
      the postponement of such a measure. The scheme of increasing the number of
      partners in a bank by way of security was treated by opposition as
      visionary, since it was not on numbers, but on prudence, and their mode of
      conducting business, that their credit depended. Sir J. Wrottesly
      maintained that the country bankers, instead of exciting the mad spirit of
      speculation, were the only persons who had not speculated; and, in
      reality, were obliged, from a regard to their own safety, to discourage
      such a practice on the part of their customers. He asked, where did this
      spirit of speculation commence? It first showed itself in Manchester and
      Liverpool, where no local notes circulated. The cotton speculations, in
      these two places were the first heard of, and yet in neither of them was a
      single note circulated. The next point at which this spirit was
      manifested, and at which it had led to its un-happiest results, was not in
      the country where the notes in question circulated, but on the
      stock-exchange of London. It was further urged by the opponents of the
      measure that the very essence of the present pecuniary embarrassments
      consisted in the curtailed state of the currency; and that the direct
      tendency of the proposed measure was to increase them by limiting it still
      more. Taking the currency at twenty millions, it was argued, and the
      deduction to be made on account, of the recent failures at three millions
      and a half, the effect of the scheme in contemplation would be to cause a
      still further deficiency, and reduce it to about ten millions, with which
      it was impossible to carry on the trade of the country. It was further
      argued that although a respite of three years was ostensibly granted to
      the small notes, yet the adoption of the resolution would be tantamount to
      driving them out of circulation at once, inasmuch as every banker who
      entertained a due regard for his credit would be compelled to take
      measures for withdrawing his notes as quickly as possible. They had been
      issued, it was said, in reliance on the stability of the system, and on
      the faith of acts of parliament, which ought to be as inviolate as the
      charter of the Bank; and if these sources were now called in, the course
      of industry in various channels must be stopped. How, it was asked, was
      the gap made in the circulation of the country to be filled up? At the
      termination of the war there existed a strong desire to return to a
      metallic currency; and during the first years of peace there was a great
      facility of obtaining specie; but it was not so at the present time. No
      country could obtain it without giving its value in commodities. At the
      end of the war, our manufactures, still in their prime, commanded every
      market, and enabled us to obtain our gold: but at present the manufactures
      of the continent and America were springing up all around us, and every
      year we were more and more excluded from foreign markets. The inability to
      dispose of our commodities was, in fact, it was stated, one of the most
      aggravated features of the existing distress. In such circumstances,
      therefore, it was urged, that it would be most unwise to adopt a measure,
      which besides injuring an individual class, would tend to increase public
      calamity. The resolution was supported by Messrs. Huskisson, Peel, and
      Canning, who denied that to ascribe much of the distress which had
      prevailed to the issues of the country banks, was to attack the character
      of the country bankers, or that anything had occurred to justify the
      extreme sensibility which had been manifested on their behalf. With regard
      to the measure itself, they stated it was not intended so much a remedy
      for existing evils, as a preventative against their future recurrence, by
      bringing the currency, to a certain extent, to be a metallic one, and
      especially that portion of it which alone supplied the wants of the lower
      classes. All experience, it was urged, proved that this restoration of a
      metallic currency could not be effected so long as small notes were
      allowed to be circulated; a permanent state of cash-payments could never
      exist by their side. It was argued, that if crown notes and half-crown
      notes were issued, crowns and half-crowns would disappear; and that if the
      one pound notes continued to circulate, sovereigns would become rarities.
      There never was a gold circulation in the country except in Lancashire,
      where no country notes existed; and when, in the year 1822 and 1823, the
      Bank of England was anxious to supply the country with gold, the
      sovereigns sent down by one mail-coach returned with the next. Great
      sacrifices had been made to effect the introduction of even the partial
      metallic currency now in existence; and these sacrifices had been made in
      vain: the currency of the country could never be placed, on a solid basis
      unless country bankers were prohibited from issuing notes, excepting such
      as were of a considerably higher denomination than the current coin, so as
      to save it from the paper currency. The principle of the measure therefore
      could be resisted only by those who held that the pecuniary relations of
      the country were best secured by proscribing a metallic currency. But its
      necessary effect would be to give solidity to the banks themselves, by
      compelling them to maintain a portion of their circulation in gold,
      instead of worthless paper; and thus, even where a failure took place,
      extensive misery, which such an occurrence produced among the lower
      classes, would no longer return. The security of the poorer classes in
      such cases lay in the absence of small paper. Let the Bank of England
      retain in its hands as much gold as might be necessary for the ordinary
      operations of commerce, for such demands as the exigencies of government
      might require, or to adjust an unfavourable state of foreign exchanges;
      let every country bank be governed by the same rules, and compelled to
      keep an amount of gold proportioned to its operations; and a sensitiveness
      to occurrences likely to cause a pressure on the country banks would be
      created, which would tend to the security of the whole kingdom; the issues
      would be kept within bounds, and gold would be kept in the kingdom. The
      expulsion of small notes, it was stated, could not operate injuriously to
      the country bankers. The number of country banks was about eight hundred,
      and the circulation of each of these would average about £8,000; could it
      be supposed that a stability which had stood the late shock would be
      shaken or destroyed by a gradual curtailment of paper, to the extent
      annually of two or three thousand pounds for three successive years? When
      the difficulty was thus reduced; when the means were so limited and humble
      by which a mighty principle was to be established; when, by an operation
      so minute, and a process almost insensible, the prodigious advantage could
      be obtained of placing the pecuniary concerns of the country on the broad
      and imperishable basis of a metallic currency; it would be as imprudent to
      let slip the opportunity as it would be unreasonable to deny the
      principle. The intended change was neither to affect the paper circulation
      at large, nor to trench upon the great mass of paper currency, which was
      confined to notes of the higher denominations: these might be piled
      mountains high, provided the base be refreshed by streams of the metallic
      currency. To those members who, without objecting to the principle of the
      measure, wished it to be postponed, it was answered, that instead of
      coming too soon it had come too late. Mr. Brougham, who also supported the
      resolution, strongly urged the inexpediency of delay when the work was
      already half done, in consequence of the general want of confidence having
      of itself greatly limited the issues of the country banks. Mr. Baring
      moved as an amendment, "That it is the opinion of this house that, in the
      present disturbed state of public and private credit, it is not expedient
      to enter into a consideration of the banking system of the country." This
      was negatived by an overwhelming majority; as was also an amendment moved
      by Mr. Gurney, to exclude the Bank of England from the operation of the
      resolution. A bill for carrying this resolution was immediately brought in
      by the chancellor of the exchequer; and, though much resistance was
      offered to some of its details, both in the commons and in the lords, the
      bill passed into a law. The Earl of Carnarvon, who moved, on the second
      reading in the lords, that the bill should be read that day six months,
      stated a new reason why an actual gold circulation ought to be kept as far
      from our doors as possible. A return of it, he said, would bring back the
      highwaymen of Bagshot and Hounslow heath.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was a greater temptation to commit robbery in the case of gold than
      in the case of paper, because there were greater facilities for escaping
      detection. It was easy to understand that there could not be so strong an
      inducement to crime when the currency consisted in notes, numbered, and
      signed with a known name, as when it consisted of gold coin, which it was
      impossible to identify. Lord Liverpool, however, had no such fears of
      highwaymen as the noble earl. He once, when he was a boy, he said, lost
      all the money he had in his pockets by a highwayman; and it was natural
      that he should be as much alive to this danger as the noble earl. But
      still, with all his early associations, he could not help thinking that if
      danger must revive with a return to a metallic currency, it would have
      been felt during the last four or five years; for during all that time
      their lordships had been travelling about, not with notes, but with
      sovereigns in their pockets. The almost total extinction of highway
      robberies was to be attributed to the only thing that could check or
      extinguish them&mdash;the establishment of a powerful and effective
      police.
    </p>
    <p>
      While this measure for annihilating the issue of small notes in England
      was making its way through parliament, the fitness of its application to
      Ireland and Scotland was discussed. In Scotland there was a great
      opposition even to the very idea of it. In every city and county public
      meetings were held to deprecate the destruction of the one pound and
      guinea notes, and men of all ranks and parties joined in one unanimous
      outcry against the threatened introduction of gold. During the discussion
      on the bill regarding England, indeed, the tables of both houses were
      loaded with petitions from Scotland, setting forth the benefits which that
      country so long had enjoyed from its banking system, and the evils which
      would arise from every attempt to give it a new and an untried form.
      Parliament rightly paid respect to the anxiety and unanimity with which
      these opinions were expressed, especially as they came from parties who
      were acquainted with the nature and practical effects of the system.
      Moreover, the difference between the two systems of the two countries, and
      the difference between the effects of the two systems, formed good reasons
      why parliament should pause before extending the plan to Scotland.
      Accordingly select committees were appointed by both houses to inquire
      into the state of the circulation of small notes in Scotland and Ireland,
      and to report upon the expediency of altering the laws regarding it. Many
      Scottish merchants, manufacturers, and bankers were examined by these
      committees; and the reports presented to both houses towards the end of
      the session justified the resistance made. The stability of the banking
      system in Scotland, the committee stated, did not justify any alteration;
      and they were apprehensive that a prohibition of small notes would injure
      one branch of the Scottish system which it was essential to preserve,
      namely, the giving of cash credits. Under these circumstances they
      recommended that the paper money of Scotland should not be meddled with.
      Sir M. W. Ridley, however, who, with others, was apprehensive that a
      metallic currency in England could not exist with a small paper
      circulation in Scotland, moved a resolution that the house would, in the
      course of next session, institute an inquiry as to how far the interests
      of England and Scotland were likely to be affected by the existence of
      different systems of currency in the two countries; and to ascertain
      whether any, or what means ought to be adopted to assimilate the currency
      in both. But this motion was negatived without a division; and thus
      Scotland was left for the present in possession of that system of currency
      under which her commerce, manufactures, and agriculture had so long
      flourished.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO ENABLE PRIVATE BANKS TO HAVE AN UNLIMITED NUMBER OF PARTNERS,
    </h2>
    <p>
      ETC.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill extinguishing small notes in England was followed by two other
      bills affecting the currency. The first of these bills was to permit the
      number of partners in each country bank to be unlimited; and the second,
      as a compensation to the Bank for conceding to this measure, extended its
      exclusive privileges to a circle round the metropolis, with a radius of
      sixty-five miles, and authorised the directors to establish branch banks
      in different parts of the country. While these measures were before
      parliament, in which they received general support, distress widely
      prevailed throughout the country. An idea was entertained that ministers
      would relieve this by the issue of exchequer-bills; but they had the
      prudence to abstain from any short-sighted and injurious palliatives. They
      expressed themselves willing, indeed, to keep the Bank harmless to the
      extent of two millions, if it should think proper to go into the market
      and purchase exchequer-bills; but they would not involve themselves in a
      system of artificial relief for a disease which they thought would cure
      itself better without their interference. Petitions were presented,
      praying the house to take commercial distress into its consideration; and
      government was charged by several members with being insensible to the
      misery which prevailed, and the danger which threatened; but nothing could
      move them to implicate themselves in transactions which might have
      involved them in pecuniary embarrassments. But relief was afforded in some
      degree by the Bank itself. Although the directors had refused to go into
      the market for the purchase of exchequer-bills, they came to a resolution
      of lending three millions on direct or collateral security. This measure
      was immediately carried into execution; and commissioners were appointed
      by the Bank in the principal provincial towns, in order to distribute the
      money. The whole of this sum, however, was not applied for; the very
      knowledge that such loans were attainable having a considerable effect in
      restoring confidence among the commercial classes. In some of the
      provincial towns the offices of the Bank commissioners, who were almost
      uniformly mercantile persons connected with the district where they were
      stationed, were almost unfrequented. The applications for advances,
      indeed, were made with great moderation; none were required beyond what
      the need of the applicant demanded. The adoption of this measure rendered
      it necessary for the security of the Bank to introduce a bill regarding
      the law of principal and agent. The Bank, indeed, in consenting to advance
      three millions, made it a condition of their compliance, that the
      protection of the statute should be extended to them immediately.
      Accordingly a bill was brought in and passed to enable persons in the
      possession of goods, and of the documents conferring the property of them,
      although such persons should be merely factors or agents, to pledge them
      with the Bank as effectually as if such persons were the owners. Such were
      the measures recommended by ministers, and adopted by parliament, to
      palliate the existing distress, and to provide security against some of
      the causes which had produced it. And they tended greatly to those ends.
      Commerce, feeling itself unshackled, soon repaired its losses and extended
      its operations; it found its way not only through European nations, where
      barriers had hitherto been raised against it, but penetrated the most
      barbarous regions of the earth.
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    <h2>
      APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE ON EMIGRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the last four years government had lent its aid to those who
      desired to emigrate to Canada. In the present year the general misery
      which prevailed increased the claims of emigration, as a means of relief,
      tenfold. In Scotland, even the landholders of a county applied to
      ministers to afford encouragement to intended emigrants; and among the
      artisans societies were formed for the purpose of projecting plans of
      emigration, and obtaining assistance both from the crown and from other
      sources. The subject was brought before parliament on the 14th of March,
      when Mr. Wilmot Horton moved for the appointment of a select committee to
      inquire into the expediency of encouraging emigration. Government did not
      deny the importance of the question, or shut the door against its
      consideration: no opposition was made to the appointment of the committee;
      but nothing further occurred on this subject during the present session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MODIFICATION OF THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the first day of this session Lord King had moved an address, pledging
      the upper house to take the corn-laws into immediate consideration; and
      the tables of both houses were covered, almost nightly, with petitions,
      partly from the agriculturists, praying that the law might be allowed to
      remain as it was; but chiefly from artisans and manufacturers, praying for
      its instant repeal. Ministers did not deem it prudent to introduce the
      subject during this session, although they acknowledged its importance.
      The advocates of a repeal, however, embraced many opportunities in
      charging government with keeping back the settlement of this great
      question; and were at length determined to bring it again before
      parliament. On the 18th of April Mr. Whitmore moved, "That the house do
      now resolve itself into a committee, to consider the propriety of a
      revision of the corn-laws." He allowed that the time at which he submitted
      his motion was not unattended with inconvenience and the possibility of
      loss; but not only the expediency, but the absolute necessity of an
      immediate alteration appeared to him to be imperative. It wras
      mischievous, he said, to delay the decision of the question a single
      moment after government had applied the principles of free trade to other
      branches of industry; inasmuch as these principles could never be applied
      with due effect, nor have practical justice done them so long as the
      present corn-laws formed part of our commercial policy. Sir Francis
      Burdett supported the motion, not from any expectation that it would
      produce the anticipated effects expressed by the mover, but because the
      discussion would show, that the landowners, in supporting their own class
      and station, were advocating that which was essential to the general
      interests of the country, Mr. Huskisson, in reply, without entering into
      the merits of the question, deprecated its discussion at the present time.
      Ministers had announced that the subject would not be brought forward this
      session, and nothing had happened since to warrant this ill-timed motion.
      He had every reason to suppose that the subject would be brought forward
      in the next session, in which case he was most anxious to give it a
      serious and dispassionate consideration. The motion was lost by a large
      majority; but though the arrangement of the corn-laws still remained
      unsettled, it was found necessary, before the end of the session, to
      introduce two bills for modifying their strict operation. At the present
      time there was but little diminution of distress; and its continued
      pressure led to a series of disgraceful riots in Lancashire, where the
      vengeance of the mob was furiously directed against machinery, especially
      power-looms, under a notion that these were the great cause of the want of
      employment. The impression arose from ignorance; but that ignorance had
      been stimulated by a state of suffering which could not be overlooked. At
      this time, in the immediate neighbourhood of the scene of distress, in
      Hull, Liverpool, and other ports, there were between two and three
      thousand quarters of wheat in bond; and it was supposed that the admission
      of this into the market would diminish the extent of suffering, while it
      would have no material effect on the agricultural interests. Mr. Canning
      brought forward a proposition to allow bonded corn to come into the
      market, on payment of a duty of ten shillings per quarter, which was
      passed almost unanimously. Another measure of modification proposed by
      government, however, met with stern opposition. As it was impossible to
      foretell the result of the ensuing harvest, it was proposed, as a measure
      of precaution, to vest in government during the recess a power of
      permitting foreign grain to be imported on payment of a fixed duty. This
      was resisted as irregular and unconstitutional, both in the commons and in
      the upper house; but it was finally carried. Before it passed, however,
      the opposition was gratified by the limitation of the quantity of corn
      admissible to 500,000 quarters and the period to two months from the
      opening of the ports.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON FREE TRADE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The legislature had begun to act on the principles of free trade in 1824,
      by taking off those restrictions which prohibited the importation of
      foreign silks. To the bill which permitted their admission with an <i>ad
      valorem</i> duty of thirty per cent., and which was now to come into
      operation, a large portion of both masters and workmen referred the
      depression of the trade, rather than to causes which did not come so
      readily within general comprehension. Many manufacturers limited their
      orders until the effect of this untried system should be somewhat known,
      while others joined in the outcry against it. The general impression among
      them was, that the "untried state of being" should not be tried; and many
      petitions were presented from the persons and districts interested in the
      silk manufacture, praying for a repeal, or at least a modification of the
      provision of 1824, for a total prohibition of foreign fabrics, or a higher
      duty upon their importation. On the 23rd of February, Mr. Ellice, member
      for Coventry, moved that the petitions which had been presented on this
      subject should be referred to a select committee. This motion led to a
      debate, which, by adjournment, continued two evenings. In this debate Mr.
      Huskisson was compelled to vindicate the leading part he had taken in the
      measure under consideration, in which he was ably supported by Mr.
      Canning. This motion was lost; but soon afterwards Mr. Huskisson was
      obliged to vindicate the late policy pursued respecting the shipping
      interest and navigation laws. This arose from the complaints of the
      shipowners and others connected with the shipping interests, who believed
      themselves to be affected by the late navigation laws. They complained
      especially of the system which had been adopted of removing discriminating
      duties, and allowing articles of merchandise to be imported in foreign
      vessels, under the same burthens as if they had been imported in British
      bottoms, on condition of reciprocity in regard to ourselves. They
      contended in numerous petitions to parliament that such a reciprocal
      removal of discriminating duties was ruinous to British shipping, because
      the British and foreign owner could never be put upon an equality, unless
      the latter were burthened with a higher duty. The petitioners and their
      adherents in parliament, repeated these complaints at every opportunity;
      but they did not venture to bring the question formally under the notice
      of the legislature. Mr. Huskisson, however, thought it expedient to show
      that their representations were groundless; and on the 12th of May, in
      moving for "returns of ships built in the British dominions, between 1824
      and 1825, both inclusive, distinguishing the number in each year, and the
      amount of their tonnage," he entered into an elaborate defence of the late
      policy. Nothing could be clearer than his exposition of the principles on
      which the former system was founded, of the changes which had since
      occurred, and of the consequent necessity of our conformity to those
      altered circumstances. Having developed the general principles on which
      the navigation laws were originally founded, the different objects to
      which these principles had been applied, the modifications which from time
      to time had been made upon these objects, and the causes, political and
      commercial, which had rendered such changes necessary he stated, that all
      the allegations of mischief having ensued, and of an undue preference
      having been given to foreign over British shipping, in consequence of the
      late policy, were contradicted by the actual results. The complaint was,
      that in consequence of this policy a decrease had taken place in the
      employment of British shipping. Now in December, 1824, the number of
      British ships which entered our harbour was 19,104, and the tonnage
      2,364,000, and the number of foreign ships, 5,280, the tonnage being
      66,940. In 1825 the number of British ships entered was 21,980, and the
      tonnage, 2,768,844, and the number of foreign ships, in the same period,
      5,661, the tonnage being 68,192. It was to be recollected, he said, that
      during this year there was an unusual demand for shipping, both British
      and foreign, in consequence of the unprecedented extent of speculation in
      almost every branch of commerce. On looking to these returns, therefore,
      it was clear that the amount of British shipping had increased in a far
      greater proportion than that of all foreign nations put together. Such
      being the case, we were certainly not in such a situation as was
      calculated to excite alarm with respect to the comparative growth of
      British and foreign shipping. Even if the latter had increased last year,
      it formed no ground for alarm, because it might be fairly attributed to
      the unusual demand for shipping produced by the prevailing spirit of
      speculation. The alarm felt upon this subject was in part grounded upon
      the state of our commerce in the Baltic, and the number of Prussian ships
      which entered our ports, as compared with British. Now in 1824, the
      British ships which entered from the Baltic was 440, and in 1825, 942. The
      number of Prussian ships which entered in 1824 was 682, and in 1825, 827.
      The number of Prussian ships, therefore, increased only by a fourth, while
      that of the British ships was more than doubled. Such was the comparative
      state of the shipping of both countries in the last year; and as Prussia
      seemed to be the main object of jealousy when there existed so little
      ground for it with respect to that nation, all apprehensions on this point
      might be dismissed. Mr. Huskisson's motion was agreed to; Sir W. Ridley
      expressing a hope that the subject would receive a full investigation in
      the next parliament. Later in the session, Mr. Huskisson brought in a bill
      to give effect to some commercial treaties which had been concluded
      between this country and Colombia, and the united provinces of the Rio de
      la Plata. It had been stipulated, as these republics were not in
      possession of any commercial marine of their own, that vessels,
      wheresoever built, being the property of any of the citizens of either
      republic, should be considered as national vessels of that republic: the
      master, and three fourths of the mariners of the vessel being always
      citizens of such republic. The design of Mr. Huskisson's bill was to give
      effect to these stipulations, and it was passed into a law.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1826&mdash;1827
    </p>
    <p>
      The chancellor of the exchequer opened the budget on the 13th of March. In
      doing so he took a large review of the whole financial system,
      particularly of reductions which during several years had been made in
      taxation, and of the effect of these reductions in the productiveness of
      the revenue. His statements for the year partook of the favourable
      character which they had sustained for the last three years, although he
      admitted that he must make allowance for some loss in various branches of
      revenue, consequent on the present state of public embarrassment. After
      all the deductions, however, he reckoned the probable produce of the year
      before him at not less than £57,000,000, while he calculated on the whole
      expenditure at £56,328,421. This statement, holding out much happier
      prospects than, from the distress which prevailed in the country, could
      have been anticipated, was received by the house with general
      satisfaction. Mr. Maberly and Mr. Hume, however, maintained not only that
      there had been no reduction of the public debt, but that there had been an
      actual increase both in the capital, and in the annual charge, and that
      taxation had been raised instead of being diminished. They alleged that
      the capital of the debt had been increased by the enormous sum of
      £61,646,000 between 1819 and 1826, and that the annual charge had grown in
      proportion. This assertion, however, rested on an obvious fallacy, arising
      out of a total misapprehension of the nature of what is called the
      dead-weight scheme, and of the arrangements which, in pursuance of it, had
      been made with the Bank for discharging part of the half-pay and pension
      list. Mr. Hume's assertion, that taxation had increased during the last
      three years was still more erroneous; for the chancellor of the exchequer
      in his statements proved to demonstration, by actual figures, that from
      1816 to 1825 taxes had been reduced to the large amount of £27,522,000,
      and that no new taxes had been imposed. Subsequently the state of the
      public debt underwent much discussion, the great questions being not
      whether it ought or might be reduced, but what was its actual amount, and
      whether, in point of fact, any diminution of it had been effected during
      late years. The amount of the army, navy, and civil estimates was also
      censured by Messrs. Maberly and Hume with other members, but the necessary
      supplies of the year were readily voted.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO PREVENT BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of March Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill
      for the better prevention of bribery at elections. Leave was given; and on
      the second reading of it Mr. Wynn stated that he had many objections to
      it, which he feared it would not be practicable to remove so as to render
      it fit for the adoption of the house. As he understood it, he said, the
      principle of the bill was, that upon complaint made to the house by
      petition, a select committee should be appointed to try the issue, and
      that their decision should be final. There was an obvious objection to
      this; namely, that the decision of no committee could be binding upon that
      house. The inquisitorial powers of the house might be delegated, but not
      the judicial. A body might be appointed to bring in a true verdict as to
      fact, but the question of corruption was a question of influence. All that
      a committee could do was to report to the house, and the house could
      proceed on that report or not as it pleased. Mr. Wynn also objected to the
      clause which gave power to present petitions of complaint within six years
      from the period of election; and that there was no penalty or punishment
      assigned to an unfounded charge. The bill was supported by Messrs.
      Hobhouse, Smith, and Fyshe Palmer, but it did not proceed further; for
      when the report on the bill was to be taken into consideration, Lord John
      Russell stated that it was not his intention to press it during the
      session, but that he would probably embody its provisions in the shape of
      resolutions. On the last day of the session he moved, therefore, that
      "whenever a petition shall be presented to this house after the expiration
      of the time allowed for presenting petitions against the validity of the
      return of any member of this house, by any person or persons, affirming
      that at any time within eighteen calendar months previous to presenting
      the said petition, general bribery or corruption has been practised for
      the purpose of procuring the election or return of any member or members
      to serve in parliament for any borough, cinque-port, or place, and it
      shall appear to the house that such petition contains allegations
      sufficiently specific to require further investigation, a day and hour
      shall be appointed by the said house for taking the said petition into
      consideration, so that the space of twenty days shall intervene between
      the day on which the said petition shall have been presented, and the day
      appointed by the said house for taking the same into consideration, &amp;c."&mdash;"that
      at the hour appointed by the said house for taking such petition into
      consideration, the said house shall proceed to appoint a select committee
      to inquire into the truth of the matters contained in the said petition,
      and report the result of their inquiry to the said house, and such select
      committee shall consist of thirteen members chosen by lot, &amp;c." Mr.
      Wynn said, that he did not intend to object to the principles of these
      resolutions, but he thought they had better be reserved till the next
      parliament, as they would have to be confirmed by it. Mr. Peel thought so
      likewise, as the last day of the session was not a fitting time to give
      them that consideration which their importance demanded. Lord John
      Russell, however, pressed his motion to a division, as he could not be
      certain of having a seat in the next parliament, and the numbers on each
      side being equal, the speaker gave his casting vote in favour of the
      resolutions.
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of April Lord John Russell again brought forward the question
      of parliamentary reform. The resolution he proposed was "that the present
      state of the representation of this country in parliament requires the
      most serious consideration of this house." In his speech on this occasion
      he laid down two premises: first, "that it was a matter of paramount
      importance to adapt every government to the wants and wishes, the
      prejudices and existing circumstances of the country for which it was
      intended; and that the people of this country had arrived at a degree of
      knowledge, intelligence, and wealth, which made them a people more worthy
      than had ever before existed of being entrusted with the privilege of
      electing their representatives, and more capable of exercising it with
      advantage." From these premises he concluded that the house of commons as
      it existed at present, was badly constituted; for instead of being chosen
      by the more numerous, the more intelligent, and the mora wealthy class, it
      was elected by the minority, the less intelligent, and the less wealthy.
      As therefore the elective franchise, instead of remaining in the hands of
      the many, had become the property of a few, and as such a discrepancy
      between the condition of the people, and the constitution of the
      government had unhappily come into existence, calamities would one day or
      other ensue, unless the state of the representation were amended, from
      which neither the constitution nor the country would ever recover. After
      noticing the objections commonly urged against the necessity of reform,
      the noble mover continued, that, of two modes of reform which it was
      customary to propose, the one a total reconstruction, and the other a
      partial renovation of the house of commons, the latter appeared to him of
      the soundest principle, and the best suited to the condition of the
      country. The principal feature of his plan, he explained, would be, to
      restrict a hundred of the smaller boroughs to one member instead of
      allowing them two, and to give the number of representatives thus
      subtracted from them to towns of importance unrepresented. These details,
      however, he said, would be matter of future deliberation. The object he
      had in view was, in the words of Mr. Fox, "not to pull down, but to work
      upon our constitution; to examine it with care and reverence; to repair it
      where decayed; to amend it where defective; to prop it where it wanted
      support; and to adapt it to the purposes of the present time, as our
      ancestors had done from generation to generation, and always transmitted
      it not only unimpaired, but improved, to posterity." The measure was
      supported by Mr. Hobhouse, and opposed by Messrs. Dennison and Lamb; but
      the debate did not present much novelty, and it terminated in the
      rejection of the motion by a majority of two hundred and forty-seven to
      one hundred and twenty-three.
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    <h2>
      ALTERATION OF THE CRIMINAL CODE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period Mr. Peel applied the powers of his clear and dispassionate
      mind to the simplification and improvement of our criminal code. On the
      9th of March he introduced a bill to consolidate the various acts which
      related to offences against property. He explained the nature of these
      acts at great length; but the bill was not carried through the commons
      during this session, Mr. Peel stating, that from the multiplicity of its
      details, it was necessary to proceed in it with the most cautious
      deliberation. Another bill, which was introduced by him, and which passed
      into a law, had for its object the removal of inconveniences belonging to
      the administration of the criminal law generally, and in particular the
      amendment of the existing regulations relative to admitting bail in cases
      of felony. One clause, which Mr. Lamb endeavoured to introduce into the
      bill, was contested with great vigour on both sides of the house. This was
      a proposal, which had already frequently been rejected, for allowing
      counsel to prisoners. This clause was supported by Messrs. Williams,
      Twiss, Scarlett, Brougham, and Denman; and opposed by the attorney and
      solicitor-generals, and by Messrs. Peel and Canning. The attorney-general
      allowed that in regard to its merits the opinion of the bar was divided;
      but he expressed his conviction that it would be injurious to the prisoner
      as well as to justice. As criminal proceedings were now conducted, the
      prosecutor's case was opened by a simple statement of facts; and the judge
      always took care that his counsel should not go further, and the evidence
      was heard dispassionately. After this the prisoner's case was gone through
      in the same way, except that there was no previous statement of facts,
      because the general nature of the case was already understood. There was,
      finally, the charge of the judge, carefully sifting the evidence, and
      calmly applying the law. But the case, he argued, would be different if
      counsel were heard on both sides. There would then be all the zeal, the
      animation, and the struggle for victory which were usually seen in civil
      cases. Besides, he continued, the counsel for the prosecution would always
      have the benefit of a reply whenever the accused called a witness, which
      might more than counterbalance any favourable effect of evidence. The
      functions of the judge, also, would assume a character disadvantageous to
      the prisoner; for if the address of the counsel of the prisoner threatened
      to be efficient, the judge in many cases would have to interfere: In doing
      this, it was urged, he might unconsciously pass the exact boundary that
      ought to circumscribe his remarks; the impression then would probably go
      forth that the verdict of the jury had been elicited by those remarks; and
      the judge, instead of being, as he was now, counsel for the prisoner,
      would be almost compelled to become an advocate against him. On the other
      side Mr. H. Twiss set forth in a strong light the absurdity of permitting
      counsel to start and multiply the most frivolous and visionary objections
      to the form and phraseology of an indictment, with the merits and
      evidences of their client's case. He also set forth the hardships under
      which a prisoner lay, who, wishing to address the jury of the facts of a
      case, must do it with his own lips, under all the disadvantages of natural
      disability, physical impediments, or accidents of his situation, while the
      very incompetency to do himself justice would be aggravated by a knowledge
      of the serious consequences attendant on his failure. As to the fiction of
      the judge being counsel for the prisoner, he said, it would in most cases
      be much more true to say, that he was counsel against the prisoner, and
      for the prosecutor. Whence, he asked, came the only instructions which the
      judge received in any of these cases? From the depositions of the
      witnesses for the prosecution. Sir Robert Atkyns, in his notes upon Lord
      Russell's trial, had truly said, "I well know by experience what sort of
      counsel judges usually be for the prisoner." Mr. Peel admitted that the
      arguments which might be raised on both sides of this question were very
      equally poised; that the legal opinions upon it were nearly equiponderant;
      and that if he were convinced of the alteration being fitting itself, he
      would not oppose to it merely the antiquity of the law which it was
      intended to change. His own experience, however, and the knowledge
      acquired from his official situation, led him to think that justice was
      most satisfactorily administered under the present system: he felt
      unwilling to risk any change. The clause was lost on a division by one
      hundred and five against thirty-six.
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    <h2>
      CASE OF MR. KENRICK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session the house considered a charge brought by
      Mr. Denman against Mr. Kenrick, a magistrate of the county of Surrey, and
      one of the Welsh judges. Evidence on the charge was entered into; and Mr.
      Denman moved, that as Mr. Kenrick had shown himself an unfit person to
      exercise the judicial functions, an address be presented to his majesty,
      praying him to remove that gentleman from the office of judge of the great
      session of Wales. The motion, however, was negatived without a division;
      and this fact became a powerful argument in favour of parliamentary
      reform.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session cases of great cruelty and injustice, exercised by
      owners, magistrates, and judicial courts, against the slaves in our
      colonies, were brought before the parliament, and eloquently exposed. At
      the close of 1823, and the early part of 1824, a plan of an insurrection
      among the slaves on certain plantations in Jamaica had been discovered;
      and eight negroes had been executed as implicated in the conspiracy. The
      papers connected with these trials had been laid on the table of the house
      in 1825; and Mr. Denman now brought the legality and justice of these
      proceedings under discussion, by moving a resolution to the effect, that
      the house having taken into consideration the trials which took place at
      Jamaica for rebellion, conspiracy, and other offences, in the years 1823
      and 1824, deem it their duty to express their sorrow and regret at the
      violation of law which took place upon the said trials; that they lament
      the manner in which the sentence of death was passed and executed; and
      recommend some alteration in the mode of administering the code of
      criminal justice affecting the slaves in the said colony. This motion was
      prefaced by a speech of great eloquence, analyzing the evidence upon which
      the accused had been convicted, demonstrating its contradictions, its
      insufficiency, its absurdity, and arriving at the conclusion that such
      atrocities, perpetrated under the mask of justice, and the law of evidence
      which permitted them, required the abolition of the system which placed a
      negro for trial before interested masters for his judges and jury; and in
      giving him an appeal to the council, merely gave him an appeal to another
      body of masters equally prejudiced. Having detailed the trials at length,
      Mr. Denman said he proposed the above resolutions, that the commons of
      England might have an opportunity of raising their voice against such acts
      of crying injustice and barbarity. He was ably seconded by Mr. Brougham,
      who, in the course of his speech, declared that if the circumstances of
      undefended justice passed unreproved, it would go out to the West Indies
      that the same error, injustice, or cruelty might be committed again and
      again with impunity, so long as the present system continued; and if the
      house negatived the motion, it would set the seal of its sanction on a
      great and crying injustice, and do more than it would be able speedily to
      undo towards perpetuating the existing system in our colonies. On the
      other hand, it was maintained by Mr. Wilmot Horton that the courts had
      only applied the law which they were bound to apply; and that they had
      applied it according to the forms required by that law, and in
      circumstances which fairly called for the interference of the legal
      authorities. He moved an amendment, that the house sees in the proceedings
      brought under their consideration a further proof of the evils attendant
      upon slavery, and derives from them an increased conviction of the
      propriety of resorting to the measures recommended by government in the
      order of council; but does not deem it necessary, however desirable a
      change of the law may be, to impeach the sentences passed according to law
      by a competent trial, and convicted by a jury sworn to give a verdict
      according to the evidence. This amendment was supported by the
      attorney-general and solicitor-general, both of whom, however, frankly
      admitted the vices of the system of law under which the proceedings in
      question had taken place. It was impossible, said the attorney-general, to
      look at the case, arising as it did out of the vice of the system, without
      wishing for a change. If the white man upon his trial had an opportunity
      afforded him of knowing the charge, and thereby preparing his defence, why
      should not the black slave have the same advantage? An act of the
      legislature had lately passed to compel the charge to be delivered in
      writing. This act was brought into the colonial legislature of Jamaica;
      but it was accompanied by a proviso that no objection should ever be made
      on a point of form. Men were prone to confound substance and form to be
      permitted this latitude. An instance of this was supplied in the present
      case. The prisoners were accused of being guilty of a rebellious
      conspiracy, and other charges; thus the prosecutor could adduce whatever
      evidence he chose under a charge so very broad. Here was a conspiracy
      charged; but with whom? No individuals were mentioned. Any overt act
      specified? Time? No time certified. Place? No circumstance or place. When
      the Slave Evidence Bill was introduced into the colonial assembly of
      Jamaica, it was rejected on the ground that the slave was too low in the
      scale of moral beings; that he had no character, no distinct notion of
      morality, no notion of religion, or of the distinction between truth and
      falsehood. But when the slave was to be tried, other slaves were admitted
      as witnesses; and that, too, on their bare word, and an exhortation from
      the judge not to speak falsely. It was a known rule in this country&mdash;and
      the common law of England was in force in the West Indies&mdash;that
      hearsay evidence should not be received; yet the whole course of these
      proceedings showed manifold departures from this important rule: while it
      was an acknowledged law in regard to the whites, it had no application in
      regard to the blacks. But while the law was acknowledged to be bad, it was
      argued, that it was another thing to pass a vote of censure for the
      observance of it, however defective it might be. The house ought, it was
      said, to separate the defects-of the law from the alleged delinquency of
      the parties, and reject a motion which went, not to denounce the system of
      slavery or to censure the law, but to condemn individuals who had no power
      to alter the one, or to abolish the other. On a division the amendment was
      carried by one hundred and three against sixty-three. During this session,
      however, delay and remedial measures were suggested by Lord Liverpool in
      the upper house, and by Mr. Canning in the commons, for the extinction of
      slavery. Mr. Canning declared that if immediate and hasty steps were not
      taken, our West Indian possessions would be abandoned to a state of savage
      desolation, of which wild speculators had not the slightest notion. At the
      same time he was obliged to confess that in most of our colonies the
      exhortations sent by government, for the amelioration of the condition of
      their slaves, had been treated with intolerable neglect and contempt. In
      the lords the resolutions were objected to, on the ground that they were
      too feeble for the nature of the subject; that though adopted they would
      produce no practical effect; and that the three years which had elapsed
      since they were voted by the house of commons&mdash;for they had been
      adopted in May, 1823&mdash;had furnished irrefragable evidence of their
      futility. Lord Calthorpe expressed his deep regret that the commons had
      not passed resolutions more conformable to the light in which slavery
      ought to be regarded by a Christian community, and that their lordships
      were now called upon to concur in opinions better suited to their own
      dignity. There were not 'wanting members in the commons who were equally
      desirous of legislating in the spirit of Christianity, equally with his
      lordship. It was maintained there with great eloquence that slavery was
      inconsistent with Christianity and the constitution. Occasion was given
      for the expression of these sentiments in the commons, by a motion made by
      Mr. Brougham on the 19th of May, to the effect that "the house has
      observed with extreme regret that nothing had been effected by the
      colonial legislature, in compliance with the declared wishes of government
      and the resolutions of the house of the 15th of May, 1823, for
      ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the West Indian colonies; and
      that this house, therefore, pledges itself, early in the next session of
      parliament, to take into its most serious consideration such measures as
      may be best calculated to carry into effect the recommendation of the
      government and the house." This motion was supported by Dr. Lushington and
      Mr. Denman; but opposed by Messrs. Canning, Ellis, and Horton. Mr.
      Canning, however, asserted that government only wished to retard a little
      the attainment of the object, in order that they might arrive at it with
      greater security. Sir T. Ackland said, that he did not wish directly to
      negative the motion; but as he thought the adoption of it would retard the
      good effects to be looked for from the resolutions of 1823, he moved the
      previous question, which was carried by a large majority. In the upper
      house, on the 17th of April, Lord Suffield brought forward a motion to
      prohibit persons in official situations in the West Indies from being
      proprietors of slaves; a motion which, he said, had no connexion with the
      emancipation of the negroes; and was directed not so much to the conceding
      of civil rights, as to the preventing of criminal wrong. The same topic
      was brought before the commons by Mr. W. Smith on the 20th of April; but
      the resolutions thereon were negatived in both houses. At the close of the
      session, indeed, the colonial legislatures were allowed further
      opportunity of showing how far they were inclined by timely concessions
      and purposes of good faith to avert the direct interference of the mother
      country in their internal regulations.
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    <h2>
      MODE FOR AMENDING THE REPRESENTATION OF EDINBURGH, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Abercromby moved leave to bring in a bill to alter
      and amend the representation of the city of Edinburgh, which, he said,
      contained a population of more than 100,000 inhabitants, while the
      elective franchise was in the hands of a town-council of thirty-three
      members, self-elected, and what were called the vested rights of that body
      were generally the principal obstacles thrown in the way of a better
      system. This motion was strongly opposed by the members for the town and
      county of Edinburgh, on the ground that no corruption had been charged
      against the corporation of Edinburgh; and by Mr. Canning, who considered
      it was intended to undermine the barriers which resisted the inroads of a
      more wide and sweeping innovation. Mr. Canning also brought forward the
      unexampled prosperity of Edinburgh, and the contentment which pervaded its
      population, as a convincing proof of the excellence of the old system.
      After expatiating on the advantages connected with the Scotch
      representation, he remarked that his objection to the present motion was
      its application, as a single instance of reform in a borough, to the
      general question. It was not unusual, he said, to bring forward an attack
      on a single borough by an allegation of the prevalence of abuses; but it
      was quite new to institute a charge against it because its elective was
      not in proportion to its actual population. This principle, if once
      admitted, would let in the general question of reform, which would lead to
      endless squabbles. At the same time he expressed a hope, that the motion
      might be repeated annually; but it was to this end, for the innocent
      gratification of Lord John Russell and those who advocated reform! On a
      division the motion was lost. About the same time that this question was
      discussed, Sir John Newport moved for leave to bring in a bill for the
      repeal of the Irish act, 21 Geo. 2nd., c. 10, relating to the elective
      franchise. By that statute it had been enacted, that, in consequence of
      the difficulty of finding a sufficient number of resident Protestant
      freemen, sufficiently wealthy and sufficiently educated to exercise the
      elective franchise, non-resident freemen should be entitled to vote. Sir
      J. Newport argued that the cause which produced these enactments had
      ceased to operate, and that therefore the act itself ought to be removed
      from the statute-book. On the other hand it was argued by Mr. Plunkett
      that the country had gone on for seventy years with the principle of
      non-residence applied to boroughs and corporate towns, and that the effect
      of the measure would be to affect vested rights, and disturb persons
      actually in possession. If that act were repealed, he said, the election
      of every officer of a corporation would be impeachable. The house should
      especially pause before it assented to such a proposition on the eve of a
      general election, a proposition, the effects of which upon existing
      rights, could not be measured. The motion was negatived by seventy-six
      against thirty-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTION FOR THE REGULATION OF PRIVATE COMMITTEES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 19th of April, Mr. Littleton brought forward a series of
      resolutions for the better regulation of private committees on private
      bills, especially those relating to joint-stock companies. Great
      complaints had been made of the conduct of these committees; but Mr.
      Littleton observed that he believed they were generally ill-founded. It
      was certain, however, he continued, that the present constitution of
      committees rendered improper conduct perfectly possible; but this, the
      plan he had in view would prevent. The grand features of this plan were to
      remodel the list for the counties; to secure impartiality by taking only
      one half of the committee from the county in which the bill originated; to
      make attendance compulsory, and to prevent the chance of abuse by creating
      a standing committee of appeal. His scheme was embodied in eight
      resolutions which were adopted with the general approbation of the house.
      The only one on which a division took place was that which provided that
      every petition complaining of the decision of a private committee should
      be referred to a committee of appeal; and this was carried by a majority
      of forty-four against thirty-three.
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    <h2>
      MOTION TO HOLD PARLIAMENT OCCASIONALLY IN DUBLIN AND EDINBURGH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day that Mr. Littleton brought forward the resolutions alluded
      to, Mr. Pelham, made one of most extraordinary motions that ever was
      proposed within the walls of Saint Stephen's. After adverting to the great
      increase of wealth and population in the principal towns of the kingdom,
      their distance from the seat of legislation, and the expense of sending
      witnesses and deputies to London whenever their interests were at stake,
      he gravely moved, "That it is expedient the imperial parliament should be
      occasionally holden in Dublin and Edinburgh." The very idea of such a
      change was justly scouted by the house as unworthy their attention, and no
      one was found bold enough to second the motion: so St. Stephen's was not
      yet to be deserted.
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    <h2>
      RESTORATION OF FORFEITED SCOTCH PEERAGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Acts were passed during this session for the restoration of five Scotch
      peerages which had been forfeited by rebellion in the last century. These
      were the peerages of the Earl of Carnwath, Earl of Airlee, Lord Duff, Lord
      Elcho, and the Baron of Threipland of Fingarll. The only person who
      opposed this measure was Lord Minto, and he avowed that his opposition was
      founded upon political sentiments. He asked, why should not a bill be
      brought in for the restoration of titles against all acts of attainder
      passed under the present and preceding dynasties? Why make a selection of
      forfeitures incurred for treason, not against the crown, but against the
      liberties of the subject? Why, for instance, was not the Duke of Buccleugh
      restored to the dukedom of Monmouth? He confessed that the selection which
      had been made was most unfortunate; and he was sorry that he had not
      stated his objections when the bills made their first appearance in the
      house. Mr. Peel replied by the simple statement that these reversals of
      attainders had commenced with that of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and that he
      himself had made the motion that the descendants of Lord Strafford should
      be restored to their family dignities.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION TO DISJOIN THE PRESIDENCY OF THE BOARD OF TRADE FROM THE
    </h2>
    <p>
      TREASURERSHIP OF THE NAVY.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th of April, the chancellor of the exchequer moved, in a committee
      of supply, to disjoin the presidency of the board of trade and the
      treasurership of the navy. Mr. Huskisson filled these two offices at a
      salary of £3,000, and it was now proposed that he should become president
      of the board of trade alone, with a salary of £5,000. The most willing
      homage was paid to the great talents of Mr. Huskisson by all parties in
      the house, together with the high value of his public services; but the
      proposal was met by a decided opposition, on the ground that the
      disjunction of the two offices was unnecessary, as no active duty was
      attached to the treasurership of the navy. At all events, it was urged,
      its duties might without inconvenience be transferred to the paymaster,
      the real officer in that department; that by adding £2,000 to the present
      salary of the treasurer, or giving £2,000 additional as the salary of the
      presidency of the board of trade., the same amount of remuneration to the
      individual holding both offices would be made up at a smaller cost to the
      public. It was insinuated that the scheme of disjoining the offices was
      merely a cloak for the introduction of a new placeman into the house. On
      the other hand it was contended by Mr. Huskisson and others that
      considerable anxiety and hardship arose; out of the union of the two
      offices; and that it was; altogether erroneous to suppose that the
      occupation of the treasurer of the navy was merely to pay money.
      Opposition, however, was so strong against the measure that in a
      discussion, when the report was brought up, Mr. Canning said that he did
      not feel himself called upon to press it. He viewed with regret the small
      support which had been given to it; and though as a matter of principle he
      was ready to defend it, yet he would abandon it on the ground of
      expediency.
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    <h2>
      CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The question of Catholic emancipation, although not formally stirred in
      either house during this session, was nevertheless kept alive by petitions
      from different districts and bodies in Ireland. These petitions were now
      especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided
      allegiance; manifestly on account of the weight which the argument of the
      anti-Catholics on this point had carried with it in the debate of the
      preceding session. The speeches delivered on the presentation of them also
      characterized the imputation of a divided allegiance as a false pretence,
      because the Catholics in all their petitions declared, that, in the oaths
      which they took and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his
      majesty alone. But Lord Liverpool rightly answered, that although he never
      doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to
      any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument: he contended
      that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil
      obedience to our own sovereign.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the claims of the Catholics were merely the subject of incidental
      remarks, the condition of the Protestant church in Ireland, became the
      subject of more direct discussion. Lord Kingston moved in the upper house
      for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the
      Protestant church in the province of Munster. His motion was founded upon
      the evils which he stated to have arisen from the union of livings, and
      the consequent want of churches for Protestant worship. It was not
      uncommon, he said, to unite five, six, or even seven livings in one
      person; and in many parishes, if the Protestant inhabitants wished
      spiritual consolation, or to have the benefit of religious worship, the
      nearest clergyman who could advise them, and the nearest church in which
      service was performed was probably at a great distance. It was answered
      that as the returns on the table of the house, furnished by the lords'
      committee to inquire into the state of Ireland last session, showed all
      the parishes that existed in Ireland, and the authority by which they had
      been made, the motion was unnecessary: it was withdrawn. The want of
      churches, which it was the object of this motion to supply, was connected
      with the administration of the fund formed of the first-fruits of all
      ecclesiastical benefices. These revenues, or the first year's income of
      every benefice, had been originally payable to the pope; but on the
      Reformation they were vested in the crown, and they had been appropriated
      by an act of Queen Anne, in part at least, to the building of churches.
      Sir John Newport brought the management of this fund, and the
      insufficiency of the system according to which the contributions of the
      clergy to it were regulated, under the notice of the commons, by a series
      of resolutions declaratory of its nature and history, and by a motion for
      the appointment of a select committee to inquire into its condition and
      administration. He justified his motion by the fact that the first-fruits,
      where they were paid at all, continued to be paid upon the rate of
      valuation, for which there was no authority, and that consequently the
      greater portion of the fund sacrificed by the crown was allowed to remain
      in the hands of the clergy, while new burdens were laid upon parishioners
      to effect those very objects for which the fund had been created. This
      motion was opposed as a covert and most dangerous attack upon the property
      of the Irish church, and through it upon the property, not only of the
      church of England, but of all bodies in the state; and as being derived
      from a fallacious interpretation of the law, warranted neither by history,
      authority, nor expediency, On a division it was rejected by a majority of
      forty-eight to twenty-one. The mover, Sir John Newport, was subsequently
      more successful in endeavouring to institute an inquiry into abuses said
      to exist in the administration of the parochial rates levied in Ireland
      for the religious service of the Protestant establishment. He moved
      resolutions pledging the house to adopt measures for their removal, and on
      a division the motion was carried. Measures of greater importance were
      carried by government itself, namely, for promoting the education and
      moral improvement of the great mass of the Irish people. Grants for these
      important purposes were voted, though not without opposition from many
      members, on the grounds of the abuses and oppressions in the management of
      the schools in Ireland as detailed in the report of the preceding year;
      and that proselytism was made a part of the system of education pursued
      therein. In these discussions government manifested no desire to
      perpetuate abuses, nor any disinclination to cautious and practicable
      amendment. The same spirit was carried into other departments more
      strictly connected with the civil administration of Ireland. A committee
      on the state of the country had presented a report in 1825, recommending
      the adoption of various measures; and during this session several of those
      measures were carried into effect. Thus an act was passed consolidating
      the laws for the regulation and management of prisons; better regulations
      were enacted for the administration of justice in towns corporate;
      provision was made to remedy the inequalities of local assessments, by
      introducing an uniform valuation of baronies, parishes, and other
      divisions of counties; an act was passed which made provision for a more
      convenient and abundant distribution of lunatic asylums; and the law of
      Ireland was amended respecting the assignment and subletting of lands and
      tenements, by which some check was put to that infinite division, not of
      property but the use of property which had so impoverished and degraded
      the Irish peasantry. On the recommendation of the select committee of
      1825, also, a motion for an address to his majesty was carried, praying
      him to order a commission for inquiry into the tolls and customs collected
      in fairs, markets, and sea-ports in Ireland. These tolls and customs had
      been granted to particular individuals and corporations, and great evils
      existed in the levying of them, whence the motion for inquiry. It was
      opposed both on the general merits of the measure, and on the inefficiency
      of the particular mode of inquiry proposed; but the motion was carried,
      and a select committee accordingly appointed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INDIA JURY BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An important alteration was introduced this session into the
      administration of justice in India, by a bill brought in by Mr. Wynn, for
      the regulation of juries within the territories of the East India Company.
      The existing law admitted all British subjects to serve upon juries; but
      the right had never been extended to all persons born within the British
      dominions. During late years a large population had sprung up in India,
      known by the name of "half-caste," one of their parents having been a
      native, and the other an European. This class, though born in wedlock, as
      well as another numerous class, consisting of the illegitimate children of
      European fathers by Indian mothers, were disqualified from serving upon
      juries, under the idea that they were not British subjects; and Mr. Wynn
      moved that this disqualification should be removed, which motion was
      adopted. A bill was also passed this session allowing the East India
      Company to appoint any person to a writership who should produce
      testimonials of character, and undergo such an examination as might be
      fixed by the court of directors and the Indian board. By an act, passed in
      1813, no person was eligible to be a writer in the Company's service who
      had not passed four terms in the East Indian college; and in consequence
      of the extension of the Company's territories, and the establishment, of
      new courts in Bengal, much inconvenience had arisen from the restriction,
      as the college could not supply a sufficient number of young men fit for
      office.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NATURALIZATION ACT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the law of naturalization was extended in Canada. By
      the act, 179 no person could be summoned to the legislative council, or
      elect, or be elected, to the legislative assembly of these provinces,
      unless he was either a natural born subject of Great Britain, or a subject
      become so by the conquest and cession of the Canadas, or had been
      naturalized by an act of the British parliament. A bill was now passed
      giving to a naturalizing act of the Canadian legislature the same effect
      as to one of the legislature in England; providing, however, that such act
      should be null and void, unless ratified by his majesty within two years
      after being presented to him for that purpose. The only other measure
      regarding our relations with foreign states, besides these already
      noticed, which occupied the attention of parliament, was the expiry of the
      Alien Act. This session it died a natural death; and a milder set of
      regulations, conferring no power of sending aliens out of the country,
      were adopted in its stead. In relinquishing that power, Mr. Peel said that
      he had the gratifying consciousness that in no instance had it been
      abused. The only case in which it had been used was one which had not the
      slightest shade of a political aspect attached to it. It was that of a
      person who had menaced a foreign ambassador, and who, it was believed,
      would have carried his threats into execution had he not been brought
      before the privy-council and dealt with according to that act.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session of parliament was shortened by the approach of its
      dissolution. The session was terminated on the 31st of May by commission.
      The speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor, mentioned his
      majesty's intention of dissolving the present parliament, and directing
      the issue of writs for the calling of a new one. A leading topic in the
      speech was the success of the British arms in the Burmese empire, success
      which had led to the signature on honourable terms of a preliminary treaty
      with the Burmese monarch, which his majesty had every reason to expect
      would be the foundation of a secure and permanent peace. Parliament was
      dissolved on the 2nd of June; and writs were issued for a new election,
      which were to be returnable on the 25th of July.
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The elections which followed immediately the dissolution of parliament
      presented several scenes of active and vigorous individual combat; but
      they did not possess the interest which attaches to them when their issue
      is to decide the fate of contending parties. The chief topics on which
      candidates were tested were the corn-laws and Catholic emancipation. As
      the lower classes were under the impression that bread was high, because
      of the corn-laws, and that they existed to enrich the landholders, an
      expressed opinion in favour of their abolition was sure to gain cheers at
      a popular election. But the most prominent question on the hustings, even
      in England, was Catholic emancipation. The Duke of York's speech, and the
      violence exhibited in Ireland, had created a strong feeling against the
      Catholics; and as it was known that their claims would be one of the
      earliest subjects of discussion in the new parliament, the success of a
      candidate generally depended as to whether he was, or was not in favour of
      Catholic emancipation. It was in Ireland, however, that the giving or
      refusing of a vote mostly depended on the answer received to the question,
      Will you vote for emancipation? The demagogues of the Catholic Association
      gave themselves up to the carrying of this one point; and they were aided
      by that powerful band of agitators, the Irish priests. The contest on the
      Irish hustings was, indeed, converted into an award of eternal damnation:
      the consolations of the church here, and the joys of heaven hereafter,
      were promised those who voted for an emancipation candidate; but the
      darkness of excommunication in this life, and the gloom of purgatory
      first, and then the pains of hell, were denounced against those who voted
      for an anti-Catholic. The associated barrister and the political priest
      travelled the country together in order to propagate the common creed; the
      one by threats of damnation, and the other by the more temporal
      considerations of civil and religious power; and this tyrannical sway of
      the artful and designing was irresistible among the forty-shilling
      freeholders&mdash;it procured the large majority pledged to support the
      claims of Catholic emancipation. The great influence which the priests had
      over the ignorant multitude was seen in a remarkable manner by the issue
      of the election for the county of Waterford. Mr. O'Connell and the Rev.
      Mr. Sheehan traversed that county to rouse it against the family of
      Beresford; and every tie of respect and civil influence which had hitherto
      united the Catholic tenant to his Protestant landlord gave way before the
      power of the church, The electors were wielded by the priesthood; and Lord
      George Beresford was compelled by his own tenantry to give tip the
      contest. At a meeting held in Clonmel to celebrate this triumph, Mr.
      Sheehan, the priest, remarked, "We said to the people, 'Here are the
      natural enemies of your country, and here are your priests who wait on the
      bed of your sickness, and are your friends alike in prosperity or in woe:
      follow us or them.'" Such an appeal to the feelings of a superstitious
      multitude was sure to prevail: there is more might in superstition than in
      any of the lawful weapons in argument which man can use.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BURMESE WAR.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1826&mdash;1827
    </p>
    <p>
      There was no faith manifested by the court of wa in the armistice which
      had been concluded in September, 1825, and so the war continued. During
      the negociations which followed, the Burmese monarch had made vigorous
      preparations for its continuance; and when the armistice had nearly
      expired, in reply to the proposals made for peace by the British
      commanders, this haughty and laconic answer was given, "If you wish for
      peace, you may go away; but if you wish either money or territory, no
      friendship can exist between us. This is Burmese custom." The reply was
      seconded by the advance of 60,000 Burmese troops along the banks of the
      Irrawaddy against the British and native Indian troops at Prome. The right
      division, consisting of 15,000 men, under the command of Sadda Woon, moved
      along the western bank of the river; the centre, of about 30,000,
      commanded by the Kee Wongee, or head minister, marched along the eastern
      bank, with numerous war-boats and stores; and the left, 15,000 strong,
      under Maha Nemiow, moved by a route about ten miles distant from the
      river, and separated from it by an extensive forest. Besides these there
      was a reserve of 10,000 men, under Prince Memiaboo, occupying a strongly
      fortified position at Melloone; another force ready to oppose any movement
      from Arracan; and Sykia Wongee was still carrying on a desultory warfare
      in the vicinity of Pegu, and threatening Rangoon. The British force
      consisted only of 5,000 men, besides a garrison to maintain Prome, and
      some native troops opposed to Sykia Wongee, and in garrison at Rangoon. A
      rencontre took place between our advanced guard and Maha Nemiow's division
      on the 10th of November, in which the British suffered severely; their
      commander, Colonel M'Dowall, was slain, and the troops were obliged to
      retreat. Encouraged by this success, Maha Nemiow marched directly on
      Prome, close to which he took up his position. About 8,000 of his men were
      slain whose confidence had not been shaken by contact with our troops; and
      these levies were accompanied by three young and beautiful women of high
      rank, who pretended to have the gift of prophecy, and to be possessed of
      power to turn aside a musket-ball. The Shans were led to believe, indeed,
      that they were invincible; but they soon discovered that they were unable
      to compete with the British. Being surrounded by danger on every side, Sir
      A. Campbell resolved at once to become the assailant; and on the 30th of
      November arrangements were made to attack the enemy's forces on the
      following morning; Commodore Sir James Brisbane with the flotilla being
      directed to cannonade their posts on both sides of the river at daylight,
      while a body of native infantry made a feigned attack on the centre as the
      columns were marching out for the real attack on the Burmese left, at
      Simbike. For this purpose the principal force was formed into two columns:
      one under Brigadier-general Cotton, which marched by the direct road; and
      the other, led by the commander-in-chief, which crossed the Nawine river
      and moved along its right bank, in order to come round to the Burmese
      rear, and to cut off all retreat. The attack everywhere succeeded; the
      Shans themselves, though they fought with fury, were obliged to take
      refuge in flight. Every division of the Burmese numerous force was routed
      with great slaughter; and many of the chiefs, among whom was Maha Nemiow,
      perished in the fight. One of the fair prophetesses also received a bullet
      in her breast, and being carried to a cottage in the rear expired. Sir A.
      Campbell now determined to advance on Ava; and nothing was wanting in the
      troops, or forgotten by their commander, to ensure success. But the enemy
      did not yet despair. The stockades at Meaday were made as strong as art
      could make them; and at Melloone, on the west bank of the Irrawaddy, the
      reserve under Prince Memiaboo was augmented to 15,000 men. The British
      troops arrived at Meaday on the 19th of December; and they found it just
      evacuated by the rear-guard of the enemy, the Burmese having retired to
      Melloone, where they had received orders again to concentrate. The
      neighbourhood of Meaday presented to the British a scene of horror and
      desolation. Within and around the stockades the ground was covered with
      the dead and the dying; the victims of wounds, disease, and want. The
      beach and the surrounding jungles were filled with dogs and vultures,
      collected to consume the loathsome prey. Round about the stockades gibbets
      were erected, each bearing the mouldering remains of three or four
      victims, who were thus crucified for, perhaps, no greater crime than that
      of wandering from their posts in search of food, or of following the
      examples of their chiefs in flying from the foe. The same horrors
      presented themselves to the British for fifty miles up the river; and in
      some places the soldiers could not find a place for their tents without
      removing dead bodies. The pursuit was continued by forced marches; and on
      arriving within five miles of Patanagoh, a town opposite to Melloone, it
      was discovered that the whole of the enemy's force had crossed to the
      Melloone side of the river, and occupied with some 12,000 men a series of
      fortified heights, and a formidable stockade, having in front a rapid
      stream six hundred yards broad. While the British force was preparing to
      attack this formidable position, a flag of truce was sent in, with a
      notice that a commissioner had arrived with full powers to conclude a
      treaty of peace. This led to a discussion, but without effect; for the
      Burmese leaders again betrayed a want of faith, and the new envoy hazarded
      the most glaring falsehoods. Operations again commenced. The British
      troops having been carried across the Irrawaddy, under the protection of
      Captain Chads, an attack was made on the fortifications at Melloone; their
      defenders were driven in utter confusion from the place: and Memiaboo's
      treasures, to the amount of 30,000 rupees, with all his stud, fell into
      our hands. The army again moved forward on the 25th of January; and on the
      31st it was met in its advance by Dr. Price, an American missionary, and
      Mr. Sandford, an assistant surgeon of the army, taken prisoners some
      months before, whom fear had induced the Burmese monarch to restore to
      liberty, and despatch as messengers of peace. They brought proposals for a
      short truce, which was readily granted; and they returned in full
      confidence that they should be sent back to ratify terms of peace. This
      hope, however, proved fallacious: by high bounties, by grants of important
      privileges, and by the most earnest appeals, 40,000 men had been
      collected, and the Burmese monarch resolved to continue the war. This new
      army was styled, Gong to doo, or, "Retrievers of the king's glory;" and it
      was placed under the command of a savage warrior, called Nee-Woon Breen,
      which has been variously translated,&mdash;"Prince of Darkness," "King of
      Hell," and "Prince of the Setting Sun." The certainty of another contest
      became evident to the British on the 8th of February; and the next day, as
      they debouched from the forests into the open country, they discovered the
      Burmese drawn up in an inverted crescent. The British force amounted to
      about 2,000 men; but undismayed by the number of the enemy and strength of
      their position, Sir A. Campbell pushed boldly on. The enemy was soon
      overthrown; their centre was broken, and they were closely pursued in
      their works, where they were routed with great slaughter; hundreds
      perished by jumping into the river; and, with the exception of about 3,000
      men, the whole army was dispersed. The road to wa was now opened, and our
      troops pushed on to within forty-five miles of that city. There was now no
      longer time for disguise, deceit, or treachery; peace must be made, or Ava
      would be captured. On the evening of the 24th of February, therefore, Mr.
      Price, with two ministers of state, arrived at the camp at Yandaboo, to
      announce that the king and the court would come to terms. A treaty was
      ratified; the Burmese government engaging to furnish boats for the
      conveyance of a great part of our force to Rangoon. The articles of peace
      were, that the four provinces of Arracan, and the provinces of Mergui,
      Tavoy, and Zea, should be ceded in perpetuity to the East India Company;
      that the Burmese government should pay one crore of rupees by instalments;
      that the provinces or kingdoms of Assam, Cachar Zeatung, and Munnipore,
      should be placed under princes to be named by the British government,
      residents with an escort of fifty men to be appointed at each court; that
      British ships should be admitted into Burmese ports to land their cargoes
      free of duty, not to unship their rudders, or land their guns; that
      Burmese ships should have the same privileges in British ports; that no
      persons should be molested for their opinions or conduct during the war;
      and that the Siamese nation should be included in the treaty. This war was
      thus brought to a close; a small band, composed of British warriors and
      their Indian fellow-subjects, stood as conquerors in the centre of the
      great Burmese empire. After peace had been concluded a party of officers
      from the army visited wa, and were received by the humbled monarch with
      all due honour. Soon after the conclusion of peace the British troops who
      had maintained this unequal contest commenced their return to Rangoon;
      and, subsequently, our Indian government sent an embassy to wa, at the
      head of which was Mr. J. Crawford, who finally settled points relative to
      the frontiers, and concluded a treaty of commerce very favourable to the
      Company. The conduct of Sir A. Campbell advanced his character for
      enterprise and prudence, as well as military talent, to high renown. In
      the year 1831 he was created a baronet, and proceeded to New Brunswick as
      Lieutenant-governor of that province.
    </p>
    <p>
      Contemporaneously with the exploits of Sir A. Campbell in the heart of the
      Burmese empire, an important service was rendered to our Indian empire by
      the commander-in-chief. Lord Combermere. The late Rajah of Bhurtpoor had
      died in strict alliance with our government; and by the terms of the
      treaty each party was bound to assist the other against all enemies.
      Apprehensive of the consequences which might follow his death, the rajah
      had during his life-time declared his son, Bulwart Singh, his successor,
      and included him in the treaty of alliance with the Company. On the death
      of the rajah, however, his nephew, Doorjun Sal, having gained a party in
      the army, raised a successful revolt, gained possession of Bhurtpoor
      itself, and seated himself on the ground. The expelled prince applied for
      aid to Sir David Ochterlony, the Company's resident at Delhi, and that
      officer embraced his cause. At first Lord Amherst, governor-general of
      India, disavowed the conduct of Sir David; but on receiving further
      information he confirmed it; and Lord Combermere was directed to march
      with an army for the purpose of expelling the usurper. His lordship took
      the field with 25,000 European and native troops, and he directed his
      first attempt at Bhurtpoor. The fortifications of that place were such,
      that it might have been supposed they were erected in those days when
      unlimited command over life and labour produced those stupendous monuments
      of human art, the pyramids. The wall of the city was of mud, sixty feet in
      thickness, and of great height, with a very wide and deep ditch. The
      circumference of the whole was about seven miles; and the walls were
      flanked with bastions at short intervals, on which were mounted a numerous
      artillery. The preparations for the attack, however, were made on a scale
      commensurate with the difficulties; and on the 10th of December Lord
      Combermere appeared before the city with more than one hundred pieces of
      artillery. During the night the enemy had cut the embankments of a lake to
      the northward, for the purpose of filling the broad and deep ditch, a
      measure of precaution which had been very serviceable in 1805, when the
      British had vainly attacked the place. In the present instance, however,
      our troops arrived in time to repair the breach before the water had
      flowed into the fosse sufficiently to render it impassable. After this a
      few-days were spent in reconnoitring the works, and fixing on the best
      points of attack, until the whole battering train with its appurtenances
      should arrive. In the meantime, from a desire to save the women and
      children from the effects of the terrible bombardment about to take place,
      Lord Combermere addressed a letter to Doorjun Sal, requesting him to send
      them out to him, and promising them safe conduct. This request, however,
      was barbarously refused; and on the 23rd of December the besiegers
      commenced their first parallel, under a heavy fire, about eight hundred
      yards from the north-east angle of the works. On the following morning
      three batteries opened on the town, and continued, with several others
      afterwards erected, so vigorous a fire that scarcely a roof in the town
      was left uninjured. The mud walls, however, still stood erect, so that, on
      the 3rd of January, it was deemed expedient to employ miners. Several
      attempts failed; but on the 16th two mines were blown up under one of the
      bastions; and, with the aid of a day's cannonade, effected such a breach
      that the result of the enterprise appeared no longer doubtful. The final
      assault was made on the 18th. Troops destined to rush into the city
      established themselves in the advanced trenches unperceived by the enemy;
      and the explosion of a mine, loaded with 12,000 pounds of powder, was to
      be the signal of attack. At eight o'clock this mine was fired, and the
      effect was terrific; the ground trembled as if agitated by an earthquake,
      and after it had heaved up with several convulsive throes, the volcanoes
      burst forth. The whole of the salient angle and the stone cavalier in its
      rear were lifted into the air, and, after the smoke and clouds of dust had
      passed away, the bastion with three hundred men were seen precipitated
      below. The two grand divisions of the army now rushed up to the breaches,
      and the foremost of the opposing foe were soon laid low by the British
      bayonets, and the rest were chased along the ramparts; in two hours the
      whole of the rampart was in our possession, and early in the afternoon the
      citadel surrendered. Doorjun Sal, who attempted to escape, was captured,
      together with his wife and two sons. The garrison consisted of 36,000
      troops, near 10,000 of whom are said to have been slain during the siege.
      On the side of the British the loss was about 1200 men, many of whom were
      killed by the explosion of the great mine. After the capture of Bhurtpoor
      its fortifications were demolished, and all the other fortresses in the
      rajah's dominions surrendered. The rightful prince was reinstated in his
      authority, and the inhabitants returned to their abodes and allegiance.
      For this achievement Lord Combermere was raised to the rank of viscount,
      and the governor-general, on account of the general success of the British
      arms, was raised to the dignities of Viscount Holmsdale, and Earl Amherst
      of Arracan.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new parliament met on the 14th of November. It was opened by
      commission; and the speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor,
      expressed great satisfaction at the termination of war in India. It spoke,
      also, of the distress which still prevailed in the commercial and
      manufacturing districts; but expressed a hope that the time was not far
      distant when, under the blessings of Divine Providence, the commerce and
      industry of the United Kingdom would resume their wonted activity. Another
      leading topic in the speech was the admission of foreign grain into the
      ports of the United Kingdom, not then admissible by law. His majesty said
      that he had called parliament together for the special purpose of
      communicating to them the measures which he had deemed necessary to take
      in this particular, and that he had directed a copy of the order in
      council, issued on that subject, to be laid before them, trusting that
      they would see sufficient reason for giving their sanction to the
      provisions of that order, and for carrying them into effect. The address
      was opposed in the upper house by Lord King, and in the commons by Mr.
      Brougham, both of whom complained that the speech consisted of nothing but
      blanks. Amendments were moved in both houses; but they were lost by
      overwhelming majorities. The grand error pointed out by the opposition in
      the speech was the omission of the subject of the corn-laws, and much
      discussion was entered into thereupon. When the report on the address was
      brought up, indeed, Mr. Western moved another amendment, pressing the
      consideration of this subject on the house; but it was negatived without a
      division. In the debates, however, Lord Liverpool in the upper house, and
      Mr. Canning in the commons declared that ministers were prepared to
      propose a general measure regarding the corn-laws; but that it would be
      unfair towards the country and towards parliament to bring it forward
      before the Christmas recess. Under these circumstances the bill of
      indemnity, which was rendered necessary by the order of the council for
      the admission of certain grain into the ports of the United Kingdom, a
      measure demanded by the late scanty harvest, was passed without
      opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of December Alderman Waithman moved for the appointment of a
      select committee upon the joint-stock speculation of the last three years.
      In his speech he showed that during the time mentioned there had been no
      less than six hundred companies formed, requiring for the execution of
      their intended operations, a capital of many millions. He complained of
      the dishonest views with which many of these were set on foot; the knavery
      by which a fictitious value was given to shares which had cost nothing;
      and of the misery produced by this systematic swindling. He remarked, that
      if a man purchased in the lottery, he knew something of what he was doing,
      that he was giving a certain sum for a very unlikely chance, and that in
      doing so he was conferring some benefit on government. But the joint-stock
      gambling was of a much more atrocious kind: it was gambling with false
      dice. The loss itself on the whole speculation was an evil, but the great
      and signal grievance was, that the holders of the shares, now worth
      nothing, were not the losers. The original swindlers worked up the market
      to the point which they had expected it to attain: then down went the
      shares, and when they were down the original swindlers again bought them
      up, and were now the holders. He instanced the Arigna Mining Company as a
      proof of this nefarious practice. In that company, he said, there were
      three thousand shares, and the first deposit was £5. In one day the
      premium rose upon those shares from 8 1/2 to 24, then it got to 26. and
      then it dropped to 24. Whether this was or was not a trick he would leave
      it to the house to determine. How such proceedings were brought about, he
      said, he would leave to any one to form an opinion. Afterwards, however,
      he boldly told the house how the proceedings originated. This Arigna
      Mining Company, he said, were seeking to obtain an act of parliament, and
      it was first intended that the sum of £15,000 should be divided between
      four or five individuals. This, however, was not considered safe, and it
      was agreed to divide the spoil more extensively. One gentleman put into
      his pocket £2,500 of this money, and afterwards £1,500 as profit upon
      shares, although he had not paid for those shares, but still owed £375 for
      them. That individual, he continued, was Sir William Congreve, a member of
      parliament: and was not, he asked, parliament called upon to do something
      towards an inquiry into conduct so dishonourable? Never had there been a
      fouler stain upon the house. After some remarks on the Equitable Loan
      Company, the alderman moved, "that a select committee be appointed to
      inquire into the origin, the management, and the present state of the
      joint-stock companies formed during the years 1824,1825, and 1826, and to
      report on the same, together with any special matter touching any member
      of that house." Mr. Canning, in reply, objected to the inquiry on account
      of its extent, asserting that for inquiry to be useful it must be limited
      and precise. Enough had been said to show that there was strong ground for
      suspicion, that in the affairs of some few companies there was matter
      deserving inquiry; but the motion as it stood involved many companies
      against the utility and management of which no charge had been brought. He
      moved an amendment, therefore, that the inquiry of the committee should be
      limited to the management and history of the Arigna Company. He was
      supported by Mr. Huskisson, who, in his speech, denounced the idea that
      joint-stock companies of every description were public evils. He was
      astonished, he said, to hear men of business talk of mining carried on by
      joint-stock companies as a thing of recent date. No mine worked in this
      country had ever been so, except by means of joint-stock companies.
      Without the formation of such companies, those mines, indeed, would not
      have been explored. It ought to be, he added, the policy of the law to
      encourage joint-stock companies; for when embarked in properly and fairly,
      they are beneficial to the public interests, and fraught with great public
      advantages. At the same time, he was ready to admit, that those who had
      been concerned in the speculations and bubbles of the last two years had
      disgraced themselves; especially if they knew at the time they engaged in
      them that they were not likely to lead to the public benefit. Mr.
      Canning's amendment was agreed to without a division, and the committee
      appointed.
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    <h2>
      KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF SPAIN TOWARDS PORTUGAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 11th of December, Lord Bathurst in the upper house and Mr. Canning
      in the commons, unexpectedly delivered a message from the king recounting
      the hostile and faithless conduct of Spain towards Portugal, and
      requesting that parliament would enable his majesty to fulfil his
      obligations towards the oldest of his allies. The message stated that his
      majesty had for some time past, in conjunction with the King of France,
      endeavoured to prevent the hostile aggression from Spain, and had
      repeatedly assured the court of Madrid that such aggression would not be
      tolerated by England; but that notwithstanding these assurances, hostile
      inroads into the territory of Portugal had been concerted in Spain, and
      had been executed under the eyes of the Spanish authorities by Portuguese
      regiments, which had deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish government
      had repeatedly engaged to disarm and disperse.
    </p>
    <p>
      The facts of the aggression complained of were briefly these. On the death
      of John IV., King of Portugal, he was succeeded by his son, Don Pedro, of
      Brazil. As the constitution of Brazil had provided that its crown should
      never be united on the same head with that of the mother country, Don
      Pedro preferring his transatlantic sceptre, resigned his European crown to
      his infant daughter, and appointed a regency to govern during her
      minority. At the same time he remodelled the old political institutions of
      Portugal, and gave it a constitution in the form of a representative
      government. There was, however, a large party in Portugal hostile to this
      constitution, and a conspiracy broke out against it and the regency; Don
      Miguel, the emperor's brother, being proclaimed king, and having sworn to
      maintain his rights. Miguel was supported by some regiments of the
      Portuguese army, and a war ensued between his supporters and the troops in
      favour of the constitution. For the most part Don Miguel was unsuccessful;
      and whenever his troops were compelled by want or by his opponents to
      cross the frontiers, they were not only received and protected by the
      Spanish authorities, but again organized at the expense of the Spanish
      government, and sent forth to the invasion of Portugal. The British and
      Portuguese ministers at Madrid remonstrated; but the cabinet of Spain
      answered by lying disavowals, or hollow promises; and every day its
      conduct became more and more perfidious. The invasion was, to all
      political intents and purposes, an invasion by Spain; and as the danger
      increased, the Portuguese ambassador at London made a formal application
      to our government for the military assistance which the treaties between
      the two countries stipulated. Ministers waited a few days till the conduct
      of Spain had been placed beyond a doubt, and then advised his majesty to
      send the above message to the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      In proposing an address to the throne on this occasion, Mr. Canning
      vindicated our interference in the affairs of the Peninsula and fully
      developed the principles of his foreign policy. Disclaiming every purpose
      of interference in the internal dissensions of Portugal or influencing the
      settlement of her domestic institutions, he considered England as merely
      called upon to defend her from an invasion organized by foreign aid. In
      order to prove this position he detailed the provisions of subsisting
      treaties; after which he called the attention of parliament to the present
      relative state of Portugal and Spain, asserting that he asked for a vote
      merely for the defence of Portugal, and not for aggression against Spain.
      There is still a road open to Spain, he said, for retraction and redress;
      and this would be greatly promoted by the presence of a British army on
      the Portuguese territories. Concerning the new constitution he remarked:&mdash;"As
      to the merits of the new constitution of Portugal, I do not think I have
      any right to offer any opinion. Personally I may have formed one; but as
      an English minister all I have to say is, May God prosper this attempt at
      the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that
      nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as
      it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties among the
      nations of the world!" Mr. Canning next went into a detail of the
      aggressions of Spain, as well as her motives: expressing an earnest hope,
      that, on hearing of the step we were about to take, that power would act
      so as to render hostilities unnecessary. He dreaded war; but he begged to
      be understood not as dreading war in a good cause, from any distrust of
      our strength and resources; on the contrary, he feared it because this
      country possessed the power to push any war in which she might engage to
      consequences the bare notion of which made him shudder. Our position at
      this time was not one of mere neutrality between contending nations, it
      was a position preserving the balance of power necessary for the safety of
      Europe. "Nearly four years of experience," he remarked, "have confirmed
      that opinion; and it is to be feared that the next contest in Europe, if
      it should extend beyond the narrow limits of Portugal and Spain, will be a
      war of the most tremendous nature, because it will be a war of conflicting
      opinions. And although this country may enter into it with a desire to
      mitigate and control its horrors, yet she cannot help seeing under her
      banners all those who are restless and dissatisfied, with or without
      cause, in every nation with which she may be placed at variance. The
      consciousness of the fact, the knowledge that we possess such tremendous
      power, forces me to feel as I now feel. But it is one thing to have a
      giant's strength, and another to use it like a giant. The consciousness
      that we have this power keeps us safe: our business is not to seek
      opportunities of displaying it; but to keep it, that hereafter the world
      may see we knew its proper use, while we shrunk from converting the empire
      into an oppressor. The consequences of letting loose those passions which
      are chained up, may be such as will lead to a scene of desolation which no
      one can contemplate without horror; and such as I could never lie easy on
      my couch, if I was conscious of having by one hour precipitated. I would
      fear much and forbear long; I would almost put up with anything that did
      not touch our national faith and national honour rather than let slip the
      furies of war, when we know not whom they may reach, and where the
      devastation may end. Such is the love of peace which the British
      government acknowledges, and such the duties of peace which the
      circumstances of the world inculcate. In obedience to this conviction, and
      with the hope of avoiding extremities, I will push no further the topics
      of this part of the address. Let us defend Portugal whoever may be the
      assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end where that duty
      ends. We go to Portugal, not to rule, not to dictate, not to prescribe
      laws. We go only to plant there the standard of England, and where that
      standard is planted foreign dominion shall not come." The speech of Mr.
      Canning had a most powerful effect upon the house: loud cheers resounded
      from all sides as he sat down, much exhausted. Yet there were dissentients
      to the proposed measure. Mr. Hume opposed the address, on the ground that
      this country was not in a situation to enter upon, and to maintain for any
      length of period a war on a great scale. He moved an amendment that "the
      house be called over this day week," which motion was supported by Messrs.
      Wood and Bankes. On the other hand the motion for an address was supported
      by Sir Robert Wilson, and Messrs. Baring and Brougham. The latter, in
      adverting to the ground on which the amendment was principally supported,
      remarked that its supporters must recollect, and the house and the country
      must bear in mind that the question is not at present, whether, even at
      the expense of your character for good faith, you will consent to bear
      hereafter among mankind a stained reputation and forfeited honour; but
      whether for a little season of miserable, insecure, precarious,
      dishonourable, unbearable truce, whether for this precarious, disgusting,
      and intolerable postponement of hostilities, you will be content hereafter
      to have recourse to war when war can be no longer avoided, and when its
      horrors will fall upon you, degraded and ruined in character in the eyes
      of all the nations of Europe; and, what is ten thousand times worse
      degraded and ruined in your own. He contended that the burdens of the
      country, however oppressive, would be borne cheerfully through the
      impending struggle, if war should be the result, inasmuch as we were
      governed on wise, liberal, and truly English principles. Mr. Canning's
      reply to those who opposed the address was even more eloquent than his
      opening speech. Government was censured for allowing France to usurp and
      retain the occupation of Spain. In answer to this, Mr. Canning remarked,
      that when the French army entered Spain, we might if we chose have visited
      that measure by a war. But we were not then bound to interfere on behalf
      of Spain, as we now are bound to interfere on behalf of Portugal, by the
      obligation of treaty. And such a war would not in these days have been the
      proper method of restoring the balance of power, which varies as
      civilization advances and new nations spring up. To take a leaf from the
      book of European policy in the times of William III., or of Queen Anne,
      for supporting the balance now, would be to slight the march of events,
      and to regulate our policy by a confusion of facts. He continued:&mdash;"I
      admit that the entrance of a French army into Spain was a measure of
      disparagement to Great Britain; that it was a severe blow to the feelings
      of this country. One of the modes of redress lay in a direct attack on
      France through a war on the soil of Spain: the other was to make the
      possession of the Spanish territory harmless in rival hands; to make it
      worse than harmless, to make it injurious to be the possessor&mdash;the
      latter mode I have adopted. Do you think that for the disparagement of
      England we have not been compensated? Do you think that for the blockade
      of Cadiz England has not received a full recompense? I looked at Spain by
      another name than Spain: I looked on that power as Spain and the Indies;
      and so looking at the Indies, I have there called a new world into
      existence, and regulated the balance of power; thus redeeming the movement
      of France, and leaving her own act on her unmitigated and unredressed, so
      that she would now thankfully get rid of her responsibility, and shake off
      a burden too heavy to be borne without complaint. France would now be glad
      if England would assist her in dispensing with this burden; and the only
      way of riveting France to the possession of Spain, would be to make that
      possession a point of honour. I repeat it, the object of the present
      expedition is not war, but to take the last chance of peace. If England
      does not go promptly to the aid of Portugal, Portugal will be trampled on,
      England will be disgraced, and then war will come; come, too, in the train
      of degradation. If we wait until Spain has courage to ripen her secret
      machinations into open hostility, we shall have war; shall have the war of
      pacificators: and who can tell when that war shall end?" Mr. Canning's
      eloquence prevailed. Mr. Hume's amendment received the support of only
      three or four members; and the original question was carried with only
      that number of dissentients. A similar address was moved by Lord Bathurst
      in the upper house, and was carried with the same unanimity. The measure
      was, indeed, a popular one, not only in the walls of St. Stephen, but
      throughout the country. The prompt decision of government quickly effected
      the purpose intended. It was on the 11th that the king's message was
      delivered; and on the 14th 5,000 troops, under the command of Sir William
      Clinton, began to march towards the coast; and by the 25th the first
      detachment appeared in the Tagus. Their appearance in Portugal was
      sufficient. The treachery and dissimulation of Ferdinand gave way to his
      fears; the French government recalled the diplomatic instrument of its
      intrigues, and the independence of Portugal with its constitution was for
      a time preserved.
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTIONS AGAINST BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      By the dissolution of parliament the resolutions of Lord John Russell for
      detecting bribery at elections, which had been carried on the last day of
      the session, had expired. Under these circumstances they were moved anew
      by Lord Althorp, in doing which he said that he hoped the new house of
      commons would not now, by rejecting them, afford a singular contrast
      between the last session of an old parliament and the first session of a
      new one. In reply, Mr. Peel said, that if this new jurisdiction was to be
      created at all, it had better be created by a bill than by resolutions; if
      there were to be any interference, it would be wiser to make that
      interference effective, than to adopt a measure so imperfect and
      inoperative as these resolutions presented. Was it not, he asked, a
      serious consideration that the committee forming the tribunal before which
      this offence was to be tried, was without the power of administering an
      oath? Here was an imperfection and an evil for which the resolutions made
      no provision; and it was vain to hope that any measure could be salutary
      or effective in its operations if deficient in so important a point. Mr.
      Wynn also objected to the resolutions, deeming them, with Mr. Peel,
      insufficient for the purpose designed. Mr. Scarlett observed, that the
      resolutions might possibly not meet the difficulties which it was
      desirable should be overcome; but at the same time he thought the right
      honourable secretary had taken a partial view of the question. The
      resolutions, he said, were not altogether unexceptionable; but he was
      persuaded that they might be so far modified as to remedy the evil without
      going the length of inflicting a penalty or imposing costs, as Mr. Peel
      suggested, and which could be accomplished only by means of a bill. He
      added, that he thought they might be withdrawn, and re-introduced in an
      amended form; and Lord Althorp adopted, this suggestion, and withdrew the
      resolutions for the present. Subsequently Mr. Littleton again proposed the
      resolutions for the regulation of committees on private bills which had
      been passed by the late parliament, and they were all adopted.
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1827&mdash;1828
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Death of the Duke of York..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     Catholic Question..... The Corn-laws..... Dissolution of the
     Ministry..... Re-assembling of Parliament..... Explanations
     of, and Hostility to the Ministry..... Opinions of His
     Majesty on the Catholic Question..... Motion on the
     Chancellor's Jurisdiction   in    Bankruptcy..... Motion
     regarding  the   Stamp    Duty and Cheap Publications.....
     The Corn-law Question..... Financial Statements..... Corrupt
     Boroughs..... The Game-laws..... The Court of Chancery.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Death of Mr. Canning.....
     Administration of Lord Goderich..... Review of Foreign
     Policy.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1827
    </p>
    <p>
      The earliest public event of the year was the death of the Duke of York,
      the heir presumptive of the crown. His royal highness had been for some
      time seriously ill, and as far back as the month of July his disease had
      assumed the character of dropsy. The progress of the complaint had
      rendered an operation necessary in September; but though the result of the
      operation, aided by the effects of medicine, removed the constitutional
      complaint, its partial influence on the frame was followed by a
      mortification in the legs, which, assuming sometimes a more favourable,
      and sometimes a more alarming appearance, gradually weakened the whole
      system. His constitution sunk beneath the power of art which was intended
      to revive it: nature gave up the struggle on the 5th of January, his royal
      highness being in the sixty-fourth year of his age. His death was
      accompanied by sincere and universal regret; for though he had failings,
      they were hidden from the public gaze by his more prominent virtues.
      Seldom, indeed, have the public services of one so near the throne
      produced to the country so much solid and lasting good, as resulted from
      his long administration of the British army. His private character was
      also formed to conciliate personal attachments: he never made a personal
      enemy, nor lost a friend. Everyone who had intercourse with him was
      impressed with the kindness of his heart, kindness which appeared in all
      his actions. In a word, his public and private character excited one
      universal sentiment of respect and esteem. The soldier mourned over him as
      that of a benefactor to whom he was indebted for comfort, security, and
      respectability; and all other ranks of society joined in their
      lamentations over a prince whose personal qualities had been always
      popular, and to whom, in his public capacity, they felt that the empire
      owed a heavy debt of gratitude for all that he had effected for its safety
      and honour. His royal highness was succeeded as commander-in-chief by the
      only man in whom personal merit and the fullest confidence of the country
      were united&mdash;the Duke of Wellington.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament resumed its sittings on the 8th of February. One of its
      earliest measures was to vote an address of condolence to the king on the
      death of his royal brother, on which occasion all political asperity was
      forgotten in an unanimous expression of respect for the private character
      and official conduct of the deceased. Men of all parties, as Mr. Peel, Sir
      R. Wilson, Mr. Brougham, and others, paid the tribute of high respect to
      his memory. Mr. Brougham considered it no small praise to the Duke of York
      that, in his office of commander-in-chief, he never allowed his political
      principles to interfere in the discharge of the duties of his office; and
      Sir R. Wilson remarked, that it was worthy of observation that the
      improvement which he had effected in the discipline of the army was
      maintained without undue severity. On these improvements Mr. Peel dwelt at
      great length, clearly showing that the high state of discipline now
      existing in the British army was chiefly owing to the exertions of the
      deceased prince.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the death of the Duke of York his next brother, the Duke of Clarence,
      became heir presumptive to the crown. Ministers embraced this opportunity
      of proposing an increase of £6,000 per annum to his income, as well as
      £3,000 as a jointure to his consort. This motion was strongly opposed by
      Lord Althorpe, and by Messrs. Hume, Brougham, and Abercromby. Mr. Hume
      contended that it was ungracious and inconsistent to be proposing an
      additional burden of £9,000 a year, so soon after a royal letter to the
      bishops had exhorted them to use all their influence in promoting
      charitable contributions for the relief of the starving population. He had
      himself recently presented a petition from the weavers of Blackburn,
      praying that something might be done which would provide them with food;
      and the answer given to their prayers was a vote for adding to their
      burdens. Unwilling, however, to do anything which might look like a
      reproach to the crown, he would not oppose the motion by a direct
      negative; but, in order to give ministers an opportunity of withdrawing
      it, he would move that the chairman should report progress, and sit again
      for the further consideration of the proposed grant. The principal plea of
      the opponents of the grant was, that no additional expenses were entailed
      on his royal highness; but it was finally voted by a majority of
      ninety-nine against fifteen.
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    <h2>
      CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period circumstances seemed peculiarly favourable to the claims of
      the Roman Catholics. The Duke of York was dead, Lord Liverpool was
      seriously ill, and the influence of Mr. Canning was all potent in the
      cabinet. Public attention had been fixed on this subject, from the opening
      of the session, more eagerly than any other which promised to occupy the
      attention of parliament; and petitions against their claims nightly
      covered the tables of both houses from the Protestant community. On the
      other hand, the Catholics were equally active; and at length, on the 5th
      of March, after having presented their general petition, Sir Francis
      Burdett brought the question before the house of commons. He moved&mdash;"That
      this house is deeply impressed with the necessity of taking into immediate
      consideration the laws inflicting penalties on his majesty's Roman
      Catholic subjects, with the view of removing them." The speech which Sir
      Francis Burdett delivered on this occasion gave rise to a debate that
      lasted two nights. In the course of his speech, he remarked, that the
      claims of the Catholics rested on more undeniable grounds than were
      supplied by general justice, or by historical deductions&mdash;they had
      been secured to them by treaty. "Every hour," he said, "that the
      disqualifications were allowed to continue, was a new violation of our
      solemn engagements, and a breach of public faith. What, the Catholics
      asked, had been secured to them by the treaty of Limerick? The first
      article of that treaty was the following:&mdash;'The loyal Catholics of
      this kingdom shall enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their religion
      as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as they did enjoy in the
      reign of King Charles II.; and their majesties, so soon as their affairs
      will permit them to summon a parliament in this kingdom, will endeavour to
      procure the said Roman Catholics such further security in that particular
      as may preserve them from any disturbance upon the account of their said
      religion,' Now he apprehended that Catholic peers sat in parliament in the
      reign of Charles II., so that here was an express stipulation for the
      benefit of Catholics generally. It was impossible to admit the
      interpretation put upon this provision by the opponents of the Catholic
      claims, as if its benefits had been limited to the persons besieged in
      Limerick; for strange, indeed, would it be, if those who held out longest
      in arms, and therefore did the greatest extent of mischief to the ruling
      powers, should yet be held to have been entitled to public favour. It was
      monstrous to suppose that this treaty related solely to the garrison of
      Limerick; for what said the 9th article?&mdash;'The oath to be
      administered to such Roman Catholics as submit to their majesties'
      government shall be the oath aforesaid and no other.' The oath referred to
      was the 'oath of allegiance,' and no other; and the article comprehended
      all submitting Catholics generally. But how had faith been kept with them?
      when it was by the exaction of new oaths, and nothing else, that they had
      ever since been excluded from the enjoyment of their proper privileges?
      But even if the interpretation that the men in arms alone were included
      were conceded, then their descendants (and they must have some) were,
      though Catholics, invested with these privileges. There necessarily must
      be some Catholics in the kingdom who were not excluded with the rest of
      their brethren: and where were they? But such a construction was trifling,
      contrary to all rules of logic, and all fair modes of reasoning. So far as
      the treaty of Limerick went, the case was conclusive: faith had been
      pledged, and faith had been broken." The treaty of Limerick thus brought
      forward by Sir Francis Burdett became the grand argument in the debate;
      and it was relied on both by those who favoured and those who opposed
      emancipation. In supporting the motion, Mr. Plunkett, the attorney-general
      for Ireland, said that it certainly did appear to him that at the time of
      signing the articles of the treaty of Limerick, the Roman Catholics of
      Ireland possessed certain important privileges; and amongst others the
      right of admission into parliament. The first article fully recognised
      their privileges, for it did not refer merely to the exercise of religious
      rights, but also to the enjoyment of such political privileges as they had
      exercised in the reign of Charles II., one of which was eligibility to sit
      in the Irish parliament. It was argued, he said, that this provision
      extended only to persons who were in the garrison; but the words of the
      article, which mentioned generally, and without reservation, "the Roman
      Catholics of this kingdom," sufficiently proved that it was meant to
      include the whole body of Irish Roman Catholics. One of the most powerful
      pleaders on the other side of the question was Mr. Peel, whose speech made
      a deep impression on the house. "If I could be satisfied that any of the
      privileges withheld from the Roman Catholics of Ireland, were so withheld
      in violation of the treaty of Limerick, it would very materially influence
      my judgment in deciding on the present question. But after having examined
      into this matter with the greatest attention, I feel a more perfect
      conviction that that treaty afforded the Catholics no claims to have their
      disabilities removed. There were various articles in the treaty of
      Limerick, the first referring to the Roman Catholic gentry and the others
      to the inhabitants of Limerick generally. Now what he meant to contend
      was, that political privileges were never in the contemplation of either
      of the parties to the treaty. It had been contended that the passage in
      the first article, which stated that the Roman Catholics should be allowed
      the free exercise of their religion without disturbance or molestation, in
      the same manner as they had been allowed it in the reign of Charles II.,
      meant that they were not to be subjected to any disabilities on account of
      their religion. Now, with regard to the construction which was to be put
      on these terms, it appeared from every writer of that age, that, by the
      free exercise of their religion, was merely meant toleration instead of
      political power. That such was the meaning of the expression was clearly
      proved from the mouth of King William, one of the parties to that treaty,
      who, shortly after the making of it, stated that he was willing to grant
      to the Catholics the undisturbed exercise of their religion, but not
      political power: that they should enjoy freedom with respect to their
      persons and estates, and the exercise of their religion; that with that
      they ought to be satisfied; and that he could not comprehend how, when
      they enjoyed this, they could feel themselves justified in disturbing the
      quiet of the kingdom. The true construction of the treaty, as proved at
      the very time of making it, was not that which was now put upon it by the
      friends of Catholic emancipation." With regard to the general question Mr.
      Peel confessed that he distrusted the Roman Catholics. He remarked:&mdash;"I
      do not find fault with the faith of any man, and I think quite as highly
      of a Catholic as of a Protestant; but if on a man's faith there be founded
      a scheme of political influence, then we have a right to inquire in to
      that scheme. And I cannot contemplate the doctrines of absolution, of
      confession, and of indulgences, without having a strong suspicion that
      these doctrines are maintained for the purpose of confirming the authority
      and influence which man exercises over man. What is it to me, whether that
      authority be called spiritual, or otherwise, if practically it influence
      man in his conduct in society? Is it because religious doctrines are made
      subservient to worldly and political purposes, that they are therefore to
      be excluded from the consideration of the legislature in the discussion of
      the present question? On the contrary, if the authority derived from these
      doctrines be only the stronger on account of their being borrowed from
      religion, and misapplied to worldly purposes, that, in my opinion,
      furnishes an additional motive for closely investigating the doctrines
      themselves. When I find the pope issuing bulls to the Irish Catholic
      bishops, and such documents sent forth to four or five millions of people
      who possessed not the advantages of education, I must say that they are
      very likely to influence their practice in life. When I hear, too, such
      doctrines ascribed to a desire to support the pure faith of Christianity,
      I cannot help having a lurking suspicion that they are rather intended to
      maintain a spiritual authority capable of being applied to temporal
      purposes, which has been said to be extinct, but which I contend, is still
      existing. In 1807 Pope Pius VII. sent to the Catholic bishops of Ireland a
      bull, which granted an indulgence of three hundred days to all those
      persons who should with devout purpose repeat a certain ejaculatory
      address; and by the same instrument another indulgence of one hundred days
      was granted, for the repeating of a certain other formula, both of them
      applicable to souls in purgatory. It is painful to think that such a
      mockery should be made of religion, in order to press the authority of
      man; it is disgusting to find such things sent by rational men to rational
      men, to be disseminated amongst an illiterate and fanatical populace. The
      friends of emancipation may ridicule, if they choose, the indications of a
      new reformation which now show themselves in Ireland; but so long as free
      discussion is allowed, and such means as these are used as means of
      influence over the ignorant multitude, nothing will deter pious persons
      from doing all in their power to counteract and undermine such influence.
      The gentlemen of the Catholic Association will soon find that their
      political discussions have reacted on the public mind; that a spirit of
      inquiry has gone forth on the subject of their religion. I have no
      objection to the professors of the Catholic religion as individuals; I
      quarrel not with their religious tenets as a system of faith; but I am
      jealous of the political system which is ingrafted on those tenets, and I
      think I have a perfect right on the present occasion to consider what has
      been the influence of that political system in different countries. I do
      not desire to look at this point as it is to be found illustrated in
      ancient councils, or in times when bigotry and superstition were prevalent
      throughout the world; but, viewing the effect of the Catholic religion as
      it exists in the present day in various co un tries, in some where it
      luxuriates in undisputed growth, in those where it is only struggling for
      supremacy, and in others where it is subordinate to another and a purer
      system, contemplating it under those different aspects, the result of my
      observation is, that it is expedient to maintain in this kingdom the mild,
      mitigated, and temperate predominance of the Protestant church." With
      regard to the question as to whether the concessions demanded would
      restore tranquillity to Ireland, Mr. Peel said that he could not make up
      his mind to believe that the removal of the disabilities of the Roman
      Catholics would be attended by such a consummation. If they gained power,
      he said, they would naturally wish to better the condition of their
      religious system, to extend its influence over the country, and to draw it
      into closer connexion with government. The consequence of the change would
      be to bring the Catholic and Protestant religions into collision in such a
      manner, as might prove the destruction of the latter. And what greater
      evil, he asked, could be conceived than the confusion which must prevail
      for ages during the conflict? If, indeed, he could be persuaded that by
      concession tranquillity would be restored in Ireland, although he believed
      that the admission of their claims would endanger our constitution, he
      would sacrifice his apprehensions of the ultimate result to the attainment
      of the present benefit. But he could not make up his mind to believe that
      it would have any such effect. If the friends of emancipation proposed,
      after having carried their point, to make the religion of the great
      majority, the religion of the state of Ireland, and open to them all its
      high offices, he could understand how such a line of policy might appease
      and tranquillize the Catholics. But this they disavowed. Yet if they
      proposed to maintain the Protestant establishment as that of the state,
      there would still be a barrier which the Catholics would endeavour to
      remove. After passing a censure on the Catholic priesthood for the undue
      interference exercised at the late elections, and making some observations
      on the neglect shown by their prelates in restraining such interference,
      and on the extraordinary asperity of Dr. Doyle's publications, Mr. Peel
      concluded thus:&mdash;"I have now discharged a most painful duty, the
      opposing the resolution before the house. I have felt that I had no choice
      but to state with firmness, but I trust without asperity, the principles
      which my reason dictates, and which honour and conscience compel me to
      maintain. The influence or some great names, of some great men, has lately
      been lost to the cause which I support; but I never adopted my opinions
      upon it from deference either to high station or to high ability. Keen as
      the feelings of regret must be, with which the loss of these associates is
      recollected, it is still a matter of consolation to me, that, in the
      absence of these individuals I have now an opportunity of showing my
      adherence to those tenets which I formerly espoused; of showing that, if
      my opinions be unpopular, I stand by them still, when the influence and
      authority that may have given them currency are gone; and when it is
      impossible, I believe, that, in the mind of any human being, I can stand
      suspected of pursuing them with any view to favour or personal
      aggrandisement." The motion was also opposed by Sir John Copley, master of
      the rolls, in a long, learned, eloquent, and argumentative speech. In his
      opinion the whole question was one of expediency, and if the concessions
      demanded could be granted with safety to the civil liberties and to the
      religious faith of the Protestant community, he admitted that the
      Catholics were intitled to them. He denied, however, that any such
      securities had been or could be offered, A blank and bare proposal of
      concession, he remarked, which neither acknowledged the necessity, nor
      contained even the elements of such securities, could not be entertained
      by the house, if it did its duty to the constitution, the religion, and
      the feelings of the country. Several departed statesmen, he said, had
      declared in the most decisive terms their determination not to grant
      Catholic emancipation without special and efficient securities; and the
      present secretary for foreign affairs himself, and the Irish
      attorney-general had uttered sentiments to the effect, that it could not
      be granted unless adequate securities were given to protect the country
      against the dangers of foreign interference. It became the house, also, he
      said, to consider well if the concessions are made, what are the feelings
      of that body of men who should be returned as members of parliament
      towards the Protestant church for which they would be called upon to
      legislate. He thought those feelings could not be learned more correctly
      than from the language of Dr. Doyle, who thus described the church of
      Ireland:&mdash;"She is looked up to, not as the spouse of the Redeemer,
      but as the handmaid of the ascendancy. The latter, whenever she becomes
      insolent or forgets her rank, if rank it may be called, rebuke her into a
      deportment more becoming her situation. They extend their protection to
      her for their own advantage only; and she, working alternately on their
      hopes and fears, continues to hold her place as a necessary appendage of
      the family to which she owes her existence. When indulged, she is
      indolent; when rebuked, she becomes attentive; she draws tight or relaxes
      her discipline as it may please, or be determined by her masters. Her eye
      is ever fixed upon her own interests, and she deems nothing forbidden or
      unhallowed which may serve to promote them. As those who do an injury can
      never forgive, she is implacable in her hostility to the church which she
      supplanted; and at this day, she seems indifferent to all things else, but
      to the concealment of her riches, and the persecution of popery. She
      occasionally revolts against her fellow-servants, who lay bare her spoils,
      who tell of her frauds and oppressions, who remind her of her origin, and
      upbraid her with the profligacy of her misspent life. But she is much more
      frequently employed in forming offensive and defensive leagues with her
      fellows in the corporations, showing the advantages of injustice and
      oppression, in confounding the charter of her servitude with the
      title-deeds of her employers, in asserting her claim to a tithe of the
      land and labour of the kingdom, and proving to the satisfaction of the
      Christian community that, though she receive the patrimony of the poor,
      she is not bound to exercise towards them a single act of mercy." Such
      language as this, said Sir J. Copley, is not confined to the individual
      who used it; the same sentiments are avowed by some of the leading men of
      the Catholic body, and proclaimed aloud in the Catholic Association. He
      asked, therefore, when such are the sentiments of a Roman Catholic bishop
      when speaking of that establishment for which Catholics, elected probably
      by his influence, would be called to legislate, whether the house would
      consent that such men, returned by such influence, should have the power
      of legislating for a church thus described by one of their own communion,
      without insisting upon securities by which all danger might be averted?
      The debate was closed by Mr. Canning, who had been pointedly alluded to
      throughout the whole of Sir J. Copley's speech, and, after disposing of
      its argument, he ironically vindicated himself for not having concerted
      measures of security with the Pope of Rome. Government had not the same
      facilities, he said, with the court of Rome as was possessed by several
      foreign courts, as those of Prussia, Saxony, and the Netherlands. He had
      seen in some popular tracts, that to correspond with the pope was
      high-treason; and, therefore, when his holiness addressed a complimentary
      note to our present gracious sovereign, he, as secretary of state, took
      the opinion of the great law-officers on the subject of a reply; and they
      declared that if he did answer the pope's letter, he would incur the
      penalties of a premunire. Now the law-officers who gave this opinion were
      R. Gifford and Sir John Copley himself. I, being an ignorant person, next
      looked into Burn's Justice, and there I found that the penalties attached
      to a premunire, were attainder, forfeiture of goods, incapacity to bring
      an action, and liability to be slain by any one with impunity. As this was
      a matter touching life and fortune, therefore he could not be expected,
      after having acquired such knowledge, to go to the Pope of Rome; and yet
      to the pope they must go if they would have any security. Mr. Canning
      declared that it was the intention of Mr. Pitt to cany this question, to
      the truth of which assertion he was ready to depose before any tribunal.
      He avowed his opinion that the cause had lost ground in the house as well
      as in the country; b\it he was convinced that all unfavourable impressions
      must give way to the effect of repeated discussions; that which right
      reason, humanity, and justice demanded could not fail to find an echo in
      the breasts of Englishmen. On a division the motion was lost by two
      hundred and seventy-six against two hundred and seventy-four. In
      consequence of this result, the order of the day in the house of lords,
      for taking into consideration the Catholic petition, was discharged on the
      motion of Lord Lansdowne, "who feared to increase, in the present state of
      feeling in Ireland, the disastrous conviction that a majority of both
      houses in parliament was opposed to a consideration of the claims of their
      Catholic brethren."
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ministers had pledged themselves to bring the corn-law question before the
      house this session; and great anxiety was felt throughout the nation on
      this subject. It had been originally intended to introduce the subject
      simultaneously in both houses; but the illness of Lord Liverpool prevented
      it being brought forward in the upper house. Mr. Canning introduced the
      subject in the commons on the 1st of March, when he expressed his surprise
      that so much of hostile feeling should have been allowed to enter into the
      consideration of a question where none ought to have been found, and that
      this asperity should arise where there was no necessity to fly to
      extremes, and where the difficulties, in point of fact, were less than
      they were stated in argument. Every body admitted, he said, the necessity
      of protecting the agricultural interests; the only question was the mode
      and degree in which the protection should be administered. Of late years
      three modes of protection, without prohibition, had been proposed: the
      first, that of Mr. Ricardo, which imposed a duty of 20s. per quarter, to
      be diminished every year till it should have reached a minimum of about
      10s.; the second proposed to begin with a duty of 16s., to be gradually
      lowered to 10s.; and the third was to impose a duty of 15s, or 16s. once
      for all, without any reference to the price. All these plans he been
      devised by persons generally favourable to a free trade in corn; but to
      all of them there lay the objection that when a pressure came it would
      bring with it distress to the agriculturists. Experience, he said, proved,
      that to impose a fixed duty without any reference to the variation of
      prices was objectionable and insufficient, because it was inevitably
      sometimes too high, and at other times too low with reference to the state
      of the country. It was therefore more advisable to adopt a scale of
      duties, which should vary in a relative proportion to the state of the
      country. He moved that&mdash;"Whenever the average price of wheat made up
      and published in manner required by law, shall be 60s., and under 61s. per
      quarter, the duty shall be for one quarter £1. And in respect of every
      integral shilling, by which such price shall be above 60s., such duty
      shall be decreased by 2s., until such price shall be 70s. Whenever such
      price shall be at or above 70s., the duty shall be for every quarter Is.
      Whenever such price shall be under 60s., and not under 59s., the duty
      shall be for every quarter £\. 2s. And in respect of each integral
      shilling, or any part of each integral shilling, by which such price shall
      be tinder 59s., such duty shall be increased by 2s." Mr. Canning moved
      resolutions similar to the above on barley, oats, rye, peas, beans,
      wheat-meal, and flour, oatmeal, maize, &amp;c. If the produce of, and
      imported from any British possession in North America, or elsewhere out of
      Europe, he moved that wheat should be admitted at 5s. per quarter, until
      the price of British wheat should be 65s. per quarter; and that whenever
      such price should be at or above 65s., the duty should be for every
      quarter only 6d. Similar resolutions were also moved on other grains
      coming from the same parts of the world. Mr. Canning's last resolution on
      this subject was, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that all the
      said duties shall be regulated and determined from week to week by the
      average prices of corn, made up in the manner required by law; which
      prices shall, at the several ports of the United Kingdom, determine the
      several rates of the said duties for and during the week next after the
      receipt of the proper certificates of such average prices at such ports
      respectively." The debate on these resolutions was postponed for a week,
      that every appearance of precipitancy in such an important measure might
      be avoided. When the discussion was resumed, the motion for the house
      going into committee was opposed by Lord Clive, Sir E. Knatchbull, and
      other leading members of the landed interest. Their opposition rested on
      the grounds that domestic agriculture was entitled to all the protection
      which parliament could give it, even in the shape of a prohibition; that
      it was unjust to expose the home-grown, oppressed with taxes, and obliged
      to purchase costly labour, to a competition with the farmers of foreign
      countries, where taxation was light and labour cheap; that the plan was
      only experimental in its nature, in a matter where all experiment was
      mischief; that its effect would be to reduce prices much below what could
      be considered a fair remunerating price to the grower; and that, while it
      thus deprived the agriculturist even of the imperfect protection which he
      at present enjoyed, it would ultimately prove injurious to the public
      welfare, by throwing poor lands out of cultivation, thus leaving the
      country at every moment dependent for its food on foreigners. The
      chancellor of the exchequer and Mr. Peel replied, and the opposition to
      the speaker's leaving the chair was not pressed to a division. In the
      committee, however, an amendment was moved to the effect of raising the
      medium price by taking 64s. instead of 60s. as the point at which what
      might be considered the prohibitory duty of 20s. should attach, on which
      the house divided. But this was lost; and an amendment, proposed by Mr.
      Whitmore, for an exactly opposite purpose, namely, to reduce the medium
      price at which the duty of 20s. should attach, shared the same fate.
      During the progress of the bill through the committee other alterations
      were likewise proposed, almost all tending to the benefit of the home
      grower. Thus it was proposed to raise the medium price of rye, peas, and
      beans, from 35s. to 40s.; to lower the quantity of oatmeal, on which, as
      being equivalent to a quarter of oats, a given duty should be paid from
      one hundred and ninety lbs. to one hundred and seventy-six lbs.; and a
      similar attempt was made to raise the duty on wheat-flour. All these
      amendments were lost; but ministers themselves, from the representations
      of county meetings both in.'England and Scotland, raised the medium price
      of barley to 32s., and the duty to 12s.; and the medium price of oats from
      21s. to 25s., and the duty to 8s. This concession to the agriculturists
      gave great offence to those who advocated free trade. Mr. Wood told
      ministers that they had allowed themselves to be bullied by them; to which
      Mr. Peel calmly answered, that he did not see how a proper and justifiable
      addition of 2s. to the price of barley could require such an extravagant
      expenditure of indignation and abuse. The report was brought up on the
      27th of March; and the resolutions were carried, after a division on an
      amendment moved by Mr. Hume. A bill founded on them was brought in; and on
      the second reading the opposition to it on the part of the landed interest
      was renewed with undiminished hostility. Sir Thomas Lethbridge described
      the bill as one which ought to be entitled, "An act for the more effectual
      encouragement of speculation in the corn-trade, the more rapid diminution
      of the growth of grain in Great Britain, and the better encouragement of
      the growth of grain in other countries for the supply of the British
      market." He moved as an amendment, that the bill should be read a second
      time on that day six months; and its supporters gave ministers to
      understand that the success of the bill would deprive them, in regard to
      certain other questions connected with expenditure, of the customary
      support of their most valued friends. If the price of corn was reduced,
      they said, everything else ought equally to be reduced. Were ministers
      then ready, they asked, to reduce the taxes? The defence of the bill was
      chiefly undertaken by Mr. Grant, the vice-president of the board of trade,
      who entered into an elaborate view of the whole question. Possessing, as
      the landowners did, the law of 1815, it was necessary, he said, to show
      some good reason for the change proposed; and he found a most satisfactory
      reason in the fact that the law had failed in every one of the objects
      which had been contemplated in its enactment. The intention of that law
      had been to effect three objects; namely, uniformity of price, protection
      to the farmer, and independence of foreign supplies; but it was notorious
      that the law had not answered any one of these purposes. The amendment was
      pressed to a division; and the second reading of the bill was carried by a
      majority of two hundred and forty-three to seventy-eight. It subsequently
      passed a committee with no other alteration than a clause, authorizing the
      king to prohibit, by an order in council, the importation of grain from
      any country where British vessels should be subject to a higher duty than
      was imposed on the vessels of such country coming to British ports. The
      bill was finally read a third time, and passed on the 12th of April, on
      which day the house adjourned for the Easter holidays.
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About the middle of February the Earl of Liverpool was suddenly attacked
      by a paralytic stroke. By the end of March his case became hopeless, and
      Mr. Canning was summoned at that time by the king to Windsor. It was well
      known that dissensions existed in the cabinet, and that serious
      difficulties were created by a large portion of it, hostile in the highest
      degree to Mr. Canning. At the same time a majority of the commons, as well
      as of the people at large, called upon him to take up the mantle of the
      premier, and to direct the councils of Great Britain. Mr. Canning was
      called to this interview with the king merely in his capacity of
      privy-counsellor, to assist the king in the re-construction of the
      cabinet. He recommended that a ministry should be formed unanimous in the
      rejection of Catholic emancipation; to forward which arrangement he
      professed his own willingness to retire from office. This advice had the
      appearance of great disinterestedness and self-denial; but Mr. Canning
      must have known that it was utterly impracticable: those, indeed, on whom
      it would have thrown the responsibility of government saw the
      embarrassment such an arrangement would produce, and instantly rejected
      it. His majesty now proposed that the plan of administration should be
      unchanged; and that some anti-Catholic peer should be appointed premier,
      to prevent such increase of adherents to the Catholic cause as a minister
      of that rank, being its known advocate, would necessarily promote. To this
      arrangement, however, Mr. Canning objected, declaring that he would never
      degrade himself by forming part of an administration which considered a
      person entertaining those views which he entertained concerning the
      Catholic question as disqualified to fill the highest office in the state.
      By this declaration, in effect, Mr. Canning made known to the king that
      his services could only be secured by the highest office; and it seems
      quite clear from other circumstances that such was his aim. But this
      resolution was the cause of breaking up the Liverpool cabinet. At the same
      time Mr. Canning obtained the object of his ambition: aided by the general
      voice, he was made premier. His exaltation, however, was the signal of
      retreat to other members of the cabinet. Mr. Peel had previously declared
      that if such an event took place he should decline office; and Lord Eldon
      resigned, ostensibly on account of his advanced age, but in reality on Mr.
      Peel's principles, namely, that he could not co-operate with a friend to
      Catholic emancipation as premier. On the 12th of April the king had
      received, in addition to these, the resignations, also, the Duke of
      Wellington, and Lords Bexley, Westmoreland, and Bathurst. Nevertheless,
      the king confirmed the appointment of Mr. Canning; and it was announced in
      the house of commons on the same evening, where it was received with
      deafening shouts of applause. Mr. Canning now proceeded to reconstruct the
      cabinet. The new ministers were, the Duke of Clarence, as lord
      high-admiral of England; Lord Anglesea, as master-general of the ordnance,
      with a seat in the cabinet; Lord Dudley, Mr. Sturges Bourne, and Mr.
      Robinson, nominated respectively for the foreign, home, and colonial
      departments; the Duke of Devonshire, as lord-chamberlain; the Duke of
      Portland, as privy-seal; and Lord Harrowby, as president of the council.
      Lord Bexley retracted his resignation and retained office; and Lord
      Palmerston, with Messrs. Huskisson and Wynne, likewise remained in the
      cabinet. Sir John Leach, Sir Anthony Hart, and Sir James Scarlett, were
      respectively made master of the rolls, vice-chancellor, and
      attorney-general. Mr. Canning occupied the two offices of first lord of
      the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer. A negociation had been
      opened with the Marquis of Lansdowne to supply several places; but no
      official appointments resulted from it, although a large body of Whigs
      offered their support to the administration. The new ministry was gazetted
      on the 27th of April; and on the 30th his majesty held a court, at which
      Lords Eldon, Westmoreland, and Bathurst, as well as Mr. Peel, severally
      had audiences to resign their seals of office; and the new ministers
      kissed hands on their appointments. Mr. Canning was loudly cheered by the
      populace in going to and returning from the palace; but he soon discovered
      that his high office was not a bed of roses. "The premiership had for
      twelve years been a bed of slumber; it now fell into the hands of one who
      made it a bed of feverish anxiety and bitter wakefulness,&mdash;George
      Canning, the first debater, the most dexterous politician, and the
      happiest wit of the house; the most perplexed, unhappy, and disappointed
      of ministers."
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    <h2>
      REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house of commons reassembled on the 1st of May. So much time, however,
      had been lost through the dissolution of the old administration, and the
      hostility of parties now consumed so much time, that very little business
      was completed during the session. At its meeting the public were eager to
      learn something of the causes which had separated men who had acted so
      long together in good and in evil report, and which had accomplished an
      union between parties and individuals whose contest had generally been a
      war to the death. The public had not to remain long on the tiptoe of
      expectation, for no sooner had the house met than the strife of words
      commenced.
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    <h2>
      EXPLANATIONS OF MEMBERS, AND HOSTILITY TO THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the motion that a new writ should issue for the borough of Ashburton,
      for the election of a member in place of Mr. S. Bourne, Mr. Peel said,
      that as the motion was connected with the succession to that office which
      he had resigned, he trusted that the house would allow him the opportunity
      of explaining the grounds on which he had retired from the situation of
      secretary of state, disclaiming at the same time all intention of opposing
      the new government, and carrying himself free from every appearance of a
      factious spirit. He remarked:&mdash;"I retired from office because, from
      the first moment of my public life, I have taken an active and decided
      part on a great and vital question, that of the extension of political
      privileges to the Roman Catholics. For eighteen years I have constantly
      offered an uncompromising, but, I hope, a temperate, fair, and
      constitutional resistance to every proposition for granting to them any
      further concessions. My opposition is founded on principle. I think the
      continuance of those bars which prevent the acquisition of political power
      by the Catholics necessary for the maintenance of the constitution, and
      for the interests of the established church. It is not merely that my
      honourable friend differs in opinion from me on this important question,
      but the change in administration occasions the transfer of all that
      influence and power which belongs to the office of a prime minister into
      the hands of one who will use it for the purpose of forwarding an object
      which I have always resisted. It is not a transfer of that influence and
      power from one ordinary man to another ordinary man, but from the most
      able opponent of the Catholic claims to their most zealous and eloquent
      advocate." Mr. Peel then vindicated the course taken by his late
      colleagues in resigning office; the act, he said, was "a splendid example
      of disinterested conduct to all public men." He vindicated them from the
      charge of acting in concert, or in the spirit of cabal; declaring that he
      not only did not hold any communication with the lord-chancellor, as had
      been said, but that he did not even know hip lordship's intentions The
      very first person, he said, to whom I stated my inability to acquiesce in
      the appointment of my right honourable friend as prime minister, was my
      right honourable friend himself; and I did not then known the intention of
      any other member of the administration. He added:&mdash;"A separation from
      my right honourable friend, with whom I have acted so cordially on every
      point but one, is to me a source of deep regret, mitigated, however, in
      some degree by the recollection that I have done everything becoming my
      character to prevent it. I retire from the service of my sovereign without
      any personal regret, except upon one point, namely, that I can no longer
      avail myself of those opportunities which office afforded of introducing a
      system of improvement into the existing laws. To effect that object is the
      chief desire of my life; and I have the satisfaction of reflecting that,
      during the five years I have held the office of home-secretary, every
      institution coming under my immediate cognizance has been subject to such
      reforms as were considered advantageous and useful. I have likewise the
      satisfaction of recollecting that every law which I found on the
      statute-book at my entrance into office, imposing extraordinary
      restrictions on the liberties of the subject, has been either modified or
      altogether repealed. I may be a Tory, but I have the satisfaction of
      observing that such has been my conduct. Tory, as I am, it is gratifying
      to me to reflect that no law stands on the statute-book, in connection
      with my name, which has not for its object the mitigation of the severity
      of the criminal law, and the prevention of any abuse in the administration
      of justice." This speech was received with loud cheers, and elicited much
      applause from Mr. Brougham, who at the same time declared his
      determination to support the policy of the new administration. On the
      contrary, Mr. Dawson, a brother-in-law to Mr. Peel, and late
      under-secretary for the home department, damaged his reputation by his
      explanation, inasmuch as he allowed himself to get into a passion with the
      premier. Mr. Dawson insisted that Mr. Canning was bound to declare
      immediately what he intended to do with the Catholic question, and also to
      bring it forward without delay. In reply Mr. Canning said, that throughout
      a continued intercourse with Mr. Peel he had uniformly found his conduct
      distinguished by the same feeling and high principle which were so
      strongly pourtrayed in the speech he had just delivered; he had behaved,
      he said, throughout with manliness and candour. He continued:&mdash;"The
      house is greatly mistaken if they imagine my situation to be one of
      gratified ambition. From the beginning of the discussions on the Catholic
      claims I felt that the separation of my honourable friend and myself was
      inevitable, and not far remote. Would to God I could now persuade myself
      that his retirement will be but for a short time! Had the necessity which
      has made the retirement of one of as inevitable been left in my hands, my
      decision would have been for my own resignation, and against that of my
      right honourable friend. My first object was to quit office; my next to
      remain in it, with all my old colleagues exactly&mdash;exactly on the same
      terms as usual regarding this very Catholic question." Mr. Canning then
      went into a long detail concerning the circumstances which preceded his
      appointment; and he concluded with saying,&mdash;"I sit where I now do by
      no seeking of my own. I proposed at first my own exclusion: it was not
      accepted. Then conditions were offered to me, which I refused, because
      they were accompanied by an admission of my own disqualification, to which
      if I had submitted, I should have been for ever degraded. In the year 1822
      I was appointed to an office fraught with wealth, honour, and ambition.
      From that office I was called, not on my own seeking, but contrary to my
      own wish; and I made a sacrifice&mdash;a sacrifice, be it remembered, of
      no inconsiderable nature to a poor man&mdash;and the offer of a share in
      the administration was made to me without any stipulation. But if that
      offer had been made with this condition, that, if the highest place in the
      administration should become vacant, the opinions which I held on the
      Catholic question were to be a bar to my succeeding to it, I would turn
      the offer back with the disdain with which I turned back that of serving
      under a Protestant premier, as the badge of my Helotism, and the condition
      of my place." The only parties left to explain their conduct were those
      members of opposition who had quitted their former station and were
      settled beside the new ministry. This duty was discharged by Sir Francis
      Burdett and Mr. Brougham. Their support was defended by Sir Francis as
      likely to promote enlightened principles of government both at home and
      abroad, and especially the cause of religious liberty. He had no doubt but
      the country would soon be operated upon by sentiments of sound policy,
      justice, and liberality. Mr. Brougham maintained that he and his party, in
      supporting the present ministry, were acting consistently, as well as
      disinterestedly. For himself, he said, he had quitted a situation, eminent
      beyond his hopes or merits, on the opposition benches, where he was
      surrounded by one of the largest, one of the most honourable, and one of
      the most disinterested oppositions ever known in the house, an opposition
      consisting of men who do what they think best for their country; though in
      doing so they should feel sure that they were helping to confirm their
      adversaries in office. "I have quitted this station, enough to satisfy the
      ambition of the proudest man, under arrangements which made my own
      acceptance of office impossible. My opinions on foreign and domestic
      policy have led me to this step with the sincere desire of furnishing a
      useful assistance to the liberal sentiments of Mr. Canning&mdash;including
      the Irish question. Not that I am for giving it that prominent situation
      in the public councils which is required by some; but I wished that it
      should derive every possible advantage from the junction of the two
      parties which have divided the house and the country, but are now united
      in a cordial, hearty, and uniform support of such measures as should be
      deemed best for the country."
    </p>
    <p>
      The house of lords met on the 2nd of May; and in that branch of the
      legislature more explanations were given than in the house of commons. On
      the first opportunity Lord Eldon declared that the accusations made
      against him, of having attempted an unconstitutional dictation to his
      sovereign, was a base and scandalous falsehood. His opinion was, and
      always had been, that if the claims of the Catholics were conceded, there
      was an end of the religious liberties of this country, and that with its
      religious liberties its civil freedom would perish. Holding such opinions
      as these it was impossible for him to coincide with the views of the new
      minister, whether those views were immediately to be carried into
      execution, or suspended for the better securing of his purpose. Could he,
      he asked, honestly remain in office under an administration formed on
      principles at variance with his own? He could not allow that the new
      administration had been formed on principles similar to that of Lord
      Liverpool. That nobleman had been a zealous, honest, and candid opponent
      of the Catholic claims; but the present premier would be as zealous in
      supporting them. As to the mode of his resignation, his lordship wholly
      disclaimed the imputation of having concerted it with Mr. Peel; that
      gentleman, for whom he entertained the highest regard and esteem, knew
      nothing about his sending in his resignation; and he believed the same to
      be the case with every other minister who had retired. As the retirement
      of the Duke of Wellington, not only from the administration, but from the
      command of the army, which was not a cabinet office, seemed to indicate
      hostility of a more decided character than that of any other seceder, it
      had excited greater interest. On both these points his grace entered into
      a full and manly explanation. After adverting to the press which had
      endeavoured to blacken his character, he remarked, that he was not
      requested to come and receive explanations concerning evident omissions in
      the letter first sent to him, nor was he referred to any person for
      information on these points; although, as he afterwards learned, his
      colleagues had been invited to go to the minister, and receive any
      explanations which they might require, or the minister himself had gone to
      them. Still he would not let any pique of this kind stop an amicable
      communication, and in that spirit he carried on his correspondence, and
      wished to contrive means of continuing in his majesty's councils. When,
      however, he found that the right honourable gentleman was to be at the
      head of affairs, he doubted whether he could, consistently with his
      principles, join the administration; and under these circumstances he
      declined office. He considered that the principles of Lord Liverpool's
      policy had been abandoned, and that the measures of a government
      constituted on the principles of Mr. Canning's sentiments would be viewed
      with suspicion by foreign governments, and would give no satisfaction to
      the country; and therefore he requested Mr. Canning to communicate to his
      majesty that he wished to be excused from forming a part of the new
      cabinet. Would he not, he asked, have degraded himself, and deceived the
      public, if he had sat in a cabinet with a gentleman at its head whom he
      felt bound to oppose? It was no answer to tell him that the present
      cabinet acted upon the same principles with that of which Lord Liverpool
      had been at the head. The two cabinets materially differed: that of Lord
      Liverpool was formed on the principle of maintaining the laws as they now
      were, whilst that of Mr. Canning was founded on the principle of
      subverting them. "Those," remarked his grace, "who formed part of Lord
      Liverpool's cabinet knew well what it was to which they pledged
      themselves, for they knew that his lordship was conscientiously opposed to
      all changes in the existing form of government; but those who coalesced
      with Mr. Canning had no idea how far their coalition was to carry them,&mdash;for
      he was the most able, active, and zealous partisan of those changes with
      which the country was at present threatened. The principles of the noble
      earl were principles by which any man might safely abide; the principles
      of Mr. Canning fluctuate daily, and depend upon transitory reasons of
      temporary expediency. These are the conscientious reasons of my
      resignation." As for the absurd calumny, that he had threatened the king
      with his resignation unless he was made prime minister, the duke said it
      hardly deserved an answer. "Could any man believe," asked his grace, "that
      after I had raised myself to the command of the army, I would have given
      it up for any but conscientious reasons? I say, raised myself, because I
      know that, whatever his majesty's kindness had been towards me, he could
      not have exalted me through all the grades of military rank to the very
      highest if I had not rendered him and my country some service of which he
      entertained a high sense. Will any man then believe that when I was in a
      situation which enabled me to recommend to the notice of his majesty all
      my former friends and companions in arms, and to reward them according to
      their merits for the exertions which they had formerly made under my
      command in the field, I would voluntarily resign a situation so consonant
      to my feelings and habits for the mere empty ambition of being placed at
      the head of the government?" In regard to his resignation of the command
      of the army, his grace said, that although it was not a cabinet office,
      yet it was one which placed its possessor in a constant and confidential
      relation with the king and his government. With the prime minister the
      commander-in-chief is in communication every day, he has not a control
      even over the army, the chief direction of which is placed in the
      minister's hands; at the same time the premier himself cannot withdraw any
      part of the army from a foreign station without consulting the
      commander-in-chief; he cannot make up his budget, or introduce any reform
      into the organization of the army without seeking his opinion. No
      political sentiments, however, would have prevented him from retaining
      this office under ordinary circumstances, but from the tone and tenor of
      the communications he had received from his majesty, from the nature of
      the invitation given to him by the right; honourable gentleman in his
      first letter, and from the contents of the last, which he had received
      from Mr. Canning by his majesty's commands, he saw that he could not
      remain with credit to himself or advantage to the country: his line of
      conduct had not been hastily adopted, though he had been wantonly and
      unjustly abused. The other seceding peers justified their retirement
      generally on the same ground of political principles which had been taken
      by the Duke of Wellington, except that Lord Melville and Lord Bathurst
      expressed an opinion, that without such men as his grace, Lord Eldon, and
      Mr. Peel, no administration could be formed possessing sufficient
      stability and capacity for the government of the country. The task of
      defending the new administration fell to the lot of Lord Goderich, who
      declared that, so far from casting any imputation of conspiracy among, and
      cabal on his former colleagues, he believed that if there had been more
      communication among them, much of the mischief and disorder which had
      occurred might have been prevented. If the government was not constituted
      in a satisfactory manner, it was not the fault of either himself or his
      honourable and noble friends. Mr. Canning had sought to keep the elements
      of the late ministry together; but they had fallen away: and was he to say
      to his majesty, "I will run away, and leave you in such a predicament as
      no sovereign was ever placed in before?" The Marquis of Lansdowne finally
      explained the principles, and defended the propriety of the coalition of
      parties; and he justified it on the grounds which had been made in the
      lower house&mdash;the identity between the principles of his party and the
      spirit of the measures which government had for some time been pursuing,
      in regard both to foreign and domestic policy. From his statement it
      appeared that the overtures of alliance had come under the sanction of the
      king from the ministry; for, he said, when the individuals with whom the
      formation of a government rested brought to him his majesty's commands, he
      felt it no less his duty than his interest maturely to consider them, and
      that after this consideration he felt it his duty to obey them. The union
      which had taken place, he said, was not the result of a sudden impulse;
      for three years ago he had supported the just views of government in
      repairing the finances, widening the resources, improving the commerce and
      navigation of the country, and in cultivating relations of amity and
      friendship with that new world whose treasures were now opening to them.
      In conclusion, he admitted in their full extent the reasons which had been
      given by the noble lords for their several resignations, and the
      statements which they had made in accounting for that remarkable
      coincidence; but he could not help expressing his surprise that government
      had been able to go on so long, being conducted, as it now appeared, by
      ministers who did not think proper to communicate with one another upon
      the most important question which could be agitated among them. Other
      noble lords, as the Earls of Mansfield and Winchilsea, and Lord
      Ellenborough, expressed their determined hostility to the new government,
      and a total want of confidence in its leader. Lord Ellen-borough remarked,
      that it appeared clear to him, and he believed to others, that some deceit
      was about to be practised. Either his majesty, who had permitted this
      administration to be formed with the understanding that the Catholic
      question was to be given up, was deceived, or the hopes held out to
      Ireland, that the new administration was to extend to that country the
      peace and tranquillity which that boon alone could bestow, were
      fallacious. Earls Mansfield and Winchilsea expressed a determination of
      bringing the principles of the new cabinet at once to the test; and gave
      notice of motions on the Catholic question and the state of the nation.
      Neither of these motions, however, was ever brought to a hearing; and the
      retired ministers exhibited as little concert out of office as they had
      displayed in their resignation. In one matter, however, they were all
      agreed, that of hostility to the present government. In both houses a
      desultory warfare was carried on against it: single individuals taking
      upon themselves at intervals the task of castigating its members. In the
      commons Sir Thomas Lethbridge chiefly undertook this task; but, although
      he performed it with much pertinacity, he was unfortunately deficient in
      speech. In the lords the most powerful assistance on the side of the
      seceders was found in Lord Grey, who announced his want of confidence in
      the ministry. île gave, his lordship said, all due credit to those members
      of his party who coalesced with that ministry for disinterestedness, but
      he could see nothing in it which called for his support. It was said to be
      formed on the principle of Lord Liverpool's government. That principle
      consisted in the exclusion of the Catholic question: was the Catholic
      question then not to be made a cabinet measure? If so, his determination
      was taken; it would prevent him from giving support to the government. His
      lordship then reviewed the whole political career of Mr. Canning, and
      expressed himself opposed to every part of it; attacking with peculiar
      severity the noted declaration of the premier of calling the republics of
      the new world into existence. It was true, he said, that Mr. Canning was
      called a friend of civil and religious liberty, and that he supported
      Catholic emancipation, at the same time he proclaimed his opposition to a
      repeal of the test and corporation acts. He would not dwell on his known
      opposition to parliamentary reform; that question had not been so
      uniformly supported, nor had public opinion been so expressed in its
      favour as that any one should make it a <i>sine qua non</i> in joining an
      administration; but he could not conceal from himself the fact, that
      within a few years numerous laws had been passed hostile to civil liberty,
      every one of which had received the right honourable gentleman's dissent.
      Unless he could retrace his steps, and erase some that remained in the
      statute-book, no confidence ought to be reposed in him as a friend to
      civil liberty. His lordship added, that he differed from the known
      opponents of government on most questions as widely as the poles were
      asunder; but neither could he join those who supported it: the only
      course, therefore, left him was to pursue the same principles which he
      professed through life. When the measures of government agreed with those
      principles he would support them; when repugnant, they should have his
      opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPINIONS OF HIS MAJESTY ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1827&mdash;1828
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of Catholic emancipation was soon set at rest for the
      present. In an interview which the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
      of London had with his majesty, soon after Mr. Canning's elevation, he
      stated "that he was as firmly fixed as his father had been, in opposition
      to the pretensions of the papists." This declaration was made public in a
      meeting of prelates at Lambeth-palace, and announced by the bishop in the
      house of lords, so that it was evident that this was a measure not to be
      forced. On this declaration, indeed, the motions previously named, which
      would virtually have been a renewal of the discussion, were withdrawn, and
      the Catholic question was thereby laid aside for a time. The test acts, no
      less than Catholic emancipation had been a principal bond of union among
      the opposition; but neither was this urged; so that every subject which
      could have brought any party in the coalition to the test, was avoided.
      Under these circumstances, towards the close of the session some of the
      Whigs took office. Thus Lord Lansdowne was appointed secretary for the
      home department; Lord Carlisle, privy-seal; and Mr. Tierney, master of the
      mint. But about this time the opposition received a more regular form and
      abler direction. Hitherto Mr. Peel had acted with moderation and urbanity,
      but he now gave indications of decided hostility. In discovering this Mr.
      Canning said, that he rejoiced to see the standard openly raised: he
      always preferred direct hostility to hollow professions or pretended
      neutrality.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON THE CHANCELLOR'S JURISDICTION IN BANKRUPTCY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of May, Mr. Michael Angelo Taylor again brought the subject of
      delays in the court of chancery before the commons. The delays, he said,
      which disgraced that court, and the arrears of business under which it was
      sinking, were the consequences of the system of the court itself. An
      additional judge had in a former year been appointed, and yet the ar-rear
      of business had not been extinguished. To adopt the language of Mr.
      Shadwell, not three angels could discharge the duties of the office of
      lord-chancellor, constituted as that office now was. He proposed,
      therefore, to withdraw all matters of bankruptcy from the great seal:
      matters which had not originally been subject to that jurisdiction, but
      had been made so by parliament, and which were of themselves sufficient to
      occupy the attention of any single judge. He moved, therefore, "that this
      house do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house to consider of
      the statute of the 13th year of Elizabeth, and of certain subsequent
      statutes, which gave to the lord-chancellor of England jurisdiction in
      matters of bankruptcy." This motion was opposed by the attorney-general,
      Mr. Brougham, and Dr. Lushington, the former of whom vindicated the
      present system at great length. It was an unsound principle, he said, to
      make places fit to particular men. On the contrary, they ought to seek men
      fit to particular places; and it would be easy to show that, with three
      efficient judges, such as they had now got, there was not the least
      necessity of subtracting from the court of chancery any part of the
      jurisdiction which it at present possessed. He argued that there were more
      cases in the court of chancery than could be considered during the year,
      and that with the present judges in the court of chancery all those in
      arrear would be speedily dismissed. Mr. D. W. Harvey supported the motion,
      and entered into an exposition of the mischiefs of the bankrupt-law as at
      present administered by the commissioners, whom he described as being in
      general, either young men possessing capacity without experience, or
      briefless old men possessing experience without capacity, and to whom the
      appointment was an act of charity. Above all he complained of the
      inconsistency of those who now pretended that all the evils would be
      removed by the mere change of men, while the system must remain unchanged.
      All the splendid denunciations, he said, which had thrilled through every
      bosom in that house and in the country, were to be considered only as
      party tactics, were to be looked upon as the result of disappointed
      ambition. Professional advancement being obtained, those who had been most
      loud in their attacks upon the late Lord-chancellor Eldon, had now become
      the warmest eulogists of his merits. The house was now told, that, if in
      the vehemence of debate, anything had been said which was calculated to
      injure his character, it ought to be considered as nothing, as the mere
      accidental effusion of party spirit. It fell to the lot of Mr. Brougham to
      defend certain members from this charge of political delinquency, which he
      did with his usual tact, It had been said, he remarked, that a wondrous
      change was now visible in various members of parliament; that they were
      all opposed to the alterations in the court of chancery which they had
      formerly advocated; and that now being in office they had no objection to
      the arrangements of that court, though out of office they had poured forth
      against them torrents of fiery indignation. It was assumed, also, for the
      purpose of an unfair attack, that he himself, and those who thought with
      him, had changed their opinions on the subject. Now on what measure of
      government, on what chapter of policy, on what officer of state, on what
      judge of the land, had his opinions or principles changed? It had been
      said by those who contended that Lord Eldon was not to blame for the
      arrears in the court, that no man could get through the business. But if
      the business of the court had increased, the means of disposing it had
      likewise increased by the establishment of the vice-chancellor's court.
      But instead of having an efficient chancellor, vice-chancellor, and master
      of the rolls, there had always been either an unfit vice-chancellor, or an
      unfit master of the rolls, which left the court in the same situation as
      before the vice-chancellor's bill passed. But it was different now: they
      had as efficient a master of the rolls as could be required; and of the
      vice-chancellor he would say, that he had been one of the most experienced
      practitioners in the court of chancery. The new lord chancellor, also, was
      a person of great legal talents, and of an independent mind. From all
      this, he had a confident expectation that the business of the court would
      be despatched in proper time. On a division the motion was lost by a
      majority of one hundred and thirty-four against thirty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTIONS REGARDING THE STAMP-DUTY AND CHEAP PUBLICATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the troubled state of the country in 1819 and 1820, certain
      legislative measures had been adopted, known by the name of the Six Acts,
      for the purpose of checking the course of sedition. Some of these had
      expired by the lapse of time; but one, which subjected cheap periodicals
      issued for the purposes of agitation to a stamp-duty still remained on the
      statute-book. On the 31st of May, Mr. Hume brought forward a motion for
      the repeal of this statute. He had intended, he said, to have made this
      motion during the preceding session, but he congratulated himself upon the
      delay, as the changes which had taken place in the government were
      favourable to the question he now advocated. But Mr. Hume soon found
      himself mistaken. Mr. Canning and others when in opposition had condemned
      this statute as a tyrannical and unwarrantable attack against the liberty
      of the press; but to a man they now resisted the motion, and abused and
      ridiculed the mover. It was lost by a majority of one hundred and twenty
      against ten.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAW QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new corn-law, which had been sent to the house of lords before the
      recess, only furnished them with an opportunity of triumph. It had
      originated in the late cabinet of which the Duke of Wellington was a
      member; but notwithstanding this, he moved an amendment, prohibiting the
      removal of foreign corn from bond until the price of wheat should have
      reached sixty-six shillings per quarter. This proposal, though at variance
      with the principle of the bill, which provided for the admission of corn
      at all times on payment of a duty proportionate to the average market
      price, was supported by the high Tory party and peers, who preferred their
      own interests as landowners, so that ministers were left in a minority of
      one hundred and twenty-two to one hundred and thirty-three. The
      consequence of this amendment was, that, when the bill returned to the
      commons, ministers rejected it altogether; it being fatal, they said, to
      the principle of the bill, and inconsistent with its application. As for
      the supporters of the amendment they were abused both within and without
      the walls of St. Stephen, as men who had sacrificed the public good to
      forward the purposes of mere faction. Even Mr. Canning, imagining that the
      opposition was directed personally against himself, described the Duke of
      Wellington as a tool in the hands of more crafty intriguers. He could not,
      he said, exclude from his consideration that even so great a man as the
      Duke of Wellington had been made an instrument in the hands of others on
      that occasion. As to the members by which that amendment was carried, he
      asserted, that he believed it impossible that such discordant materials
      could have been brought together by a conviction of its merits. He looked
      upon the union not as arising from the merits of the question, but from
      some deep-rooted design to produce another effect in the other house, or
      that house, or elsewhere. There was no reason, however, to believe that
      this step arose from the spirit of faction as a whole; and Mr. Canning's
      language was, to say the least of it, indiscreet; language, which pique
      and provocation might account for, but which neither sound sense nor good
      feeling could justify. In consequence of the failure of this bill it
      became necessary to prevent a recurrence of that alarm which had arisen
      last year on account of scarcity. A temporary bill was therefore prepared
      and suffered to pass both houses, permitting the release of foreign corn
      from bond, on the same scale of duties as that proposed by the measure
      which had been abandoned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Canning brought forward the budget on the 1st of June. The method
      which he adopted in his statement, was, to state first the financial
      situation of the country at the end of the preceding year; then to combine
      and compare that one year with the several years which had preceded it;
      and finally, to suggest the provision to be made for the service of the
      present year, and the grounds on which he felt himself justified in
      looking forward with confidence to the result. By a review of income and
      expenditure during the four past years, it appeared from his statements,
      that, on an expenditure of £230,000,000, including the annual sinking-fund
      of £5,000,000, there was an apparent deficiency of £1,265,687. Against
      this, however, was to be placed the amount of advances from the exchequer,
      either in loans to carry on public works, or for beneficial purchases,
      which the public had in possession as available securities for repayment.
      The amount of excess in these advances for the four years, was near
      £2,000,000, so that in fact there remained about £1,100,000, as a real
      surplus of income beyond expenditure. Mr. Canning suggested the propriety
      of providing for the temporary deficiency by an issue of exchequer-bills.
      The supplies which he demanded for the year amounted to £57,500,000,
      including the sinking-fund; and the various items of which they were
      composed were all voted without opposition. At the conclusion of his
      statements Mr. Canning said, that he intended to bring the expenditure of
      the country to the lowest possible scale consistent with the public
      service, and that it was the determination of government to apply their
      best efforts to the matter, and to call the house into council on the
      subject. His financial statements, indeed, were made with such ability and
      candour, that they secured for him the confidence both of the house and
      the country.
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    <h2>
      CORRUPT BOROUGHS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As is usual in the first session of a new parliament, the reports of
      election-committees disclosed scenes of gross bribery. Samples of
      corruption were brought before the house by Colonel Maberly and Mr. Sykes
      from the boroughs of Northampton and Leicester.
    </p>
    <p>
      Enormous sums had been abstracted from corporation funds for the purpose
      of defraying the expenses o£ candidates for the boroughs. Colonel Maberly
      moved, with reference to the borough of Northampton, that a select
      committee be appointed to take into consideration the petition which had
      been presented to the house, complaining of the conduct of the
      corporation. The attorney-general, in reply, said, that if the case were
      really as it had been stated, and if the corporation had been guilty of
      the breach of trust mentioned, then there was an undoubted remedy in the
      court of chancery, and he argued that this was the ordinary and legal mode
      of obtaining redress in such cases. The motions, however, was supported by
      Messrs. Spring Rice, II. Gurney, and Abercromby, with Lords Althorp and
      Russell, on the ground that there was more in the case than the mere
      misapplication of funds. They argued that the purpose to which the funds
      had been misapplied directly affected the privileges and constitution of
      the house of commons; that the house would degrade itself if it sanctioned
      the attorney-general's going before any court, whether of law or of
      equity, to obtain the decision of that court on the propriety or power of
      the house to interfere in cases of this nature, and that the case was a
      fitting one to be investigated by a committee. The application of money
      for such purposes found an advocate in Mr. Peel, who asked, that if
      corporation funds should not be spent for any other than corporation
      purposes, what was to be said of that of London, which had recently voted
      £1000 to the Greeks? The real question before the house was, that
      supposing the corporation to have power to apply its funds to other than
      charitable purposes, had it a right to appropriate them to such a purpose
      as paying the legitimate expenses incurred in forwarding the election of a
      particular member of parliament? This was a question which merited deep
      consideration. Might a peer subscribe one, two, or five thousand pounds
      towards defraying such expenses?&mdash;might not a corporation do so too?
      He would not advise them to do it; but he was not prepared to say that in
      doing it they were acting illegally, or would be guilty of a breach of the
      privileges of the house of commons. He should suggest that a select
      committee be appointed simply to inquire into the payment, or engagements
      for payment, of any sum for electioneering purposes, made by the
      corporation of Northampton at the last election, which suggestion was
      adopted. Concerning the borough of Leicester, Mr. Sykes moved that a
      select committee should be appointed "to take into consideration the
      petition from the borough of Leicester, to examine witnesses, and to
      report to the house thereon." This motion was opposed by Messrs. C. Wynn
      and Peel, as a manifest attempt to evade the provisions of the Grenville
      Act, which might forthwith be repealed if motions of this nature were
      sanctioned. The petitioners, it was said, had taken legal advice on the
      subject, and finding that they had no case, they allowed the time limited
      by that act to elapse, and now demanded the special interference of the
      house. They found this mode of procedure more convenient than the former,
      under which they would have had to find security for costs in the event of
      the petition turning out to be frivolous, and would have been obliged at
      least to maintain their own witnesses. It was inconvenient, unjust, and
      degrading to the character of the house, it was asserted, to descend into
      the politics of borough elections, and that applications like this ought
      to be resisted. On the other hand, Sir Francis Burdett argued that if the
      petition were rejected, it would be viewed as indicating a want of that
      constitutional jealousy which should induce them to open their doors
      widely, instead of shutting them abruptly to complaints of this nature.
      The house, he said, was imperatively called on to investigate the
      circumstances connected with the offence. On a division, however, the
      motion was lost by a majority of ninety-two to sixty-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      A severer fate menaced some of the Cornish boroughs. Two of them appeared
      so pre-eminent in dishonesty, that the most determined advocates of the
      old system could not ward off retributive justice. A petition against the
      return for Penryn had been presented, and although corrupt practices could
      not be traced to the sitting members, yet the committee reported that the
      most gross and shameful bribery had prevailed. Mr. Legh Keck, chairman of
      the committee, was compelled by a sense of duty to move the following
      resolutions:&mdash;"That it appears to this house that the most notorious
      bribery and corruption were practised at the last election of members to
      serve in parliament for the borough of Penryn, and that such practices
      were not new or casual in the borough, the attention of the house having
      been called to similar practices in the years 1807 and 1819. That the said
      bribery and corruption deserved the most serious consideration of
      parliament. That leave be given to bring in a bill for the more effectual
      preventing of bribery and corruption in that borough." These resolutions
      were agreed to; the sitting members for Penryn only raising their voices
      against it, and a bill was ordered to be brought in in accordance with the
      third resolution. This bill having been read a second time, the house
      proceeded to examine further evidence in proof of the corruption. In that
      evidence there was much of mere belief, and much prevarication on the part
      of some of the witnesses; but the house came to the conclusion that a
      clear case of bribery and corruption had been established. The grand
      point, therefore, to consider was, the punishment to be inflicted, or the
      remedy to be applied. On that subject there was a diversity of opinions.
      Mr. Keck proposed the extension of the franchise to the hundreds, while
      Lord John Russell contended that the borough, like that of Grampound,
      should be disfranchised altogether. He moved as an amendment, "that the
      borough of Penryn shall be excluded hereafter from returning burgesses to
      serve in parliament." The original motion was supported by the ministry,
      who contended that though enough had been proved to call for the
      interference of the house, yet there was not sufficient to induce it to
      proceed to total disfranchisement. Mr. Canning remarked, that he thought
      it clear that a verdict of "guilty" must be given; but he did not think
      such a degree of guilt was established as would warrant the extinction of
      that which in its blameless exercise was a valuable possession, and the
      taking it entirely away from those who had exercised it innocently because
      others had abused it. He protested, however, against its being supposed
      that, in such a case as Grampound, he should feel any difficulty in
      erecting a new representation in lieu of that which might be taken away;
      and in giving his vote for the original motion, he would give it with
      reference to this particular case, avoiding the general question, and the
      general principles on which it was to be considered. The amendment was
      supported by Lords Althorp and Milton; by Messrs. Ferguson, Hobhouse, and
      Brougham; and by Sir John Newport. Such a case, they argued, had been made
      out that it would be an injustice to the constitution and to the
      principles on which the house had acted towards other places if Penryn
      were not disfranchised, and the right transferred elsewhere. The transfer
      of its privileges, they said, to the adjoining hundreds, would merely
      bestow them on a few wealthy individuals. On a division the amendment was
      carried by a majority of one hundred and twenty-four against sixty-nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      A petition had been presented against the return for East Retford, and the
      committee had reported that the sitting members were not duly elected;
      that the election was void, and that bribery had been general and
      notorious. Similar resolutions to those in the case of Penryn were
      adopted, therefore, in regard to this borough. The house resolved that no
      new writ should issue until the evidence should have been taken into
      consideration; and the result of that consideration was, that leave was
      given for a bill of disfranchisement. The session, however, closed before
      any effective proceedings were taken for the disfranchisement of either of
      these boroughs; but Manchester was generally looked to as a recipient of
      the forfeited privileges of Penryn, and Birmingham was held out as the
      place to which the franchise of East Retford would be transferred.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session Lord Althorp obtained the appointment of a committee
      to inquire into the mode of taking the poll at county elections; and
      Colonel Davies obtained a similar one to inquire into the mode of taking
      the polls at elections of cities and boroughs. The object of this inquiry
      was to get rid, if possible, of the enormous expense of electing, whether
      in county, city, or borough; for in many cases, as matters stood, it was
      only men of large fortunes who could venture to stand candidates. Lord
      Althorp likewise brought in and carried a bill for the better prevention
      of corrupt practices at elections, and for diminishing the expenses. His
      object was to prevent substantial bribery from being perpetrated under the
      mask of giving employment, and therefore to deprive all persons of the
      right to vote who should be employed by a candidate at the election. It
      was notorious, he said, that at elections different nominal offices were
      created, to be filled by voters who were classed as plumpers, and received
      double the pay of split votes. The provisions of the bill, however, were
      not to apply to any real and fair agent of a candidate, but to those who
      went under the spurious names of runners, flagmen, and musicians. On the
      suggestion of Mr. Spring Rice it was further determined to prohibit the
      distribution of riband and cockades. Both parts of the bill were opposed:
      the one as being unjust, and the other as frivolous; but the bill passed
      into a law. By its provision any person who, within six months before an
      election, or during an election, or within fourteen days after it, shall
      have been employed in the election as counsel, agent, attorney,
      poll-clerk, flagman, or in any other capacity, and shall have received in
      consideration of such employment any fee, place, or office, shall be
      incapable of voting at such elections; and that a penalty of £10 for each
      offence shall be inflicted upon every candidate, who, after the test of
      the writ, or if parliament be sitting, after the seat has become vacant,
      shall directly or indirectly give to any voter or inhabitant any cockade,
      riband, or any other mark of distinction. On the whole, therefore, a great
      step was taken this session towards the purification of elections; a
      branding mark, at least, was set upon shameless corruption.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE GAME-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Lord Wharncliffe introduced a bill into the lords for
      altering the system of the game-laws. The provisions of this bill were
      threefold: first, it removed the absurd and contradictory qualifications
      of the old law, and substituted in their place the qualification of
      property, by permitting every proprietor to kill game on his own lands,
      whether great or small; secondly, it legalized the sale of game, as one
      great means of diminishing the temptations for poaching; and, thirdly, it
      mitigated the severity of the punishments provided by the existing law for
      certain offences against the game acts. This bill was allowed to be read a
      second time; but on the third reading it was lost by a majority of one. It
      had, however, scarcely been rejected when the Marquis of Salisbury
      introduced another, which proposed to empower all persons qualified by law
      to kill game to take out a licence, authorizing them to sell game to
      licensed dealers. This bill was likewise allowed to pass a second reading;
      but it was lost on a motion for the third reading by a majority of
      fifty-four to thirty-eight. One great alteration, however, was effected by
      a bill introduced by Lord Suffield, which abolished the practice of
      setting spring-guns and other engines of destruction for the preservation
      of game. This bill, which passed into a law, declared it to be a
      misdemeanour in any person to set a spring-gun, man-trap, or other engine
      calculated to kill, or inflict grievous injury, with the intent that it
      should destroy life, or occasion bodily harm to any trespasser or other
      person who might come into contact with it. An exception was made in
      favour of gins and traps for the destruction of vermin, and of guns placed
      in a dwelling-house between sunset and sunrise for the protection of that
      house. Scotland was excepted from the operation of the law; the six judges
      of the court of justiciary in that country having recently pronounced, in
      a case on which they had adjudicated of a man who had recently been killed
      by a spring-gun, that such killing, by the law of Scotland, is murder.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IMPROVEMENT OF THE CRIMINAL CODE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although out of office Mr. Peel still proceeded with his improvements of
      the criminal code. By his enlightened exertions five acts were passed,
      which consolidated into one body the whole law regarding offences against
      property, purified from an incredible quantity of ancient rubbish, and
      advantageously simplified in all its arrangements. The first of these five
      acts repealed about one hundred and thirty-seven different statutes,
      wholly, or in part, commencing with the charter <i>De Foresta</i> of Henry
      III., and ending with the session of 1826. The second statute removed
      doctrines which had hitherto been useless lumber in the statute-book, or
      laid down general rules applicable to the whole criminal code. It
      abolished <i>in toto</i> the benefit of clergy in cases of felony;
      appointed certain punishment for offences to which no special statute
      affixed any particular penalty; relieved discharged prisoners from severe
      official expenses; and purified the law from a load of obscure and
      unnecessary verbiage. The third act contained the law of offences against
      property in its new and simplified form; bringing the various species of
      crime into one view; assigning to each its plain description, with its
      punishment; and removing distinctions which had frequently given rise to
      subtile and embarrassing doubts. It abolished the distinction between
      grand and petty larceny; defined the true nature of burglary; and removed
      many subtilties regarding possession, and the conversion of possession in
      the law of embezzlement, as well as in the distinctions of larceny and
      fraud. It also mitigated the rigour of the penal law, while it recognised
      four classes of punishments, the offences being distinctly set forth to
      which each was applicable. The first of these punishments was death: the
      second, transportation for life, or any term not less than seven years,
      with the alternative of imprisonment for not longer than four years, with
      public whipping; the third was transportation for any period under
      fourteen years, or imprisonment for three years and whipping; and the
      fourth was transportation for seven years, with the alternative of
      imprisonment for two years and whipping. The fourth statute comprised
      those offences which consisted of maliciously injuring the property of
      another. This act reserved capital punishment for arson, for the
      demolition of buildings or machinery by rioters, for showing false lights
      to a vessel, &amp;c.; but left other kinds of injury to be repaid by
      transportation or imprisonment. Altogether the number of capital offences
      was considerably diminished; and in many cases a summary mode of
      proceeding was introduced, which was so far a limitation of trial by jury.
      The last statute regulated the redress to be sought from the hundred by
      persons whose property had been injured by rioters, and laid down the mode
      for applying for such remuneration.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 2nd of July. The speech was delivered by
      commission, and chiefly referred to the assurances of friendship from
      foreign powers; to directions which had been given for a review of the
      financial state of the country, with a view to a diminution of
      expenditure; to the revival of employment in the manufacturing districts;
      and to the corn-law question. On this latter subject the speech remarked:&mdash;"His
      majesty trusts that, although your deliberations on the corn-laws have not
      led, during the present session, to a permanent settlement of that
      important question, the consideration of it will be resumed by you early
      in the ensuing session, and that such an arrangement of it may finally be
      adopted as shall satisfy the reasonable wishes, and reconcile the
      substantial interests of all classes of his majesty's subjects."
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF MR. CANNING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The close of this session was soon followed by an event which again
      dismembered the government, and disappointed all those hopes which the
      genius and enlightened principles of Mr. Canning had raised in the nation;
      an event, also, which taught an impressive lesson on the vanity and
      uncertainty of ambition. Immediately after the close of parliament Mr.
      Canning issued orders to the heads of different departments, that they
      should transmit to him accurate accounts of the expenses connected with
      their several establishments, with a view to their reduction. He had no
      sooner done this than he was visited by an attack of illness. His attack
      seemed to yield to medical treatment; and he went down to the beautiful
      seat of the Duke of Devonshire, at Chiswick, to seek tranquillity and a
      purer air. The fatigues and cares of office, however, had worn down his
      constitution, while the desertion and bitter hostility of his ministerial
      colleagues&mdash;men whom he had loved&mdash;acted on a frame naturally
      irritable and enfeebled, and hastened his dissolution. His disease
      returned; inflammation commenced, and proceeded with a violence and
      rapidity which defied all art; and on the 8th of August he expired in the
      same room where his predecessor, Charles James Fox, had drawn his last
      breath. He was buried in Westminster Abbey, at the foot of Mr. Pitt's
      tomb, and his funeral, though private, was attended by a large concourse
      of noblemen and gentlemen, to whom the deceased was endeared, either by
      the ties of relationship or personal friendship. The public character of
      Mr. Canning is clearly unfolded in the altered policy of our government,
      both foreign and domestic, during his connexion with the Liverpool
      administration. His ambition was lofty and imperious, but it was coupled
      with noble ends&mdash;the glory of his own country, and the advancement,
      through her greatness, of the surrounding nations. He was anxious that all
      should benefit by her commercial prosperity and the blessings of her
      constitution. Perhaps no minister was ever more thoroughly influenced by
      the free spirit of the British constitution than he was, at least in the
      latter part of his career. He began life, indeed, on Tory principles; but
      he gradually imbibed that spirit, until at length he threw off the
      trammels of that oligarchy, and acted as a true patriot. When he found
      that the principles which he professed in his early years began to
      threaten the safety of the constitution he abandoned them as far as
      expedient; and conciliating his opponents, he availed himself of their
      assistance to carry on the measures which he devised for the welfare of
      his country. Some of these measures, as previous pages unfold, were
      carried; others were to have been brought forward in the lapse of time,
      had not death cut short his useful career. It has been truly said, that in
      him England regretted the most accomplished orator that the age had
      produced; and that the liberal portion of Europe mourned over the loss of
      his moral influence as a calamity to the world at large. He will be
      remembered in England as one who nobly defended the honour, and asserted
      the dignity of the country among nations, and as having made himself prime
      minister of England by the mere force of talent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ADMINISTRATION OF LORD GODERICH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It might have been expected that, on the death of Mr. Canning, his
      cabinet, which was composed of heterogeneous materials, and kept together
      by his influence, would have been broken up. Few changes, however, took
      place; and their effect was to bring back some of Mr. Canning's former
      friends into office. Lord Goderich became first lord of the treasury, and
      Mr. Huskisson succeeded to him in the colonial department. The Duke of
      Wellington re-accepted the command of the army, but without a seat in the
      cabinet. There was a difficulty in finding a chancellor of the exchequer;
      it was declined by Messrs. Tierney, Huskisson, and Sturges Bourne; but
      finally accepted by Mr. Hemes, who had been secretary of the treasury
      under Lord Liverpool's administration. The nomination of Mr. Herries, who
      was brought up in the Vansittart school, was well nigh the cause of
      breaking up the cabinet. The Whigs objected to him on political grounds;
      and the Marquis of Lansdowne waited upon the king to tender his
      resignation. His chief objection, however, was, that he was said to have
      been a nominee of the king; and when it was explained that the
      recommendation came from Lord Goderich, and was accepted by his majesty,
      who was anxious to avoid the fatigue of new arrangements, his lordship
      consented to retain office. This new ministry, the third which the country
      had seen in the space of seven months, had within it, however, the seeds
      of its own dissolution; and, as will be seen, the year was scarcely out
      when it was dissolved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REVIEW OF FOREIGN POLICY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The foreign policy of Mr. Canning occasioned difficulties with which his
      successor was not able to contend. At this time, not only the commerce of
      the Levant was destroyed, but all Christendom was shocked by the atrocious
      cruelties exercised by the Turks in a war with the Greeks. Such a state of
      things could not be suffered long to exist; and when it was found that the
      Turkish court was resolved to pursue its own course, Great Britain,
      France, and Russia resolved to interfere. A treaty was signed between
      these three powers on the 6th of July, in this year, to defend Greece from
      the Sultan's power. One of the articles of this treaty provided, that if
      the Ottoman Porte did not accept their intervention, the high contracting
      powers would establish commercial relations with Greece, and order the
      admirals commanding their naval forces to impose an armistice on the
      belligerents. Instructions were drawn up, which authorized those
      commanders to prevent the transmission of troops and supplies from Turkey
      or Egypt to Greece; but enjoined them to avoid hostilities unless the
      Turks should endeavour to force a passage. Despatches were sent at the
      same time to Constantinople and to the Greek government: and Colonel
      Cradock was sent to Alexandria to endeavour to persuade the pacha to
      withdraw his Egyptian army. It was arranged that a combined fleet should
      give effect to these resolutions, and two line-of-battle ships were sent
      to re-enforce Sir Edward Codrington. The French government, also, sent
      four ships of the line into the same seas, and Admiral Siniavin arrived at
      Spithead with a Russian squadron of eight sail of the line and eight
      frigates; half of which only, however, joined the confederates. But
      although thus menaced, the Reis Effendi would not listen to any terms. He
      would not even deign to receive such a communication as the treaty of the
      6th of July; and when a copy was left on his sofa, he refused to answer
      it, or to admit any explanations. The Russian minister now proposed to
      starve the Divan into compliance by a joint blockade of the Bosphorus and
      Hellespont. The French minister entered into his views; but Lord Dudley
      objected on the part of England to such a step, as too violent.
      Negociations were in this state, when suddenly ominous sounds proceeded
      from the Bay of Navarino. In that harbour the Turkish and Egyptian fleets
      were blockaded by the combined squadrons of England, France, and Russia,
      under the chief command of Sir Edward Codrington. The Greeks had readily
      accepted an armistice under the treaty; but Ibrahim Pasha not only refused
      its terms, but aggravated the miseries of war by devastating the country
      of Greece. The inhabitants were massacred; villages, vineyards and
      olive-trees, in which the principal riches of the nation consisted,
      destroyed. Irritated by such barbarity the allied admirals determined to
      enforce the armistice on Ibrahim. Their plan was to enter the harbour and
      renew their demands of an armistice, under the alternative, that, if he
      refused, they would attack and destroy his fleet. Their first movement
      towards the harbour was an hostile act. About noon on the 20th of October
      the combined fleets passed the batteries to take up their anchorage,
      formed in the order of two sailing lines: the British and French squadrons
      forming the starboard line, and the Russian squadron the lee line. As it
      was Admiral Codrington's object only to have the enemy's fleet within his
      grasp, and then, before laying hold of it, to make his propositions anew
      to Ibrahim, orders were given that not a gun should be fired unless the
      Turks should begin. These orders were strictly obeyed; but on seeing the
      approach of the allies, the Turkish commander concluded that they had come
      to attack them without any further ceremony, and therefore prepared for
      battle. As they approached, the Capitana Bey observed,&mdash;"The die is
      now cast; I told you the English would not be trifled with." Their
      flotilla was drawn up in a crescent with springs on its cables, and it
      consisted of seventy-nine ships of war, armed with 2,240 guns, beside
      those in the formidable batteries on shore. In point of strength the Turks
      had the advantage over the allies, as their ships amounted only to
      twenty-six, carrying 1,324 guns. The Turks, however, had only three
      two-deckers, while the allies had ten sail of the line, which greatly
      compensated for the discrepancy of strength. The fire commenced on the
      enemy's side; for when the British admiral despatched one of his pilots to
      the flag-ship of the Turkish commander, expressing an earnest desire to
      avoid all effusion of blood, the messenger was shot at and killed. The
      same vessel also soon after fired into the "Asia," and the conflict then
      became general. The battle continued with fury during four hours; the
      English bearing the brunt of the engagement. At the end of that time the
      Turkish and Egyptian fleets had disappeared: the Bay of Navarino was
      covered with their wrecks, and only a few of the smaller vessels escaped
      into the inner harbour. The carnage on board the Turkish ships was
      dreadful: nearly six thousand men had perished in the action. On the part
      of the allies the severest loss was sustained by the British squadron;
      having seventy-five killed, including Captain Bathurst of the "Genoa," and
      one hundred and ninety-seven wounded. The French, who emulated the skill
      and valour of the English, had forty-three killed and one hundred and
      seventeen wounded; and the Russians fifty-seven killed and one hundred and
      thirty-seven wounded. The scene of wreck and devastation on the side of
      the Turks was such as had not been witnessed since the battle of Lepanto:
      of about one hundred men-of-war and transports, about half were burnt,
      sunk, or driven on shore. The allies took no prizes, and detained no
      prisoners; and in the hour of vengeance they showed mercy by saving many
      of the Turkish sailors. At the time of the battle Ibrahim Pasha, was
      absent on a military excursion; but he returned in time to see the smoking
      remains of his fleet. It is said that he looked on the catastrophe with
      complacency, as it extricated him from the dilemma in which he was placed
      between the sultan's orders and the mandates of the three great European
      powers. After the battle, the admiral entered into a fresh correspondence
      with the commanders; and after agreeing that hostilities should cease, the
      allied fleet quitted Navarino. The news of the disaster was received by
      the sultan as though he submitted to the will of fate: he heard it without
      dismay or loss of temper. He demanded, indeed, reparation for what he
      called a violation of the law of nations; but instead of sending the
      ambassadors to the Seven Towers, as had been the usual custom, he
      permitted them to return to their respective courts in safety. In Europe
      the news of the victory was heard with joy and gladness; but the feeling
      of exultation was in England confined to a minority. The Tories loudly
      exclaimed against this aggression upon the forces of an ancient ally, as a
      wanton act of perfidy, and as forwarding the designs of the Russian
      autocrat. As for the ministry, they appeared paralysed by the event; for
      they were afraid to take a manly line of defence, and were uncertain as to
      what course they ought to pursue. Finally, they virtually pronounced an
      opinion on the victory by rewarding the officers who achieved it; but they
      marred this action by despatching Admiral Sir John Gore to the
      Mediterranean, for the purpose of collecting information. By this
      vacillating conduct they gave their opponents an opportunity of taunting
      them with inconsistency. Before parliament met, however, and therefore
      before the question could be debated, the administration of Lord Goderich
      had become dissolved. At its dissolution it left England at war with the
      sultan, together with France and Russia; but the two former powers though
      united against him were still at heart his friends. Though Russia had been
      working through a long course of never-changing policy, to accomplish his
      ruin, they, though at present apparently the instruments of this ambition,
      were deeply interested in counteracting its designs.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1828&mdash;1829
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     Duke of Wellington's Administration..... Meeting of
     Parliament..... Discussions and Explanations concerning the
     Dissolution of the Goderich Ministry, &amp;c...... Questions of
     Finance..... Motion for a Grant to the Family of Mr.
     Canning..... Financial Statement..... Repeal of the Test and
     Corporation Acts..... The Catholic Question...... Motion on
     the State of  the Law, &amp;c...... Bills connected with the
     Election of Members of the House..... Corn-Law Question.....
     Divisions in the Cabinet..... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     Disturbances in Ireland..... Death of the Earl of
     Liverpool..... Foreign Policy.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1828
    </p>
    <p>
      It soon became manifest that the cabinet with the loss of it great leader
      had lost all its preservative qualities. Lord Goderich was a man of
      unquestionable integrity; but he exhibited a lamentable deficiency in that
      energy, judgment, and firm resolution, which were absolutely necessary for
      the keeping together of the discordant materials of which his
      administration was composed. His incapacity was plainly manifested when he
      proposed to redeem a pledge given by Mr. Canning, to appoint a committee
      for the investigation and reform of the finances, in the ensuing
      parliament. Mr. Tierney, one of the most active members of the Whig
      cabinet, proposed Lord Althorp as chairman, to which Lord Goderich
      expressed no objection; merely observing that the appointment principally
      concerned the house of commons, and referring Mr. Tierney to Mr.
      Huskisson, its ministerial leader. Lord Althorp was by the consent of Mr.
      Huskisson appointed; but by some oversight or intention, the matter was
      not mentioned to Mr. Hemes, who, as chancellor of the exchequer was more
      immediately concerned in the investigation. It was only on the 28th of
      November that Mr. Hemes, calling at the colonial-office, accidentally saw
      a list of the committee and its chairman, drawn out by Mr. Tierney. On the
      subject being discussed, the chancellor of the exchequer was thought to
      have acquiesced in the appointment; but Mr. Hemes, in the course of the
      parliamentary explanations which followed, and which will be related in a
      subsequent article, denied this to have been the case: declaring at the
      same time that though he had unfeigned respect for the private character
      of Lord Althorp, he distinctly objected to his being appointed as chairman
      of the committee. It is quite clear that Mr. Hemes objected to the
      appointment; for within twenty-four hours after he saw the list he waited
      on Lord Goderich, and informed him, that, after considering Lord Althorp's
      political views maturely, he must resign office if his appointment were
      not set aside. On the other hand the retention of Mr. Huskisson, who
      considered himself pledged to Lord Althorp, became involved in the
      question, and occasioned much perplexity to the premier. About the same
      time the news of the battle of Navarino arrived; and, wearied with his
      situation, on the 8th of January he went down to Windsor, laid his
      difficulties before the king, and resigned. The coalition ministry was no
      more. It perished, the victim of that want of confidence which is the
      natural result of new-born friendship, and of want of power and energy in
      its leader.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus abandoned by his ministers, the king sent for the Duke of Wellington,
      and commissioned him to reconstruct the cabinet. The new government was
      speedily constructed, and, with the exception of Lord Eldon, whom
      infirmity prevented from taking office, the Liverpool administration was
      reinstated. The Duke of Wellington relinquished the office of
      commander-in-chief to Lord Hill, and presided over the treasury; Mr. Peel
      succeeded to the home department; Lord Bathurst became president of the
      council; Lord Ellenborough was made keeper of the privy-seal; Viscount
      Melville and the Earl of Aberdeen were made president of the board of
      control and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster; Lord Lyndhurst was
      created chancellor; Mr. Huskisson and Earl Dudley became colonial and
      foreign secretaries; Lord Palmerston was made secretary at war; Mr. C.
      Grant became president of the board of trade; and Mr. Goulburn succeeded
      Mr. Hemes as chancellor of the exchequer. Mr. Hemes was made master of the
      mint and his acceptance of office under the new administration was
      considered by the Whigs as a proof that he had undertaken his former
      office from other motives than qualifications or choice. Mr. Huskisson's
      union with the new ministry displeased the personal friends of Mr.
      Canning, who thought that he displayed no regard to the memory of his
      friend, in so soon taking office with those who had deserted him in the
      hour of need.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 29th of January. It was again opened by
      commission; and the principal topic in the speech was an allusion to the
      late naval conflict. It remarked:&mdash;"Having been earnestly entreated
      by the Greeks to interpose his good offices, with a view to effect a
      reconciliation between them and the Porte, his majesty concerted measures
      in the first instance with the Emperor of Russia, and subsequently with
      his imperial majesty and the King of France. His majesty has given
      directions that there should be laid before you copies of a protocol
      signed at St. Petersburg by the plenipotentiaries of his majesty, and of
      his imperial majesty the Emperor of Russia, on the 4th of April, 1826, and
      of the treaty entered into between his majesty and the courts of the
      Tuilleries and of St Petersburg, on the 6th of July, 1827. In the course
      of the measures adopted 'with a view to carry into effect the object of
      the treaty a collision wholly unexpected by his majesty took place in the
      port of Navarino between the fleets of the contracting powers.
      Notwithstanding the valour displayed by the combined fleet, his majesty
      deeply laments that this conflict should have occurred with the naval
      force of our ancient ally; but he still entertains a confident hope that
      this untoward event will not be followed by further hostilities, and will
      not impede that amicable adjustment of the existing differences between
      the Porte and the Greeks to which it is so manifestly their common
      interests to accede." This is the first time in the British annals that a
      victory is characterized as an "untoward event." But the men now in power
      hated Greece and her cause, and were so blinded by admiration of despotic
      principles, as not to perceive thé advantages which might accrue to Russia
      in her future projects, from the destruction of the Ottoman navy, and from
      the lack of confidence which the sultan would now have in his western
      allies. In both houses the language of the king's speech respecting the
      victory of Navarino was loudly denounced by opposition, it being supposed
      to indicate that the Duke of Wellington's cabinet abandoned the line of
      Mr. Canning's policy. In the lords the Duke of Richmond especially fixed a
      quarrel on the phrase "ancient ally:" contending that the sultan could not
      be termed in any correct sense of the word an ally of this country at all,
      and much less an "ancient ally." He disapproved still more of the epithet
      "untoward," as applied in the speech to the battle of Navarino. If the
      term was meant, he said, to cast any blame on the gallant officer who
      commanded the fleet at Navarino, he would protest against the baseness and
      ignominy of such an insinuation in the most solemn manner; or if it was to
      be understood that it referred to that which happened by accident, and
      which stood across the object we had in view, he entered his protest
      against it. However much he might lament the effusion of blood which had
      taken place at Navarino; however much he might lament that we had not yet
      accomplished the pacification of the two countries, and effected the
      liberation of Greece, still, if by that word it was meant to say, that the
      battle of Navarino was an obstacle to the independence of Greece, he could
      not agree in such views. To him it appeared a great step towards the
      pacification of Eunrae, and he considered it of more use than a contrary
      policy could have been in promoting that great and desirable object. In
      explaining, the Duke of Wellington maintained that the epithets excepted
      against were fairly and truly applicable. The Ottoman empire, he said, had
      long been an ally of this country, and the Ottoman power was an essential
      part of the balance of power in Europe. Its preservation had been for many
      years an object not only to this country, but to the whole of Europe,
      while the revolutions and changes of possessions which had taken place had
      increased the importance of its preservation as an independent state,
      capable of preserving itself. As to the term "untoward," the sense in
      which it was used referred to the stipulations of the alliance, that its
      operation was not to lead to hostilities and that the contracting powers
      were to take no part in hostilities. When, therefore, the operations under
      the treaty did lead to hostilities it was certainly an "untoward event."
      "I must say," continued his grace, "that the gallant admiral was placed in
      a very delicate situation; and that he has done his duty to his king and
      his country. He was in command of a squadron of ships, acting in
      conjunction with admirals of other nations; and he so conducted himself as
      to acquire their confidence, and to induce them to lead them to victory.
      Such being the case I should feel myself unworthy of the high situation I
      hold in his majesty's councils, if I were capable of uttering a single
      word against the gallant admiral. Meaning as I did, that the government
      should carry the treaty into execution, it would be blamable in me to
      insinuate a censure against a man who was charged with the execution of
      difficult orders under a treaty." Similar exceptions were taken in the
      commons against the speech; but the usual addresses to the throne were
      carried in both houses without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS AND EXPLANATIONS CONCERNING THE DISSOLUTION OF THE GODERICH
    </h2>
    <p>
      MINISTRY, ETC.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the dissolution of the late ministry had been unexpected, and little
      had been said of the causes which produced it, and as the conduct of those
      members who had passed into the new government appeared suspicious, some
      explanation of these matters was looked for in both houses of parliament.
      The disclosures began by Messrs. Hemes, Huskisson, and others who had
      accepted office under the new government. They commenced with Lord
      Goderich, on whom it was especially incumbent to explain the civil
      dissensions which had broken in pieces a cabinet of his own framing, and
      had induced him to throw up the government in a manner neither understood
      by his older friends or more recent allies. His statement in reply
      attributed the dissolution of the ministry to an irreconcilable difference
      between Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Herries, regarding the proposed chairman of
      the finance committee; and since that difference had caused the
      resignation of the minister, it implied an admission that his cabinet was
      so constructed that the removal of either of these gentlemen naturally
      dissolved it. It remained for Messrs. Huskisson and Herries to state the
      grounds, therefore, of an obstinacy which had been so fatal to the
      cabinet; but both remained silent, until Lord Normandy called directly
      upon them to explain their conduct in the matter. Mr. Huskisson, in his
      version of the events which had led to the dissolution of the ministry,
      agreed in general with the statement made by Lord Goderich, simply
      supplying some deficiencies which his lordship had been unable to fill up.
      On the contrary, Mr. Herries averred broadly that the difference
      concerning the appointment of Lord Althorp as chairman of the committee
      was not the cause of the dissolution of Lord Goderich's administration. He
      remarked:&mdash;"There is no truth whatever in the allegation that that
      difference caused the dissolution of the late cabinet. In all the rumours
      which have been propagated about design, and artifice, and stratagem,
      there is not one word of truth. I deny them all most unequivocally. They
      are false and unfounded in every particular, and have not even the
      slightest shadow of a foundation." Mr. Tierney and Lord Althorp followed;
      but they threw no new light on the subject; and all parties ended where
      they had begun: the public had to believe which of the statements made
      they chose, according to this or that man's political bias. In a
      discussion which followed, the attention of the house was directed to the
      character of the new government, and the conduct of those members of the
      former government who had joined it. Mr. T. Dun-combe remarked, that the
      house had still to learn how the difference between Messrs. Huskisson and
      Herries had been made up, and how these members continued to sit in the
      same cabinet. The colonial secretary, he said, had still to explain "how
      their pulses, which formerly were so irregular, could beat so soon in
      unison; by what means the <i>quietus</i> had been produced, and the
      direful wrath appeased." He was inclined to impute all that had happened
      to a secret and powerful agency which had not yet been unmasked, and which
      was exercised, according to the statement of the honourable member, by a
      Jew stock-broker, and a Christian physician. He had, indeed, "been
      credibly informed that there is a mysterious personage behind the scene,
      who concerts, regulates, and influences every arrangement." He continued,
      "There is, deny it who can? a secret influence behind the throne, whose
      form is never seen, who name is never breathed who has access to all the
      secrets of the state, and who manages all the sudden springs of
      ministerial arrangement,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     'At whose soft nod the streams of honour flow,
     Whose smiles all place and patronage bestow.'
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      "Closely connected with this invisible, this incorporeal person, stands a
      more solid and substantial form, a new and formidable power, till these
      days unknown in Europe. Master of unbounded wealth, he boasts that he is
      the arbiter of peace and war, and that the credit of nations depends upon
      his nod. His correspondents are innumerable; his couriers outrun those of
      sovereign princes and absolute sovereigns; ministers of state are in his
      pay. Paramount to the cabinets of continental Europe, he aspires to the
      domination of our own. Even the great Don Miguel himself, of whom we have
      lately heard and seen so much, was obliged to have recourse to the purse
      of this individual, before he could take possession of his throne. Sir,
      that such secret influences do exist is a matter of notoriety: they are
      known to have been but too busy in the underplot of the revolution. I
      believe their object to be as impure as the means by which their power has
      been acquired; and I denounce them and their agents as unknown to the
      British constitution, and derogatory to the honour of the crown." Mr.
      Buncombe's denunciation of the secret influence behind the throne was
      followed by the explanations of Messrs. Stanley and Peel, and Lords
      Morpeth, Milton, and Palmerston, as to their reasons for joining or not
      joining the present government. But after the house, as Mr. Brougham
      remarked, had heard a great deal, it was still left nearly as much in the
      dark as ever, regarding the substantial facts of the case which it was
      desirable should be known. The whole transaction, he said was another
      illustration of Odenstien's remark to his son;&mdash;"You see with how
      little wisdom the world can be governed." It appeared that two members of
      the cabinet had been walking about in uncertainty whether they belonged to
      the government or not; and the head of that government was chiefly
      distinguished for carrying the resignations of two of his colleagues in
      his pocket, and for an alarm, when they should leave him, as to what he
      should do to provide himself with new ones. As for the quarrel of the two
      resigning members, it was endless, hopeless. Walls of brass were raised to
      divide the contending parties for ever: to communicate with each other was
      impossible. Communications were only to be held with a third person, and
      that third person was not to repeat what either party communicated to him.
      Every possible course ad been resorted to to avoid an explanation,
      although » would have put an end to the difficulty altogether, is to the
      explanations of Mr. Herries, said Mr. Brougham, they give me no
      satisfaction. That gentleman's shining of his ground, first assenting or
      not objecting to the appointment of Lord Althorp, afterwards protesting
      against it, and then attributing the dissolution of the ministry to a
      preconcerted plan on the part of others&mdash;all this left doubts
      remaining in the public mind. There was still something untold which would
      have explained the matter at once. The most important thing spoken in the
      debate, he said, was the assertion of Mr. Huskisson, that he never
      intended to say that he had got a guarantee for office in the new
      administration before the old one was dissolved. No man had ever meant, or
      supposed that he had stipulated for and obtained a guarantee, in the legal
      sense of the words, set down in a formal writing, and on a proper stamp.
      But, he asked, if a man spoke to an audience of having had conversations,
      explanations, and understandings, would they not apply those
      conversations, explanations, and understandings to that subject just as
      much as if it were written? Would it not be said that explanation was the
      result, of that conversation; and that the result of that explanation, in
      the case before the house, was the acceptation of office by the right
      honourable gentleman? In alluding to the unusual circumstance of a
      military man being at the head of the government, Mr. Brougham used very
      emphatic language. He remarked:&mdash;"No man values more highly than I do
      the services and genius of the noble duke as a soldier; but I do not like
      to see him at the head of the financial department of this country, with
      the full confidence of his sovereign, enjoying all the patronage of the
      church, the army, and the state; while he is also entrusted with the
      delicate function of conveying constant and confidential advice to his
      royal master. This state of things strikes me as being very
      unconstitutional. I am, indeed, told that the noble duke is a person of
      very great vigour in council, and that his talents are not confined to the
      art of war. It may be so. But that does not remove my objections to his
      possession of so immense a mass of civil and military patronage. It is
      said that the noble duke is incapable of speaking in public as a first
      minister or the crown ought to speak. Now I consider that there is no
      validity in that objection; for I happened to be present when the noble
      duke last year had the modesty and candour to declare, in another place,
      his unfitness for the situation of first minister; and I really thought I
      had never heard a better speech in my life, or observed less want of
      capacity in any one who might be called on to take part in a debate. This
      therefore is not a reason with me for objecting to the appointment. My
      objection rests on the unconstitutional grounds which I have before
      stated, and on the experience of the noble duke being wholly military. Let
      it not, however, be supposed that I am inclined to exaggerate. I have no
      fear of slavery being introduced into this country by the power of the
      sword. It would demand a stronger man even than the Duke of Wellington to
      effect that object. The noble duke might take the army and the navy, the
      mitre and the great seal&mdash;I will make him a present of them all; let
      him come on with his whole force, sword in hand, against the constitution,
      the people will not only beat him by their energies, but laugh at his
      efforts. There have, indeed, been periods when the country heard with
      dismay that the soldier was abroad; but such is not the case now. Let the
      soldier be never so much abroad in the present age, he can do nothing.
      Another person, less important, nay, even insignificant in the eyes or
      some persons, has produced this state of things. 'The schoolmaster is
      abroad,' and I trust more to the schoolmaster, armed with his primer, for
      upholding the liberties of this country than I fear lest the soldier, in
      full military array, should destroy them." Mr. Brougham had no occasion to
      fear the effects of a military premier, even though the schoolmaster had
      not been abroad; for no prime minister that ever presided over the
      councils of the British nation has ever shown himself to be more alive to
      the interests of the country, and the preservation of its constitutional
      rights, than the Duke of Wellington.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUESTIONS OF FINANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While these explanations were proceeding, that committee of finance which
      had dissolved the late administration, was appointed. The motion was made
      by Mr. Peel, now the acknowledged leader of the house of commons. He
      prefaced his motion, with an able and comprehensive statement. By his
      details, it appeared that a reduction of £48,608,000 had taken place in
      the funded and unfunded debt since the year 1815, while the actual sum of
      unredeemed debt amounted about £777,476,000. This being the total
      encumbrance, Mr. Peel next looked at the revenue and expenditure; and
      after detailing the various items, he stated the income of last year at
      £49,581,000, and the expenditure at £49,487,000, thus leaving an excess of
      income equal to £94,000,000. The estimates of the present year, he said,
      were not completed; but, without binding himself down to extreme accuracy
      they would be less than those of the present year by £1,168,260. After
      having made this general statement Mr. Peel declared that he and his
      colleagues would listen to any suggestion of the committee, for the
      appointment of which he was about to move. He took that opportunity, he
      said, of pressing one subject particularly on its notice, namely, the
      simplification of the public accounts, in imitation of France and America.
      The motion passed without opposition, except from Mr. Hume, who contended,
      that if any good was to be done, there should be ten or eleven finance
      committees; but his plan received no countenance, except from Mr.
      Brougham; and a single committee of twenty-three members was appointed.
      The labours of this committee were multifarious and important. One of the
      first fruits of its appointment was the discovery that the public was
      regularly losing large sums of money by the system on which the government
      annuities had been granted. Mr. Hemes submitted a statement to the
      committee concerning the finances, which Lord Althorp described as, "able,
      clear, and satisfactory;" and it appeared from that exposition that these
      annuities had been sold at a considerable loss. The evidence of this was
      found in certain calculations made by Mr. Finlayson, who was said to have
      communicated the fact to Lord Bexley in 1819, and subsequently to Lord
      Goderich. His calculations stated the rate of loss to be £8,000 a month,
      and to arise from a false calculation of the duration of life in the
      tables given by Dr. Price. Either these tables were originally inaccurate,
      or human life, in consequence of increased comforts, conveniences, and
      scientific aid, was extended to a longer period. The truth of this
      statement soon appeared to the committee; but nothing could be done to
      alter those annuities which had been sold. On the recommendation of the
      committee, however, a bill was brought in and speedily passed, to suspend
      the operation of the act under which they had been granted, until a more
      correct system could be arranged. During the session the committee
      reported on various matters which had been brought under their
      consideration, but not early enough to allow their recommendations to be
      carried into effect. In a report on the state of the ordnance department,
      the abolition of the office of its lieutenant-general was recommended; but
      this proposition was opposed by the ministry, and a motion to give it
      effect was lost by a large majority.
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A GRANT TO THE FAMILY OF MR. CANNING.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When Mr. Canning died he was a poor man. He had begun the world without
      fortune; he had spent his life in the public service; and the emoluments
      of the offices which he had held had scarcely sufficed to cover the
      expenses of his station. As, therefore, he held no sinecures, his sudden
      death had left his family without a due provision. On these grounds the
      chancellor of the exchequer proposed to grant a pension of £3,000 a year
      to his second son, as a mode of providing for the family less onerous than
      voting a large sum for the payment of debts. This proposition was
      vehemently opposed by Lord Althorp, Sir M. Ridley, Messrs. Hume, Bankes,
      D. W. Harvey, P. Thompson, and others, partly on the score of economy, and
      partly on the ground of its not having been deserved. On the contrary,
      ministers placed the question on the broad ground, that Mr. Canning had
      devoted a long life, and talents of the first order, to the service of his
      country; and in following that service, had not merely lost the means of
      improving, but had deteriorated his private fortune. What had he not
      surrendered, it was asked, when he gave up the government of India to fill
      the unprofitable office of foreign secretary? Mr. Huskisson remarked:&mdash;"I
      regret to be obliged to make reference on such an occasion to information
      derived from the privacy of confidential intercourse; but I can state,
      upon my own personal credit, that whatever were the feeling of others, who
      were justly near and dear to Mr. Canning, it had for years been his warm
      and anxious wish to be placed in some public situation, however it might
      sacrifice or compromise the fair and legitimate scope of his ambition,
      which, while it enabled him to perform adequate public services, would
      enable him also to place upon a better footing his wife's private fortune,
      which he had lessened, and the inheritance of his children, which he had
      impaired. I will not go so far as to say, that this was a prospect fixed
      upon Mr. Canning's mind, or an object that he was bent upon pursuing, for
      it is difficult to trace the springs of so susceptible a temperament; but
      under the circumstances it was quite natural, considering his means and
      his family, that while he honourably sought a situation to render service
      to his country, he should not be unmindful of the means of repairing the
      family fortune, which he had diminished while in the service of his
      country." A further objection was raised to the grant, founded on
      disapprobation of Mr. Canning's policy, or of that policy with which he
      had been officially connected; but to this it was answered, that the
      proposition touched no political principle, and did not imply the
      abandonment of any political dogma. If the motion, it was argued, went to
      vote a monument to commemorate his services, members who thought that he
      had not performed any services to be commemorated, would do right to
      appose it; but when the motion went only to reward his family, they had
      merely to consider the fact, whether he had devoted his talents to the
      public service to the detriment of his private interests. On a division
      the grant was confirmed by a large majority. Both in the house indeed, and
      throughout the country, it was felt that this grant was only an act of
      justice, as Mr. Canning had spent not only his life, but his fortune, in
      the public service. On this subject it has been well remarked:&mdash;"It
      should be known, in justice to those who held the higher offices under the
      crown, that their salaries fall short of the expenses to which they are
      subjected, by the manners of the country and a mischievous convention.
      This gorgeous scale of living has the double effect of giving an example
      and impulse to extravagance through every department of the public
      service; and of securing, perhaps by design, to private wealth, a monopoly
      of administration. A man vigilantly prudent might perhaps have lived
      within his income in Mr. Canning's situation, and it is known that he had
      no prodigal or expensive tastes; but it is also known that he had that
      utter carelessness of money through which fortune is not less effectually
      dissipated."
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget was opened by the chancellor of the exchequer on the 11th of
      July; and it was opened with a clearness and simplicity that disarmed even
      the opposition of Mr. Hume, disposed as he was at all times to cavil about
      figures. The total ordinary net revenue of the year 1827 was £49,581,576;
      but to this were added £4,245,000 received from the Bank on account of the
      dead-weight, and the sum of £660,081 under the head of extraordinary and
      miscellaneous, making a total revenue of £54,486.657. The chancellor of
      the exchequer said, that the total ordinary revenue for the year 1828
      might be considered as amounting ta £50,381,530, to which must be added
      £3,082,500, to be received from the trustees of military and naval
      pensions, together with miscellaneous payments of £438,000, making a grand
      total of £53,902,030. The expenditure he calculated as £50,104,522, which,
      being deducted from the revenue, left a surplus of £3,797,508 From this,
      however, was to be taken the advances to public works, £708,000, so that
      the clear surplus was only £3,088,708 instead of £5,000,000 to be applied
      as a sinking-fund. It was considered impossible in the present
      circumstances of the country, to supply this deficiency of the
      sinking-fund by additional taxation; so that it was agreed to limit the
      said fund to the amount of such a balance as might remain after the
      expenses of the year were liquidated. It was stated by the chancellor of
      the exchequer that, in the course of the last eleven years, the amount of
      debt redeemed was £29,000,000. It must be acknowledged, however, that the
      existing system of incurring debt with one hand, and redeeming it with the
      other, was a delusion.
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    <h2>
      REPEAL OF THE TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The grand question of this session was the repeal of the Test and
      Corporation Acts: acts which excluded dissenters from offices of trust and
      power, and shut the doors of all corporations against them, unless they
      consented to take the sacrament according to the ritual of the church of
      England. Lord John Russell introduced this subject on the 26th of
      February, by moving "That this house will resolve itself into a committee
      of the whole house, to consider of so much of the acts of the 13th and
      25th of Charles II., as require persons, before they are admitted into any
      office or place in corporations, or having accepted any office, civil or
      military, or any place of trust under the crown, to receive the sacrament
      of the Lord's supper according to the rites of the church of England." In
      introducing this motion Lord John Russell took a review of the history of
      the statutes in question, and he argued that they had been originally
      enacted for reasons which no longer existed. He maintained the justice and
      expediency of the motion on the ground that while these tests were an
      infliction on the dissenters, they afforded no protection to the church of
      England; but on the contrary, exposed her to dangers to which she would
      not be otherwise obnoxious. Without serving any good purpose, he said,
      they made the dissenters irritated enemies, instead of converting them
      into companions or friends. Another objection, he said, rose from the
      nature of the test, which made it a shameless abuse of the most solemn of
      all religious rites. The sacrament of the Lord's supper was held by the
      church to be most sacred; and yet it was prostituted bylaw to be a mere
      qualification for office. History stated, he remarked, that it was the
      custom for persons to be waiting in taverns and houses near the church,
      and when service was over an appointed person called out, "Those who want
      to be qualified will please to step up this way," and then persons took
      the communion solely for the purpose of receiving office. Such, said his
      lordship, were the consequences of mixing politics with religion.
      Political dissensions were aggravated by the venom of theological
      disputes, and religion profaned by the vices of ambition; making it both
      hateful to man and offensive to God. The only answers, continued his
      lordship, which could be made to these objections, were that the
      dissenters, in consequence of the Indemnity Act, suffered no real
      hardship, and that the law in its present state was necessary to the
      security of the church. But neither of these positions was true. The
      practical grievance suffered by the dissenters was much heavier than the
      legal grievances appearing on the face of the statutes: even the indemnity
      act was passed on the ground that the omission to qualify had proceeded
      from ignorance, absence, or unavoidable accident, and thus refused all
      relief to those in whom the omission flowed from conscientious scruples.
      The fact was, that many dissenters refused to take office on such
      degrading terms; they refused to attain by a fraud upon the statute,
      honours and emoluments which the law declared they should not attain in
      any other way. In conclusion his lordship remarked;&mdash;"I have proved
      that these acts violate the sacred rights of conscience, and are of the
      nature of religious persecution; I have shown that so far from not having
      inflicted any hardship on the body upon whom they operate, they are
      fraught with great mischief, irritation, and injustice; and I have shown
      that they are totally at variance with our own policy in Scotland and
      Ireland, as well as with the enlightened legislation of all the Christian
      countries of Europe. If I am asked what advantage the country is to derive
      from the abrogation of such laws, I answer, that the obvious tendency of
      the measure, independently of its justice, will be to render the
      dissenters better affected to the government; to inspire them with
      dispositions to bear the heavy burdens imposed on them by the necessities
      of the state with cheerfulness, or at least, with resignation; and above
      all, it will be more consonant to the tone and spirit of the age than the
      existence of those angry, yet inefficient and impracticable laws, which
      are a disgrace to the statute-book." This motion was seconded by Mr. J.
      Smith, and ably supported by Lords Milton, Althorp, and Nugent, and by
      Messrs. Brougham, Ferguson, and Palmer. One of its most powerful advocates
      was Mr. Ferguson one of the members for Scotland, who desired the house to
      look at the Test and Corporation Acts, as they affected not merely a
      minority in England, but even the established religion of a constituent
      part of the empire. Scotland had a legal national religion equally with
      England; for at the union it was provided by the parliament of England
      that no alteration should be made in the principles, doctrine, or
      discipline, of the church of England, and the Scotch parliament, true to
      their own particular doctrines, immediately issued orders to their
      commissioners, that any clause should be null and void which militated in
      any way against the principles, doctrines, or discipline of the Protestant
      Presbyterian religion. The religion of Scotland was, therefore, a state
      religion as well as that of England, yet its members were affected by
      these penal laws, and prevented from serving their king, but at the risk
      of incurring these penalties, or renouncing their religion. Why, he asked,
      this proscription of a whole nation, upon the notion that this mode of
      exclusion was the best way of defending the church and state as by law
      established? Why deny a community of privileges to those who confer equal
      services, and encounter equal danger? On what occasion had the people of
      Scotland not contributed their full share in support of Great Britain?
      Were they no longer wanted? Hid the church of England desire to be left to
      defend the empire exclusively? If so, let the dissenters be told to
      withdraw, and quit a defence which they could only remain to make under
      exposure to ignominy. Take the battle of Waterloo, he continued, which had
      crowned the renown of the most illustrious leader of their times. What
      would have been the fate of that battle, and that leader, if the army
      which had conquered, had been filled only by the sons of the church of
      England? Take from the field the Scottish regiments; take away too the aid
      of those sons of Ireland, the proscribed Catholics: what then would have
      been the chance of their arms, divested of the Scottish and Irish
      soldiers, who filled their ranks and served their navy in every quarter of
      the globe! And if they had the assistance of such men, when the hour of
      peril came upon them, they ought not to deny their confidence in a time of
      tranquillity and peace. Ministers opposed the motion, the opposition being
      conducted by Messrs. Huskisson and Peel. Their chief defence was that the
      acts in question led to no particular hardship; and they sought evidence
      of this in the Indemnity Acts, and in the long silence of the dissenters
      themselves, from whom it was to have been expected that the constant
      infliction of a permanent grievance would have drawn forth incessant
      complaints. Mr. Huskisson said, that he doubted whether the present motion
      was calculated to remove any grievance. The grievances, indeed, complained
      of were of an imaginary character: he had yet to learn what obstacles
      existed against the honourable ambition of the dissenters. They had, he
      said, their full share of the civil power of the country, and were
      qualified to fill the first offices in the army and navy. Forty years had
      elapsed since this subject was discussed, and that period had been marked
      by many eager discussions on another great question involving the
      principles of religious liberty: could it be credited that the petitioners
      before the house, many of whom possessed acute intellects and intelligent
      minds, enjoyed the highest consideration in the country, if they knew
      there was anything in the state of the law to impede the fair, useful, and
      honourable exercise of their talents, would not have long since, firmly
      and unanimously, called upon the house to remove the grievance. The fact
      could not be so, for they had preserved total silence for the long period
      of forty years. Mr. Peel said that the question was attended with great
      difficulty. He was not prepared to say that it was essentially interwoven
      with the interest of the church of England; he did not think, indeed, that
      the two were so connected, that the church of England must fall, if the
      Test and Corporation Acts were repealed. He thought, however, with Mr.
      Huskisson, that the Protestant dissenters did not labour under such
      grievances as had been represented, and that they did not look at the Test
      and Corporation Acts, together with the Indemnity Act as honourable
      gentlemen had described. It had been said, he remarked, that we had shed
      the blood of the Scotch regiments in the Peninsula and at Waterloo. "What
      office of naval or military command had been closed against their
      officers? It was also said that the Test Acts shut them out from the
      higher offices of government. For an answer, look at the ministry: of the
      fourteen members of the cabinet, three, namely, Lords Aberdeen and
      Melville, and the president of the board of trade, were Scotsmen and good
      Presbyterians, whom these acts nevertheless had not succeeded in shutting
      out. The fact was," he continued, "the existing law gave merely a nominal
      predominance to the established church; and he heartily wished, therefore,
      that this question had been allowed to remain quiescent, especially as it
      was practically offensive to no one." In answer to the views taken by
      ministers, on the subject, Mr. Brougham maintained that the acts were
      daily and positively felt to be a most decided grievance. AVas it no
      grievance, he asked, to bear the mark of the chain remaining, after the
      fetter had been knocked away? Was it no grievance for a dissenter,
      wherever he went, to look like, and to be treated like a different being?
      It was said that temporal interests were not concerned: this he denied. A
      dissenter could not stand for a corporation. It had been stated that the
      late lord mayor of London was a dissenter, and that he had taken the
      sacrament: that statement was in favour of the argument. With respect to
      Scotland he knew that not one Presbyterian in a thousand would take the
      sacrament, would not even go to a place of worship where there was an
      organ, would consider it idolatry to kneel at an altar; if they
      conscientiously thought so, was it to be wondered at that they evinced a
      repugnance at what they considered a mixture of idolatry with Christian
      worship? If in the recent contest at Vintry ward, one of the candidates
      had differed from the other as to trans-substantiation or anything of that
      sort, there would be an end to this legal controversy: the court of king's
      bench would never have heard of it, and the churchman would have been
      elected. Was not this a grievance? The knowledge of this act operated so,
      that, though the dissenter might walk on in his course, when not opposed,
      yet even if he aspired to a corporation, and no individual opposed him; if
      he was unanimously elected, and actually filled the place, a single
      individual might upset his election, he must retire. The consequence was
      that the dissenter would not seek such places: he retired to his library,
      to retirement, to private pursuits, with what feelings he might towards
      the government and the constitution. He was condemned to privacy, because
      he was of a different religion from the state, and because he would not
      sacrifice his religion for his place. Lord Palmerston said that he thought
      it would be an act of injustice to the Catholics to repeal this minor
      grievance while they suffered under much severer enactments. Sir T. Acland
      conceived that a middle course would afford relief, while the theoretical
      principal of the law would remain untouched. But it was found useless to
      strive against the spirit of the age. After an abortive project of Sir T.
      Ackland for suspending instead of repealing the acts in question, as well
      as a proposition made by Mr. Peel to take more time for consideration,
      Lord John Russell's motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and
      thirty-seven, against one hundred and ninety-three.
    </p>
    <p>
      Government had now one of two courses to adopt; either to resign their
      opinions or their places. They chose the former alternative; for when the
      motion for the house going into a committee was brought forward, Mr. Peel
      said he could not think of pressing his sentiments against those of the
      majority. Government itself, indeed, now took up the measure, adding by
      way of security to the established church a form of declaration, which all
      who accepted office were to take, that they would not exert any power or
      influence which they might possess by virtue of that office to the injury
      or subversion of the Protestant church as by law established, or to
      disturb it in the possession of those rights and privileges to which it is
      by law entitled. This declaration was described by those who supported
      simple repeal as both useless and unnecessary; but they recommended that
      the suggestion should be adopted rather than the bill should not pass.
      With this amendment it was carried, and it was introduced into the house
      of peers by Lord Holland. There was no ministerial deposition encountered
      here, and being in a manner a bill of the government it was generally
      supported by the spiritual peers. The bishop of Chester said:&mdash;"I
      wish the bill to pass, if for no other reason, yet for this&mdash;because
      the present laws do not answer their purpose. If the declaration now
      proposed be taken by a conscientious dissenter, it will prevent him from
      endeavouring, at least from indirectly endeavouring, to injure the
      establishment; and that is more than the sacramental test, if taken, could
      effect: if it be taken by a person who does not conscientiously intend to
      observe it, that person would not be kept out of office by any test
      whatever." Lord Eldon, however, gave the bill his most decided opposition.
      He had heard much, he said, of "the march of mind," but he never expected
      to see it thus march into the house with the Duke of Wellington and the
      bishops at its head. Of the declaration, he said, that instead of making
      the taker of office describe himself as belonging to some sort of
      religion, whether a Unitarian, a Catholic, or a Free-thinker, it did not
      require him to say, he had only to answer, that he was of the Christian
      faith; neither did it call on him to observe the declaration by such
      phrases as "I am a Christian," or as, "I stand in the presence of my God."
      The confidence to be reposed in the declaration did not rest upon the
      faith of a Christian, or any other faith whatever. Then again, he said,
      the declaration is to be extended to all offices of trust and emolument
      under the crown, and the bill left it entirely to the king to say in such
      cases, whether his majesty would, or would not require such a declaration:
      he could not but object to the provisions of a bill, the object of which
      was to take away the sacramental test merely on the ground of expediency,
      and to substitute in its place a declaration which, in some instances,
      might or might not be taken, according to the will of the sovereign. The
      form of declaration was also strongly objected to in the committee; and
      several amendments were carried to meet the views of the objectors, though
      not narrowing the principles of the bill; and it finally passed by a large
      majority. The amendments made simply consisted in this, that the man
      assuming a public office in a Christian community should declare that he
      was a Christian, or, at least, that he was not an infidel. The commons
      agreed to all that were made, although some members did not approve of
      them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1828&mdash;1829
    </p>
    <p>
      During the discussion on the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts,
      frequent allusion had been made to Catholic emancipation. The opponents of
      that repeal found an additional argument against it, in the supposition
      that it was but the first step in a course which was to terminate in
      Catholic emancipation. On the other hand, those who supported the repeal
      of the Test and Corporation Acts denied that it had any such tendency. The
      Duke of Wellington remarked, in order to show that he might vote for the
      measure then before the house, and yet be a determined enemy of the
      Papists, that there was no person in the house of peers whose feelings and
      sentiments, after long consideration, were more decided than his with
      regard to the subject of the Roman Catholic claims; and that until he saw
      a great change in that question, he certainly should oppose them.
      Notwithstanding, the repeal of the Test Acts was immediately followed by a
      motion for removing the Catholic disabilities. On the 8th of May Sir
      Francis Burdett moved, "That the house do now resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house, for the purpose of taking into consideration
      the state of the laws affecting his majesty's subjects in Great Britain
      and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as
      may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the
      stability of the Protestant establishment, and to the general satisfaction
      and concord of all classes of his majesty's subjects." The debate lasted
      two nights; but as the speeches were merely repetitions of former
      arguments, it would be tedious and useless to give even a sketch, of them.
      The principal speakers in favour of the motion were Messrs. Brougham,
      Fitzgerald, North, Grant, and Huskisson, and Sirs J. Newport and J.
      Mackintosh. It was opposed by the attorney-general, Sir R. Inglis, and
      Messrs. Moore, Foster, Bankes, and Peel. On a division the motion for a
      committee was carried by a majority of six; and in the committee this
      resolution was agreed to:&mdash;"That it is expedient to consider the
      state of the laws affecting his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, with
      the view of effecting such a final adjustment of them as may be conducive
      to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, the stability of the
      Protestant establishment, and the general satisfaction and concord of all
      classes." Here, however, the commons stopped. Instead of forming
      resolutions in detail, it was determined to seek a conference with the
      lords, in order to ascertain whether their sentiments on the subject had
      changed. This proposal was agreed to by the peers; and a conference was
      held on the 19th of May, when the resolution of the commons, after being
      read in the upper house, was ordered to be taken into consideration on the
      9th of June. The debate lasted two days; but the proposition of the
      Marquis of Lansdowne, "that their lordships should concur in that
      resolution," was lost by a majority of one hundred and eighty-one against
      one hundred and thirty-seven. In this debate, however, the Duke of
      Wellington's speech was marked by a conciliatory tone; and the friends of
      emancipation augured from this that their wishes on a future day would
      meet-with a less obstinate and uncompromising opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE LAW.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in this session Mr. Brougham directed the attention of the commons
      to the state of the common law courts, and the common law itself, in a
      speech which occupied six hours in delivery, and was remarkable for its
      vast variety of detail. He moved "that an humble address be presented to
      his majesty, respectfully requesting that it may be his majesty's pleasure
      to cause a commission to issue, to inquire into the abuses which have been
      introduced in the course of time into the administration of the law of
      these realms, and of the courts of common law; and to report on what
      remedies it may seem fit and expedient to adopt for their removal." It was
      generally agreed that there was no subject more worthy of attention than
      the improvement of the law; but at the same time it was obvious that the
      unbounded nature of the inquiry proposed by Mr Brougham would prevent it
      from producing any practical effects. Mr. Brougham's motion therefore was
      lost: but in the course of the session two commissions were issued, one to
      inquire into the state of the common law, and the other to take into
      consideration the state of the law of real property.
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    <h2>
      BILLS CONNECTED WITH ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of this session bills were introduced into parliament to
      disfranchise the corrupt boroughs of Penryn and East Retford. Penryn first
      engaged the attention of the commons. A bill transferring its elective
      privileges to Manchester was carried and sent up to the lords; but the
      lords threw it out, as not being supported by evidence of corruption
      sufficient to warrant disfranchisement. A bill was also brought into the
      house to transfer the franchise of East Retford to Birmingham; but as at
      the time it was introduced there was a certainty that the Penryn bill
      would be rejected by the peers, the commons agreed that the measure should
      stand over till the next session, on the understanding that no new writ
      should be issued for East Retford. Other bills connected with elections of
      members of the house were brought into the commons; but they either did
      not pass that house, or were rejected by the lords, except one, which
      regulated the manner of taking the poll at city and borough elections, and
      which passed into a law. The chief feature of this latter bill was, that
      it cut down the duration of the poll from fifteen to six days.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CORN-LAW QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most important questions debated during this session was a new
      settlement of the corn-laws. This subject was introduced by Mr. C. Grant,
      on principles similar to those in the bill lost in the preceding session.
      The act he introduced was constructed on a graduated principle of
      ascending and descending duties, like that of Mr. Canning; but the medium
      price was raised from 60s. to 64s. In introducing this bill Mr. Grant
      scarcely attempted its vindication; declaring at the same time that it was
      the best that could be framed with any chance of being passed into a law.
      The resolutions, he said, so far as the legislature was concerned, were
      permanent, until the minds of men could be led to entertain juster notions
      upon this subject; and they would be changed only as the notions which at
      present prevailed were altered for the better. They were offered to the
      landed interests as a resting-place, a firm and solid ground on which time
      and experience might accumulate a richer soil. They were a compromise
      between conflicting interests and opinions. For himself, he conceived them
      imperfect, because they fell short of the bill of last year; but they had
      been brought as near to that measure as was consistent with the likelihood
      of their being passed into a law. Other members of government also
      described the measure as one which did not satisfy their own ideas of what
      was right and expedient; but what they called a compromise of conflicting
      opinions, was in reality nothing less than a sacrifice of what they
      admitted they knew to be for the public good, to the views of a party
      which they were fearful of displeasing. Notwithstanding, the opposition
      which had been made to the bill of last year was renewed by the
      agriculturists on the same grounds as before. They struggled for still
      higher duties; but the bill finally passed both lords and commons without
      alteration. It has been observed of the contest on this occasion, that
      "agriculture was considered improperly as opposed both in its nature and
      objects to manufactures; while, in fact, it is itself a manufacture, and
      the most advantageous of all manufactures; for its profits are certain,
      and its employment healthy. All grain raised beyond the seed sown adds the
      whole extent of such produce to the wealth, and the people employed in its
      production to the strength of the state. The grand object of every good
      government is to provide employment for the industry of its people; and
      the first point to be attended to in this respect is the manufacturing of
      the raw material produced by the country: for this is real wealth; hence
      agriculture must always prove the most useful kind of manufacture to every
      state. The fruits and productions of the soil, raised by labour and
      capital, are disseminated and divided among all classes, who exchange
      their labour for that of the agriculturist, until sustenance is obtained
      by all. It is this internal commerce which is so beneficial and so
      important, from the rapidity of the exchange and the stability of it, as
      far as every description of produce is consumed by the inhabitants of a
      country; and by no other means can manufacturers and tradesmen be so
      extensively injured as by an oppression of the agricultural interests."
      While this, however, may be admitted to be true to a certain extent, it is
      clear that the agricultural interests should not be protected to the
      injury of the manufacturing interests, properly so called; and time, as
      will be seen, has convinced the nation at large of the unreasonableness of
      such a protection.
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    <h2>
      DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the division which took place on the transfer of the franchise of East
      Retford to Birmingham, Mr. Huskisson redeemed a pledge which he had given
      to support it; and in so doing divided against his colleagues. On his
      arrival at home from the house of commons he addressed a letter to the
      Duke of Wellington, marked "private and confidential," in which he said
      that duty led him, without loss of time, to afford his grace an
      opportunity of placing his office in other hands. The duke immediately
      laid this letter as a resignation before his majesty; but Mr. Huskisson
      seems to have written it solely with a view of being solicited to remain
      in office. He declared to Lord Dudley that he never intended to resign,
      and that his letter was marked private in consequence. Lord Dudley
      immediately waited on the premier, and attempted to pass the matter off as
      a mistake; but his grace declared emphatically that it was not, and should
      not be any mistake. Mr. Huskisson made further attempts to retain office;
      but the Duke of Wellington was inexorable, probably because he did not
      coincide with all the views of his colleague; and the dismissal of Mr.
      Huskisson was followed by the resignations of Lords. Dudley and
      Palmerston, and of Mr. Charles Grant. Their places were filled up in the
      cabinet by Sir Charles Murray, who succeeded Mr. Huskisson; Sir Henry
      Hardinge, who was made secretary at war; and Mr. Vesey, who accepted the
      office of the board of trade; while the Earl of Aberdeen received the
      seals of the foreign secretary. No further change took place, except that
      the Duke of Clarence resigned his post of lord high admiral, when a board
      was appointed on the old system, with Lord Melville at its head.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of July. On this occasion two
      interesting subjects of foreign policy were introduced into the speech,
      which was again delivered by the commissioners. These subjects were, war
      between Russia and Turkey, and the suspension of our relations with
      Portugal. The sections relating to these events read thus:&mdash;"His
      imperial majesty has found himself under the necessity of declaring war
      against the Ottoman Porte, upon grounds concerning exclusively the
      interests of his own dominions, and unconnected with the stipulations of
      the treaty of the 6th of July, 1827. His majesty deeply laments the
      occurrence of these hostilities, and will omit no effort of friendly
      interposition to restore peace." "His majesty commands us to acquaint you,
      that his majesty had every reason to hope, when he last addressed you,
      that the arrangements which had been made for administering the government
      of Portugal., until the period at which the Emperor of Brazil should have
      completed his abdication of the throne of Portugal, would have secured the
      peace and promoted the happiness of a country in the welfare of which his
      majesty has ever taken the deepest interest. The just expectations of his
      majesty have been disappointed; and measures have been adopted in
      Portugal, in disregard of the earnest advice and repeated remonstrances of
      his majesty, which have compelled his majesty, and the other powers of
      Europe acting in concert with his majesty, to withdraw their
      representatives from Lisbon." As regards the declaration of war against
      the Ottoman Porte by Russia, the chief pretext for it was, the imperious
      behaviour of the Porte, in its delay to fulfil the treaty of Ackerman. It
      seems certain, however, that though it was said to be waged for objects
      wholly national, that the chief object was aggrandisement. In Portugal
      affairs had assumed a strange aspect. Don Pedro had recently named Don
      Miguel regent of the kingdom, on which, a few months before, he had sought
      to establish himself as monarch. Miguel, however, had spontaneously sworn
      allegiance to him as natural sovereign, as well as to the constitutional
      charter, and had also engaged on oath to deliver up the crown to Donna
      Maria II., as soon as that princess should become of age. After his
      appointment to the regency Don Miguel paid a visit to England, where he
      was treated by the nobility in general with high respect. He was twice
      entertained at the admiralty by the Duke of Clarence, and after visiting
      the king at Windsor he returned to Portugal. Before he set sail he
      addressed a letter to the king, declaring that, if, on his return to
      Portugal, he attempted anything against his brother or niece, or against
      the constitution, he should be an usurper, and prove a perjured wretch.
      Yet Don Miguel had scarcely drawn this character of himself before he
      assumed it. On his arrival at Lisbon his mother resumed her ill-fated
      influence over him; and after a series of atrocities the courts were
      dismissed, the charter abolished, and Don Miguel proclaimed king. All the
      dungeons in the realm were filled with victims, and thousands perished in
      them, or on the scaffold; whilst thousands more were banished to the
      desert coasts of Africa, or voluntarily abandoned their country, to endure
      the sorrows of unmerited exile. It was these circumstances that gave rise
      to the withdrawal of his majesty's representatives from Lisbon, as
      intimated in the speech at the close of parliament. On hearing of these
      events, Don Pedro, by his ministers at Vienna and London, entered solemn
      protests against the violation of his hereditary rights, and those of his
      daughter. He had sent his daughter to Europe, and her destination was
      Vienna; but on touching at Gibraltar, and learning the events which had
      occurred in Portugal, she took counsel with the principal officers of her
      suite, and by their advice she sailed to England, where she was received
      with royal honours, and entertained with great hospitality and
      magnificence.
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    <h2>
      DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the two previous administrations, those of Mr. Canning and Lord
      Goderich, Irish agitation had been partially suppressed. The reason of
      this was that the Catholics had some hopes that government would grant
      their claims. When, however, the Duke of Wellington assumed the reins of
      government, hope fled, and Irish agitation instantly revived in full
      force. The cry of war was raised by its leaders, and they proceeded, aided
      by the Popish priesthood, to re-organize the Catholic Association. The
      first display of this united power was exhibited in a contested election
      for the county of Clare, when Mr. O'Connell adopted the novel experiment
      of offering himself a candidate for the representation. His opponent was
      Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, an advocate for emancipation; but his votes and
      speeches were considered only as a mockery, while the government to which
      he belonged was based on the principle of exclusion; and Mr. O'Connell was
      declared duly returned. The agitator had pledged his professional
      character as a lawyer, not merely, that, although a Catholic, he was
      capable of being elected, but that he could sit and vote in the house of
      commons. After his election, a petition was presented against his return
      to the house of commons; but the season was so far advanced, that no
      decision could be pronounced upon it before the prorogation of parliament,
      and the matter rested as it was, Mr. O'Connell promising to demand his
      seat in the ensuing session. In the meantime this triumph of the
      Association urged them to arrange more extended plans of conquest; for it
      appeared that it might be practicable to carry into effect their threat of
      returning all the county members of Ireland. With these views a plan was
      formed and executed, with the aid and agency of the priests, to break that
      link which united the Catholic forty-shilling freeholders with their
      landlords. Certain tests were framed, and resolutions adopted, to reject
      every candidate who should decline a pledge to oppose the Duke of
      Wellington's administration, and to vote for parliamentary reform, as well
      as for the repeal of the subletting-act. The plan which the Association
      adopted to confirm and extend its power was well fitted to compass the
      objects it had in view. In almost every county liberal clubs were
      established, under the direction of the Association, for the purpose of
      receiving and adopting the pledges, and drilling the county to be in
      readiness to act upon them on the instant, if required. The agitators,
      indeed, restrained the Catholic peasantry from habitual outrage and
      lawless violence, but at the same time they assembled them in large
      companies, regularly trained for the exertion of physical force, and
      anxious for its display, if necessary. The state of Ireland at this period
      was powerfully portrayed by Mr. Shiel, at a meeting held in full force at
      Munster. He remarked:&mdash;"What has government to dread from our
      resentment in peace? An answer is supplied by what we actually behold.
      Does not a tremendous organization extend over the whole island? Have not
      all the natural bonds by which men are tied together been broken and burst
      asunder? Are not all the relations of society which exist elsewhere gone?
      Has not property lost its influence? Has not rank been stripped of the
      respect which should belong to it? And has not an internal government
      grown up, which, gradually superseding the legitimate authorities, has
      armed itself with a complete domination? Is it nothing that the whole body
      of the clergy are alienated from the state, and that the Catholic gentry,
      and peasantry, and priesthood are all combined in one vast confederacy? So
      much for Catholic indignation while we are at peace. And when England
      shall be involved in war,&mdash;I pause; it is not necessary that I should
      discuss that branch of the division, or point to the cloud which, charged
      with thunder, is hanging over our heads." As the year advanced, the state
      of the country of Ireland assumed a new and still more fearful aspect.
      Irritated by the violence of the agitators, alarmed at the menacing
      attitude of those who followed them, ready to do their bidding, and
      provoked by the apparent apathy of the British government, the Protestants
      began to unite in self-defence. The Orange-lodges which had ceased to
      exist, were now revived, with the grand lodge in Dublin as the centre of
      their operations: while new associations, under the title of "Brunswick
      clubs," which included in their lists the most influential classes, and
      contributed to break up society for the more extended indulgence of mutual
      animosity. These Protestant clubs had an extensive sway throughout the
      north, while the Catholic Association held the dominant sway throughout
      the south. The Association, however, made strenuous exertions to extend
      their sway even in the camp of the enemy. One Mr. Lawless, an appropriate
      name for an agitator, was sent thither as an apostle of agitation. This
      man traversed the different districts from parish to parish, assembling
      the people in crowds in the Catholic chapels, and addressed them with the
      usual incentives to steady animosity against their fellow-countrymen. He
      entered the towns at the head of immense multitudes; and though he was in
      the stronghold of Protestantism, yet he never allowed himself to be
      deterred from his mischievous enterprise by any apprehension of the
      consequences which might arise from bringing into contact multitudes
      already bitterly incensed against each other. He boasted of having entered
      Protestant towns at the head of twenty or thirty thousand Catholics, which
      appears to have been essentially correct. At first he met with no
      opposition in his wild career. The magistrates warned the people against
      joining in his processions, and even entreated the man himself to give up
      his mischievous crusade. On, however, the man went, until at length the
      people of the north were aroused to resist his progress. It was his custom
      to proclaim beforehand the day on which he was to make his entry into the
      different towns at the head of his legions; and, in accordance with this
      custom, he gave notice that he should "take possession" of the town of
      Armagh on the 30th of September. The Protestants of that town, however,
      resolved to impede his progress, and many of them marched into the city,
      armed, from all parts of the county. Mr. Lawless proceeded no further with
      this intention, and the Protestants quietly dispersed. He next announced
      his intention of entering Ballabay in the county of Monaghan; and here
      likewise the Protestants resolved to resist him. He was met in the
      vicinity of the town by a magistrate, who stated what the result would be,
      and prevailed on him to forego his intentions. Some of his followers,
      however, were less prudent; and a collision took place between the two
      parties, in which a Catholic was killed. Mr. Lawless returned to
      Carrickmacross to await further orders from the Association, at the same
      time declaring that he would visit all the strongholds of the Orangemen.
      It was plain to all the world, however, by this time that the Orangemen
      would not allow these tumultuous find insulting visits to be made without
      opposition. By the end of September, indeed, the two parties were prepared
      for a collision, the result of which it was impossible to foresee. The
      Association, however, began to fear that they had gone too far; and they
      were wise enough to foresee that if a collision took place the Catholics
      would be the losers. They boasted, indeed, great things; "that the might
      of the Catholics would crush the Orangemen into dust," &amp;c, should a
      collision take place; but they felt to the contrary. They knew that
      Protestant Great Britain would interfere, and, as Mr. Shiel said, "cut
      them down in a week." "The Protestants," said the same powerful orator,
      "are becoming every day more alienated by our display of power. The great
      proprietors, and all men who have an interest in the security of the
      state, are anxious for the settlement of the question; but still their
      pride is wounded, and they see with disrelish the attitude of just
      equality which we have assumed, Our Protestant advocates, with few
      exceptions, declined the invitation to join in our late proceedings. As
      individuals, I hold them in no account; but I look upon their absence as a
      feature in the existing circumstances of the country. It is clear that the
      division between Catholic and Protestant is widening. They were before
      parted, but they are now rent asunder; and while the Catholic Association
      rises up from the indignant passions of our great body of the community,
      the Brunswick club is springing up out of the irritated pride and the
      sectarian rancour of the Protestants of Ireland. As yet they have not
      engaged in the great struggle; they have not closed in the combat; but as
      they advance upon each other, and collect their might, it is easy to
      discern the terrible passions by which they are influenced, and the fell
      determination with which they rush to the encounter. Meanwhile the
      government stand by, and the minister folds his arms as if he were a mere
      indifferent observer, and the terrific contest only afforded him a
      spectacle for the amusement of his official leisure. He sits as if two
      gladiators were crossing swords for his recreation. The cabinet seems to
      be little better than a box in an amphitheatre, from whence his majesty's
      ministers may survey the business of blood. There are three parties
      concerned, the Catholics, the Protestants, and the government: the
      Catholics advance upon the one hand; the Protestants upon the other; and
      the government, by whom all ought to be controlled, looks passively on."
      Alarmed at the position in which they had placed themselves, the agitators
      began somewhat to retrace their steps; or at least they adopted measures
      to secure peace. The Association on the 26th of September adopted these
      resolutions:&mdash;"1. That while we warmly congratulate the people of
      Tipperary upon the happy cessation of their feuds, we implore them to
      discontinue the holding of assemblies of the peculiar character which have
      recently taken place. 2. That we humbly entreat the Catholic clergy to
      co-operate with the Association in carrying the above resolution into
      effect. 3. That Daniel O'Connell, to whose influence deference should be
      made is hereby called upon to employ his powerful and deserved authority
      in deterring the people of Tipperary from the holding of such meetings, in
      an address to be printed and circulated at the expense of the Association.
      4. That it be referred to the standing committee to report whether it be,
      or may become expedient, that a deputation shall be sent to Tipperary, and
      suggest such other measures, as shall be deemed advisable, in order to
      dissuade the people from holding such meetings." Mr. O'Connell issued an
      address to the people of the county of Tipperary, which enjoined them to
      obey the laws; and the storm which had threatened to burst over Ireland
      was allayed. The Catholic priests, sharing in the alarm of the agitators,
      enforced the directions of the address from their altars; and the
      threatened danger was prevented. When it was over, government exhibited
      symptoms of returning life: the lord-lieutenant issued a proclamation
      enjoining that which Mr. O'Connell had already done; namely, the
      discontinuance of large and armed meetings, as illegal and alarming. The
      only effect of this proclamation was to confirm Mr. Lawless in his
      resolution to proceed no further in his mission to the north; for the
      assemblies had disappeared before he ventured to call them in question.
      The apathy of the government at this crisis is scarcely to be accounted
      for, as it must have been clear to its members that the train was laid,
      and that it only required the application of the match to occasion a most
      terrible explosion. The only remarkable declaration which ministers
      substituted for active measures, consisted in a private letter sent by the
      Duke of Wellington to Dr. Curtis, Catholic primate of Ireland. In that
      letter he expressed an anxiety to witness the settlement of the Catholic
      question; but confessed that he saw no prospect of such a consummation;
      adding with a species of studied obscurity:&mdash;"If we could bury it in
      oblivion for a short time, I should not despair of a satisfactory result."
      A copy of this letter was sent to Mr. O'Connell, and he forthwith carried
      it to the Association, where it was received with plaudits as a
      declaration that the Duke of Wellington was now favourable to the Catholic
      claims. It was ordered to be recorded in their minutes as such, although
      it was not easy to foresee how such a conclusion could be adduced from the
      letter. This conclusion, however, was arrived at, and it naturally added
      to the exultation and confidence of the Catholics. This, however, was
      trifling compared with the mischiefs which followed. Dr. Curtis, in his
      reply to the duke, told him plainly, that the proposition to bury the
      question in oblivion for a time was inadmissible, and would only serve to
      exasperate those who were already excited. After this he sent a copy of
      the duke's letter, and of his answer to it, to the lord-lieutenant, the
      Marquis of Anglesea. His excellency's reply showed that he entertained
      different opinions on the contents of the duke's letter to those which the
      Catholics had deduced from it. At the same time he showed himself to be
      strongly in favour of the Catholic claims. The great agitator himself
      might have written the following sentences contained in his reply. After
      expressing his ignorance of the duke's intentions, and advising the
      Catholics to make much of him, to avoid provoking him or any other member
      of the government by personalities, to trust to the legislature, and to
      avoid brute force, he remarked:&mdash;"I differ from the opinion of the
      duke, that an attempt should be made to bury in oblivion the question for
      a short time; first, because the thing is utterly impossible; and next, if
      it were possible, I fear advantage might be taken of the pause, by
      representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent reaction, and by
      proclaiming, that if the government at once and peremptorily decided
      against concession, the Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the
      miseries of the last years of Ireland will be reacted. I therefore
      recommend that the measure should not for a moment be lost sight of; that
      anxiety should continue to be manifested; that all constitutional means
      should be adopted to forward the cause, consistent with the most patient
      forbearance, and submissive obedience to the laws: that the Catholics
      should trust to the justice of their cause and to the growing liberality
      of mankind, but should not desist from agitation." For this advice the
      lord-lieutenant was extolled to the skies by the same lips which three
      years before had denounced him as an object of execration. The next wind,
      however, that blew from England brought the mandate which deprived him of
      office and recalled him from Ireland. This recall furnished him with an
      example of the value set on the advice which he had tendered to the
      Catholics not to insult and vilify any one, and especially the Duke of
      Wellington. At the first meeting of the Association after the recall of
      the Marquis of Anglesea was known, Mr. O'Connell remarked;&mdash;"In my
      own knowledge of Irish history, and I believe I know Ireland's history
      well, I never heard any thing so monstrously absurd as the recall of this
      gallant and high minded-man. The Duke of Wellington said he would be worse
      than mad if he became premier. He is therefore a self-convicted madman!
      And yet, gracious Heaven! he continues the insane pilot, who directs our
      almost tottering state." But if Mr. O'Connell had known the duke's
      intentions he would not have been thus abusive. On receiving his recall
      the Marquis of Anglesea is said to have divined immediately the true
      reason of his dismissal. He remarked:&mdash;"I know the duke: his mind is
      made up to emancipate the Catholics; and I am recalled, because he would
      have no one to share his victory." It is strange, but it is no less
      certain, that the latter part of this year was employed by the cabinet in
      testifying their repugnance to a measure? which it was their first act in
      the coming year to introduce.
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the month of December the Earl of Liverpool, after various
      fluctuations of health, expired at Combewood. It has seldom happened that
      a minister ever acquired so much influence, or conciliated so much favour
      by the mere weight of personal character, as did his lordship. He was
      undistinguished by great brilliancy of genius or parliamentary eloquence;
      at the same time he possessed, what is infinitely superior, a sound
      judgment, with a mind well adapted to business, and stored with all that
      political knowledge which is requisite to make a great statesman. That
      which gained the confidence of the country, however, was his
      unquestionable integrity, and his open and manly conduct: he was never
      suspected of governing for mere party purposes, or of intriguing for the
      acquisition of power. It was the good of the country alone that he sought
      in all his actions. In his distribution of ecclesiastical preferment he
      set a splendid example to future premiers. Passing by parliamentary
      retainers, or those whose only claims are the ties of kindred and
      affinity, he made a careful selection of men of piety and talent for
      offices of dignity and responsibility in the church.
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN POLICY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The foreign policy of our administration connected with Turkey and
      Portugal has already been noticed; those of France and Greece require a
      few words. In France the ministry of M. de Villéle had fallen last year,
      because they lent themselves to the designs of the court and the church,
      instead of consulting the growing spirit and intelligence of the nation.
      The new ministers forced upon the king by this triumph of the liberal
      party were men of moderate principles; and they were only tolerated by the
      king as a necessary evil At the head of them was M. Roy, who possessed a
      considerable knowledge of finance; but the rest were of very mediocre
      talent. At this time the priests and Jesuits were striving in France for
      the absolute control of public education, as the most effectual means of
      recovering their domination. This attempt was resisted by the people, who
      raised a loud cry of "No Jesuitism!" as in England there was formerly the
      cry of "No popery!" The new ministers took part with the nation; and in so
      doing opposed the wishes of the monarch. His majesty's speech also took a
      different view from our cabinet of the transaction at Navarino, thus
      showing that the new administration of France was hostile to our policy.
      The French, indeed, were in right earnest for the liberation of Greece
      from the power of the Ottoman Porte. In the autumn of this year the French
      government sent General Maison, with a strong military force, to the
      Morea, in order to liberate it from the hands of the Turks. On the 6th of
      October, the second day after Ibrahim had sailed, Navarino was summoned to
      surrender, and the demand was supported by a body of French troops under
      the walls, ready to commence operations. The Turkish governor replied,
      that the Porte was not at war with the French or the English, and that
      although no act of hostility would be committed by the Turks, yet the
      place would not be given up. The French soldiers, however, immediately set
      to work; and after making a hole in an old breach, they marched in and
      took possession of the place without opposition. A similar demand was made
      the same day of the governor of Modon; and the gates were forced open, and
      the garrison quietly submitted. Coron was more contumacious; but Coron, on
      learning the fate of Modon, followed its example, and opened its gates.
      The Castle of Patras had already shown the same complaisance; and the
      Morea castle alone remained in possession of the Turks. But this castle
      also, after sustaining a severe battery, surrendered; and by the end of
      November the Morea was freed from foreign control, and was left at liberty
      to select the course which she might choose to follow. It was left to the
      direction of its provisional government, at the head of which was the
      Count Capo d'Istria, who had been installed president early in the year.
      In his inaugural address the count told his countrymen that the first care
      of government should be to deliver them from anarchy, and to conduct them
      by degrees to national and political regeneration. He continued:&mdash;"It
      is only then you will be able to give the allied sovereigns the
      indispensable pledges which you owe them, in order that they may no longer
      doubt of the course which you will take to obtain the salutary object
      which led to the treaty of London, and the memorable day of October 20th.
      Before this period you have no right to hope for the assistance I have
      invoked for you, nor for anything which can serve the cause of good order
      at home, or the preservation of your reputation abroad." The president set
      himself sternly against the piratical habits by which independent Greece
      had disgraced herself; and he had sufficient authority to make the fleet,
      which was placed at his disposal, carry his orders into execution. As yet,
      neither he nor the government had enjoyed leisure to frame any system of
      finance; but he obtained a loan of money from Russia, and looked forward
      with confidence for subsidies from Great Britain and France. The question,
      however, which most engaged the attention of the Greek government was,
      what were to be the boundaries of their new state? It belonged to the
      allied powers and Turkey, indeed, to settle this matter; but the
      government had its own ideas upon the subject, as it was right and proper
      it should. A commission of the national assembly proposed to the allied
      powers that the northern mountains of Thessaly, and the course of the
      river Vioussa, should form its boundary on the north, to the exclusion of
      Macedonia; those limits, as they observed, seeming to be pointed out by
      nature herself, and as they had always gotten the better of political
      events. These considerations were ultimately set aside. And yet they were
      the very best that could have been adopted. It is true that this boundary
      would have included some districts which had taken no share in the
      national struggle, and would have excluded others which had taken an
      active part in the war; but still it was the most proper. The natural
      conformation of the line gave it a special political recommendation; and
      where boundaries do not coincide with some great natural features, but are
      lines arbitrarily laid down, they tend to tempt an usurper by the
      dangerous facility which they offer to violation. Sooner or later they
      produce discord between the neighbouring states. But all these
      considerations were set aside; and, indeed, at this time our government
      displayed much apathy on the subject of Greek independence.
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      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXXIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1829&mdash;1830
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     The Catholic Question..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     Suppression of the Catholic Association..... Rejection of
     Mr. Peel at Oxford..... The Triumph of Catholic
     Emancipation..... Bill for the Disfranchisement of the
     Forty-Shilling Freeholders..... The Case of Mr.
     O'Connell..... Financial Statements..... Motion for
     Parliamentary Reform..... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     State of  Affairs in Ireland..... Agricultural and
     Commercial Distress..... Affairs on the Continent.
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A. D. 1829
    </p>
    <p>
      The recommendation of the late lord-lieutenant to agitate, was followed in
      Ireland to the very letter. When the Duke of Northumberland arrived in
      Dublin as his successor, he found agitation pervading the whole country.
      Protestants and Catholics alike were in the field, breathing defiance and
      revenge against each other, so that there was every prospect of a civil
      war. The premier's situation at the opening of the year, from this cause,
      was one of great and peculiar difficulty. The whole tenor of his political
      life had been marked by hostility to the Catholic claims; and every
      individual associated with him in the government was pledged to resist
      their claims. The time had arrived, however, at the opening of the year,
      when it became necessary for the Duke of Wellington to decide on some mode
      of action; either to determine not to yield, or to grant emancipation, or
      to retire from the helm of state for a season, and permit a Whig
      government to carry the measure. The course which he pursued astounded the
      nation. The wisest and most honourable course which his grace could have
      taken, would have been to have retired, since it was scarcely fair to
      steal the crown of victory from statesmen who, during the whole of their
      political career, had ably and eloquently pleaded the cause of the
      Catholics. Yet such was the course he adopted. Although he had declared
      that he saw no prospect of the settlement of the question, and although he
      had recalled the late lord-lieutenant because he favoured the Catholics,
      yet he was now determined to grant with a free and liberal hand all that
      they had ever demanded. Nor did his grace alone change his opinions on
      this subject. While the country was reposing confidence that the leading
      members of the government were still faithful to their trust, these very
      men had determined to go over to the Catholics; and in secrecy and silence
      were arranging plans for carrying out a broad measure of emancipation. The
      first thing they did was to obtain the consent of the king; a matter of no
      small difficulty, as his reluctance to concession was deep-rooted and
      vehement. It cost the premier months of management, vigilance, and
      perseverance, to overcome his majesty's antipathies; and it is probable
      that he would never have succeeded had it not been for the king's
      indolence and love of ease. A dissolution of the ministry would have
      interrupted his ease; and the thought of this overcame his repugnance to
      the question. Till his consent was obtained not a whisper had been heard
      of the change of sentiment which had taken place in the cabinet; but a few
      days before the meeting of parliament the grand secret was told. The
      surprise which the announcement excited was only equalled by the
      indignation and contempt roused by so sudden an abandonment of principle.
      The Protestant community complained&mdash;and very justly&mdash;that they
      had been deceived. Up to that period, indeed, they had been allowed to
      rest in the belief that the question would not be mooted, or if it were,
      that the influence of the cabinet would stand in its way; but these, their
      long-tried friends, had been planning and plotting how they might secure a
      triumph to their enemies. They had been trusted by the Protestant party as
      the champions of their cause; but on a sudden they were found offering the
      hand of friendship to their enemies. It certainly would have been more
      manly if they had, on resolving to change sides, fairly and honestly
      avowed it from the first, for then the Protestants would have had time to
      counteract their designs; but it was evident at the meeting ol parliament
      that all opposition would be useless. It was too late to make a successful
      stand against the measure: it must be carried.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 5th of-February. The speech, which was again
      delivered by commission, detailed at length our foreign relations, and
      announced the continued improvement of the revenue. The all-absorbing
      topic of interest, however, was that which referred to the coming measure
      of Catholic emancipation. It remarked:&mdash;"The state of Ireland has
      been the object of his majesty's continued solicitude. His majesty laments
      that in that part of the United Kingdom an Association should still exist
      which is dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit
      of the constitution, which keeps alive discord and ill-will amongst his
      majesty's subjects; and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually
      obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland. His
      majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the support of his
      parliament; and his majesty feels assured that you will commit to him such
      powers as may enable his majesty to maintain his just authority. His
      majesty recommends that, when this essential object shall have been
      accomplished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole
      condition of Ireland; and that you should review the laws which impose
      civil disabilities on his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. You will
      consider whether the removal of those disabilities can be effected
      consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in
      church and state, with the maintenance of the reformed religion
      established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of
      the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge.
      These are institutions which must ever be held sacred in this Protestant
      kingdom; and which it is the duty and the determination of his majesty to
      preserve inviolate. His majesty most earnestly recommends to you to enter
      upon the consideration of a subject of such paramount importance, deeply
      interest ing to the best feelings of his people, and involving the
      tranquillity and concord of the United Kingdom, with the temper and
      moderation which will best ensure the successful issue of your
      deliberations." The tendency of this recommendation to parliament was at
      once perceived by the advocates of exclusion; and they loudly complained
      of desertion and surprise, charging the duke with a perfidious concealment
      of his designs till the last moment, and loading Messrs. Peel and
      Goulbourn with the most bitter execrations, on account of their supposed
      apostasy. The usual addresses, however, were carried without a division.
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    <h2>
      SUPPRESSION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first thing to be done was the vindication of the laws: laws which had
      been long trampled beneath the feet of the Catholic agitators. In
      pursuance of the recommendation in the royal speech to suppress the
      Catholic Association, on the 10th of February Mr. Peel asked leave to
      bring in a bill for that purpose. The general outline of the measure which
      he proposed was briefly this. It was his intention, he said, to commit the
      enforcement of the law to one person only; and to intrust to him, who was
      fully cognizant of the state of affairs in Ireland, and who was also
      responsible for the tranquillity of that country, the new powers with
      which the house were now asked to invest the executive government. He
      proposed to give the lord-lieutenant, and to him alone, the power of
      suppressing any association or meeting which he might deem dangerous to
      the public peace, or inconsistent with the due administration of the law;
      together with power to interdict the assembling of any meeting, of which
      previous notice should have been given, and which he should think likely
      to endanger the public peace, or to prove inconsistent with the due
      administration of the law. In case it should be necessary to enforce the
      provisions of the law by which these powers would be conferred, it was
      proposed, by Mr. Peel, that the lord-lieutenant should be further
      empowered to select two magistrates for the purpose of suppressing the
      meeting, and requiring the people immediately to disperse. Finally, it was
      proposed to prohibit any meeting or association which might be interdicted
      from assembling, or which might be suppressed under this act from
      receiving and placing at their control any monies by the name of "rent,"
      or by any other name. In conclusion Mr. Peel said, that he was of opinion
      the act should, like that of 1825, which had been intended to suppress the
      Catholic and other associations, be limited; and he proposed to limit it
      to one year, and the end of the then next session of parliament. The bill
      passed both houses without opposition; for although its provisions were
      somewhat arbitrary in their nature, the friends of the Catholics voted for
      it as part of a system which was to result in Catholic emancipation. The
      associators, however, rendered the act unnecessary; for before it was
      completed, their dissolution was announced. They had gained their point,
      and for the present they were satisfied; they had demanded emancipation,
      unqualified emancipation, and nothing else; and when this was promised,
      when government submitted to their imperious demands, they put up the
      sword of defiance into its scabbard. The government boasted that they had
      suppressed the Association. But such a boast, as it has been justly
      observed, was as if a man should boast of his victory over a highwayman to
      whom he exclaims, when the pistol is at his breast, "Down with your
      pistol, Sir, and you shall have my purse and my watch:" the robber would
      have the best of it, and so had the Association.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REJECTION OF MR. PEEL AT OXFORD.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The University of Oxford had elected Mr. Peel as a champion to the
      Protestant cause; and when his mind underwent the change it manifested on
      the subject of Catholic emancipation, he could not in common decency or
      honesty retain his seat as member for that University. Under these
      circumstances he addressed a letter to the vice-chancellor, announcing his
      new views of policy by which he was to be guided, acknowledging that his
      resistance to the Catholic claims had been one main ground of his election
      by the University, and tendering his resignation. Mr. Peel, however, was
      proposed as a candidate at the new election, trusting that he might skill
      sit as the representative for Oxford in parliament. But in this he was
      disappointed. He had for an opponent Sir Robert Harry Inglis; and though
      the united influence of the Whigs was pushed to its utmost limit in behalf
      of the Home Secretary, Sir Robert Inglis, who was supported by the
      dignitaries of the church, and by the parochial clergy, was elected. Mr.
      Peel was subsequently returned for the borough of Westbury; and in this
      character he brought forward those measures which for twenty years he had
      repudiated as dangerous and ruinous to the best interests of the country,
      and which even now he was convinced were pregnant with danger to the
      constitution.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE TRIUMPH OF CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of March Mr. Peel moved "that the house resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house to consider of the laws imposing civil
      disabilities on his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects." He commenced by
      stating, that, he rose as a minister of the king to vindicate the advice
      which an united cabinet had given to his majesty to recommend to the
      consideration of parliament the condition of the Catholics, and to submit
      to the house measures for carrying such recommendation into effect. He was
      aware, he said, that the subject was surrounded with difficulties; which
      difficulties were increased by the relation in which he himself stood to
      the question. Having, however, come to the honest conviction that the time
      had arrived, when an amicable adjustment of the disputed claims would be
      accompanied with less danger than any other course that could be
      suggested, he was prepared to act on that conviction, unchanged by the
      forfeiture of public confidence, or by the heavy loss of private
      friendship. He had long felt, he said, that with a house of commons
      favourable to emancipation, his position as a minister opposed to it was
      untenable; and he showed that he had more than once intimated his desire
      to resign office, and thus remove one obstacle to a settlement of the
      question. He had done so on the present occasion, though at the same time
      he notified to the Duke of Wellington, that seeing how the current of
      public opinion lay, he was ready to support the measure, provided it were
      undertaken on principles from which no danger to the Protestant
      establishment need be apprehended. He was aware, he said, that he was
      called on to make out a case for this change of policy; and he was now
      about to submit to the house a statement which proved to his own mind,
      with the force of demonstration that ministers were imperatively called on
      to recommend the measure, however inconsistent it might appear with their
      former tenets. The argument by which the case was made out by Mr. Peel
      resolved itself into the following propositions:&mdash;First, matters
      could not remain in their present state, the evils of divided councils
      being so great, that something must be done, and a government formed with
      a common opinion on the subject. Secondly, a united government once
      constituted must do one of two things&mdash;either grant further political
      rights to the Catholics, or recall those which they already possess.
      Thirdly, to deprive them of what they already have would be impossible; or
      at least would be infinitely more mischievous than to grant them more:
      therefore, no case remained to be adopted but that of concession. Having
      illustrated these propositions at great length, and with much force of
      argument, Mr. Peel proceeded to explain the nature of the measure which he
      and his colleagues proposed as that which ought finally to settle and
      adjust the question. The principle and basis of the measure was to be, he
      said, the abolition of civil distinctions and the equality of political
      rights, with a few exceptions only. Another pervading principle would be,
      in fact and in word, the maintenance of the Protestant religion as by law
      established, its doctrines, its discipline, and government. First of all,
      he would repeal those laws which placed Catholics, unless they took
      certain oaths, on a different footing from Protestants even in regard to
      real property; a distinction which Protestants and Catholics were equally
      interested in abolishing. The next provision would be the admission of
      Catholics to parliament on the same terms with Protestants; for unless
      this was granted, all other concessions of political power would be of no
      avail. The bill would, also, render Catholics admissible to all corporate
      offices in Ireland, and all offices connected with the administration of
      justice, and to all the higher civil offices of the state. He was aware,
      he said, of the objection as to the last; but having once resolved to
      yield political power, this could not be refused. In order to leave the
      avenues of ambition open to the Roman Catholic, he was of opinion that we
      ought to render him capable of being employed in the service of the
      country. As regards the oaths to be taken, it necessarily followed from
      their concessions, he said, that they should be modified. In the new oath,
      the Catholic would be called on to swear allegiance in the usual terms; to
      disclaim the deposing power of the pope, and the doctrine that his
      holiness had any temporal or civil power, directly or indirectly, within
      the realm; solemnly to abjure any intention of subverting the church
      establishment; and to bind himself not to employ any of his privileges to
      weaken the Protestant religion or government. As regarded the exceptions
      from the general rule, Mr. Pitt said that they lay within a narrow
      compass, and related to duties or offices connected with the established
      church. The only offices he meant to exclude Catholics from were those of
      lord-lieutenant, or chief governor of Ireland, and of lord high
      chancellor, or keeper, or commissioner of the great seal. He meant,
      however, to exclude Catholics from appointments in any of the Universities
      or Colleges, and from exercising any right of presentation, as lay
      patrons, to the benefices and dignities of the church of England. In the
      bill, also, there were certain prohibitions against carrying the insignia
      of office to places of Roman Catholic worship, and against the assumption,
      by prelates of that communion, of the same episcopal titles as those
      belonging to the church of England. There were also certain precautions
      against the increase of monastic institutions, particularly that of the
      Jesuits. A more effective check, however, on the consequences which might
      result from admitting Roman Catholics in Ireland to civil power, was
      meditated in a law for raising the qualification of the elective
      franchise, in counties, from forty shillings to ten pounds: by which means
      that privilege would be limited to persons really possessed of property,
      and less liable to be misled by the priests. After detailing the features
      of the plan in a speech which occupied more than four hours, Mr. Peel
      remarked:&mdash;"And now, although I am not so sanguine as others in my
      expectations of the future, I have not the slightest hesitation in saying,
      I fully believe that the adjustment of this question in the manner
      proposed will not only give much better and stronger securities to the
      Protestant interest and establishment than any other that the present
      state of things admits of, but will also avert evils and dangers impending
      and immediate. I might have taken a more popular and palatable course:
      more popular with the individuals in concert with whom I long thought and
      acted, more palatable to the constituents whom I have lost; but I have
      consulted for the best, for Protestant interests and our Protestant
      establishment. This is my defence against the accusations I have endured;
      this is my consolation under the sacrifices I have made; this shall be my
      revenge. I trust that, by the means now proposed, the moral storm may lie
      lulled into a calm, the waters of strife may subside, and the elements of
      discord be stilled and composed. But if these expectations be
      disappointed; if unhappily civil strife and contentions shall arise; if
      the differences existing between us do not spring out of artificial
      distinctions and unequal privileges, but if there be something in the
      character of the Roman Catholic religion not to be contented with a
      participation of equal privileges, or with anything short of superiority,
      still I shall be content to make the trial. If the battle must be fought;
      if the contest which we would now avoid cannot be averted by those means,
      let the worst come to the worst&mdash;the battle will be fought for other
      objects, the contest will take place on other grounds; the contest then
      will be, not for an equality of civil rights, but for the predominance of
      an intolerant religion. If those more gloomy predictions shall be
      realized, and if our more favourable hopes shall not be justified by the
      result, we can fight that battle against the predominance of an intolerant
      religion more advantageously after this measure shall have been passed
      than we could do at present. We shall then have the sympathy of other
      nations; we shall have dissolved the great moral alliance that existed
      among the Roman Catholics: we shall have with us those great and
      illustrious authorities that long supported this measure, and which will
      then be transferred to us, and ranged upon our side: and I do not doubt
      that in that contest we shall be victorious, aided as we shall be by the
      unanimous feeling of all classes of society in this country, as
      demonstrated in the numerous petitions presented to this house, in which I
      find the best and most real securities for the maintenance of our
      Protestant constitution; aided, I will add, by the union of orthodoxy and
      dissent, by the assenting voice of Scotland; and, if other aid be
      necessary, cheered by the sympathies of every free state, and by the
      wishes and prayers of every free man, in whatever clime, or under whatever
      form of government he may live."
    </p>
    <p>
      The motion was not very powerfully opposed. The principal speakers in
      opposition were Sir Robert Inglis and Mr. Estcourt, the two members of
      Oxford University. The chief argument used was an assumption that the
      grant of equal privileges to Roman Catholics would be the destruction of
      the Protestant establishment. With regard to Ireland, it was said that
      discord and agitation were not new features in the condition of that
      country; that they were not a result of the penal laws; and that they
      would not cease on the removal of civil disabilities. As regarded the fear
      of civil war, it was remarked that reliance ought to have been placed on
      public opinion, and the moral determination of the British people. At
      best, too, it was argued, the evil days would only be postponed, and
      resistance to ulterior struggles rendered more difficult. It was asked,
      with respect to the divided state of the cabinet, why the Duke of
      Wellington and Mr. Peel, instead of changing their own line of policy, did
      not rather attempt to bring over their colleagues to their views,
      especially as they still confessed that there was danger in granting
      Catholic emancipation. Ministers were also taunted with conceding the
      question from intimidation; a fact which was evident in the provisions,
      called securities, against the danger of admitting the Catholics to wield
      the civil, judicial, and military powers of the state. If Mr. Peel and
      other converts, it was said, thought they could no longer resist, because
      they had not a majority in the house of commons, why did they refuse to
      accept a majority? Why was not parliament dissolved? Such a course, it was
      argued, was right at any time, when a measure strongly affecting the
      constitution was contemplated; and it was peculiarly necessary in the
      present instance, when the country had been deceived into a security, of
      which those who had practised the deception were now seeking to take
      advantage. The Marquis of Blandford even maintained, that if the house
      sanctioned the present audacious invasion of the constitution, it would
      break the trust reposed in it by the people of England, who were taken by
      surprise by the unexpected announcement made by ministers. Was it right,
      he asked, for the government to persist in measures to which public
      feeling was so strongly opposed? Constituted as the house was then, it did
      not express the just alarms of the people for the safety of the Protestant
      institutions of the country. As regards the securities proposed by
      ministers, they were treated with contempt. Viscount Corry said, that he
      had in vain looked for them: with the exception of the forty-shilling
      franchise being raised to ten pounds, there was no attempt at securities;
      and even that was a half measure.
    </p>
    <p>
      The motion was supported by Sir. G. Murray, colonial secretary, and by
      Messrs. Grant, North, and Iiuskisson. These members repeated and enforced
      the positions that the pacification of Ireland was necessary to the safety
      of the empire; and that without emancipation pacification could not be
      effected. All classes in Ireland, it was argued, had identified themselves
      with the question, and Ireland had hence fallen into a state in which it
      was impossible for it to remain: it must either advance or recede; for all
      the ties which held society together had been loosened or broken. It was
      conceded that a certain state of things, not deserving the name of
      society, might be maintained by means of the sword; but such a frame of
      society, it was added, could have no analogy whatever to the British
      constitution. The only intimidation to which ministers could be accused of
      yielding, was the fear of continuing such a state of affairs, and
      aggravating all its evils by gradual accumulation, instead of restoring
      mutual good-will and the peaceful empire of the law. No other intimidation
      existed: none was felt in Ireland; for what was the force of an unarmed
      multitude when measured against the force of the state? The power of the
      Catholics was as nothing. But when it was considered what effects might
      arise from disunion; when it was considered that a spirit of resentment
      was growing up, which roused men against each other, there did appear a
      kind of intimidation, of a nature which did not admit of contempt. The
      Protestant body&mdash;at least the body which arrogated to itself that
      title&mdash;knew the enthralment under which they had held the Catholics,
      and that an unarmed multitude must submit. But were we, it was asked, to
      destroy one part of the people, by rousing and inciting the other? It was
      rather the duty of government to protect the whole; to ensure them the
      greatest degree of protection; and to give to the people all the
      privileges they had a right to enjoy. To those who urged a dissolution of
      parliament, it was answered, that parliament as it existed was as capable
      of discussing the question now, as any parliament had been at any time
      during the last twenty-five years; that the question was a fit one for the
      consideration of the house of commons at all times; and that it was
      particularly fit for their consideration when it came recommended from the
      throne, as necessary for the safety and peace of the United Kingdom. A
      dissolution of parliament, remarked Mr. Peel, must leave the Catholic
      Association and the elective franchise in Ireland just as they were. If
      parliament were dissolved, the Catholic Association must be left as it
      was, as the common law was inadequate to suppress it; and being so left,
      it would overturn the representation of Ireland. Whatever majority might
      be returned from Great Britain, Ireland would return eighty or ninety
      members in the interest of the Association, forming a compact body,
      against the force of which it would be impossible to carry on the local
      government of the country. It had, indeed, been said, "Increase the army,
      or the constabulary force;" but a greater force could not be employed
      there. He would state one simple fact. Above five-sixths of the infantry
      had been engaged in aiding the government of Ireland, as by interposing
      between two hostile parties. Under such circumstances a reaction would
      compel them gradually to this alternative; namely, instead of resting the
      civil and social government on its base, to narrow it and to rest it on
      its apex. It was also denied that there was anything peculiar in the
      nature of the proposed measure to require a special appeal to the people,
      since it was incorrectly called a violation of the constitution. That
      constitution, it was argued, was not to be sought for solely in the acts
      of 1688: its foundations had been laid much earlier; laid by Catholic
      hands, and cemented with Catholic blood. But, even taking the compact of
      1688 to be the foundation of our rights and liberties, yet the most
      diligent opponent of the Catholic claims would be unable to point out in
      the Bill of Rights a single clause by which the exclusion of Roman
      Catholics from seats in parliament was declared to be a fundamental, or
      indispensable principle of the British constitution; that bill merely
      regarded the liberties guaranteed to the people, and the protection of the
      throne from the intrusion of Popery. To the objection that the measure now
      contemplated was unconditional concession, concession without a single
      security for the Protestant establishment, it was answered, that
      principles of exclusion were not the securities to which the established
      religion either did trust, or ought to trust. The real securities of
      Protestantism would remain, unaffected by this bill, in the unalterable
      attachment of the people, who, though divided on minor topics, would unite
      in resisting the errors of Popery. The house, it was said, should also
      look at the great security which they would derive from the generous
      attachment of the people of Ireland, who, after ages of oppression, would
      find themselves restored to their place in society. Moreover, the
      securities which the bill contained were not so nugatory as they had been
      represented. Mr. Peel said, that when he looked at the petitions sent from
      all parts of the country, he could not help being struck with one
      extraordinary coincidence. These petitions prayed for those securities;
      and the prayers of them were similar, whether they came from the county of
      Wicklow, or from the county of Armagh, &amp;c.; that it was impossible to
      arrive at any other conclusion than that those prayers, and the terms in
      which they were conveyed, had been suggested by one common head and
      source. And what were the securities prayed for? Why, the first was, "Put
      down the Catholic Association;" the second, "Correct the elective
      franchise of Ireland;" and the third, "Abolish for the future the order of
      the Jesuits in this country." Now the bill which he proposed contained all
      these securities; and if the necessity of obtaining them were so great as
      the petitioners contended, let him be answered this question: "Would the
      Protestants ever have had the least chance of obtaining them if his
      majesty had not recommended that the disabilities of the Catholics should
      be taken into consideration, with the view to an adjustment of this
      question? Could any man say it was possible, though the unanimous voice of
      the Protestants of Ireland declared those securities to be necessary, that
      any one of them could have been obtained, unless a proposal or adjustment
      had been made?" On a division the motion was carried by a majority of
      three hundred and forty-eight against one hundred and sixty; a
      preponderance which, as regarded the house of commons, was decisive of the
      ultimate fate of the question.
    </p>
    <p>
      Resolutions, proposed by Mr. Peel in the committee, were immediately
      agreed to; and a bill founded on them was introduced and read for the
      first time on the 10th of March. The opponents of the measure allowed the
      first reading to take place without opposition, it being arranged that the
      debate on the principle of the bill should take place on the second
      reading. That reading was fixed for the 17th, on which day it was moved by
      Mr. Peel. The motion led to a very warm debate. Sir Edward Knatchbull
      strongly attacked Mr. Peel on the desertion of his principles, as well as
      other members of the government, asserting that from it the confidence
      which had hitherto been accorded to public men, had received a blow from
      which it never would recover. Mr. Goulburn admitted that he had adopted
      new opinions on this subject; but he had done so, he said, because it was
      impossible that any other thing could be wisely done in the present state
      of Ireland. He contended that the measure proposed was calculated to give
      more complete ascendancy to the Protestant establishment, by diminishing
      the irritation, and removing the prejudices of its opponents. He argued,
      that it would also have the effect of causing the people to treat the
      ministers of the Protestant church with the respect and attention to which
      their character and virtues so eminently entitled them; and that it was
      only under such circumstances that the church could be employed as an
      important engine in the moral improvement of the people. These notions,
      however, were ridiculed by Mr. G. Bankes, who contended that, although the
      house did not surrender all the rights of the Protestant church at once,
      they gave the Catholics the first stepping-stone for reaching everything
      they might desire. It was admitted, he said, that the adherents of the
      Catholic faith would struggle for ascendancy; and that this bill was to
      give them the political power which would be the great instrument used in
      the struggle: and how a bill which did all this would tend to the security
      of the Protestant church surpassed human comprehension. The very framers
      of the measure saw the absurdity and the danger which it was employed to
      conceal; and they had endeavoured to obviate the danger by a precaution
      which proved its existence, but was impotent to prevent it. They had
      devised this remedy&mdash;that when the prime minister happened to be a
      Roman Catholic, all power connected with the established church should be
      vested in the hands of commissioners. But who was to appoint the
      commissioners? Why the prime minister. Lord Tullamore followed in a
      similar strain. Ministers, he said, had themselves given the tone on the
      opposite side of the question at public meetings; they had sat at the
      festive board, hearing with approbation the avowal of sentiments which
      they themselves had avowed, but now disclaimed completing the picture
      drawn by the poet&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Drunk at a borough, civil at a ball.
     Friendly at Hackney, faithless at Whitehall."
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      The measure was supported by Lord Palmerston and Sir George Murray with
      much eloquence and animation; but the speech which on this occasion
      claimed and deserved the greatest attention from the house was that of Mr.
      Sadler, a man of distinguished abilities, who had recently been returned
      to parliament for the borough of Newark, by the Duke of Newcastle's
      interest. He rose, he said, to add his humble vote to that faithful band
      who had resigned the countenance of those whom they had hitherto deeply
      respected; who had surrendered, in the language of many, all pretensions
      to common sense or general information; who are branded as intolerants and
      bigots, from whom ministers had happily escaped; and, what was still more
      painful to generous minds, who were ranked among those that were as devoid
      of true liberality and benevolence, as of reason and intelligence. He
      continued: "All these things, however, move us not. In a cause like that
      of the Protestant constitution of England, now placed for the first time
      since its existence in a situation of imminent peril, an humble part in
      its triumph would indeed give me a share of that unmeasurable joy which
      its rescue would diffuse throughout the nation; but to be numbered as one
      of those who, faithful to the end, made a last though ineffectual struggle
      in its defence, will afford a melancholy satisfaction, which I would not
      exchange for all the pride, and power, and honours which may await a
      contrary course." After this preamble, Mr. Sadler argued at great length
      against the principles of the bill, and its dangerous tendency toward the
      Protestant church: and showed its utter futility in remedying the evils
      which oppressed, or repaying the wrongs which she had suffered from so
      many generations. He remarked:&mdash;"Ireland degraded, deserted,
      oppressed, pillaged, is turbulent; and you listen to the selfish
      recommendations of her agitators. You seek not to know, or knowing you
      wilfully neglect, her real distresses. If you can calm the agitated
      surface of society, you heed not that fathomless depth of misery, sorrow,
      and distress whose troubled waves heave unseen and disregarded: and this,
      forsooth, is patriotism, Ireland asks of you bread, and you proffer her
      Catholic emancipation: and this, I presume, is construed to be the taking
      into our consideration, as his majesty recommended, the whole situation of
      Ireland." As regards the nature of the measure, Mr. Sadler contended that
      it could only be described as an inroad on the constitution of the
      country, and a preparatory movement towards its final destruction. The
      securities, also, were treated by him as vague and unsatisfactory.
      Matters, he said, had reached such a point of noisy and dangerous discord
      between parties in Ireland, that ministers contended there must be an
      adjustment of the question. Adjustment generally terminated in mutual
      concessions and reciprocal advantages: but would the authors of this bill
      point out what it gave to the Protestant constitution for that which it
      took away? The Protestant faith surrendered everything, it received
      nothing. As a security, the office of viceroy, an office of pageantry, was
      to continue Protestant: but what Protestant cared an iota about it, when
      its holder was to be surrounded with Popish advisers, and to act by Popish
      instruments? The king, too, it seems, must still continue to be a
      Protestant. This reservation was the worst of all, and heightened every
      objection to the measure into abhorrence and disgust. "What!" he
      continued, "after establishing by a solemn act the doctrine that
      conscience ought to be free and unrestrained; that disabilities like that
      sought to be removed, inflict a wound upon the feelings of those whom they
      reach, intolerable to good and generous minds, worse than persecution,
      than even death itself, how do you apply it? Why you propose to sear this
      brand high upon the forehead, and deep into the heart of your very prince,
      while you render the scar more visible, and the insult more poignant, by
      making him the solitary individual, whose hereditary rank must be held and
      transmitted by the disgraceful tenure which you have stigmatized as the
      badge of slavery. Freedom of conscience to all subjects, but none to your
      king! Throw open the portals of legislation, that a Duke of Norfolk may
      take his seat in your senate; but hurl from his loftier seat there, the
      throne of the realm, a Duke of Lancaster, if he exercise the same
      privilege, and presume to have a conscience! Hitherto the British
      constitution has been fair, uniform, equal, demanding from all the same
      moral qualification. That qualification has long been declared, by a
      certain school of politicians, to be slavery. Ministers have now adopted
      their creed; yet they are content, nay, they propose, that the king shall
      be the only proclaimed slave in his dominions. Worse than this, however,
      remained behind: the proposed measure not only hurt the feelings of the
      monarch, it touched his title. It was a bill to reverse the attainder
      which had been passed upon Popery, and the natural consequences of this
      reversal were obvious. The privileges of Protestantism were the
      title-deeds of the royal family to the throne, the actual transfer of the
      estate which the king held in parliament and in the country. It was
      Protestant ascendancy now become a term of reproach, and Protestant
      ascendancy alone, that introduced the royal line that rules us; it was
      that which still formed the foundation of the throne, which combined its
      title with the very elements of the constitution, identified it with our
      liberty, consecrated it with the sanctities of our religion, and
      proclaimed our monarch king by the unanimous suffrages of all our
      institutions. The act of settlement indeed was to remain; and though it
      had been passed with difficulty by a parliament exclusively Protestant, it
      would of course be zealously maintained by a parliament partly Catholic:
      but still this was to remove the royal title from the broad foundation of
      national principles, supported by all the analogies of the constitution,
      and place it upon a mere act of parliament, or rather upon an exception
      from that act: whatever became of the legal title, the moral title of the
      king would be touched. But," continued Mr. Sadler, "the intended change of
      the constitution was doubly objectionable on account of its unavoidable
      consequences. He contended that it would put the real liberties of the
      people in jeopardy; and that the united church of England and Ireland
      would be placed in peril by it, the moment it was passed. The real object
      of the attack was the establishment, or rather its principles and
      immunities. The war had begun; the siege commenced: the first parallel was
      nearly completed; the very leaders of the garrison were summoning a bold
      and numerous band of fresh assailants to the attack; and the approaches
      would be carried on till a final triumph was obtained over the most
      tolerant, the most learned, and the most efficient establishment which any
      country had ever yet been blessed with. And could any man, he asked,
      flatter himself that even when this was destroyed, a long and
      uninterrupted reign of quietness and peace would ensue? When this victim
      had been hunted down, the same pack would scent fresh game, and the cry
      against our remaining institutions would be renewed with double vigour,
      till nothing remained worth attack or defence. An oath was certainly to be
      taken, verbally forbidding Roman Catholics from harming the establishment;
      but they must be more or less than men to be enabled to keep such an oath.
      It was even immoral to present it to them: it established a war between
      words and principles, oaths and conscience: and which of these would
      finally prevail needed no explanation. That Roman Catholics once seated in
      the house should not feel disposed to lessen the influence, and finally to
      destroy a church which they abhorred was impossible; and that they should
      not make common cause for a similar purpose with other parties inspired by
      similar views was equally impossible. Much, it was true, had been said
      about the weakness of such a party in point of numbers; but a party acting
      invariably in unison on this point would ultimately carry it, and with it,
      all others of vital importance." Referring to the apologies which had been
      made for these portentous changes, Mr. Sadler said that the country had
      been beguiled by them. He continued:&mdash;"I was one of those who thought
      the conduct of the noble and right honourable individuals who resigned in
      1827 a sacrifice to principle and consistency: what it really was, it is
      now not worth while to inquire, since it was anything than that. It is now
      too late to rectify the error; all that remains is to regret most deeply,
      that, faithfully following those who have so secretly, suddenly, and
      unceremoniously deserted us, we were taught to regard a highly gifted
      individual, unhappily now no more, as one who ought not to serve his king
      and country as the head of the government, because he was favourable to
      the measure now so indecently forced upon the country. I do heartily
      repent of my share in the too successful attempt of hunting down so noble
      a victim; a man whom England and the world recognise as its ornament,
      whose eloquence was, at these days at least, unrivalled, the energies of
      whose capacious mind, stored with knowledge and elevated by genius, were
      devoted to the service of his country. This was the man with whom the
      present ministers could not act, and for a reason which vitiates their
      present doings. Coupling, therefore, that transaction with the present, if
      the annals of our country furnish so disgraceful a page, I have very
      imperfectly consulted them. But peace to his memory! My humble tribute is
      paid when it can be no longer heard nor regarded&mdash;when it is drowned
      by the voice of interested adulation now poured only into the ears of the
      living. He fell; but his character is reserved, it rises and triumphs over
      that of his surviving,&mdash;what shall I call them? Let their own
      consciences supply the hiatus." Having paid this eloquent tribute to Mr.
      Canning, a tribute as just also as it is eloquent, Mr. Sadler contended
      that it was the duty of ministers to have gone to the people, since the
      invasion of the constitution, bad in itself and ruinous in its
      consequences, was beyond the power of parliament. The people of England,
      he continued, had not sent the members of the house of commons for the
      purpose of throwing open the doors of that house to the admission of
      Popery, to the scandal, disgrace, and danger of the Protestant
      establishment in church and state. He added in conclusion:&mdash;"Be
      assured they will resent it deeply and permanently if we proceed. I know
      how dear this sacred, this deserted cause is to the hearts and to the
      understandings of Englishmen. The principle may be indeed weak in this
      house, but abroad it marches in more than all its wonted might, attended,
      in spite of the aspersions of all its enemies, by the intelligence, the
      religion, the loyalty of the country; and if the honest zeal, nay, even
      the cherished prejudices of the people, swell its train, thank God for the
      accession. Here, sir, that cause, like those wasting tapers, may be
      melting away: there it burns unextinguishably. It lives abroad, though
      this house, which is its cradle, may be now preparing its grave. To their
      representatives the people committed their dearest birthright, the
      Protestant constitution, and have not deserted it, whoever has. If it must
      perish, I call God to witness that the people are guiltless. Let it, then,
      expire in this spot, the place of its birth, the scene of its long
      triumphs, betrayed, deserted in the house of its pretended friends, who
      while they smile are preparing to smite; let it here, while it receives
      blow after blow from those who have hitherto been its associates and
      supporters, fold itself up in its mantle, and, hiding its sorrow and
      disgrace, fall when it feels the last stab at its heart from the hand of
      one whom it had armed in its defence, and advanced to its highest
      honours."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. R. Grant on the other side contended that it was in vain to speak of
      applying to the evils of Ireland such cures as it was supposed might be
      found in the establishment of poor-laws, or the compulsory residence of
      the absentees: even if the expediency of these measures was assumed, this
      was not the proper time for their application: the question at present
      was, how existing discontent might be allayed, how the raging pestilence
      might be stopped. It was only after that had been done, that preventives
      could rationally be suggested, and it was only by removing the grievances
      of which Ireland complained, that that object could be effected. Although
      the evils of Ireland, he said, had been traced to many causes these causes
      themselves, even where they existed, were but the effects of the political
      distinctions founded on the difference of the religious creeds. The house
      had been told, for instance, to seek for the source of these evils in the
      local oppressions practised in Ireland, rather than in the general
      restrictive laws. Of local oppression, no doubt, plenty had always
      existed, but it had existed merely because the adherents of one creed were
      armed with power to oppress the believers in another faith, who were
      vested with no power. The same mischiefs, it was said, existed before the
      Reformation, when all Ireland was of one religion. True: and they had
      existed, just because, even before the Reformation, the same system of
      excluding the natives from political power had been long followed, though
      on different grounds. What Sir John Davies, who wrote in the days of
      Elizabeth, stated to be the cause of the evils of Ireland in his time, was
      in force still:&mdash;"From the earliest times," said that writer of the
      English government of Ireland, "it seemed to be the rule of policy that
      the native Irish should someway or other be not admitted to the privileges
      of the constitution equally with the English residents. And in order to
      perpetuate the ascendancy of the latter, the governors of Ireland had
      determined to oppress the former as much as possible. Accordingly, it has
      been the system of rule in that country, for the last four hundred years,
      to attempt by all manner of means to root out the native Irish
      altogether." That system had been acted on since the time of Sir John
      Davis in some form or other, and with consequences which would last so
      long as the laws against the Catholics remained unrepealed. This
      inequality of political power, then, was the cause; and by removing it, an
      end would be put to the turbulence and exasperation to which it gave
      birth. Mr. Grant further argued that this might be done without injury to
      the constitution, and that the constitution did not recognise any
      principle of exclusion against any portion of the community. Its essence,
      he said, was the communication of its protection and privileges to all.
      Lord Palmerston followed on the same side. He admitted that if the
      question were, whether we should have any Catholics at all; whether the
      religion throughout the empire should be exclusively Protestant; then all
      Ireland should be made Protestant. But this was not possible, Catholics
      there were, and Catholics there must be. There they were, good or bad;
      and, whether their tenets were wholesome or unwholesome, the persons
      holding them were six millions in number, and they were seated in the very
      heart of the empire. What, then, he asked, were we to do with them, since
      we were not able to exterminate them? Were we to make them our enemies,
      fiercer and more inveterate in proportion as we persecuted them? or were
      we by kindness and conciliation to convert them into friends? The latter
      was clearly the more expedient and desirable in itself, unless it were
      accompanied by some imminent danger. He called upon the house to turn the
      materials of discord into strength, and to imitate the skilful and
      benevolent physician, who from deadly herbs extracted healing balms, and
      made that the means of health which others, less able, or less good, used
      for the purposes of destruction.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of all declaimers against the bill, Sir Charles Wetherell, the
      attorney-general, was the most violent. He had refused to draw up this
      bill in his official capacity; but he still remained in office, under a
      minister who was understood to have made implicit submission to his word
      of command the tenure by which office was to be held. Knowing that nothing
      but the difficulty of supplying his place prevented his discharge, he
      delivered a speech of defiance to his colleagues in office, which produced
      a great impression in the house and throughout the country. In explaining
      his objection to frame this bill, he said,&mdash;"When my attention was
      drawn to the framing of this bill, I felt it my duty to look over the oath
      taken by the lord chancellor, as well as that taken by the
      attorney-general; and it was my judgment, right or wrong, that, when
      desired to frame this bill, I was called to draw a bill subversive of the
      Protestant church, which his majesty was bound by his coronation-oath to
      support. If his majesty chose to dispense with the obligations of the
      coronation-oath, he might do so; but I would do no act to put him in
      jeopardy. These are the grounds on which I refused, and would refuse a
      hundred times over, to put one line to paper of what constitutes the
      atrocious bill now before the house. Hundreds of those who now listen to
      me must remember the able, valuable, and impressive speech delivered two
      years ago by the present lord-chancellor, then master of the rolls, and a
      member of this house. It will also be in the recollection of hundreds that
      that eminent individual, than whom none is more acute in reasoning, more
      classical in language, and more powerful in delivery, quarrelled with the
      late Mr. Canning on this very subject. Am I then to blame for refusing to
      do that, in the subordinate office of attorney-general, which a more
      eminent adviser of the crown, only two years ago, declared he would not
      consent to do? Am I, then, to be twitted, taunted, and attacked? I dare
      them to attack me. I have no speech to eat up. I have no apostasy
      disgracefully to explain. I have no paltry subterfuge to resort to. I have
      not to say that a thing is black one day and white another. I have not
      been in one year a Protestant master of the rolls, and in the next a
      Catholic lord-chancellor. I would rather remain as I am, the humble member
      for Plympton, than be guilty of such apostasy; such contradiction; such
      unexplainable conversion; such miserable, contemptible, apostasy." As for
      the bill itself, Sir Charles stated, that when it was dissected and
      anatomized, it destroyed itself. It admitted the danger, and yet provided
      no security for Protestants. He would not have condescended to stultify
      himself by the composition of such a bill. The folly and contradictions be
      upon the heads of those who drew it. They might have turned him out of
      office; but he would not be made such a dirty tool as to draw that bill.
      "Let who would, he would no-t defile pen, or waste paper, by such an act
      of folly, and forfeit his character for common sense and honesty."
    </p>
    <p>
      This attack of the attorney-general called up Mr. Peel, who closed the
      debate. After complaining of the violence of his colleague, he reverted to
      the grounds on which he had first proposed the bill; again urging the
      state of Ireland, and the absolute necessity of doing something; the
      inability of his opponents to do anything better, though they vehemently
      opposed the measure now offered; the impossibility of any government
      standing which should set itself on avowed principles against concession;
      and the folly of treating the question as one which had any connexion with
      religion. The Catholics were never excluded at any time because of their
      religious creed; they were excluded for a supposed deficiency of civil
      worth, and the religious test was applied to them, not to detect the
      worship of saints, or any other tenet of their religion, but as a test to
      discover whether they were Roman Catholics. It was a test to discover the
      bad, intriguing subject, not the religionist; and, therefore, when he
      parted with the declaration against transubstantiation, it was not from
      any doubt which he entertained as to the doctrines of the Roman Catholics,
      but from looking at it as a test of exclusion, and from thinking that,
      when the exclusion was deemed unnecessary, the test of exclusion, might be
      dispensed with. Mr. Peel complained grievously that an unfair application
      had been made of his unhappy phrase, that the proposed measure would be "a
      breaking in upon the constitution of 1688." He meant no more, he said,
      than that there would be an alteration in the words of the Bill of Rights:
      and if an alteration of its words were a breaking in upon the
      constitution, then had the constitution been often broken in upon. He
      called upon the house to consider the altered position of affairs in
      Ireland since the annunciation of this measure had been made; and warned
      it that if the bill was rejected, it would be attended with consequences
      fatal to the repose of the empire. He added, "I am well aware that the
      fate of this measure cannot now be altered: if it succeed, the credit will
      redound to others; if it fail, the responsibility will devolve upon me,
      and upon those with whom I have acted. These chances, with the loss of
      private friendship, and the alienation of public confidence, I must have
      foreseen and calculated before I ventured to recommend these measures. I
      assure the house that, in conducting them, I have met with the severest
      blow which it has ever been my lot to experience in my life; but I am
      convinced that the time will come, though I may not live perhaps to see
      it, when full justice will be done by men of all parties to the motives on
      which I have acted; when this question will be fully settled, and when
      others will see that I had no other alternative than to act as I have
      acted. They will then admit that the course which I have followed, and
      which I am still prepared to follow, whatever imputation it may expose me
      to, is the only course which is necessary for the diminution of the undue,
      illegitimate, and dangerous power of the Roman Catholics, and for the
      maintenance and security of the Protestant religion."
    </p>
    <p>
      The result of the division on this great question was three hundred and
      fifty-three for the second reading of the bill, and one hundred and eighty
      against it. The success of the bill in the commons was therefore certain;
      and it passed the committee in three days. During its progress in the
      committee several amendments were moved by the opponents of the bill, but
      they were all rejected; and on the 31st of March it was carried up to the
      lords by Mr. Peel, with an unusually large escort of members. It was
      immediately read a first time; and the Duke of Wellington then moved that
      it should be read a second time on the 2nd of April. This motion was
      opposed by Lord Bexley and the Earl of Malmesbury, as too precipitate,
      urging that on all former occasions a longer time had been allowed for
      consideration, and that breathless haste was the conduct of men called
      upon to decide as another dictated, rather than of legislators called to
      deliberate on a grave matter of public policy. Lord Holland, however,
      justified the motion, by referring to the haste with which the statutes
      about to be repealed had been originally passed: and it was carried
      without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the appointed day the Duke of Wellington moved the second reading of
      the bill, by stating that he trusted the house would believe that the
      course which he had now adopted on this question had not been adopted
      without the fullest conviction that it was a sound and a just one. His
      grace then went on to show the state of Ireland as it had existed for many
      years, describing it as bordering upon civil war, and attended by all the
      evils of civil war, adducing this state of things in justification of the
      measure. He conceived it his duty, he said, to correct the evil by other
      means than force. "I am one of those," said his grace, "who have been
      engaged in war beyond most men, and, unfortunately, principally in civil
      war; and I must say this, that, at any sacrifice whatever, I would avoid
      every approach to civil war. I would do all I could, even sacrifice my
      life, to prevent such a catastrophe.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Nothing could be so disastrous to the country; nothing so destructive to
      it prosperity as civil war; nothing could take place that tended so
      completely to demoralize and degrade as such a conflict, in which the hand
      of neighbour is raised against neighbour; that of the father against the
      son, and of the son against the father; of the brother against the
      brother; of the servant against his master: a conflict which must end in
      confusion and destruction. If civil war be so bad when occasioned by
      resistance to government; if such a collision is to be avoided by all
      means possible, how much more necessary is it to avoid a civil war, in
      which, in order to put down one portion, it would be necessary to arm and
      excite the other? I am quite sure that there is no man that now hears me
      who would not shudder were such a proposition made to him; yet such must
      have been the result had we attempted to terminate the state of things to
      which I have referred otherwise than by a measure of conciliation. In this
      view, then, merely, I think we are justified in the measure we have
      proposed to parliament." On the other hand, his grace asked, what benefit
      could arise to any one class in the state from pertinaciously persisting
      in an opposition which had already produced bad consequences, and
      threatened worse? One of the chief obstacles to the measure, he continued,
      was the safety of the Protestant church. Now that part of the united
      church of England and Ireland which was placed in the latter kingdom, was
      in the peculiar situation of being the church of the minority of the
      people; and if violence against it were apprehended, he would ask whether
      that church was more likely to be defended against violence by an
      unanimous government, and a parliament united with government and with
      itself, or by a divided government, and a parliament of which the parts
      were opposed to each other? No man could look with patience and attention
      at the present state of this question without being convinced that the
      real interests of all classes in this country, and particularly the church
      itself, required the consideration and settlement now proposed. This
      settlement would give security to the church, strength to every department
      of the government, and general tranquillity to the country at large. In
      conclusion, his grace said, "On the whole I entertain no doubt that, after
      this measure shall have passed, the Roman Catholics will cease to exist as
      a separate interest in the state as they at present do. I have no doubt
      that they will cease to excite disunion in this or the other house of
      parliament. Parliament will then, I hope, be disposed to look at their
      conduct, and everything as respects that country, as they would look upon
      the people and the affairs of England and Scotland. I will say, however,
      that, if I am disappointed in my hopes of tranquillity after a trial has
      been given to the measure, I shall have no scruple in coming down to
      parliament and laying before it the state of the case, and calling for the
      necessary powers to enable the government to take the steps suited to the
      occasion. I shall do this in the same confidence that parliament will
      support me, that I feel in the present case."
    </p>
    <p>
      In reply, the Archbishop of Canterbury moved an amendment, that the bill
      should be read a second time that day six months. He was surprised, he
      said, that any man remembering the conduct of the Catholics at all times,
      and who knew, as every one must know, that even what was now proposed fell
      short of their ultimate objects, should attempt to justify a measure, on
      the ground that it would bring peace to Ireland. When he considered the
      use which had been made of the concession of the elective franchise, to
      produce consequences which, it was said, had rendered the present measure
      necessary; he could see no return of gratitude in the conduct of the Roman
      Catholics. When, too, he considered the liberality of the public, which
      had established a college for educating the Roman Catholic youth; when he
      looked at the liberality of parliament granting supplies for its support;
      when he saw those very men who had been bred up at the public expense
      becoming members of an Association which had existed in contempt of the
      government, and in defiance of the laws, lending themselves to the
      exaction of a tax levied on the people, and converting their places of
      worship into meetings for factious purposes; when he looked at all these
      circumstances, he saw little hope that the measure proposed would produce
      either tranquillity in Ireland, or safety to the church. To him it
      appeared irreconcilable with the Protestant essence of the constitution.
      It mattered not what circumstances produced the laws about to be repealed;
      they had been adopted, and re-established at the Revolution, as a
      necessary security for the constitution. By the coronation-oath, as then
      arranged, the king swore to maintain the true profession of the gospel,
      and the Protestant reformed religion established by law. How, he asked,
      was the king to do this? By attending churches in person? No! The king
      could only act by responsible advisers; and, therefore, when such a clause
      was inserted in the oath, it was presumed that the king would always have
      proper servants about him, who would enable him to discharge the
      obligations imposed upon him by the oath. Suppose the king to be
      surrounded by ministers who were all Roman Catholics; if so, it was clear
      he could do nothing towards fulfilling those obligations, for whatever
      measures he might contemplate for that purpose, there would be no one to
      carry them into effect. No adviser or minister of the crown, who could not
      enter into the views of the king for the maintenance of the true
      profession of the gospel and of the Protestant reformed religion, could
      assist the king to fulfil those obligations which were imposed upon him by
      the coronation-oath. His grace then went on to show the vital importance
      of having ministers in every department of the state well affected towards
      the Protestant religion. For instance, the secretary of the colonies, he
      said, had absolute power in respect to the church; church patronage was at
      his disposal, and the clergy were under his control. In dissensions, also,
      among the clergy, and for the protection of their interests, he was the
      person appealed to; and if there was not a strong Protestant spirit in the
      secretary, it would be in his power to discourage to the most alarming
      degree, and even almost to extinguish, the church of England in many of
      the colonies. Under all these circumstances, therefore, his grace
      concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the bill should be read a
      second time that day six months.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debate in the lords continued four successive nights by adjournment.
      The spiritual lords who spoke, in addition to the mover of the amendment,
      were the Archbishops of York and Armagh, the Bishops of London, Salisbury,
      Durham, and Oxford. All of these opposed the bill, except the last, who
      contended that concession was called for, not merely by the situation of
      Ireland, but by the turn which talent and education had taken in this
      kingdom with reference to the question. Those peers, said his lordship,
      who opposed concession, were men advanced in years; but the individuals
      who were rising in the natural progress of things to fill the high offices
      of the state, were, with with scarcely an exception, in favour of this
      measure. But independently of the fact that the talent, intelligence, and
      education of the country were marshalled in favour of concession, there
      were abundant reasons why he should vote for the measure. He would vote
      for it because it came recommended by his majesty's speech from the
      throne; seconded by the declaration of the heir presumptive to the crown;
      supported by all the members of the royal family, except the Duke of
      Cumberland; carried through the other house by an overwhelming majority;
      supported by many members of the house of lords; supported, too, for many
      years by that great and eloquent statesman whom Providence had recently
      snatched away from the service of his country; and specially brought
      forward by those ministers who had hitherto been champions of the
      Protestant interest. These were extraordinary circumstances which had
      never been combined before; and he thought that a bill introduced in these
      circumstances would in a few years produce a different state of things in
      Ireland. As to the safety of the church of England he had no doubt, since
      the people of England possessed the most hostile feelings towards all the
      doctrines of Popery. The Irish church was certainly, he said, placed in an
      anomalous situation, and he had no wish to depreciate the dangers to which
      she was exposed; but instead of being increased by the measure before the
      house, they would be diminished by it. On the other hand, the Archbishop
      of Armagh argued, that the Irish church had everything to fear from
      Catholic emancipation. If the house, indeed, could subdue the intolerant
      spirit of the church of Rome, disarm the priests of their influence over
      the people, and withdraw the people from their allegiance to the see of
      Rome, making them citizens of their own country, and letting them take
      their stand among other dissenters, all might be well. But would any man,
      he asked, say that they could make the church of Rome tolerant, or
      persuade the priesthood of that church to hold an inferior rank to a
      clergy, the validity of whose orders they denied, and whose church they
      reviled as adulterous? Could any one suppose that the Roman Catholic
      priests would quit their hold upon the consciences, wills, and the
      passions of men, when their spiritual despotism was the most powerful
      engine for their own aggrandisement? The Roman Catholic priesthood must
      ever stand alone. It had set the indelible mark of separation on its own
      forehead, by its unnatural, though politic, restrictions, by its claim to
      exclusive pre-eminence, and by its dangerous and unconstitutional
      connexion with a foreign state. Ascendancy, he contended, would be placed
      within the reach of the Roman Catholics by this bill; and could any one
      believe that they would not attempt to seize upon that ascendancy when it
      was well known that the promotion of the interests of their church was
      with them a point of principle and of honour, which they considered as far
      superior to the claims of country or kindred. The confederacy of the
      priesthood, actuated by a hatred of whatever was Protestant, would leave
      no means untried to exalt their church at the expense of the Protestant
      establishment, and especially when they found that those who ought to
      support that establishment were divided into parties. Such must be their
      objects and their wishes; and the bill would furnish them with both. The
      bishops of London and Durham expressed the same sentiments regarding the
      inevitable danger to the Protestant establishments, which must necessarily
      spring from what was neither less nor more than a deliberate arming of the
      Catholics with the power required to effect objects which the Catholics
      themselves bad the caution carefully to conceal or disguise. They also
      denounced the folly of legislating upon the principle that men would lay
      down their mischievous designs whenever they obtained the means of putting
      them in execution. The enemies of Protestantism knew better; and it was
      remarkable, the Bishop of Durham observed, how strange a combination of
      persons hailed the dawn of the new policy. It had united in its favour the
      acclamations of Catholics and of all classes of liberals, down to the
      lowest grade of Socinians. When men, he added, whose opinions led them to
      keep down the ascendancy of any church, and others whose conscience bound
      them to labour against the ascendancy of the Protestant church, so acted,
      he could not help thinking that the consequences of the measure would be
      anything but friendly to that ascendancy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of the temporal peers the defence of the bill was principally undertaken
      by the lord-chancellor, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Viscount God erich, the
      Earl of Westmoreland, Earl Grey, and Lord Plunkett. The lord-chancellor
      had a difficult task to perform. He was among those who up to this period
      had earnestly refuted all the pleas of concession which were now brought
      forward, and he had now to confute all these refutations. As late as last
      year he had declared his conviction, that emancipation, though accompanied
      by weighty securities, was pregnant with danger to the constitution and
      establishment; and he now declared his equally conscientious conviction,
      that emancipation, without any securities at all, would be conducive to
      the safety and prosperity of that constitution and establishment. This
      change of opinion might be fair and honest; but, unfortunately, Lord
      Lyndhurst denied the change which had taken place in his mind on this
      subject. He said that he had always held that if concession could be
      granted consistently with the security of the Protestant established
      church, and the great interests of the empire, it was the duty of
      parliament to give it. This was a bold assertion, and one which the public
      generally was not disposed to believe, since they knew that he had opposed
      concession with all the force of his learning and eloquence. The world
      might be wrong in saying that Lord Lyndhurst adopted his new creed by
      compulsion; but it was undoubtedly right in saying that it was a new
      creed. Having, however, defended his consistency in the best manner he
      could, or as he thought most proper, Lord Lyndhurst passed on to the
      merits of the measure. Ireland, he contended, had for years been growing
      worse and worse; and it was necessary, to effect a better state of things,
      that recourse should be had to conciliation. As to the dangers to be
      apprehended from concession, Lord Lyndhurst said he was now convinced that
      they were merely imaginary. And even if there were some danger, it seemed
      to him that the danger to be dreaded from the discontent of five millions
      of subjects, if their prayer were rejected, was infinitely the greatest
      and the worst. But he, for one, entertained no apprehensions that if the
      professors of the Roman Catholic religion should be introduced into
      parliament, they would exercise their influence to overthrow or injure the
      Protestant established church; and he entertained no apprehensions
      whatever, that in the discussion of those questions which concerned the
      church, her interests would be sacrificed. Looking at this measure both on
      a political and a religious principle, he was sure that it would put an
      end to the contentions and animosities which had prevailed, particularly
      in Ireland, and that it would operate to the advantage of the Protestant
      church and the Protestant religion. The Marquis of Anglesea, who had
      recently been recalled from his government of Ireland because he held out
      hopes of Catholic emancipation, also entered the ministerial phalanx which
      combated for that measure. He insisted principally on the military points
      of view in which the question ought to be considered. Every man, he said,
      acquainted with the state of Ireland would agree with him, that in a time
      of profound peace, under the exclusive laws, 25,000 men was but a scanty
      garrison for Ireland. In the event of war, or even of the rumour of war,
      that would be an improvident government which did not immediately add a
      force of 15,000 men to the previous military force. It could not be a
      question that both France and America wished to do us injury; and in the
      case of any collision with either of these powers, the first object of
      both would be to throw arms to a great extent into the hands of the
      discontented Irish. "I am arguing," he continued, "be it observed, upon
      the supposition that the exclusive laws are in existence: for if they were
      not, the arms would not be received, or, if received, would be turned
      against the donors. But suppose that we are absolutely at war, and that
      there is a combination of the powers of Europe (no very unlikely
      contingency) against us: I then say that it would be madness in any
      administration, not to throw 70,000 men into Ireland. I should be sorry,
      with all the power of steam to convey troops from the continent, and all
      the advantages which modern science has recently introduced into the art
      of war, to see Ireland with so scanty a garrison in time of war, under the
      exclusive laws. But, on the other hand, suppose this bill to be passed
      into law by this day month; declare war if you like the next day; and I
      assert that you will have no difficulty, within six weeks, to raise in
      that country 50,000 able-bodied, and what is better, willing-hearted, men,
      who will traverse the continent, or find their way to any quarter of the
      globe to which you may choose to direct their arms. The passing of this
      bill is worth to the British empire more, far more, and I do not wish to
      exaggerate, than 100,000 bayonets."
    </p>
    <p>
      The measure was strongly opposed by Lord Tenterden, the chief-justice of
      England, the Duke of Richmond, and the Earls of Winchilsea, Harewood,
      Mansfield, Falmouth, and Ermiskillen. Lord Tenter-den declared against it,
      because he knew it to be a violation of the constitution, and because he
      believed that it threatened ruin to the Protestant church, which he
      valued, not only for the purity of its doctrines, but because, of all
      churches that ever existed, it was most favourable to civil liberty. The
      other noble lords said that the Protestants had derived consolation from
      the declaration of the Duke of Wellington, at the opening of the session,
      that the measure would be found to be one which would satisfy the
      Protestants, give security to their institutions, and check the growth of
      Popery. The measure, however, was the reverse of what had been promised,
      and justified the worst apprehensions of those who loved the constitution.
      Instead of being calculated to satisfy the Protestants, the Protestant
      opinion of the country had already been unequivocally expressed against
      it. The expression of that opinion, had become louder and more general
      since the details of the measure had become known; and the rallying sound
      throughout the country now was, "Protestant ascendancy." The Protestants
      of Great Britain were called on to bend before Irish rebels and seditious
      demagogues, and that too on mere conjectural grounds of imagined
      expediency. It was said, "You are to examine two dangers, and that the
      danger of disturbance was greater than any that could flow from
      concession." When the latter clanger, however, was the sacrifice of the
      Protestant constitution, the parliament which incurred it was inexcusable,
      whether their conduct proceeded from dread of foreign attack, or of
      domestic dissension. It was easy to understand how men who did not believe
      that Protestantism formed an integral part of the constitution should pay
      for tranquillity what must appear to them so low a price. His majesty's
      ministers, however, had always been of a different opinion. They had
      maintained and avowed that a measure like this was pregnant with danger to
      the constitution; and though their views of the expediency or inexpediency
      of incurring that danger might have changed, the danger itself must be the
      same. Nothing that had happened or was likely to happen could be put in
      the balance against this violation of the constitution. Was the British
      Protestant constitution a thing for which it was not worth while to
      encounter danger? would we defend it with our lives against invaders
      abroad, and yet sacrifice it to demagogues at home? The horrors of civil
      war were threatened: be it so; was the constitution to be sacrificed,
      whenever a number of unprincipled men threatened rebellion, if it was
      maintained? But that apprehension was groundless. The noble mover of this
      very measure had himself admitted that resistance was nowhere offered;
      that the Catholics were too wary and cautious to offer it; and that his
      troops found no occupation because they met with no enemy. Wise and good
      men would endeavour to tranquillize Ireland; but they would not give up,
      even for this object, the Protestant constitution of Ireland. The Marquis
      of Salisbury who had moved the address at the opening of the session, said
      that he had done so because he was prepared to change the condition of the
      Catholics; but he had never imagined that securities would not be
      provided, which securities he thought were to be found only in connecting
      the Catholic priesthood with the state. By abandoning securities their
      lordships would be signing the death-warrant of the Protestant
      establishment of Ireland and if the Protestant establishment of Ireland
      fell, that of England would shortly follow; and with the downfall of the
      church a revolution would ensue. Lord Eldon, in obedience to a general
      call made on him by the house, spoke at great length, and with evident
      sincerity on this important question. He commenced by stating that
      ministers who had introduced the bill, were actuated by a sense of their
      duty, though he lamented their conduct. At the same time he could not
      acquit the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel of wilfully deceiving the
      people, and bringing them into a state of apathy, by leading them into a
      persuasion that no measure of the kind would be brought forward at least
      this session. On Lord Lyndhurst, however, the ex-chancellor was more
      severe; that noble lord having endeavoured to excuse his own frailty by
      fixing a similar charge of inconsistency on Lord Eldon. As regards the
      measure itself, Lord Eldon said that he must say, once for all, that he
      did not mean to rest any part of his opposition to it on the terms of the
      coronation-oath; neither would he contend that to alter any of the laws
      enacted at the Revolution was beyond the competence of parliament. This,
      however, (looking at the 13th, 25th, and 30th of Charles II., that the
      exclusion from parliament produced by the last of those statutes,) was in
      conformity with the true construction of the acts of 1688, and with the
      act of union between England and Scotland in the reign of Queen Anne.
      These he contended were meant to be the ruling and governing principles of
      the constitution, until a strong necessity for altering it should be made
      apparent. His lordship then went on to show the futility of the securities
      demanded, and of the measure itself, as it regarded the tranquillization
      of Ireland. The securities tendered, he said, were of two kinds: first,
      those which belonged to the change as it might operate upon the minds of
      the Roman Catholics; secondly, those which were connected with the bill
      itself, and the other measure by which it was attended. First, they had
      passed a law to put down the Catholic Association; but although that was
      due to the dignity of Parliament, as a security against the dangers which
      he apprehended, neither that measure nor the precautionary clauses of the
      one then before the house were, in his mind, anything else than a mere
      nullity. But it was said, that only six or seven Roman Catholics could be
      admitted into that house, and only some thirty or forty into the commons.
      I ask, said his lordship, whether there is no other mode of obtaining
      seats in that house but by the suffrage of freeholders? The bill itself is
      one to which I feel the strongest objection. It provides in no shape for
      that advice which may be given by the ministers of the crown, who may all
      but one, be Roman Catholics. If there should be but one or two Protestant
      ministers I cannot see how they can maintain their opinions; and perhaps
      on the maintenance of their opinion might depend the maintenance of the
      Protestant constitution. In conclusion, Lord Eldon said, that he should
      have preferred that a proposition had been made by the noble duke for
      going into a committee to examine the reasons for originating such a bill,
      because it would have been but right that, in a matter of so much
      importance, your lordships should have known something more of the grounds
      of that expediency upon which you are called to legislate. Lord Plunkett
      said that he had reserved himself for the purpose of hearing the
      unanswerable arguments against the bill which Lord Eldon had threatened to
      produce when the measure came fairly before the house. As that noble and
      learned lord, however, had brought forth nothing but the <i>ipse dixit</i>
      of his own authority, unsustained either by ingenious argument, by
      historical deduction, or by appeal to public and authenticated documents,
      he felt himself so far absolved from the necessity of refuting anticipated
      arguments, that he would apply his observations more particularly to the
      position, that the bill was calculated to subvert the Protestant
      constitution. In the course of his remarks on this vital point of the
      question, his lordship observed, that he had been asked whether this was a
      Protestant kingdom? and whether this was not a Protestant government, and
      a Protestant parliament? In one sense he admitted it was a Protestant
      kingdom, but it did not exclude papists. He admitted, also, that the
      parliament was essentially and predominantly Protestant; and in that
      sense, but in no other, the parliament was Protestant. He concluded by
      saying that the present bill did not give the Roman Catholics any benefit
      without an oath; an oath too which combined in its language every possible
      security that such a form could afford. Earl Grey spoke at great length,
      repeating the argument that an exclusion of Catholics had not originally
      formed any part of the Protestant government, since they had been found in
      parliament from the reign of Elizabeth down to that of Charles II.; that
      the exclusion was adopted to guard against political dangers of a
      temporary nature, which had long disappeared; that it formed no essential
      part of the Revolution settlement, or of the bill of rights; and that the
      coronation oath was never intended to restrain the king from consenting to
      such alterations as parliament in its wisdom might enact. Earl Grey also
      entered at great length into that important part of the question, which
      related to its bearing on the act of union with Scotland. On every ground,
      he continued, the right to make the change was clear; and, in his opinion,
      the justice and prudence of making it were equally obvious. The great
      object of alarm seemed to be the political power which the bill would
      confer, and which, it was said, was the object at which the Catholics had
      all along been aiming. The bill would certainly bestow political power;
      but, he argued, it was power of the most legitimate kind, and that to
      which they were justly entitled. As to the effect of the bill on the state
      of Ireland, he would not say that it would at once give tranquillity, and
      remove all dangers; but he felt sure that without it it was impossible to
      have tranquillity and freedom from danger in that country. By the system
      of exclusion, lie said, they had produced more than one rebellion in
      Ireland, which had been extinguished in blood; but had they, he asked,
      induced tranquillity? By no means. On the contrary, Ireland had been
      growing worse and worse every year, requiring a larger military force to
      keep the people obedient to the laws, and that in a time of peace. Was
      this the mode of making that country a useful portion of the empire? Was
      it the way in which we should be preparing for war? But, it was urged, if
      you pass this bill, the church of Ireland is destroyed, and Catholic
      ascendancy virtually proclaimed. That church, unfortunately, was placed in
      a situation which could not be freed from dangers of one sort or another.
      The great obstacle to its triumph had always been, that it had never been
      the church of more than a small minority of the people of Ireland; and
      that it was the church of so very small a minority, he verily believed,
      was owing to those very laws which they now sought to repeal. Take them
      away, and the number of its disciples would increase, not from the spirit
      of conversion..... for any open attempt in that way would be impolitic&mdash;but
      from its superior reason, and from its more wholesome tenets, which would
      come more fairly into play as soon as it should be relieved from the
      invidious situation in which it at present stood. Take away the false
      protection, of exclusive laws, and superior excellence would prevail in
      the conflict of argument. The debate was closed by the Duke of Wellington,
      who treated the apprehended danger to the Irish church as futile,
      considering that the throne would be filled by a Protestant, and that the
      fundamental article of the union between the two countries was the union
      of the two churches. Adverting to the charge of inconsistency brought
      against himself and his colleagues, his grace remarked:&mdash;"A different
      topic to which I wish to advert, is a charge brought against several of my
      colleagues, and also against myself, by the noble earl on the cross-bench,
      of a want of consistency in our conduct. My lords, I admit that many of my
      colleagues, as well as myself, did on former occasions vote against a
      measure of a similar description to this; and, my lords, I must say that
      my colleagues and myself felt, when we adopted this measure, that we
      should be sacrificing ourselves and our popularity to that which we feel
      to be our duty to our sovereign and our country. We knew very well that if
      we put ourselves at the head of the Protestant cry of 'No Popery,' we
      should be much more popular even than those who have excited against us
      that very cry. But we felt that in so doing we should have left on the
      interests of the country a burden, which must end in bearing them down;
      and further, that we should have deserved the hate and execration of our
      countrymen. Then I am accused, and by a noble and learned friend of mine,
      of having acted with great secrecy respecting this measure. Now I beg to
      tell him that he has done that to me, in the course of the discussion.,
      which he complains of others having done to him; in other words, he has,
      in the language of a right honourable friend of his and mine, thrown a
      large paving-stone instead of throwing a small pebble. I say, that if he
      accuses me of acting with secrecy on this question, he does not deal with
      me altogether fairly. He knows as well as I do how the cabinet was
      constructed on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to say a
      single word to any man whatsoever upon this measure, until the person most
      interested in the kingdom upon it had given his consent to my speaking
      out? Before he accused me of secrecy, and of improper secrecy, too, he
      ought to have known the precise day upon which I received the permission
      of the highest personage in the country, and had leave to open my mouth
      upon this measure. There is another point also on which a noble earl
      accused me of misconduct; and that is, that I did not at once dissolve the
      parliament. Now I must say that I think noble lords are mistaken in the
      notion of the benefits which they think that they would derive from a
      dissolution of parliament at this crisis. I believe that many of them are
      not aware of the consequences of a dissolution of parliament at any time.
      But when I know, as I did know, and as I do know, the state of the
      elective franchise in Ireland, when I recollected the number of men it
      took to watch one election which took place in Ireland in the course of
      last summer; when I knew the consequences which a dissolution would
      produce on the return to the house of commons, to say nothing of the risks
      which must have been incurred at each election&mdash;of collisions that
      might have led to something short of civil war&mdash;I say that, knowing
      all these things, I should have been wanting in duty to my sovereign and
      to my country if I had advised his majesty to dissolve his parliament." On
      a division the same house of peers which in 1828 had declared, by a
      majority of forty-five, that emancipation would be a breach of the
      constitution, and dangerous to the Protestant establishment, now declared,
      by a majority of two hundred and seventeen against one hundred and twelve,
      it was consistent with the constitution; and that, if it did no good, it
      would not do any harm to the Protestant church.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th and 8th of April the bill passed through a committee, in which,
      as in the commons, many amendments were moved, but none carried. It was
      read a third time on the 10th of April, after another debate, in which the
      former arguments were repeated on both sides of the question; and on the
      13th of the same month it received its final confirmation in the royal
      assent. The working of that measure will be best seen in the future pages
      of this history; but it may be here observed, that it has proved neither
      an immediate, nor a sufficient cure for the disorders of Ireland.
      Protestant ascendancy was too deeply and extensively rooted in all its
      institutions to admit of such a remedy; nor was it likely that the Roman
      Catholics, having acquired means to break their chain, would remain long
      without trying their efficiency. Agitation had procured this boon; and the
      Roman Catholics, thus successful, have sought to obtain other benefits by
      the same unhallowed means. Agitation is, in fact, still the bane of
      Ireland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE DISFRANCHISEMENT OF THE FORTY-SHILLING FREEHOLDERS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1829&mdash;1830
    </p>
    <p>
      Emancipation having thus been gained, Mr. Peel brought in a bill for the
      disfranchisement of the Irish forty-shilling freeholders, and for raising
      the qualification to ten pounds. This was part and parcel of the general
      measure, and it met with no serious opposition even in Ireland. The very
      Whigs supported it, hostile as it was to popular rights and destructive of
      vested political franchises, as an essential part of a whole; the other
      and better part of which they were unwilling to lose. Mr. Brougham said,
      he consented to it as the price, the almost extravagant price, of the
      inestimable good which would result from emancipation; and it was
      described by Sir James Mackintosh as one of those tough morsels which he
      had scarcely been able to swallow. It was opposed by Mr. Huskisson and
      others as a measure uncalled for by any necessity, and not fitted to gain
      that object which alone was held out as justifying it. It was absurd, it
      was said, to allege as a pretext for it, the influence and conduct of the
      Catholic priesthood; for all who knew anything of that influence, knew
      that it was chiefly felt when it ran with the current of popular feeling;
      and that it was even exercised with a view to maintain submission to the
      laws. If the forty-shilling freeholders had been corrupt, like those of
      Penryn, their disfranchisement might be defended; but the only offence of
      the persons against whom this bill was directed, had been that they
      exercised their privilege honestly and independently, according to the
      dictates of their own consciences. In reply to this, Mr. Peel mentioned an
      instance of the power of the priests as having occurred at the Clare
      election. At the commencement of that election a landlord of the county
      had promised his interest to Mr. V. Fitzgerald. The landlord had a voter
      on his estate who was under great personal obligations to him; and
      previous to the commencement of the contest, he said to this voter, "I
      shall vote for Mr. Fitzgerald; I suppose you mean to do the same." The man
      declared his determination to imitate the example of his patron; but as
      the struggle drew nearer, a degree of excitement was produced to which it
      was only necessary to allude: and the freeholder did not escape its
      effects. He came to his landlord with sixty pounds in his hands, and
      addressed him thus:&mdash;"I have saved this sum while your tenant, and
      upon your property. I cannot redeem the promise which I gave you. There,
      take the sixty pounds, make use of it to promote the interests of Mr.
      Fitzgerald; but my vote I must give to Mr. O'Connell." "Could anything,"
      he asked, "be so painful as the situation of him who was obliged to
      perform such a part, to observe such a doubtful contest between his
      religion and his conscience?" On a division only seventeen members voted
      against the bill; and it passed into a law. Mr. O'Connell had publicly
      bound himself to reject even emancipation if accompanied by such a
      condition, and to perish in the field, or on the scaffold, if necessary,
      in defence of his "forties;" but he forgot his vows, and became silent and
      acquiescent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CASE OF MR. O'CONNELL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the time of the Clare election Mr. O'Connell had assured the people
      that he was entitled to sit in parliament without taking the oaths, which
      no Catholic could take. He had staked his professional reputation on this
      point, and had given assurances that he held other learned opinions to the
      same purport. His return had subsequently been petitioned against; but a
      committee to whom the petition had been referred, had reported that he was
      duly elected. Now, according to the old law, under which Mr. O'Connell's
      claim had arisen&mdash;he having been elected before the measure of
      emancipation had passed&mdash;if a person known and believed to be a
      Catholic could take certain oaths, which oaths involved an abjuration of
      Popery, he was entitled to take his seat. The new act, however, did not
      seem to forward his pretensions. The oath, indeed, which it substituted
      for those that were abrogated, could be taken by a Catholic as well as a
      Protestant; but that provision was expressly limited to "any person
      professing the Roman Catholic religion, after the commencement of this
      act, be returned as a member of the house of commons." Mr. O'Connell and
      his friends, however, held that from the moment the bill received the
      royal assent, there was an end to the power of administering the abrogated
      oaths, or demanding any of the declarations which then stood repealed. On
      these grounds Mr. O'Connell hoped to take his seat in parliament. He
      presented himself at the table of the house on the 15th of May; and the
      clerk produced the oath which had been repealed by the late act. A brief
      conversation took place; and the clerk having communicated what took place
      to the speaker, he addressed the house thus: "It is my duty to state, if I
      have been correctly informed, that the course which the honourable member
      has proposed to take, is a course which, until overruled by stronger
      authority, I do not conceive it my duty to acquiesce in. I understand that
      he proposes to take the oath prescribed to be taken by Roman Catholics as
      it is to be found in an act of parliament recently passed. As I read that
      act of parliament, it is my impression, and on my impression it is my duty
      to act, that it involves two points relative to the course to be pursued
      in taking seats in this house. The first point is that of repealing the
      declaration against transubstantiation; the other, that of appointing an
      oath to be taken by such members of this house as profess the Roman
      Catholic creed; but with this condition, that those members should be
      returned subsequently to the passing of the act. Now the honourable member
      was returned, as the house is well aware, long before the passing of this
      act. I have, therefore, only to refer to the law affecting all the members
      of this house until the late act passed; and, with the single exception of
      repeating the declaration against transubstantiation, I have to state that
      the construction which has been uniformly put on the law of the land, and
      which has been repeatedly sanctioned and confirmed by act of parliament,
      is, that every member, before taking his seat, shall take the oath of
      allegiance and supremacy before the lord-steward, and the oath of
      abjuration at the table of this house. This is the course which, by law,
      the dignity and the privileges of this house require. I state this the
      rather because it is well known that this house is open to an appeal by
      petition, or it may be brought forward by any member in this house. In
      that case, the house will be better able to judge, and to state its
      opinion of the propriety of the conduct which it appeared to me to be my
      duty to pursue. I, therefore, state to the honourable gentleman that he
      must withdraw." Mr. O'Connell having withdrawn, Mr. Brougham moved, that
      he should be called back, and heard at the table in support of his claim
      to be admitted on taking no other oath than that contained in the late
      act. Mr. W. Wynn was of opinion that Mr. O'Connell was entitled to be
      heard at the bar of the house, and that it made no difference whether he
      was heard there or at the table, though it was his opinion it might be
      better to adhere to the former course. Mr. Peel, however, thought there
      was a great distinction between hearing the applicant at the table and at
      the bar; and that he had no right to be heard at the former. The debate on
      this point was adjourned to the 18th of April; on which day it was finally
      ordered, on Mr. Peel's motion, "that the member for Clare be heard at the
      bar, with reference to his claim to sit and vote in the house of commons
      without taking the oath of supremacy." On his appearance at the bar, Mr.
      O'Connell maintained that the Act of Union with Ireland entitled him to
      sit without taking the oath of supremacy; and that the act lately passed
      entitled him to sit without taking the declaration against
      transubstantiation. He claimed, under the spirit and effect of the new
      statute, to sit without taking the oath of supremacy; and he claimed also,
      under its positive enactments, to sit without taking any other oath than
      what was therein contained. There were many points in his arguments very
      strongly put, and they were delivered with a temperance calculated to
      conciliate the good will of the house. Even the lawyers, also, who were
      opposed to Mr. O'Connell, confessed that there were doubts as to the true
      meaning of the oath of supremacy; but the house, notwithstanding, came to
      the resolution, that unless Mr. O'Connell took that oath, he was not
      entitled to sit or vote in that house. A motion to that effect, moved by
      the solicitor-general, was carried by a majority of one hundred and ninety
      against one hundred and sixteen. Mr. O'Connell was then called again to
      the bar, and the speaker having put the question to him whether he would
      take the oath or not, he replied:&mdash;"I see, in this oath, one
      assertion as to a matter of fact which I know is not true, and see in it
      another assertion, as to a matter of opinion which I believe is not true;
      I therefore refuse to take this oath." A new writ was now ordered for a
      new election, and Mr. O'Connell went back to Ireland to be re-elected by
      his constituents. The decision had an untoward effect upon his mind; for
      he now loaded ministers with the most opprobrious epithets, as men who
      having been false to their own party could never be true to any other. It
      caused him, indeed, to announce his ulterior design to effect a repeal of
      the union by that system of agitation which had already proved so
      successful. This purpose he has deliberately followed up by the most
      inflammatory harangues, and various other modes of popular excitement.
      From that day to this year, indeed, his whole career has been one long
      course of agitation to effect the repeal of the union; but whether he or
      any other agitator in Ireland will ever be gratified by such an event
      demands a doubt.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The chancellor of the exchequer opened the budget on the 8th of May. From
      his statements it appeared that the revenue of the preceding year so far
      exceeded his estimate as to leave a surplus of nearly £6,000,000 for the
      sinking-fund. For the present year, however, as the house was anxious to
      abolish the absurd system of defraying the expense of military and naval
      pensions, or the "dead weight" as it was called, by postponing its
      burdens, he estimated the gross revenue at £51,347,000 and the expenditure
      at £48,333,593, by which means he left only a clear sinking-fund of
      £3,000,000 for diminishing the public debt. The finance committee had
      recommended that this sum should always be kept inviolate for the purpose
      of reducing the national debt; and as the surplus on which they could
      calculate was no greater, no part of it could be applied to the reduction
      of the burthens of the country.
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The last parliamentary result of the measures passed in regard to Ireland
      was a motion for parliamentary reform. On the 2nd of June, the Marquis of
      Blandford, one of the ultra-tories, moved a series of resolutions, which
      went to declare that there existed a number of boroughs the representation
      of which could be purchased, and others in which the number of electors
      was so small as to render them liable to the influence of bribery; and
      that such a system was disgraceful to the character of the house of
      commons, destructive of the confidence which the people should repose in
      it, and prejudicial to the best interests of the country. The Marquis of
      Blandford supported his motion on the ground that late events had shown
      how completely the representative body could be separated from the
      feelings, the wishes, and the opinions of the people. An imperious
      necessity had also been added to the already existing propriety of putting
      down the borough-monger and his trade: all the rights and liberties of the
      country were in jeopardy, so long as majorities were to be obtained by a
      traffic of seats and services. "After what had happened," said his
      lordship, "the country demanded some statutory provision to secure its
      agriculture, its manufactures, and its trade; but more especially to
      secure Protestant interests against the influx and increase of the Roman
      Catholic party, one mode of securing this, and at the same time of
      purifying the representation, would be to abolish the borough market,
      which had now been thrown open to Catholics." This motion, which was
      intended to be rather in the nature of a notice, than made with any design
      of having the topics which it embraced fully discussed, was supported by
      some of the old reformers, though on different grounds from that dislike
      of free trade, and apprehension of Catholic influence which animated the
      mover. Mr. W. Smith, in voting for the resolutions, expressed his high
      satisfaction that the relief bill had produced an effect unanticipated&mdash;the
      transforming a number of the highest tories in the land, into something
      very like radical reformers. The resolutions, however, were rejected by a
      majority of four hundred and one against one hundred and eighteen.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 24th of June. The speech
      regretted that war still continued in the east of Europe; announced that
      his majesty had been enabled to renew his diplomatic relations with the
      Ottoman Porte; and adverted to the unfortunate condition of the Portuguese
      monarchy. In allusion to the Catholic relief bill, the speech remarked:
      "His majesty has commanded us in conclusion to express the sincere hope of
      his majesty that the important measures, which have been adopted by
      parliament in the course of the present session may tend, under the
      blessing of Divine Providence, to establish the tranquillity and improve
      the condition of Ireland; and that by strengthening the bonds of union
      between the several parts of this great empire, they may consolidate and
      augment its power and promote the happiness of his people." About this
      time the legal arrangements rendered necessary by the dismissal of Sir
      Charles Wetherell were completed: Sir James Scarlett, who had filled the
      same office under Mr. Canning, became the attorney-general of the Duke of
      Wellington; Sir Nicholas Tindal was made chief-justice of the common
      pleas, Chief-Justice Best being removed into the house of peers, under the
      title of Lord Wynford; and Mr. Sugden succeeded the former as
      solicitor-general.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF AFFAIRS IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Catholic relief bill was impotent to stem the tide of agitation in
      Ireland. That country, indeed, in the very year that it passed, presented
      the same scenes of violence and outrage as before. While the registation
      rendered necessary by the act which disfranchised the forty-shilling
      freeholders was going on, Mr. O'Connell was taking measures to secure his
      re-election for the county of Clare. In a letter to the electors he again
      raised the standard of defiance to government. It represented himself and
      his constituents, in fact, as the conquerors of the government; and spoke
      of it as faithless and insulting. In it he remarked: "The house of commons
      have deprived me of the right conferred on me by the people of Clare. They
      have, in my opinion, unjustly and illegally deprived me of that right; but
      from their decision there is no appeal, save to the people. I appeal to
      you. In my person the county of Clare has been insulted. The brand of
      degradation has been raised to mark me, because the people of Clare fairly
      selected me. Will the people of Clare endure this insult, now that they
      can firmly but constitutionally efface it for ever? Electors of the county
      of Clare, to you is due the glory of converting Peel and conquering
      Wellington! The last election for Clare is admitted to have been the
      immediate irresistible cause of producing the Catholic relief bill. You
      have achieved the religious liberty of Ireland. Another such victory in
      Clare, and we shall attain the political freedom of our beloved country."
      The victory which had been achieved, he said, was still necessary to be
      maintained in order to "prevent Catholic rights and liberties from being
      sapped and undermined by the insidious policy of those men who, false to
      their own party, can never be true to us, and who have yielded, not to
      reason, but to necessity, in granting us freedom of conscience." Even the
      Catholic relief bill itself did not escape the censure of Mr. O'Connell.
      The prohibition contained in it against the growth of the monastic orders
      especially was denounced by him. He remarked:&mdash;"I trust I shall be
      the instrument of erasing from the statute-book that paltry imitation of
      the worst and still existing portion of Jacobinism, a miserable imitation,
      which pretends to do that which nature and religion forbid to be done&mdash;to
      extinguish monastic orders in Ireland. While it is law, its penalties will
      be submitted to; but let me add as a matter of fact, that its mandate will
      most assuredly not be obeyed. It was formerly death in Ireland to be a
      friar; and the Irish earth is still scarcely dry from the blow of martyred
      friars: the friars multiplied in the face of death. Oh for the sagacity of
      Peel, and the awful wisdom of Wellington, that meditate to suppress
      monastic orders in Ireland by a pecuniary penalty, and the dread of a
      foreign mission, under the name of banishment!" In this letter Mr.
      O'Connell made some magnificent promises to the electors of Clare and the
      people of Ireland at large. He would obtain the repeal of the
      disfranchisement act, of the sub-letting act, and of the vestry bill;
      would assail the system of "grand jury jobbing, and grand jury
      assessment;" would procure an equitable distribution of church property
      between the poor on the one hand, and the laborious portion of the
      Protestant clergy on the other; would cleanse the Augean stables of the
      law, for which Herculean task his professional habits gave him peculiar
      facilities; would procure for every Catholic rector of a parish, a
      parochial house, and an adequate glebe; would make manifest the monstrous
      injustice that had been done to the Jesuits and the monastic orders; would
      wage war against the East India charter; would strain every nerve in the
      cause of parliamentary reform; and would provide a system of poor laws for
      Ireland that would be agreeable even to those who had to pay their money
      for the support of the poor. He added:&mdash;"If the gentry of Clare are
      desirous to have as their representative a man who is able and most
      desirous to protect in parliament their properties and permanent
      interests, let them do me the honour to elect me. But let them not lay the
      flattering unction to their souls, that they can, without an independent
      man of business as their representative, postpone the introduction of the
      English system of poor laws." As soon as Mr. O'Connell took the field an
      "aggregate meeting" of Catholics, which was nothing else than a meeting of
      the Catholic Association took place, to consider what steps should be
      adopted to forward his re-election. The first thing done was to vote £5000
      of the rent as an aid to assist the agitator in standing for the county of
      Clare, The election did not excite much interest, as Mr. O'Connell was not
      opposed; but it was preceded and accompanied by "triumphant entries" as
      they were called; that is, assemblages of large crowds of people, to whom
      were addressed harangues in which inflammatory abuse was mixed up with low
      buffoonery. On the subject of the repeal of the union with England, he
      said at Youghall:&mdash;"We have now a brighter era opened to us; and I
      trust that all classes of my countrymen will join together, and, by
      forming one general firm phalanx, achieve what is still wanting to make
      Ireland what it ought to be. Ireland had her 1782, she shall have another
      1782. Let no man tell me it is useless to look for a repeal of the odious
      union, that blot upon our national character. I revere the union between
      England and Scotland; but the union which converted Ireland into a
      province, which deprived Ireland of her parliament, it is for the repeal
      of that measure we must now use all the constitutional means in our power:
      that union which engenders absenteeism, and the thousand other evils which
      naturally flow in its train. We are bound to England by the golden link of
      the crown; and far be it from me to weaken that connexion by my present
      observations: I want no disseveration; but I want and must have a repeal
      of that cursed measure which deprived Ireland of her senate, and thereby
      made her a dependent upon British aristocracy and British interests. I may
      perhaps be told that to attempt a repeal of the union would be chimerical.
      I pity the man who requires an argument in support of the position that
      Ireland wants her parliament; and that individual who pronounces the
      attainment of such a consummation to be Utopian, is reminded of the
      Catholic question. Look at the Catholic cause. Do I not remember when it
      was difficult to procure a meeting of five Catholics to look for a
      restoration of our then withheld rights? I recollect when we agitators
      were almost as much execrated by our fellow-slaves, as we were by our
      oppressors. For the attainment of the repeal of the union, I shall have
      the co-operation of all classes and grades in society: the Orangemen of
      the north, the Methodist of the south, and the quiet unpresuming Quaker,
      who may think his gains shall be thereby augmented, all shall be joined in
      one common cause, the restoration of Ireland's parliament." But this was a
      mild attack upon England compared with other portions of the agitator's
      speeches. It is no wonder then that Ireland soon presented scenes of as
      much violence as those from which the emancipation bill was to relieve her
      for ever. The hostile feelings of parties continued, and manifested
      themselves in the same way as heretofore. Catholics and Protestants alike
      had recourse to organization, and the slightest accident, the most casual
      collisions produced contention, and generally ended in bloodshed. Thus on
      the 12th of July, which the Protestants had resolved to celebrate, the
      Catholics determined to oppose their intention by force wherever they
      could, and in the counties of Clare, Tipperary, Armagh, Leitrim, Cavan,
      Fermanagh, and Monaghan, the aspect of open war was assumed, and it was
      only prevented by the presence of the military. Many lives were, indeed,
      sacrificed, and many thousands were driven from their homes by the
      opposing parties. In several instances where death had occurred from the
      interference of the police, or from their resistance when attacked, trials
      ensued; but this only tended to exasperate the Catholics still more. An
      acquittal, though proceeding on the clearest evidence that life had been
      justly taken from an armed aggressor, was uniformly ascribed to
      partiality. Imagining that the law existed only to be used against them
      they took the task of retribution for supposed injuries into their own
      hands, and assumed arms to gratify revenge, in defiance of the law Judges,
      juries, and the government were laughed at by Catholic criminals, for no
      witness dared to communicate what he knew against them. At the close of
      this year, indeed, matters had proceeded to such a length in Ireland, and
      especially in Tipperary, that the magistrates expressed an opinion that
      nothing but a revival of the insurrection act would secure the peace of
      the country. But this could not be effected, for it had expired, and
      parliament was not sitting. So Ireland was left to be rent asunder with
      the spirit of faction. "State gipsies" were left to pick the pockets of
      the ignorant as they pleased, or as they could gain control over those of
      the people, by their artful and seditious harangues.
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    <h2>
      AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL DISTRESS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1829&mdash;1830
    </p>
    <p>
      England, also, this year presented its scenes of lawlessness. This arose
      from different causes to those which gave rise to the insurrection in
      Ireland. These causes were the distress which prevailed among the
      agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial classes. The depression in
      every branch of trade experienced this year naturally gave rise to a
      reduction of wages among the artisans. These artisans, however,
      unreasonably ascribed this reduction, not to the necessities of trade, but
      to the avarice of their employers; and they still more unreasonably
      proceeded to their usual correctives&mdash;voluntary idleness, and the
      destruction of property. The example was set by the silk-weavers of
      Spitalfields and Bethnal-Green, who refused to work except at an increased
      rate of wages, and made their way by night into the shops of workmen
      possessed of materials belonging to the refractory masters, and destroyed
      them. Overawed by the combination, the masters agreed finally to pay the
      same wages that had been paid in 1824, although its continuation would
      prove ruinous to them. Similar scenes were exhibited, and the same results
      followed at Macclesfield, Nuneaton, and Bedworth. Nor did the
      manufacturing districts of Yorkshire escape the contagion. About the end
      of May the weavers of Barnsley, like the silk-weavers of Bethnal-Green and
      Macclesfield, forced upon their employers a list of prices. By August and
      September, however, the masters found it impossible to keep to these
      prices; and when they proposed a reduction, the workmen immediately left
      their work, and commenced a riot. Warehouses were attacked, as were also
      the houses of such weavers as had taken out work at reduced prices; and it
      was only by calling in the aid of the military that tranquillity was
      restored. Yet lawless and mischievous as these proceedings were, it was
      clear that they originated from the misery of those engaged in them. A
      report, drawn up at Huddersfield by a committee of masters, stated, "that
      within the several townships engaged in fancy business, there were 13,000
      individuals who had not more than twopence halfpenny per day to live on;
      and out of this they had to find wear and tear for looms." This report
      added, "Whatever be the cause of such distress, it is feared that the
      agonizing condition of families so circumstanced cannot long be endured.
      The difficulty of obtaining relief by the ordinary course, and the
      aggravating circumstances often attending applications for it, have a
      powerful tendency to drive the applicants ultimately to desperation. In
      laying these painful statements before the members of his majesty's
      government and other influential gentlemen, the master manufacturers wish
      to do it respectfully, impelled by a sense of duty which they owe to the
      government and the public, and especially to their workmen, who have
      hitherto borne their sufferings with extreme patience." The distress was
      aggravated by a bad harvest and a severe winter, all of which contributed
      to bring the productive classes of the community, and especially the
      lowest orders, into a state of abject misery.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN POLITICS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The foreign affairs requiring notice, as affecting Great Britain, were
      principally those in the East. During this year Turkey was obliged to sue
      to the Russian autocrat for peace; for both the Russian army and navy were
      successful in all their operations. The terms granted were as follows:&mdash;The
      Pruth was to constitute the European limit as before; but Silistria was to
      be dismantled. An alteration was to be made in the Asiatic boundaries, so
      that the whole eastern coast of the Black Sea, from the Kuban to the
      harbour of St. Nicholas, together with the fortresses of Anapa and Poti,
      should remain in possession of Russia. The principalities of Moldavia and
      Wallachia were to be confirmed in their rights; but the Hospodars were to
      be nominated only for life, and no Turks allowed to dwell there. Free
      trade was to be allowed on the Black Sea, and navigation through the
      straits for vessels belonging to Russia, as well as all other countries at
      peace with the Porte. The sultan was to defray the expenses of the war,
      and to accede to the treaties concluded at London regarding the Greeks.
      The bases of the intended negociations respecting Greece were finally
      arranged among the allies, at a conference on the 22nd of March in the
      present year. The protocol signed by them read as follows:&mdash;"1. The
      continental boundary line of the Greek state is to be drawn from the gulf
      of Volo to the gulf of Arsa. All countries south of this line to be
      included in the Greek state, to which the adjacent islands, comprehending
      Euboea and the Cyclades, are likewise to belong 2. An annual tribute of
      1,500,000 Turkish piastres to be paid by this Greek state. Only a third
      part to be paid during the first year, and to be gradually increased till
      it reaches the maximum in the fourth. 3. Turkish subjects who may be
      forced to depart from the Greek territory to be indemnified. 4. Greece is
      to remain under the suzerainty of the Porte, which form of government is
      to approach as nearly as possible to &amp; monarchical form, and to be
      hereditary in the family of a Christian prince, to be chosen for the first
      time by the three powers, in concert with the Porte. He is not to be a
      member of the families reigning in the states which are parties to the
      treaty of July 6th." Finally, the three powers, however, agreed to
      restrict the territory of the new state within narrower limits than were
      assumed in this protocol. The line adopted was further to the south. It
      commenced on the east at Zeitouni, a little to the northward of
      Thermopylae, and ran across the country in the direction of Vrachori, till
      it reached the river Aspropotamos, or the ancient Achelous, whose course
      it was then to follow as far as the sea. It thus excluded not only
      Thessaly, but Acarnaniaand the town of Vonizza, which the Greeks had taken
      early in the year, and an extensive tract of level country lying round the
      gulf of Calarno. The whole western frontier of northern Greece was left
      open by it to the attacks of its barbarian foes. And this determination
      was made without the wishes of the Greeks being consulted, or any
      communication made to the Greek government. The matter was, in truth,
      decided at London without the intervention of either Turkish or Greek
      minister; but the Porte and the Greek government were alike compelled to
      agree to the articles drawn up by the three powers.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Netherlands the session of the States-general, during the present
      year, was less tranquil and satisfactory than any that had been held since
      the Restoration. The king himself continued popular; but his government
      produced general dissatisfaction by some obnoxious measures; especially by
      dismissing judges who were supposed to be too obstinate; by partiality in
      official appointments; and by exercising severity against the press when
      it criticised the policy of administration. When the States-general met,
      the second chamber was immediately occupied in discussing an immense
      number of petitions, recommending improvements in the present system of
      government. Some ameliorations were made; but government resisted the
      proposal that cases of alleged abuse of the liberty of the press should be
      tried by a jury, and also the introduction of grand juries, and the
      extension of jury trials to the provincial courts and other criminal
      tribunals. On the other hand, a numerous body in the chamber censured
      every measure of the government, and resisted every project of its
      ministers; and the session ended with an increase of that excitement and
      dissatisfaction which for some time had been growing up in the public
      mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year, also, the government of France was embarrassed with
      difficulties. A new ministry had been formed under the presidency of
      Prince Polignac, all the members of which belonged to that section which
      advocated irresponsible power in politics, and essential domination in
      religion. Nothing could exceed the unpopularity of these appointments. The
      press teemed with denouncements both of the men and their measures; and
      prosecutions for its bold sentiments became the order of the day.
      Prosecutions increased, from the fact that associations were formed to
      resist the payment of taxes, in case ministers should attempt to rule
      without a chamber. Finally, the cabinet itself became divided. One great
      cause of its unpopularity was, that it contained Labourdonnaye, who had
      signalized himself by recommending a terrific system of proscription, and
      had, after the manner of Marius and Sylla at Rome, classified those
      descriptions of people on whom he demanded vengeance. Labourdonnaye
      retired towards the close of the year; but public opinion continued
      against the administration as strong and unanimous as ever. At one time,
      the organs of the cabinet threatened a dissolution of the chambers, and at
      another, the ultra-journals preached the doctrine of ruling without the
      chambers. The more accredited organs of the cabinet, indeed, did not
      openly repeat such sentiments, but they were connected in the minds of the
      people with that set of opinions which the cabinet represented. If the one
      party, indeed, were led astray by assuming evil designs not in existence,
      ministers were equally blind as to the character of their antagonists. The
      year finally closed in mutual recriminations; ministers keeping their
      places until the convocation of the legislature should determine, whether
      the chambers were to decide the fate of the cabinet, or the cabinet that
      of the chambers. One fact, however, was favourable to the interests of
      France: namely, that its foreign relations remained peaceful and
      unaltered.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Portugal, Don Miguel this year unfolded to the world his true
      character. Early in this year an unsuccessful attempt was made in Oporto
      at insurrection in favour of Donna Maria, and the usurper made use of this
      occurrence to multiply arrests in the capital. Every individual whom any
      creature of government disliked, or any private enemy thought proper to
      denounce by an anonymous accusation, was forthwith consigned to the
      dungeons of the Limveiro, or of St. Julian. The actual conspirators at
      Oporto were tried by commission, and several of them were exiled, and the
      rest acquitted as persons against whom nothing was proved. Miguel,
      however, was shocked at the lenity of the sentence, and refused to ratify
      it; ordering at the same time a new sentence to be framed, by which five
      prisoners condemned to perpetual exile were directed to be hanged, and two
      who were to have been transported for ten years, to transportation for
      life. In comparison with death, the condition of the prisoners, with whom
      the jails and fortresses were crowded to suffocation, was scarcely to be
      envied. Though all were uncondemned, and most of them innocent, the whole
      were delivered over to the merciless authority of apostolic miscreants,
      who seemed to find no gratification but in the invention of new modes of
      inflicting misery.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the incarcerated were many persons in affluent circumstances, who
      charitably contributed to support the poorer prisoners, whom their tyrants
      were willing should perish by starvation. To deprive them of all
      assistance, indeed, government ordered their benefactors to be removed
      from the dungeons in the city, to those of St. Julian, Belem, and Bugio.
      Here, without being brought to trial, the prisoners were cut off from all
      communication, even with the members of their own families. Many of them
      died of want and confinement, and the usurper was suspected of poisoning
      others. No rank, sex, or character was respected; a child of five years of
      age was kept in solitary confinement five days, and subjected to the
      tortures of a prison to extort evidence against its father and mother. A
      refugee Spanish bishop, who had been a member of the Cortes of 1812, and
      had since lived in security at Lisbon, was thrown into a dungeon, and died
      in four days, in consequence of maltreatment, and his body was thrown into
      a hole in the esplanade of the castle without burial. The most sanguinary
      scenes took place both at Oporto and Lisbon. The rage of the tyrant was
      backed by the priests, who in their sermons and publications applauded the
      work of death and devastation as an acceptable offering to the Divine
      Majesty. One Jose Agostino, a monk and court preacher, published a
      pamphlet called "The Beast Flayed," urging the necessity of multiplying
      sacrifices, and recommending that the constitutionalists should be hanged
      up by the feet, and the people joyfully treated with fresh meat from the
      gallows. These sentiments only added fuel to the flames of Don Miguel's
      vengeance, and the kingdom was laid at the mercy of a set of men to whose
      vengeance, brutality, and avarice there were no bounds. One step downward
      in the path of moral turpitude ever leads to another. From the moment of
      his return, Don Miguel had hated his sister Bonna Maria, because she had
      been her brother's regent, and had been faithful to the constitution.
      Miguel learned that a footman formerly in the service of his sister had
      set out for England, and he fancied that he had been sent by Donna Maria
      with her money and jewels, in order to secure them from his rapacity. It
      is probable, also, that he imagined the servant had been sent to England
      for the purpose of making known the dreadful state of the country; and
      enraged thereby, he rushed into her chamber with a pistol in his hand, and
      demanded an account of the flight of her servant. Donna Maria stood for a
      while trembling in silence, but as Miguel was about to strike her with the
      pistol which was armed with a bayonet, she threw herself upon him, and
      overturned him. Her chamberlain now flew to her rescue. Miguel sprang up,
      and when on the point of again attacking her, Count Camarido threw himself
      before him. The tyrant disabled him by stabbing him in the arm, and fired
      at the princess; and though the ball missed her, it killed a servant by
      her side. Other domestics now interfered, and the life of Donna Maria was
      saved. She was hurried away from his brutal fury. While scenes of outrage
      and wrong were being committed daily throughout the whole of Portugal, the
      necessities of the government increased, notwithstanding a forced issue of
      paper money was made. Recourse was had to an expedition to reduce
      Terceira, one of the Azores, the only spot in the dominions of Portugal
      which remained true to its rightful monarch. This expedition set sail
      about the middle of June, and the troops succeeded in effecting a landing;
      but they were totally defeated by the islanders, under Villa Flor, who had
      made his escape with the Marquis Palmella and nineteen other general
      officers from the rage of Miguel. In the meantime the tyrant's interest
      was supported at Madrid by the great influence of his mother over the
      family of Ferdinand, who, in fact, regarded Miguel with peculiar
      complacency, because he had destroyed a constitutional government. The
      other sovereigns of Europe however, still kept aloof from any
      communication with the usurper. It was contended by the Portuguese
      refugees, and the ministers of Don Pedro, that they ought to drive Miguel
      from his throne by positive interference. These applications were
      especially made to the British ministry; but though Lord Aberdeen admitted
      to their fullest extent the obligations created by the treaties existing
      between Britain and Portugal, he maintained that they gave no countenance
      to any demand made for interference in an internal revolution. He
      remarked: "It is assumed that the usurpation of the throne of Portugal by
      the infant Don Miguel has given to her most faithful majesty the right of
      demanding from this country effectual succours for the recovery of her
      crown and kingdom. But in the whole series of treaties there is no express
      stipulation which can warrant this pretension, neither is such an
      obligation implied by their general tenor and spirit. It is either for the
      purpose of resisting successful rebellion, or of deciding by force a
      doubtful question of succession that Great Britain is now called upon to
      act. But it is impossible to imagine that any independent state could ever
      intend thus to commit the control and direction of its internal affairs to
      the hands of another power. For, doubtless, if his Britannic majesty be
      under the necessity of furnishing effectual succours in the event of any
      internal revolt or dissension in Portugal, it would become a duty, and,
      indeed, it would be essential to take care that no such case should exist
      if it could be prevented. Hence a constant and minute interference in the
      affairs of Portugal would be indispensable; for his majesty could never
      consent to hold his fleets and armies at the disposal of a king of
      Portugal, without exercising those due precautions and that
      superintendence which would assure him that his forces would not be
      employed in averting the effects of misgovernment, folly, or caprice. Is
      this a condition in which any state professing to be independent could
      endure to exist? The truth is, that the whole spirit of the treaties, as
      well as their history, shows that the principle of the guarantee given by
      England is the protection of Portugal from foreign interference." The
      British government, therefore, refused to interfere in this domestic
      quarrel; and it also considered itself bound to observe a strict
      neutrality in regard to all military operations. A considerable number of
      Portuguese exiles, resident on our southern coast, appeared to have some
      design of fitting out an expedition against Don Miguel; and the British
      government, holding such views as above unfolded, informed the Brazilian
      minister that it would not allow such designs to be carried on in British
      harbours, and that the refugees must remove further from the coast. The
      Brazilian minister replied, that these troops were about to be conveyed to
      Brazil; and accordingly four vessels, having on board six hundred and
      fifty-two officers, with Count Saldanha at their head, sailed from
      Plymouth. The British government, however, suspected that the true design
      was to land those troops at Terceira; and notice was given to them before
      they sailed that any such attempt would be resisted. A small force, under
      the command of Captain Walpole, was despatched to enforce the prohibition;
      his instructions being to cruise off the island; to inform the Portuguese
      that he had authority to prevent their landing; and if they made any
      effort to effect a landing, to resist such an attempt by force, and to
      drive them away from that neighbourhood. The suspicions of the government
      were in this instance justified. The expedition of Count Saldanha appeared
      off Terceira on the 16th of January; and was discovered by Captain Walpole
      standing right in for Port Praya. Two shots were fired for the purpose of
      bringing them to; but without effect. The vessels then lay-to; and to a
      note from Captain Walpole, inquiring what was their object in coming
      thither, Saldanha answered, that his object in appearing there was to
      fulfil the orders of her majesty the Queen of Portugal, which directed him
      to conduct, unarmed, without any hostile appearance, to the isle of
      Terceira, the men that were on board the four vessels in sight, which
      island has never ceased to acknowledge Donna Maria II. as its legitimate
      sovereign. He added:&mdash;"As a faithful subject and soldier, I think it
      unnecessary to assure you that I am determined to fulfil my duty at all
      peril." Captain Walpole replied, that he had instructions to obey, and an
      imperious duty to perform; that both of them prevented him from allowing
      the count, or any part of his force, to land either at Terceira, or on any
      part of the western islands of the Azores, or even to continue in that
      neighbourhood. To this communication Saldanha replied, that he considered
      himself and his men, in such circumstances, Captain Walpole's prisoners;
      that they would follow his vessels where-ever he chose to take them; but
      must have a written order to that effect, and be supplied with water and
      provisions; if he had not this written order, he said, he would pursue his
      course, and endeavour at all risks to fulfil his instructions. Captain
      Walpole's reply still was, "Go where you choose, but don't stay here; if
      you persist in hovering about these islands, it is my duty and firm
      determination to carry those measures you are already in possession of
      into full effect." After this angry correspondence the Portuguese finally
      sailed away; and the British commander having watched them until they
      arrived within five hundred miles of Sicily, returned to his station at
      Terceira. Count Saldanha and his squadron instead of returning to England,
      proceeded to Brest. This occurrence excited much notice in Europe, and it
      was brought under discussion in the British parliament. It was represented
      by the opposition as a direct act of hostility in favour of the usurper,
      against the acknowledged Queen of Portugal, then residing in England; and
      as an armed interference in favour of Miguel at the very moment when it
      was pretended that the duties of neutrality did not admit of interference.
      It was asked, if not bound by treaties to assist the queen in recovering
      her crown, whence arose our right to prevent her, by means of her own
      subjects, from making the attempt? Why, when recognizing her right,
      refusing to admit the title of Miguel, and pretending to maintain a strict
      neutrality, had we interfered by force against a lawful sovereign? And
      what could excuse the barbarous injustice of telling the lawful monarch
      that, in so far as we were concerned, she must work out her own
      restoration by her own strength; and then, when she puts forth her
      strength; telling her that we would not allow it to be employed? To all
      this it was replied that the armament attacked had been fitted out in a
      British port, an answer which decided the merits of the question; for
      whether the observance of neutrality between two competitors for the crown
      of Portugal was right or wrong, appeared in this case a matter of
      indifference; as it had been decided on, no other course could justly have
      been taken: and if Miguel's armament had been fitted out in a British
      port, it would have met with a similar interruption. If ministers were to
      be attacked, indeed, the only vulnerable point was the maintenance of a
      strict neutrality towards a tyrant who had voluntarily sworn to our
      government that he would obey the laws and preserve the constitution of
      their country. In the meantime negociations had been going on between Don
      Pedro and the ministers of England and Austria to effect some arrangement
      of affairs; and a deputation had been sent by the Portuguese
      constitutionalists to point out how these affairs stood, and to urge the
      necessity of adopting active measures. Don Pedro, however, refused to
      accept propositions from foreign negociation which involved any sacrifice
      of his daughter's claims, while he assured the Portuguese that he would
      maintain the rights of their queen without entering into any compromise
      with the usurper of her throne. But Pedro did not strengthen the hopes of
      his friends at this time by the resolution which he admitted of recalling
      his daughter from England to Brazil; and the British government itself
      remonstrated with him on the impolicy of that step. Donna Maria's return
      to Rio de Janeiro seemed to convey the idea, indeed, that she had
      abandoned all pretensions to the crown of Portugal, and had left Don
      Miguel undisputed master of the field. But such was not in reality the
      case. Don Pedro had ulterior objects in view by the recall of his
      daughter; and the Brazilian minister made a public declaration, to the
      effect that Donna Maria's departure from Europe neither involved an
      abdication of the crown on the part of her majesty, nor an indifference on
      the part of Don Pedro to his daughter's rights.
    </p>
    <p>
      The history of Spain furnishes but few events of importance during the
      present year. In the early part of it, Ferdinand lost his queen, and
      towards the close he contracted a third marriage with a princess of
      Naples. The marriage was celebrated at Madrid, to the great
      dissatisfaction of the adherents of Ferdinand's brother, Don Carlos.
      During the year, conspiracies transpired in Catalonia. They were supposed
      to have been excited by the Count d'Espagne for the sake of private
      advantage, and they were followed by cruel executions. The rest of the
      country remained tranquil; but its finances were in so dreadful a state of
      exhaustion from a long continuance of misgovernment and exclusion, that
      Cadiz was declared a free port, in the hope of restoring foreign commerce
      to its ancient condition. At this time, however, the Spanish government,
      which had been driven from the English money-market by its faithless
      conduct respecting the Cortes' bonds, ran the risk of losing its credit
      with all the European states, by a discovery of its fraud in a French
      loan.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XL.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1830&mdash;1831
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     State of Parties..... Meeting of Parliament..... Motion for
     a Committee of the whole House on the State of the
     Nation..... Reduction of the Salaries of Public Officers,
     &amp;c...... Motion for revising the whole System of
     Taxation..... Committee on the East  India Company's
     Charter..... Debate on the Proposal to alter the
     Currency..... Financial Statements..... Bill for Repealing
     the  Duty on Beer, &amp;c...... The Question of Reform..... The
     Case of East Retford, &amp;c...... Mr. O'Connel's Bill for
     Reform by Universal Suffrage and Vote by  Ballot, &amp;c......
     Bill for Removing the civil Disabilities affecting the
     Jews..... Bill for Capital Punishment in Cases of
     Forgery..... Bill for Amending the Law of Libel, &amp;c......
     Alterations in   Courts of Justice..... Illness of the
     King..... Bill to authorize the adhibiting of the Sign
     Manual by a Stamp..... Death of the King, and Accession of
     the Duke of Clarence, William IV...........
</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1830
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this year, government found itself in a new and
      unsafe position. It had carried the great party question of Catholic
      emancipation, but in so doing it had lost the confidence of a large body
      of its most faithful adherents. Ministers had, it is true, on the other
      hand, gained the seeming support of their old enemies of the opposition;
      but this could not be depended upon. The Whigs were willing to lend them
      such assistance as would prevent the necessity of seeking a reconciliation
      with the offended Tories; but they were not willing to concede even this,
      except as the means of gradually introducing themselves into an equal
      share of power. They assented to a coalition in parliament; but the price
      of this assent was coalition in office. In a word, their policy was to aid
      the government with their countenance and their votes, so far as it would
      be sufficient to keep it alive, but by no means to give it the robustness
      and vigour of perfect health. On the other hand, the Duke of Wellington
      was willing to use them as supporters; but he was not disposed to extend
      to them an equal share of power. It was his wish, indeed, to be reconciled
      to his old friends; and, therefore, he stood aloof from a more intimate
      connexion with the Whigs, that he might keep open the door of
      reconciliation to the former. He flattered himself, that as each of the
      two divisions of his adversaries would be unwilling to drive him for the
      preservation of the ministry into the arms of the other, he might command
      the occasional assistance of both, to an extent sufficient to enable him
      to govern without placing himself in the power of either. But this was
      chimerical. The Tories showed no inclination to trust men whom they
      considered as their betrayers, and they resisted them as statesmen who had
      abused their power, and coalesced with their political antagonists, to
      force upon the country a measure contrary to its opinions, interests, and
      institutions. They resisted them, also, as politicians who, to effect
      their purpose had abandoned their tenets, betrayed and surprised their own
      confiding adherents, and introduced as a principle into the conduct of
      government, that everything was to be granted which was demanded by
      clamorous agitation. Between the Tories and the Whigs, the distance was
      not greater than between the Tories and the ministry; and perhaps it was
      not even so great, as the Whigs had not betrayed their opponents. The Duke
      of Wellington, indeed, seems to have had some fear that the two parties
      might coalesce, in order to effect his expulsion from power. Nor was this
      fear without foundation. Neither party was in heart his friends; and his
      own conduct had at once furnished the motives to such an union, and
      removed one irreconcileable point of difference between the parties whose
      union he feared. Moreover, in itself the ministry was without the means of
      making any commanding figure in the house of commons. With the exception
      of Mr. Peel, who filled the post of leader in that house, there was no man
      who could fight their battles of debate with any degree of talent and
      vigour, no one that held any high place in public opinion, either for
      oratory or information. Finally, the ministry increased their unpopularity
      by prosecutions for libel arising out of the Catholic relief bill. While
      that bill was pending, the press had given birth to much vehement and
      angry discussion, and some of the papers having gone beyond the bounds of
      allowable invective, the attorney-general resolved to crush them by
      ex-officio informations. But these prosecutions were received with an
      universal dislike by all parties in the country; and the temper in which
      the Whig attorney-general conducted them, gave a severe blow to his public
      character, and increased the unpopularity of the government.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by commission on the 4th of February. The royal
      speech expressed satisfaction at the conclusion of war between Russia and
      the Ottoman Porte, and alluded to the embarrassing affairs of Portugal.
      Concerning the prevailing distress, it remarked:&mdash;"His majesty
      laments that, notwithstanding an indication of active commerce, distress
      should prevail among the agricultural and manufacturing classes in some
      parts of the United Kingdom. It would be most gratifying to the paternal
      feelings of his majesty to be enabled to propose for your consideration
      measures calculated to remove the difficulties of any portion of his
      subjects, and at the same time com patible with the general and permanent
      interests of his people. It is from a deep solicitude for those interests
      that his majesty is impressed with the necessity of acting with extreme
      caution in reference to this important subject. His majesty feels assured
      that you will concur with him in assigning due weight to the effect of
      unfavourable seasons, and to the operation of other causes which are
      beyond the reach of legislative control or remedy." This qualified
      admission of the existence of national distress gave great offence in both
      houses of parliament. In the lords, Earl Stanhope moved as an amendment to
      the address, "That this house views, with the deepest sorrow and anxiety
      the severe distress which now afflicts the country, and will immediately
      proceed to examine into its cause, and into the means of effectually
      providing the necessary relief." His lordship said that a more
      inappropriate and unsatisfactory speech had never been addressed to any
      public assembly. The speech said that distress existed "in some parts" of
      the country: he asked, in what part it did not exist? The kingdom, he
      asserted, was in a state of universal distress, embracing alike
      agriculture, manufactures, trade, and commerce. These great interests had
      never before at one time been at so low an ebb, nor in a condition which
      demanded more imperatively the prompt and energetic interference of
      parliament. The speech ascribed the distress existing, so far as it had
      admitted it, to unfavourable seasons. This of course operated upon grain;
      but was the effect of unfavourable seasons usually visible in a reduction
      of price? Did a bad harvest make corn cheap? The evil was so notorious
      that nobody but his majesty's ministers doubted its existence, and they
      could not deny it, if they only cast their eyes around, and saw the
      counties pouring on them every kind of solicitation for relief. Why then
      was inquiry evaded or denied? It was not true that the causes of distress
      were placed beyond the reach of parliament, it was parliament that had
      produced them, and yet ministers now wished parliament to disregard the
      effects, and treat the public distress with indifference. The amendment
      moved by Earl Stanhope was supported by the Duke of Richmond, and the
      Earls of Carnarvon and Winchilsea. The Earl of Carnarvon declared that the
      address called upon them to pledge themselves to statements inconsistent
      with truth, and declared that he would never lend his countenance to the
      fallacious representations of mere partial distress, as set forth in the
      speech. That speech, he said, did not contain one word of the true causes
      of the country's suffering; but gravely desired them to take "the state of
      the seasons" into their consideration. He contended that no small part of
      the distress was owing to the change in the currency. There had been
      periods of distress in former times, but they had soon passed away. Now,
      however, the kingdom was placed in very different circumstances, as the
      circulation of specie was no longer commensurate with the demand. He
      suggested that a silver standard should be adopted, by which he conceived
      that the resources of the country would be emancipated from the artificial
      fetters in which they were now bound, and prove sufficient to feed the now
      starving population. The Earl of Winchilsea said, that, if the house
      refused to take the distress into consideration, an opinion would be
      forced on the country, that it was unable to legislate for the public
      good. A spirit was springing up, he said, in different parts of the
      country, for forming associations, not to lay the grievances of the people
      before parliament, but to propose remedies of their own, and to redress
      their own wrongs. To that spirit, he contended, their lordships would be
      supplying encouragement if they refused to institute an inquiry into the
      nature and causes of the existing distress. The amendment was opposed by
      Lord Goderich, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Duke of Wellington. Lord
      Goderich said that the true object of its noble mover was to get rid of
      the alterations lately introduced into our commercial system, and to
      unsettle the basis on which the currency now stood. For his own part he
      had never been able to learn, from the opponents of what was called "Free
      Trade," what that was which they denounced under that name. The noble
      mover seemed to menace by it the refusal to foster domestic agriculture by
      prohibiting the importation of foreign wool. That refusal was no modern
      invention. It was not till 1819 that the importation of foreign wool had
      been prohibited; and the duty then laid was imposed merely for the
      purposes of revenue, and not as a protection to trade. The Duke of
      Wellington said that much more had been made out of the expressions in the
      speech, concerning the bad seasons, than was meant. It was not set down as
      the only cause of distress, but was alluded to as one circumstance not to
      be lost sight of: there had been one bad harvest, and another had been
      attended, in getting it in, with unusual expense; these were facts to be
      taken into consideration. Another cause of distress, he said, "was to be
      found in the state of our manufactures: this it was to which his majesty
      alluded, when he spoke of me operation of causes beyond the reach of
      legislative control. Were not, he asked, competition at home and abroad,
      the introduction of machinery, and the general adoption of steam,
      calculated to produce distress among our manufacturers? Yet could
      parliament prevent competition? Could it prohibit the use of machinery,
      and the application of steam, all of which, by throwing labourers out of
      employment, produced distress? But," his grace continued, "I am satisfied
      that the distress is not universal; that there are parts of the country
      free from it. The exports of last year had been greater than they had ever
      been before; and there was not a canal or railway in the country which did
      not present an increase of traffic. It was true, no doubt, that all this
      had been done at small profits; but profits there must have been,
      otherwise the traffic would not exist. Pressure upon the country there
      certainly was; but not so great as to prevent it from rising, though
      slowly. The country was not stationary; much less was it falling; it was
      improving." His grace in continuance said, that he could not agree with
      the supporters of the amendment, that what distress existed was to be
      ascribed to the restricted circulating medium to a metallic currency.
      There was no foundation in fact for such an opinion: the circulation was
      greater now than before the restriction, and therefore the distress could
      not be properly attributed to a deficient circulation. The Marquis of
      Lansdowne opposed the amendment because its true object was to bring the
      house to the adoption of one of the greatest evils which this country had
      ever endured, an unlimited issue of a paper circulation. If the first were
      taken, it would lead to subsequent steps, against which it was his duty to
      guard the house and the public. Distress, he added, unquestionably existed
      to a lamentable extent; but he concurred in the recommendation that it
      should receive the most cautious attention. On a division the amendment
      was lost by a majority of seventy-one against nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons the battle on this subject was much more fierce than in the
      lords. An amendment to the address was moved by Sir Edward Knatchbull,
      founded, as in the lords, on the alleged misrepresentation contained in
      the speech regarding the distresses of the country, and the consequent
      determination of ministers to adopt no measures either of inquiry or
      relief. Sir Edward Knatchbull contended that the distress was universal;
      and if he were called upon for other proof than that of his own testimony,
      he would say, "Let every member who now hears me state honestly and
      fairly, and without reserve, what is the situation of the place with which
      he as a representative is immediately connected." The house was asked on
      this first day of the session to approach his majesty with a declaration
      something like a downright falsehood. He did not mean, however, to advert
      at present to any remedy for the distress. All he asked was this, to state
      in their address to his majesty the naked truth as to the distress of the
      country. He therefore moved to strike out of the address the clause
      affirming existence of partial distress, and to insert the following:&mdash;"We
      lament the existence of that distress which your majesty informs us is
      confined to some places; but in the painful discharge of our duty we are
      constrained to declare to your majesty that that distress is not confined
      to some places, as your majesty has been advised, but is general among all
      the productive interests of the country, which are severely suffering from
      its pressure. We beg to assure your majesty that we shall adopt the
      caution which your majesty recommends in the consideration of the measures
      to be adopted in reference to these interests, and that our earnest
      endeavours shall be employed to alleviate and remove the distress now so
      unfortunately existing." The amendment was supported by Messrs. Western,
      Protheroe, Davenport, Maberly, Duncombe, and R. Palmer, who all joined in
      condemning the extenuating phraseology used by government, as either being
      the result of gross ignorance regarding the true state of the country, or
      betokening a reprehensible determination to propose no measure of relief,
      and to institute no inquiry. The house, it was said, had long been in the
      habit of hearing complaints from individual classes in the country; but
      these complaints were no longer reiterated from the old quarters. The
      productive and industrious classes of the community were in a state of
      great misery; their distress was settling-down into universal discontent,
      and the voice of their disaffection would soon be heard, he said, with
      alarm. It was urged, also, that the pressure was severe on the classes
      immediately above the industrial portion of the community; and that those
      who dealt in manufactured goods were in no better situation than the
      agriculturists. It was stated in proof of this, that among the great body
      of the traders in the city of London, their stocks had suffered a
      depreciation of forty per cent. Sufferings so general, it was argued,
      affecting every interest of importance throughout the country, could not
      be the result of local causes. The amendment, it was said, corrected a
      most erroneous representation of a matter of fact, and it pledged
      parliament to nothing more than a cautious inquiry into the origin of the
      state of things which in fact existed. On the other hand the chancellor of
      the exchequer maintained, that no amendment had ever been moved so little
      at variance with the speech to which it was intended to apply; and that,
      although there was distress among both agriculturists and manufacturers in
      some parts of the kingdom, other parts were in a comparatively flourishing
      and prosperous state. Mr. Goulburn contended that there was great
      agricultural prosperity enjoyed in Ireland. This called up Mr. O'Connell,
      who denied that such was the case. He had, he said, travelled through the
      provinces of Leinster, Connaught, and Munster, where he not only had not
      seen proofs of prosperity, but had observed much distress. Mr. Huskisson
      supported the amendment, thereby giving the signal for his friends to
      divide against the ministry. It was of the greatest importance, he said,
      in the present season of universal disquietude and dissatisfaction, not to
      provoke a hostile discussion between the representatives of the people and
      the people themselves, and not to call down reproach on the house of
      commons by understating the distress and difficulty of the time. He
      believed that the country, in so far as the productive classes were
      concerned, was suffering greatly; and that if parliament looked at the
      subject properly, and acted with the caution which one part of the speech
      recommended, they would find themselves fully competent to cope with the
      existing difficulties. To some of the causes which had led to the distress
      parliament could apply no remedy; but it was in their power to satisfy the
      country as to what those causes were, and to afford a partial relief by
      giving a better direction to the capital of the country. Mr. Peel
      expressed surprise that Mr. Huskisson should support an amendment like the
      present, considering his long-expressed opinions. Session after session
      Mr. Huskisson had resisted commissions of inquiry, lest he should excite
      false expectations; and he now supported an amendment founded on
      principles and intended to lead to conclusions from which he totally
      dissented, because he thought it stated a matter of fact somewhat more
      correctly than did the speech itself. Mr. Peel then contended that the
      speech did not misstate facts; but proved the non-existence of universal
      distress by the increase of the internal and foreign trade of the country.
      Several members expressed their intention to vote for the address,
      although they believed the distress to be more general than the speech
      represented. As for the Whigs, they were divided between their wish not to
      leave the ministry, which showed a leaning towards them, exposed to
      defeat, and the fear of endangering their popularity by appearing to be
      indifferent to public suffering. Lord Althorp, for instance, was sorry to
      give a vote which might give him the appearance of joining the opponents
      of government; but found it to be his duty to vote for the amendment,
      because he believed the distress to be universal. Mr. Brougham, also said
      his vote for the amendment was wrung from him, because he thought it more
      correctly represented the state of things; but if he could bring himself
      to think that the effect of the amendment would be to displace the present
      government, he would vote for the address. Mr. Spring Rice expressed
      himself to the same effect. But these declarations of the leading members
      of opposition did not prevent their adherents from carrying their votes to
      the ministry; and the amendment was negatived by a majority of one hundred
      and fifty-eight against one hundred and five.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following day, when the report on the address was brought up, the
      Marquis of Blandford moved that the following extraordinary amendment,
      which he termed, "a wholesale admonition to the throne," should be
      appended to the address:&mdash;"That this house feels itself called upon,
      in the awful and alarming state of universal distress into which the
      landed, commercial, and all the great productive interests of the country
      are at this moment plunged, to take care that your majesty shall not be
      the only person in your dominions ignorant of such an astounding fact, as
      well as of the consequent impending danger to the throne and other great
      national institutions, established by the wisdom of our ancestors for the
      protection and benefit of the people over whom your majesty has been
      called to preside,"&mdash;"That this house is at no loss to indicate the
      real cause of this most unnatural state of things; and, in justice to your
      majesty and the whole nation, it can no longer hesitate to proclaim that
      cause to the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is a fact, already too notorious, that this house, which was intended
      by our ancient and admirable constitution to be the guardian of the
      nation's purse, has, from causes now unnecessary to be detailed, been
      nominated for the greater part by a few proprietors of close and decayed
      boroughs, and by a few other individuals who, by the mere power of money
      employed in means absolutely and positively forbidden by the laws, have
      obtained a 'domination,' also expressly forbidden by act of parliament,
      over certain other cities and boroughs in the United Kingdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That, in consequence of this departure from the wisdom of our ancestors,
      the nation has been deprived of its natural guardian, and has in
      consequence become so burdened in the expensive establishments of all
      kinds, that, in a period much shorter than the life of man, the taxation,
      has risen from £9,000,000 to nearly £60,000,000 a year, and the
      poor-rates, or parochial assessments, during the same period, have
      augmented from £1,500,000 to £8,000,000 annually.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That to render such a mass of taxation, so disproportionate to the whole
      wealth of the kingdom, in any degree supportable, recourse has been had,
      either from ignorance or design, to the most monstrous schemes in
      tampering with the currency, or circulating money of the country, at one
      time by greatly diminishing the value of the same, and at another time by
      greatly augmenting such value; and at each and every of such changes,
      which have been but too often repeated, one class of the community after
      another has been plunged into poverty, misery, and ruin; while the
      sufferers, without any fault or folly of their own, have been hardly able
      to perceive from what hand these calamities have come upon them.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That under such circumstances, and with this knowledge before its eyes,
      this house would consider itself lost to every sense of duty towards your
      majesty, and guilty of treason towards the people, if it did not seize
      this opportunity of declaring to your majesty its solemn conviction that
      the state is at this moment in the most imminent danger, and that no
      effectual measures of salvation will, or can, be adopted until the people
      shall be restored to their rightful share in the legislation of the
      country; that is, to their undoubted right, according to the true meaning
      of the constitution, of choosing members of this house." This amendment,
      was seconded by Mr. O'Connell, and Messrs. Western, Protheroe. Messrs.
      Smith and Davenport, declared themselves favourable to its spirit,
      although they thought it was injudicious to bring forward a topic of such
      importance as a mere amendment on an address. Sir Francis Burdett took the
      same course; and in his speech on this occasion he gave the ministry fair
      warning that they must either enter into a closer connexion with the
      Whigs, or no longer count on their support. Sir Francis said, that when he
      found the prime minister of England insensible to sufferings and distress,
      painfully apparent throughout the land; when, instead of meeting the
      calamity with measures of relief, he sought to stifle every important
      inquiry; when he called that a partial and temporary evil which was both
      long-lived and universal, he could not look on such a mournful crisis, in
      which public misfortune was insulted by ministerial apathy, without
      hailing any prospect of change in the system that produced such a state of
      feeling. What, he asked, could be said of the ignorance which could
      attribute the distress to the introduction of machinery, and the
      application of steam, that noble improvement in the inventions of man, to
      which men of science and intelligence mainly ascribe our prosperity? He
      felt a high respect for the abilities of the Duke of Wellington in the
      field; but he thought that the noble duke did himself equal justice when
      he said, previous to his taking office, that he should be a fit inmate for
      a lunatic asylum if he were ever induced to take such a burden on his
      shoulders. In fact, both he and many honourable members about him had long
      treated the illustrious individual with such tenderness, because they felt
      that he had conferred the greatest benefit on his country. He was the only
      man in England who could have accomplished what he had done; and his
      praise should be in proportion. It should, however, be at the same time
      remembered, that if his service was great, his recompense had been
      commensurate: they had repaid him in returns of confidence and
      approbation; but the time was come when it would be necessary to do much
      more. On a division the Marquis of Blandford's motion was lost by a
      majority of ninety-six against eleven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE HOUSE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the debate on the address Lord Stanhope gave notice that he should on
      an early day bring the state of the country under their lordships' notice,
      by a special motion. He did so on the 25th of February, by moving that
      their lordships should resolve themselves into a committee of the whole
      house on the state of the nation. The proposition on which his lordship
      founded his motion was, that all the great productive interests of the
      country were suffering under the pressure of a distress the tendency of
      which was to go on increasing. Complaints and applications for relief by
      the agriculturists, he said, had come up from every county, and they had
      been disregarded, probably because they were couched in respectful
      language. He said this, because recent experience had shown that if they
      had formed illegal associations, collected funds, and spoken to government
      in the language of intimidation, they would have received attention. Of
      the reasonableness of their complaints no man could doubt who knew their
      situation. Rents were paid from the capital of the farmer; and numbers of
      tenants had already been driven from their farms in bankruptcy and
      beggary. The capital of others, also, was daily extorted from them to meet
      their current expenses; and when that capital was exhausted they, too,
      must go forth ruined men. It had been said, "Reduce your rents, and you
      will remove the mischief," But this expedient had been tried, and had
      failed: rents had been reduced fifty per cent.; but there were cases in
      which no rent could be paid. He knew of one parish, for instance, in
      Sussex, where all the proceeds of the land were not sufficient to maintain
      the poor; and neighbouring parishes had been applied to to give them
      relief. If the existing state of things was not speedily remedied, they
      must end in ruin and anarchy. Nor, he continued, was the state of the
      manufacturing population better than that of the agriculturists. Artisans
      were at work for threepence or fourpence per day; and of those who
      received employment, a great proportion worked for wages which, when
      compared with the value of the article on which they were employed, were
      altogether deceptive. Then, he asked, what was the state of the shipping
      interest? To realize profit was out of the question; and many of the
      ship-owners had preferred parting with their ships at a certain loss of
      forty per cent., to continuing to hold them at the risk of a loss still
      greater. All these interests were, therefore, at present in a state of
      apparently hopless distress. As for the symptoms to which ministers
      pointed as those of returning health, they were utterly fallacious. It had
      been said that the traffic on railways and canals had been increased; the
      same effect would be produced if the goods had been transported on
      speculation, and hawked about from one part of the country to another for
      sale, either in vain or at ruinous prices. With an increasing population
      consumption must increase to some extent, because the addition to the
      population would not absolutely famish; but the evil was, that it was
      consumption which still furnished to those employed in creating the
      articles consumed the means, not of living with any reasonable comfort,
      but of mere squalid starvation. Ministers had told them, likewise, to look
      at the number of new houses which were springing up, and had asked if this
      was an indication of distress. No one had ever said that every man in the
      country was distressed. Who had ever said, for instance, that the
      fund-holders and annuitants felt the general pressure? They might continue
      to flourish like rank and noxious weeds among surrounding ruins; they
      still drew their fixed incomes, but their security was diminishing; for
      that security depended on the productiveness of the revenue; and the
      revenue, as the natural result of the misery of all the productive classes
      of society, was fall ing off. Lord Goderich, in reply, said that he had
      expected the motion would have been supported by something better than the
      two undeniable propositions that there was great distress in the country,
      and that it was the duty of ministers to relieve it to the utmost of their
      power. He should have thought that the noble mover would have stated the
      causes which had produced the distress of the country, and have given some
      notion of the remedies which he deemed applicable to the disease. In
      regard to the one and the other, the house had been left in the dark.
      While, however, he resisted a mode of inquiry which promised nothing, he
      did not say that it was impossible for parliament to do anything. In
      relation to the currency and the state of our taxation, parliament might
      afford material relief to the country. He thought parliament might also do
      something by a reduction of taxation; for during the two years that he
      himself had been chancellor of the exchequer, nine millions of taxes had
      been removed, and yet that amount had not been eventually lost to the
      revenue: in some heads of receipt there had been a diminution, but in
      others there had been an increase. The Earl of Roseberry, also, spoke
      against the motion: he could not support it, because he thought that in
      its present form it was neither practicable nor expedient. The motion was
      supported by the Duke of Richmond and Lord Eldon. The former insisted
      principally on various facts proving the extent and pressure of the
      prevalent distress; and maintained that in common sense the causes of the
      misfortune should be investigated, before means for removing them were
      tendered. Lord Eldon, in supporting the motion, accused his ancient
      colleagues of coming down to parliament with a declaration that there were
      "other causes" for the distress of the country, which they did not deem it
      expedient to specify, and which they left to each one's sagacity to guess
      at as he might. He contended that the smallest consideration of the causes
      and remedies of the present all-pervading distress would have been
      received by the country with gratitude. He was the more confident of this,
      he said, when he bore in mind the pacific and loyal demeanour of the
      numerous thousands who were suffering under the most pinching distress,
      and who, he hoped, would be prevented from being drawn away from the line
      of good conduct by the expressed determination of parliament to inquire
      into the causes of their sufferings, with a view to remedy them so far as
      circumstances might permit. The Duke of Wellington still denied that the
      existence of distress was so extensive as had been represented, and
      supported his opinion by the augmented consumption of various articles, by
      the increase of buildings, by the state of the savings' banks, and by the
      advanced traffic on railways and canals. He still maintained, also, that
      the power of redress was beyond the reach of parliament; and he defied
      noble lords opposite to do anything on the subject which should be at once
      politic and satisfactory; expedient and efficacious. Was it right, he
      asked, for parliament to interfere where it was utterly impossible to do
      good? The noble mover might recommend a committee; but to what end could
      they follow his counsel if he could lead them no further? And not one step
      further had he gone. The Marquis of Lansdowne said that he had no
      hesitation in stating what he conceived to be the causes of the distress.
      Much of it, he thought, had been produced by a transition from a state of
      war to peace. He could not help recollecting, however, that a great part
      of the difficulties, out of which we had now to extricate ourselves, was
      to be ascribed to that fatal perseverance, with which we had persisted for
      many years, in contracting permanent money engagements in a depreciated
      currency. That was the root of the evil; but in saying so, he did not
      forget, that, unfortunate as these engagements were, they nevertheless
      were engagements which the honour of parliament was bound to respect, and
      which we must find means to discharge. It was one thing, however, to see
      the cause, and another to point out the remedy: for the present he
      confessed that he saw but one means of uniting all opinions on the
      subject, and that was retrenchment, retrenchment qualified by diminution
      of taxation. The Marquis of Salisbury expressed an opinion that a general
      inquiry would do more harm than good: he would prefer a select committee,
      and if that should fail in coming at the cause of the distress, then would
      be the time for an inquiry of the whole house. Lord King, in conclusion,
      moved as an amendment, "that a select committee should be appointed to
      inquire into the depressed state of the agricultural and manufacturing
      interests of the kingdom for the purpose of ascertaining whether any, and
      what relief could be afforded." This amendment, however, was received with
      as little favour as the original motion, which was lost on a division by
      one hundred and eighteen against twenty-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar motion was made, at a more advanced period of the session in the
      house of commons by Mr. Davenport. The discussion in that house lasted
      four nights, and in the course of it, the leading members of all parties
      delivered their opinions, which were in many respects contradictory on the
      extent as well as on the causes of the evil. The arguments and the views
      of the speakers, however, were generally the same that had been used in
      the house of lords, though being used by a greater number of persons, they
      were presented under a greater number of modifications. The motion was
      supported by the admitted fact of the prevailing distress; the duty of the
      house to give relief, if possible; and the necessity for that purpose of
      ascertaining the causes of the evil. On the other hand it was denied that
      the distress was general, and that if it was, it would be useless to enter
      into an inquiry without some specific remedy being pointed out, which had
      not yet been done. Great objections were also taken to the form of the
      proposed inquiry. There was no subject of any difficulty with which
      parliament had ever had to deal, but would necessarily come before this
      committee, and how could the whole house deal with such an investigation.
      Sir C. Burrell moved as an amendment that the petitions should be referred
      to a select committee, but this was still more vehemently resisted: Mr.
      Peel declaring that a committee of the whole house was the better of the
      two. Lord Althorp, with the leading members of the Whig party generally,
      as well as Mr. Huskisson and his followers, took part with the ministry;
      and the motion was eventually lost by a majority of two hundred and
      fifty-five against eighty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REDUCTION OF SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICERS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Throughout the discussions on the state of the nation, the necessity of
      reducing taxation, and curtailing the public expenditure, had been
      insisted on with great force. On the 12th of February, Sir James Graham
      moved for a reduction of all the salaries paid to official, persons. The
      foundation of his motion was this:&mdash;that, subsequently to the Bank
      Restriction Act, all salaries had been increased, because the expense of
      living had increased; and he argued, therefore, that, as the restriction
      had been removed, and we had returned to cash payments, the salaries ought
      to be diminished. Justice, he said, demanded such a change High prices,
      produced by a depreciated currency, had brought them high salaries; low
      prices, produced by curing that depreciation, must bring them low salaries
      He did not, however, mean to include in his resolutions the privy-purse
      and the royal establishment, as these stood upon arrangements entered into
      at the beginning of the reign, and were hence inviolate. Neither would he
      interfere with the regular pay of the navy, which had been fixed in 1798,
      when prices were about the same as at the present time; or of the army,
      into which our soldiers had entered for a term of years, at a stipulated
      rate. He meant, however, to include military officers holding civil
      situations, such as colonial governments, because in many cases their
      salaries had been augmented without sufficient reason, and because some of
      these officers being removable at pleasure, their allowances might be
      altered without difficulty. Sir James Graham enumerated examples in which
      the salaries of governors had been raised; and stated that there had been
      an addition of one-third to the number of <i>employés</i>, and an increase
      of fifty per cent, on their salaries in 1827 as compared with 1797. He
      concluded by moving this resolution:&mdash;"That, whereas, subsequently to
      the act of the 37th George III., by which a suspension of cash-payments
      was effected, large augmentations had taken place in the salaries and pay
      of persons in civil and military employments, on account of the diminished
      value of money; and whereas the alleged reason for such augmentations had
      ceased to operate, in consequence of the passing of the 59th George III.,
      which restored a metallic standard of value, resolved that in order to
      relieve the country from its extensive load of taxation, it was expedient
      to revise our present system of expenditure in respect of all such
      augmentations, for the purpose of making every possible reduction that
      could be effected without violation of good faith, or detriment to public
      justice." The motion was opposed by Mr. Dawson, the secretary of the
      treasury, chiefly on the ground that government had done all that as yet
      had been possible in the way of reduction, and felt a sincere desire to
      carry the spirit of economy to every practicable extent. Almost every
      recommendation of reduction, he said, suggested in the reports of
      committees, or by commissions of inquiry, had been carried into effect;
      and the recommendation of a committee which sat in 1797 to abolish
      sinecures and reversions had been acted upon as far as it was found
      possible. Government had, indeed, already acted upon the course which Sir
      James Graham recommended; it had been desirous to adopt the scale of 1797,
      and though that object had not been fully accomplished, yet, looking at
      the extent of public business now, and in 1797, he thought the house would
      see that salaries had been brought as near as possible to the rate of the
      latter year. After demonstrating the truth of his assertions by appealing
      to facts and figures, he said, that he trusted the house would negative
      the motion, in which case, in order to show that he was not desirous to
      get rid of the question, he would himself move the following resolution:&mdash;"That
      whereas his majesty was graciously pleased, in answer to an address of the
      house, to assure the house on the 27th of June, 1821, that his majesty
      would cause an inquiry to be made into all the departments of the civil
      government, with a view of reducing the number of persons employed in the
      various offices, and the amount of salaries paid: Resolved, that an humble
      address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty might be graciously
      pleased to lay before the house an account of the progress which had been
      made in such inquiry, and of the measures that had been taken in
      consequence. Also, that it was the opinion of that house, that in every
      establishment of the state, every saving ought to be made, consistently
      with the due performance of the public service, and without the violation
      of existing engagements." Sir James Graham thought this proposition of the
      secretary of the treasury better than his own, and he therefore withdrew
      his motion, and the house agreed to that of the minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      This motion regarded the civil establishments only. On the 15th of
      February, Mr. Hume proposed a similar resolution in regard to the military
      and naval establishments, by moving an address to the crown, recommending
      a repeal or modification of all taxes required for the support of all the
      naval and military, as well as civil establishments, in order to afford
      immediate and effective relief to the country. Mr. Hume maintained that
      the scale at which the army and navy were kept up was much greater than
      necessity required, or the country could bear; and that they ought to be
      brought back as nearly as possible to what they had been in 1792, when the
      whole cost of the civil and military government was little more than
      one-fifth of the present cost. In his speech, he treated of every possible
      topic connected with taxation and expenditure. The taxes he proposed to
      reduce were numerous; and he insisted that all the reductions he proposed
      were practicable, if government would only apply the priming-knife to our
      overgrown establishments. The chancellor of the exchequer declined
      following Mr. Hume over the field in which he had expatiated, but he
      objected to the motion as irregular and inexpedient. It was a motion, he
      said, recommending a reduction of our civil, naval, and military
      establishments, without waiting for the estimates of those establishments
      which was to be laid before the house&mdash;without waiting to see whether
      any and what reductions might be proposed in them by ministers. How, he
      asked, would parliament determine the amount or practicability of any
      reduction, till it had inquired into the necessity and general bearing of
      the several branches of the expenditure? And how could that inquiry be
      instituted before ministers had laid before the house the responsible
      official statement of the amount of the several estimates for the year, so
      as to enable the house to decide upon the economy or extravagance observed
      in the management of the public money? He objected to the motion,
      therefore, as a departure from the usual practice of parliament. It was
      opposed by Messrs. Western and Grant, on the ground that it would be
      better for ministers first to produce their plan, and then to deal with it
      as the house might think fit. The house was already pledged to the full
      extent of this motion, which was, generally to reduce expenditure, and the
      next step ought to be to point out in what particular manner the reduction
      ought to be made. Lord Althorp said, that he felt every confidence in the
      economical disposition of ministers; but still it was desirable that the
      house should express its opinion that the taxes ought to be reduced in
      proportion to the reductions in the expenditure, although he did not
      conceive it possible that the taxes ought to be reduced to the extent
      proposed by Mr. Hume: his duty was to vote, therefore, for the motion. On
      a division, however, the motion was lost by one hundred and eighty-nine to
      sixty-nine.
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR REVISING THE WHOLE SYSTEM OF TAXATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 25th of March Mr. Poulett Thompson moved the appointment of a
      committee to revise the whole system of our taxation. His object, he said,
      was to examine the incidents of our great taxation; for all authorities of
      any weight were agreed that revenue did not depend merely on the amount of
      what actually passed into the exchequer, but on the manner in which it was
      derived from the people. Mr. Poulett Thompson wished the house in the
      first place to consider the taxes which affected raw materials; and
      whether a reduction was not practicable without any diminution of revenue.
      He then passed in review certain very productive taxes, as those on tea,
      tobacco, foreign spirits, French wines, &amp;c, the rate of which, he
      thought, might safely be lowered without any permanent detriment to the
      revenue. In conclusion, he said, that his wish was to give ministers a
      power which they could not exercise effectually without a committee. The
      alterations which he had in view, might produce a deficiency of revenue in
      the first stages of their operations, but ministers, supported by a
      committee fairly and impartially selected, might ask of parliament a vote
      of credit for all that would be necessary to fill up that deficiency with
      a much greater certainty of obtaining it, than they would have by acting
      upon their Own responsibility. The chancellor of the exchequer said, that
      there could be only one opinion as to the principle on which the motion
      was founded; namely, the expediency of raising the money required for the
      public service, in the way least injurious to the sources of public
      wealth; but he could not accede to the motion founded on this truism,
      consistently with the interests of the country, or the character of his
      majesty's government. The wish to relieve the public burthens was not the
      only guide to be followed in a question like this; regard was likewise due
      to the faith and honour of the country. Some of the taxes might be open to
      the objections urged against them; but such as they were we had mortgaged
      them to the public creditor; and it I was an imperative duty, not so to
      modify them as to shake the basis of his security, and weaken the strength
      of public credit. Great inconvenience would arise from consigning to the
      consideration of a committee all the various topics to which the
      honourable member had referred; and from calling upon the members of it to
      pronounce on the amount of our taxation; to decide how far it admitted of
      repeal or modification; and to declare how far, in their opinion, ultimate
      compensation might be made for any loss which might accrue from such loss
      or modification. The motion was supported by Lord Althorp, Sir Henry
      Parnell, and Messrs. Bankes and Warburton, who argued that it was
      difficult to conceive why the committee should be refused after the
      appointment of the late finance committee. If that committee had proceeded
      with its labours another year, it would have been occupied with the very
      matters which it was now proposed to submit to consideration. Lord Althorp
      said that, in his opinion, it would be a good plan to grant relief to the
      productive classes by a reduction of taxation, and the imposition of a
      property-tax. Mr. Peel protested against the appointment of a committee
      which, he contended, was to be neither less nor more than a delegation of
      the powers of the whole house, and of the government likewise, to
      twenty-one members. The house, he said, had been found sufficient in
      former times for the management of the taxes, and he saw no reason why it
      should now resign its power. On the other hand, Mr. Huskisson maintained
      that there was nothing unusual in referring questions of taxation to a
      committee. The salt-duty and the tax on leather had been referred to
      committees; and in these cases there had neither been alarms in the public
      mind, nor change of government, nor loss of confidence in his majesty's
      ministers. If the house could not refer such subjects to a committee
      without endangering the safety of the country, he thought that it had
      better give up inquisition altogether. He did not, indeed, expect any
      further reduction of taxation during the present session from the labours
      of this committee; but still the inquiry would do good. On a division the
      motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and sixty-seven against
      seventy-eight.
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE ON THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1830&mdash;1831
    </p>
    <p>
      At this period it was the public opinion that the monopoly of the East
      India Company imposed a mischievous restraint on the trade of the country,
      without any reasonable cause or counterbalancing advantage. One large
      portion of the community, indeed, wished to have the renewal of their
      charter refused <i>in toto</i> to any extent, or under any modification;
      while another professed themselves willing to be satisfied with reducing
      the company to the level of ordinary merchants in matters of trade,
      leaving them in the possession of their widely-extended territories. In
      this conflicting state of opinion government had determined not to take
      the responsibility of proposing any measure of its own; but had promised
      that in the present session a committee should be appointed to make the
      inquiries which ought to precede any arrangement affecting interests so
      varied and important. The appointment of this committee was moved in both
      houses on the 9th of February; in the upper house by Lord Ellenborough,
      and in the commons by Mr. Peel. In making this proposition, the latter
      said, that he had no plan to submit for the future government of India; no
      opinion of ministers to state as to the renewal or modification of the
      charter. He proposed the committee that the question in all its bearings
      might be examined; but the details should be left for future
      consideration, when that committee should have formed its opinion. He
      proposed it, he continued, with the plain and honest view of having a
      full, perfect, and unreserved investigation into the affairs of the East
      India Company. The house, he said, would feel the importance of such an
      inquiry. It would bear in mind that higher objects were involved than the
      mere extension of trade. They would have to consider the whole character
      of the government, ruling over an immense extent of territory, wielding a
      powerful force, and administering an ample revenue. They were bound to
      consider the various modes in which that government affected the people
      over whom it ruled, and how far any alteration might affect the influence
      of the crown. The present form of government extended over many millions
      of people, and it had existed for a great number of years. Whether another
      form of government might be devised from which equal benefits would flow,
      he was not prepared to say; but sufficient was known of the present system
      to induce them to pause before they rashly interfered with it. As regards
      the company's commercial concerns, the documents which would be presented
      to the committee would contain full information on that subject; and at
      present he would only say that a reference to these returns would convince
      any unprejudiced mind that the sanguine expectations of great benefits,
      which some supposed would arise from throwing the trade entirely open,
      ought not to be entertained. The most interesting objects involved in the
      inquiry were the welfare and happiness of the Indian population placed
      under a government. He had seen a census, which made our native subjects
      in India amount to ninety millions. Looking at the extent of territory
      which in that country belonged to Great Britain, the vast population there
      subject to our sway, the great revolution by which they had come under our
      dominion, the immense distance at which they were removed from our shores,
      and the difference existing between the languages and usages of the
      natives and ours, the mind was almost lost in amazement. Whatever might be
      the wish of a British parliament to enlarge the rights and foster the
      interests of British citizens, there could be but one feeling as to the
      moral obligation which we had incurred to promote the improvement of these
      distant subjects, so far as the feelings, the institutions, and the
      prejudices of that country would allow. In the list of the committee
      proposed by Mr. Peel there were the names of three or four East India
      directors. Messrs. Hume and Baring objected to their being put on the
      committee, although they expressed an opinion that they would not act
      unfairly, and that there was a necessity of obtaining the information
      which they possessed. Mr. Astell, one of the directors named, declared
      that the company desired nothing more earnestly than the fullest inquiry.
      What the directors complained of most, was the ignorance which prevailed
      on this subject, and which, by deluding the country, was the greatest
      enemy they had to contend with. He courted inquiry; for the more the
      subject was investigated, the more likely would it be that the directors
      would have justice done them. Let the committee obtain the fullest
      evidence; let them examine all the documents that would be brought before
      them; and then they would be able to decide whether India could be better
      governed; whether justice could be more fairly administered; and whether
      the happiness of the natives could be more humanely consulted. He
      contended that the directors had done all they could, and that they had
      never lost sight of the interests of their country in the pursuit of their
      own. The committee was appointed as proposed, retaining the members of the
      East India Company.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON A PROPOSAL TO ALTER THE CURRENCY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Attwood brought the subject of the currency before
      the house, by proposing two resolutions; namely, to make silver a legal
      tender as, he contended, it had been before the Bank Restriction Act of
      1797, and to restore small notes. This question underwent a full
      discussion but the motion of a double standard seemed so objectionable,
      and any scheme for depreciating the currency appeared pregnant with such
      dangerous consequences, that the motion was withdrawn without dividing the
      house. Several members, indeed, expressed an opinion that it was far from
      being certain that the standard adopted was the best; but the relief to be
      obtained by the double standard proposed was thought by them to be neither
      so great, nor so certain, as to justify the making of such an experiment.
      The motion was ably opposed by Mr. Herries, who said, that the proposal to
      introduce the silver standard was almost impracticable and unjust. The
      proposal was, in point of fact, to have the two precious metals in
      circulation at certain fixed proportions; a condition which rendered the
      execution of the scheme impossible. It was well known that the proportion
      in which these two metals interchanged now was different from the
      proportion which they held in 1798. The mover himself had admitted,
      indeed, that the difference was five per cent. It might not be quite so
      much, but assuming it to be so, to what did it lead? It made the proposed
      resolution a recommendation to the legislature to declare gold and silver
      equally a legal tender, although there was a difference of five per cent,
      in their relative values. What would this be, he asked, in practice? Every
      debtor, it was said, who had money to pay would be enabled to discharge
      his debt with five per cent, less than he was bound to pay at present; and
      no doubt, he would, if the opportunity was given to him. Suppose then that
      the resolutions should be agreed to; what would be the result? It would be
      proclaimed from one end of the country to the other that this house had
      come to a resolution the effect of which might be shortly stated thus:&mdash;namely,
      that every man who had claims payable on demand, every man who held notes
      of small or great value, every man who had outstanding debts, would, if he
      secured the amount of what was due to him before this resolution passed
      into a law, get the whole of his money; whereas, if he delayed beyond that
      period, he would only get ninety-five for every hundred pounds. What, he
      asked, would become of the Bank of England, or of every banking house in
      the kingdom, or of all debtors who were liable to pay upon demand all that
      they owed? Would not all transactions of commerce be suspended, and the
      whole country present one scene of confusion, and consternation, and ruin,
      when the house of commons proclaimed to all who had debts due to them,
      that if they did not collect them on the instant, they would assuredly be
      losers to the amount of five per cent.? Mr. Herries also contended that
      the alleged justice of the proposition was fallacious. Its justice was
      made to rest on this&mdash;that it was only fair to give the debtor the
      power of paying as he might have done in 1798; and it had been assumed,
      that up to that time men could discharge their debts in gold or silver, as
      they pleased. It was a great mistake, he argued, to suppose that silver
      had been the standard of this country throughout the last century. It had
      only been a legal tender by weight, but then it had become so depreciated,
      that, practically, there was no such thing as tender by weight, while by
      law the tender in coin was limited to twenty-five pounds; so that it was
      clear that in 1798 silver could not be the standard. He concluded by
      saying, that if a regulation could be made that a creditor should be
      obliged to take half his debt in one standard, at the will of the debtor,
      and that the debtor should not be obliged to pay more than half in one,
      and half in the other, it might, perhaps, be practicable to have the two;
      but he did not see how, otherwise, the two could exist together.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS&mdash;BILL FOR REPEALING THE DUTY ON BEER, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of March the chancellor of the exchequer produced his annual
      exposition of the finances, and of the financial measures to be adopted in
      raising the expenditure of the present year. His statements presented no
      remarkable features except the repeal of the beer, cider, and leather
      duties. By this measure ministers desired to show their wish of
      alleviating the pressure of taxation on the lower classes. With reference
      to the extent of the repeal, the chancellor of the exchequer said, that
      "the amount of the three duties which I thus propose to repeal will be, on
      freer, £3,000,000, on leather from £340,000 to £350,000, and on cider,
      £25,000. These reductions will give direct relief to the people,
      amounting, at least, to £3,400,000., and will give them relief indirectly
      to a further amount; so that in fact the whole relief cannot be estimated
      at less than £5,000,000 a year." The remission of duty on beer was
      proposed to take place on the 10th of October following, and the reason
      given for such delay was, that the repeal should take place conjointly
      with an opening of the trade, when the time arrived for renewing the
      licences of public-houses. There can be no doubt that the measure
      proceeded from excellent motives; but it is certain that by encouraging
      the increase of public-houses to an indefinite extent, immorality and
      crime had been introduced into every nook and corner of the land. The
      picture which the poet Cowper drew of the evils of public-houses in his
      day have been increased a hundredfold by such a measure so that it is
      literally true, that,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
<i>
     "Pass where'er we may, through city or through town,
     Village or hamlet of this merry land,
     Though lean and beggar'd, every twentieth face,
     Conducts th' unguarded nose to such a whiff
     Of state debauch, forth issuing from the sties
     That law has licensed, as makes temperance rec."
</i>
</pre>
    <p>
      It is probable that this measure has occasioned more evil than any act
      passed during the whole period to which this portion of the history of
      England refers. Yet there can be no question that ministers conceived that
      they were legislating for the poor man's comfort; experience, however, has
      proved that it was for the poor man's bane. After stating the intention of
      ministers on this subject, the chancellor of the exchequer next gave his
      estimate of the revenue of the present year. The demands of the public
      service, including the charge of the national debt, were £47,812,000, and
      the available income was estimated at £50,470,000, leaving a probable
      balance of about £2,500,000 only for the sinking-fund. In the revenue of
      last year a deficiency of more than £500,000 below the estimate was
      acknowledged; but at the same time a clear surplus of £4,000,000 had been
      applied to the redemption of the national debt. To compensate for the loss
      of revenue from the repeal of the above duties, it was proposed to
      consolidate all the laws relative to the stamp-duties, for placing the
      management of the whole of that branch of the revenue under the
      stamp-office in England, and make similar articles everywhere subject to
      the same duties. It was also proposed to levy an additional duty on
      spirits; and also to effect a yearly saving of about £800,000 by the
      conversion of four per cent, stock into three and a half. These measures
      were subsequently carried into effect. The chancellor of the exchequer
      finally held out hopes of a reduction in the amount of expenditure, by the
      consolidation of various departments of the public service: this he said
      was likely hereafter to place at the disposal of the government a great
      surplus revenue which would enable ministers to make a further repeal of
      taxes. The principal reduction promised by government this year, that of
      the beer-duty, was not carried without great opposition. Brewers and
      publicans alike were arrayed against it, as it would break up their
      monopoly. The latter complained loudly of the deterioration to which the
      capital invested by them in the trade would be exposed, since every man
      who could pay two guineas might take out a licence. The landed interest,
      likewise, was against this measure: agriculturists wishing rather to see
      the duty on malt than beer repealed. They spoke much of its deficiencies
      in not providing any system of control, to secure the proper conduct of
      publicans, such as existed under the present licensing system. It would
      convert England they said, and with much truth, into one huge
      tippling-house, spreading throughout the country universal demoralization.
      An attempt was made on the second reading to throw out the bill, by a
      motion that it should be read a second time that day six months. This
      failed; but in the committee a stronger effort was made in favour of a
      clause proposed by Mr. Monck, to the effect of permitting the brewer to
      sell his beer on premises different from those on which it had been
      brewed. It was contended that this was only an enlargement of the former
      permission to sell beer on the premises on which it had been brewed; and
      that it would not injure the object sought by the bill in so far as
      protection against monopoly was concerned, while it would be beneficial to
      the interests of the existing dealers, whose interests ought not to be
      neglected. On the other hand, the clause was opposed as inconsistent with
      the principle of the bill. The effect of it would be, it was said, to
      prevent competition, and the public, instead of receiving an improved
      commodity, would remain as they were. When the committee divided, the
      proposed clause was rejected by a majority of only twenty-five. Opposition
      renewed their efforts against the bill on its third reading, when Mr.
      Batley moved a clause, to the effect of enforcing the statute of James I.,
      against the odious crime of drunkenness. Mr. Brougham in opposing this
      motion said, that he was one of those who thought the general interests of
      morality were better consulted by permitting such clauses to slumber in
      the cells of the statute-book than by having them enforced. He asked, What
      was the real meaning of the statute of James I. It was that a penalty
      should be inflicted on any person who committed the odious and ungodly
      crime of drunkenness, from any liquor, except claret or champagne. If
      morality was to be enforced by act of parliament, let the law be
      impartial, and not punish the poor and illiterate for a crime in which the
      rich might indulge with impunity. He would like to see the justice of the
      peace, or magistrate, who would fine a knight of the shire, or independent
      member of an independent borough, who in the morning might possibly be
      brought before him in a state presenting a good imitation of the odious
      and ungodly crime of drunkenness, which called down the wrath of the moral
      legislators of the age of King James. Sir Robert Inglis having reminded
      Mr. Brougham that a higher authority than that of James I. had denounced
      drunkenness, and that if he himself were found in the street in a state of
      inebriety, no magistrate performing his duty would fail to punish him, Mr.
      Brougham replied, that he had not the good fortune to be educated at the
      university represented by the baronet. It was, indeed, well replied by Dr.
      Johnson to a lady who inquired of him to which university she should send
      her son: "Why madam, I can only say, that there is an equal quantity of
      port drunk at each." He was perfectly aware that a higher authority than
      King James had denounced drunkenness, but the difference was, that that
      high authority made no distinction of persons, whereas the act of James
      did. Could the right honourable baronet point out one instance of a member
      of parliament having been punished for drunkenness? Sir Robert repeated,
      that if Mr. Brougham would go into the street drunk, he would soon meet
      with due punishment; he replied, that it would be grossly unfair, inasmuch
      as there were thousands of gentlemen in the same situation never noticed.
      This was an unanswerable argument, and the subject was dropped.
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the Marquis of Blandford moved resolutions pledging
      the house forthwith to employ themselves in the work of reform, as an
      amendment to the address. On the 18th of February he brought forward a
      more specific plan. The house of commons, he argued, had ceased to be
      framed as the essential principles and earlier practice of the
      constitution required; a circumstance which had arisen from represented
      places falling into decay, on the one hand, while, on the other, wealthy
      and populous towns, which had sprung up in the meantime, were
      unrepresented. His object was, he said, to restore the principles of
      representation as they had been established in the days of Henry III. and
      the three Edwards. For this purpose he proposed that a committee should be
      chosen by ballot, to take a review of all boroughs and cities in the
      kingdom, and report to the secretary of the home department those among
      them which had fallen into decay, or had in any manner forfeited their
      right to representation on the principles of the English constitution, as
      anciently recognized by national and parliamentary usage. The
      home-secretary was bound to act immediately on this report, and to relieve
      all such places from the burthen of sending members to parliament in
      future, while he filled up the vacancies by towns which had been hitherto
      unrepresented. Another part of his plan was to revive the custom of paying
      wages to members for their attendance in parliament; a provision which he
      thought would prevent abuses. He also proposed to extend the right of
      voting to all copyholders and leaseholders, and to place the
      representation of Scotland on the same footing with that of England. He
      concluded, by moving, to bring in a bill to restore the constitutional
      influence of the house of commons. This motion was supported by Sir
      Francis Burdett, and by Messrs. Pendarvis, Benett, and Hobhouse, with
      others of the school of reformers. Sir Francis Burdett said, that he could
      not comprehend all the details of the propositions; but he understood it
      to be a question of reform, and, therefore, he would support it. He
      admitted that the house was composed of men of as enlightened
      understandings, and as addicted to the English principles of freedom, as
      could be found collected in any nation of the world; but he asserted that
      they were returned to the house under an influence which rendered them
      incapable of exerting the faculties of their minds, and injurious to the
      country. He remarked:&mdash;"Look at myself, I have gone through the whole
      process under the present system of representation, and a most ruinous one
      it has been. Early in life, I came into this house in order to defend the
      constitution of England; I purchased my seat of a borough-monger. He was
      no patron of mine; he took my money, and by purchase I obtained a right to
      speak in the most public place in England, With my views, and with my love
      of the liberty of my country, I did not grudge the sacrifice I made for
      that commanding consideration. If I had abused the right I had thus
      purchased, and passed through corruption to the honours of the peerage, I
      should not enjoy the satisfaction I now feel." He had also tried, he said,
      the county system. He stood for a county, though he would not have given
      twopence for the representation of that county, his object having been to
      expose the abominable system, and the oppressive tyranny of solitary
      confinement in England. He had also gone through the remedial operation as
      it was called, of the Grenville act, so that, as he had sounded all the
      shoals and shallows of the system, it was not wonderful he should be a
      great advocate for an alteration. The question was this: ought the house
      to be an assembly of retainers of the crown, or of representatives of the
      people of England. The bill was opposed by Messrs. Feel, Twiss, Maberly,
      and Stanley. Mr. Twiss said, that a scheme had never been produced so
      happily calculated to ridicule parliamentary reform, although it was of
      course far from the intention of the noble lord by whom it had been
      introduced. Mr. Peel also amused the house with remarks on the title of
      the bill, and said that he would never be a party to a wholesale
      depreciation of the elective franchise, or assent even to the first stage
      of the bill, which devolved on a bal-lotted committee the power of
      destroying all boroughs which they might think ought not to send members.
      Lord Althorp moved as an amendment, "That it is the opinion of this house,
      that a reform in the representation of the people is necessary," should be
      substituted for the motion, for leave to bring in a bill; but both the
      amendment and the original motion were negatived without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CASE OF EAST RETFORD.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the proposal for transferring the franchise of East
      Retford to Birmingham was ultimately rejected, and the privilege extended
      to the adjoining hundred. During the debate Mr. Peel expressly disclaimed
      the imputation which had been thrown out, that this selection had been
      made with a view to increase the influence of the Duke of Newcastle, whom
      the Catholic relief bill had now thrown into the ranks of opposition.
      There were circumstances in the case of East Retford which should induce
      parliament to extend the franchise to the adjoining hundred. One element
      in the case which weighed with him, was the consideration that the county
      of Nottingham sent only eight members to parliament; and he saw no good
      reason why that number should be reduced. Lord Howick declared, that
      though he would vote for the transfer of the franchise to Birmingham, he
      thought it useless to inflict punishment in individual instances, when it
      was notorious that a large majority of members obtained their seats by
      venal means. The proper remedy would be to adopt a general measure; and
      he, therefore, moved the following resolutions:&mdash;"That bribery has
      been repeatedly and habitually employed to influence the election of
      members of parliament. That this fact has been often established, never
      denied, and was especially proved at the bar of this house in the first
      session of the present parliament, in the cases of Penryn and East
      Retford. That it is notorious that a similar practice is openly resorted
      to in many of the cities and boroughs of the United Kingdom. That the
      recent disfranchisement of Grampound does not appear to have in any degree
      diminished the prevalence of this evil. That this house, therefore,
      finding that the passing of specific bills directed against particular
      cases, has neither had the effect of removing the existence, or arresting
      the progress of corruption, is of opinion that its character may best be
      vindicated by abandoning these useless and expensive proceedings, in order
      to adopt some general and comprehensive measure, the only means of
      effectually checking so scandalous an abuse." These resolutions were
      negatived by a large majority.
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    <h2>
      MR. O'CONNELL'S BILL FOR REFORM BY UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the third reading of the East Retford bill, the first attempt was made
      in the British parliament to introduce principles new to the
      representation of the country: namely, that the votes of the electors
      should be given by ballot. This proposition came from that most reckless
      of all demagogues; that prototype of the Athenian Cleon, Mr. O'Connell,
      who argued that the ballot would protect the voter from all undue
      influence, whether of fear or corruption. On the other hand, it was argued
      that the mode of taking votes by ballot would preclude representatives
      confronting their constituents; but it was not till after nomination, and
      the demand of a poll, that the ballot would commence; so that this mode
      would not take away from constituents the power they now enjoyed of
      requiring explanations of past conduct, and pledges for the future. The
      motion, which was lost, had been favoured by certain occurrences at
      Newark, which were brought before the house of commons on the 1st of
      March, on a petition from some of the electors of that borough against the
      Duke of Newcastle. His grace was possessed of large property within the
      borough&mdash;some private, and some held under a crown lease&mdash;and
      had always been able to decide the election. Mr. Sadler had recently been
      returned on his interest in opposition to Sergeant Wylde; and the petition
      stated that "the return of Mr. Sadler was obtained by means of the
      prevailing belief, founded on the experience of former elections, that
      such of the duke's tenants as should vote against his grace's nominee
      would be expelled from their tenancies; that many of the tenants gave
      their votes to the opposing candidate; and that they had in consequence
      received notice to quit their holdings, whether the same was house or
      land, and whether it constituted part of the estate of the crown, or the
      private property of his grace." The petition further stated, that his
      grace had neither denied that such notices had been given, nor had
      disclaimed them; but had rather justified them, by stating that he had a
      right "to do what he would with his own." In moving that this petition
      should be referred to a select committee, Mr. Poulett Thomson informed the
      house, that not only the use thus made of crown property affected the
      constitutional character of the representation, but that its original
      investment was a ministerial job, which had caused a great pecuniary loss
      to the country. The Duke of Newcastle, he said, held about nine hundred
      and sixty acres of land surrounding the town, by a lease, granted in 1760,
      at a rent of only £36. This lease had been renewed in 1815, nine years
      after its expiration, at a rent of £2,060; but it was still too low, as
      the estimated value was £3,500. The pecuniary loss was therefore well
      worthy of attention: but this was a trifle compared to the political
      purposes to which the property had been applied. The noble lessee never
      gave a lease for more than one year, in order to keep the voters under his
      power; and the petition stated the manner in which this power had been
      employed. If the allegations were true, the house was bound to interfere;
      for though he did not mean to impugn the just and natural influence of the
      landlord over his tenant, he appealed to the house whether the power
      arrogated in the case before them did not rather resemble the tyranny of
      the slave-driver, than the proper influence of a British landlord. There
      was not even, in the present instance, the objection of interference with
      the rights of private property; this was a species of property against the
      future abuse of which the house might guard, though they could not
      interfere with the existing lease. They could address the crown, praying
      that the lease should not be renewed; and, with a view to have the
      allegations sifted, he moved that the petition be referred to a select
      committee. This motion was supported by Sir Francis Burdett and Mr.
      Hobhouse, who set no bounds to their indignation. The latter especially
      exerted his eloquence on the subject. He remarked:&mdash;"Suppose the
      king's government should send to his grace the Duke of Newcastle, to let
      him know that when his lease expired he should no longer have the benefits
      of that lease; suppose such an intimation was given to his grace, and that
      it was alleged and understood that his ejectment from the possession of
      this property took place in consequence of his having given a vote against
      government upon some great and leading question. If that were done, would
      it not be denounced as an attack upon our dearest privileges, as an
      invasion of the most sacred birthright of Englishmen: the liberty to
      assert and maintain their opinions? Compare the conduct of the government
      in such a case, with the conduct of the noble peer in the present
      instance: there were these poor men, because they had to vote against his
      grace's candidate, banished from their homes, driven from their happy
      firesides, and deprived of all the comforts of life. Could such conduct on
      the part of the noble duke bear comparison with the case of the government
      depriving the noble duke of these crown-lands on account of his giving a
      vote against them?" It was stated on the other hand, that many of the
      allegations in the petition were gross perversions of fact. The
      crown-lands, for instance, were not in the immediate neighbourhood of the
      town, but were scattered about among the adjacent villages to a
      considerable extent; and the crown at the renewal of the lease had only
      twelve houses and twenty-six cottages. There were others in the
      neighbourhood who held land to a much greater extent than that belonging
      to the crown. Mr. Sadler himself said that the petition was a mere
      election paper, made up of wanton exaggerations, and unfounded
      misstatements, for electioneering purposes. He also vindicated his
      patron's character for humanity and consideration, as regarded the
      inhabitants of Newark. He denied that he was exposed to the operation of
      any sinister influence, and could conscientiously say, that the noble duke
      had left him on all questions to pursue his own line of conduct. Mr. Peel
      defended the principle of the whole transaction, as well as the mode by
      which the land in question had been acquired. He could see no valid
      distinction between this property and that which descended to a man as a
      freehold from his ancestors. He remarked:&mdash;"The lease which his grace
      possessed of this crown-land gave him a right to deal with it as any other
      possessions during that period; and in dealing with the property of the
      crown as with his own, it was obvious that he committed no breach of
      privilege. Now the petitioners entirely confined themselves to the crown
      possessions held by the noble duke, praying that a lease of them might in
      future be refused to him. They did not even refer to his other property,
      with regard to which he had dealt precisely in the same manner. It was
      plain therefore that if, in the management of his own private possessions,
      he had committed no breach of privilege, he had committed none by dealings
      in a similar manner with the property of the crown. He would not say that
      the Duke of Newcastle did not dispossess these tenants; but, without
      entering into the question, he would say that superior to the privileges
      of that house were other considerations, to which they were bound in duty
      and conscience to defer, namely, the rights of property. Here was no
      allegation that menaces had been employed; there was only the fact that
      seven tenants had been dispossessed. Now, if they were to control the
      rights of property, under the idea that those rights had been exercised in
      controlling an election, a precedent would be set which would be not
      merely inconvenient, but positively dangerous; for nothing could be more
      dangerous than to say, they would not suffer any tenant to be dispossessed
      who had voted in opposition to his landlord's wishes. It was in vain that
      honourable gentlemen exclaimed against the influence which any peer
      derived from the possession of property: there was no difference between
      that, and the influence which any other great landed proprietor enjoyed;
      nor could any species of reform exclude such influence. Property, he
      contended, should always have an influence in that house, no matter
      whether it was in the hands of peers or commoners." The motion for
      referring the petition to a select committee was negatived by a majority
      of one hundred and ninety-four against sixty-one.
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    <h2>
      MR. O'CONNELL'S BILL FOR REFORM BY UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE AND VOTE BY
    </h2>
    <p>
      BALLOT, ETC.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of all the various plans for altering the representation, whether
      suggested by an honest desire to obviate the necessity of sweeping
      innovations, or springing from the designs of restless demagogues, there
      were none against which so little could be said as the proposition for
      conferring the elective franchise on populous commercial towns. When,
      therefore, Lord John Russell failed in transferring the elective franchise
      of East Retford to Birmingham, he did not hesitate to bring the subject
      before parliament again, by moving for a bill to confer that privilege,
      independently of all other considerations, on Leeds, Birmingham, and
      Manchester. He founded the constitutional nature of the proposed
      alteration on the known practice of parliament, which extended such rights
      to unrepresented places, when they had acquired importance by their wealth
      and population. He remarked:&mdash;"It is true the proposal hitherto had
      been, that the franchise should not be conferred till the house had a
      forfeiture to dispose of; but it is now plain that if the towns in
      question are to wait for such a transfer, there is no probability of their
      obtaining it: so numerous are the difficulties stated in both houses of
      parliament." His lordship said that it did not seem very reasonable that
      the fitness of Leeds or Manchester to be represented should be said to
      depend on the good or bad conduct of the electors of Penryn or East
      Retford: their claims must rest on circumstances in their own situation;
      and if that situation was such as to render it just and desirable that
      they should be represented, where, he asked, was the sense of saying, that
      what was just and reasonable ought not to be done, because the electors of
      some other place had refused to do what was wicked? Lord John Russell then
      entered into various details demonstrative of the growing greatness of the
      towns in question. In continuation he remarked that he could not discover
      any sound reason why so many citizens, and so much wealth, should remain
      unrepresented, when the principle as well as the practice of the
      constitution, had pointed out the manner of admitting them into
      parliament. He knew it would be said that there was no limitation to the
      principles that if it was held good to admit three towns, it might equally
      be extended to twenty, thirty, forty, or even indefinitely. He confessed
      this; and he saw no reason why, if Sheffield, or any other town should at
      some future period attain the same rank, it should not obtain the same
      privilege. It was not probable, however, that the principle could ever be
      applied to more than four or five towns in the whole realm. Parliament,
      moreover, had not always been so fastidious in regard to the extension of
      a principle. It had not refused, for instance, the disfranchisement of the
      forty-shilling freeholders. But the present bill would not even add
      permanently to the members of the house; he proposed that in future cases
      of disfranchisement, the franchise should be allowed to drop altogether,
      instead of being transferred. The whole measure seemed to him incapable of
      alarming the most timid person, and it ought to be received with
      willingness by the sternest opposers of innovation. When he looked at
      other countries, the wisdom and policy of the measure was still more
      imperiously forced on his conviction. We could not shut our eyes to the
      fact that a collision between royal authority and popular resistance was
      rapidly approaching in France, though all must regret that some compromise
      was not contemplated which might save society from its consequences. It
      was for us, then, to profit by the warning, and awaken in time to a
      perception of the nice mechanism of our own representative government. It
      behoved all who were lovers of liberty without disorder, and of peace
      without slavery, to watch anxiously at such a period; endeavouring so to
      accommodate our system to altered times and circumstances, as to render it
      worthy of the respect and affection of the people. The constitution itself
      supplied us with the means; we had only to use its own renovating
      principles. Its fabric was not, as some supposed, that of a Grecian
      temple, perfect and complete in all its parts, which could not suffer
      alteration without the destruction of its symmetry; it was rather like a
      Gothic building, susceptible of enlargement, consistently with the
      integrity of its ornaments and the security of its duration. The views on
      which this bill was founded were repeated and enforced by Lord Sandon,
      General Gascoyne, Dr. Lushington, and Messrs. Huskisson, Bright, and
      Brougham. All of these members did not go to the same lengths as Lord John
      Russell, but all admitted that it was desirable the towns in question
      should be represented. Some would give them members only as a sequel of
      the disfranchisement of corrupt boroughs. Mr. Huskisson, who delivered his
      last speech on parliamentary reform, said that he would have been better
      pleased to have been able directly to transfer the franchise of East
      Retford to Birmingham; but as the late decision of the house had rendered
      that impracticable, he would support the motion. He observed that the time
      was fast approaching when ministers would be compelled to come down to the
      house with some measure, or to resign their situations, and nothing was
      more unwise than for a government to delay important propositions, till
      compelled by overwhelming majorities. He did not wish it to be understood,
      however, that his vote implied he could ever be brought to sanction the
      substitution of a new system of representation for that which existed. He
      added:&mdash;"To a more extensive parliamentary reform, a measure founded
      upon the principle of a general revision, reconstruction, and remodelling
      of our present constitution, I have always been opposed; and while I have
      a seat in this house I shall give it my most decided opposition. If such
      an extensive reform were effected, we might go on for two or three
      sessions in good and easy times, and such a reformed parliament might
      adapt itself to one mode of government on the ordinary concerns of the
      country; but if such an extensive change were effected in the constitution
      of parliament, sure I am that, whenever an occasion shall arise of great
      popular excitement or re-action, the consequence will be a total
      subversion of our constitution, followed by anarchy and confusion, and
      terminating either in the tyranny of a fierce democracy, or a military
      despotism; these two great calamities maintaining that natural order of
      succession which they have been always hitherto seen to observe. I am,
      therefore, opposed to such an extensive change and revision of our
      representative system." The motion for leave to bring in the bill was
      negatived by a majority of one hundred and eighty against forty.
    </p>
    <p>
      If this bill was the most harmless modification under which reform could
      be proposed, that which was subsequently brought before parliament by Mr.
      O'Connell was, on the other hand, the most wild and ruinous. That
      arch-demagogue moved for leave to bring in a bill to establish triennial
      parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot, the foundation of
      this system being this proposition&mdash;simple indeed in its nature, but
      tending to anarchy&mdash;that every man who pays a tax, or is liable to
      serve in the militia, is entitled to have a voice in the representation.
      Lord John Russell, who took occasion of the motion to introduce certain
      resolutions of his own, embracing a more comprehensive scheme of change
      than his former proposal, said, that he could not consent to any of Mr.
      O'Connell's scheme. Triennial parliaments might not be very objectionable;
      but as to the other propositions, he considered them totally incompatible
      with the constitution of England. Lord Althorp spoke to the same effect:
      as any change was an evil, he said, the least change was the limit to
      which he should go. Mr. Brougham adopted the same course: the duration of
      parliaments might be shortened, he thought, but he set his face against
      universal suffrage and vote by ballot. His arguments against them were
      very cogent and convincing. A county election, he said, could not be
      managed like an election at a club, where the box was handed round, and
      the pellet thrown in, and there was an end of it. To contest for a county
      or extensive city, a man must be constantly among the people. His friends
      and himself should be unremittingly engaged in active canvas; committees
      and subdivisions of committees must be occupied in parcelling out the
      several districts, and ascertaining how their strength stood in this part
      and the other; landlords were to be sought out, and they of course would
      exercise an influence over their tenants. He would suppose that those who
      advocated this system would be able to devise some plan by which the voter
      was to be able to vote in such a manner as that mortal could not discover,
      except from himself, how he voted; that he was to be placed in some kind
      of sentry-box, and provided with some kind of stamped pellet, the forgery
      of which would no doubt be made an offence: it being assumed all this
      while that notwithstanding promises made to his landlord, and the
      candidate, his friend, the elector intended to give his vote to another.
      The vote was given, and against a promise. Well, he went afterwards to the
      candidate, congratulated him upon his prospect of success, not failing to
      add, that his vote was one of the items which contributed to the prospect.
      But then see the moral; see how far the concealment of what was done could
      be continued; how far the knowledge of it could be kept from the landlord,
      to secure whose interest in retaining him in his farm he had made the
      promise. No one could see what passed in the sentry-box, or how the pellet
      was disposed of; but were there no such things as conversation amongst
      friends in going to or coming from church, or at the club, or at the
      alehouse? was nothing of the nature of the vote to be allowed to
      transpire? was a man to keep such a watch and guard over his words and
      actions for three years, until the next election come, that no mortal
      could discover what he did? He must not tell it to his wife or his child;
      he must keep it locked up from his bosom friend; he must not broach it to
      his pot-companion, but be as dumb as the tankard which they had emptied
      between them; and this state of silence must be observed for three years.
      Thus far for the elector: how far was the concealment to be operated upon
      by the candidate? He had found out that he was unsuccessful; that where he
      had been promised five hundred votes he had not got fifty, the seed giving
      back one for ten, instead of yielding ten for one, as a good husbandman
      had a right to expect. Inquiries will be set on foot as to where the
      deficiency was. It might be a mistake of the poll-clerks: the poll-books
      were examined and all was right still. Then the Lord Johns and Sir
      Roberts, who had promised their interests, were questioned; but they
      insisted that it could not be amongst their tenants, for they had all
      promised, and had all, no doubt, religiously kept their words. Each
      defended his own tallies; but one had not voted for every tally promised.
      Suspicions were excited, and some of the voters questioned. The man so
      questioned had only one of three answers to give: he must say that he
      voted against the candidate, by which he was sure to lose his farm; or he
      must refuse to say how he voted, by which his loss of the farm would be
      equally certain; or he must insist and solemnly call God to witness that
      he had voted as he had promised. But even this latter alternative would
      not completely lull suspicions: there would still be the watchings and
      questionings of friends, and of agents, for no act that could be framed
      could prevent these. In the course of these something would turn up to fix
      the suspicions on which bad landlords would be ready to act against their
      tenants; and it was on the assumption of bad landlords, who would visit
      the refusal to vote for them or their tenants, that the necessity of vote
      by ballot was at all defended. The bad landlord would act upon suspicion:
      the more so, as, there being only fifty votes where five hundred had been
      promised, the chance was ten to one that any one of the five hundred who
      said he kept his word, was stating a falsehood. Examples would then be
      made of a few: and what would be the result? Why, that at the election a
      vast number would not vote at all. Some even of those who had kept their
      word would take that as the surest way to prove that they were not in the
      pay of the opposite party. The landlord would compel others, whom he
      strongly suspected, not to vote, as the only way of preventing their
      accession to the other side; or he might persuade some of those who, he
      knew, if they voted at all, would vote against him, to pair off with those
      whom he suspected, and thus deprive his adversary of the whole. But was
      there no other way of coming at the fact of how a voter had kept his word?
      If, in voting against his promise, he acted for his principles, he would
      be likely to make it known for the sake of those principles; if from
      friendship, he would probably tell it to gratify his friend; or if he gave
      it from motives of interest, nothing was less likely than that he should
      conceal it, for the attainment of the object would render the disclosure
      useful; and in this way the secret would come out, and the offended
      landlord at last get at it, and the visitation upon him, which the vote by
      ballot was intended to avert, would follow. But was this the only evil
      which resulted from this system? Was there not a far worse remaining
      behind? Did not all this study and concealment of a solemn promise
      violated; this long watching and guard over a man's words and actions, so
      as constantly to appear that which he was not, tend to make him lead the
      life of a hypocrite; that character of whom it was so justly and
      eloquently said, that his life was one continued lie! What could be
      expected from a man who had deceived those who had trusted him, and from
      one election to the other was obliged to keep a constant watch on his
      words, lest, in an unguarded moment, he should betray his secret, the
      discovery of which would not be more injurious to his interests than fatal
      to his character? What must be the opinions of those who could believe
      that a man, who was for years, nay, even for months or weeks, habitually
      false on one subject which was dear to him, could be true on all others?
      Such an opinion was founded in utter ignorance of the human mind: false
      such a man was, and false he must be, until human nature became totally
      changed, or until men's opinions of each other were totally subverted.
      Thus the ballot would have but little efficiency, and that little would be
      purchased at a great price. Mr. O'Connell's motion was lost by a majority
      of three hundred and nineteen against thirteen; and the resolutions moved
      by Lord John Russell were afterwards negatived by two hundred and thirteen
      against one hundred and seventeen. These resolutions proposed to give
      members to large and manufacturing towns, and additional members to
      counties of great wealth and population. They also proposed to decrease
      the numbers of members for boroughs, giving to such boroughs compensation
      by means of a fixed sum to be paid annually for a certain number of years.
      Among the towns which were proposed to be comprehended were Macclesfield,
      Stockport, Cheltenham, Birmingham, Brighton, Whitehaven, Wolverhampton,
      Sunderland, Manchester, Bury, Bolton, Dudley, Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield,
      North and South Shields, and it was stated that the same principle would
      extend to the representation of such large cities as Edinburgh, Glasgow,
      and Belfast. But the time was not yet come when such an extensive reform
      as this could be entertained in the British parliament.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR REMOVING THE CIVIL DISABILITIES AFFECTING JEWS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      GEORGE IV. 1830&mdash;1831
    </p>
    <p>
      The only other measure affecting the constitution of the legislative body
      during this session was proposed by Mr. Grant, who moved for leave to
      bring in a bill to repeal the civil disabilities affecting British born
      subjects professing the Jewish religion. In support of this motion Mr.
      Grant narrated to the house the treatment which the Jews had received from
      the conquest down to the last century, when the act for naturalizing
      foreign Jews was repealed within a few months after it was passed, in
      consequence of the commotions excited by the measure. From that time, he
      said, nothing had been done respecting: the Jews; they had derived no
      benefit from the growing liberality of legislation; and were alone still
      placed beyond the pale of the constitution. They were excluded from
      practising law and physic, from holding any corporate office; and from
      being members of parliament. They might even be prevented from voting for
      members of parliament, if the oath were tendered to them. They were, also,
      subject to local grievances; for in the metropolis, at least, they could
      not obtain the freedom of any of the companies, nor exercise any retail
      trade. And yet they formed a community of peaceable and industrious
      persons. They were less stained with political offences than any other
      body of men; and by their wealth they added to the opulence of the
      country; and all they asked in return was to be admitted to the benefits
      of the constitution. The house had nothing to do but follow the example
      presented by the Catholic bill of last year. The introduction of the bill
      was opposed by Sir Robert Inglis and the chancellor of the exchequer, as
      inconsistent with what had been the constant practice of the legislature;
      namely, to protect Christianity under some of its forms in all their
      enactments. The proposition could only stand upon the principle that no
      regard should be paid to a man's religion. It would therefore apply to
      Turks and Mohammedans as well as to Jews; and it would only teach the
      people that parliament held Christianity a matter of indifference, though
      Christianity was bound up as part and parcel of the constitution. As for
      the Catholic relief bill, that was no precedent; there was a broad
      distinction between admitting to power in a Christian state, those who
      were sworn enemies to Christianity, and those who were Christians of
      different denominations. Jews were aliens in the popular and substantial
      sense; they had another country and an interest not merely distinct from,
      but hostile to that of the country which they might happen to inhabit. The
      solicitor-general said, that, according to the law of England, the Jews
      had no rights; for when they came back to this country at the Restoration,
      after being driven out, no law had passed giving them the rights of
      citizenship. But how did they stand at present? Their religion was
      protected; their children legitimate; and they had power to purchase land,
      and to transmit it to posterity. No man could doubt that Christianity was
      a part of the law of England; and this was to be borne in mind in
      legislating for those who were not Christians. The question is, "Will you
      put an end to all religious distinctions?" There could never be a thorough
      community between Christians and Jews; there was a marked line of
      distinction between them; a complete individuality in the Jewish
      character. The bill was supported by Sir James Mackintosh, Dr. Lushington,
      and Messrs. Macauley and Smith, on the ground that it was persecution to
      look at a man's religion when speaking of his fitness for civil rights;
      and that from the introduction of Jews, no danger was to be dreaded either
      to the constitution or to Christianity. To refuse the bill, it was said,
      after admitting Catholics, would be an absurd and inexplicable
      contradiction. On a division the motion for introducing the bill was
      carried by a majority of one hundred and fifteen against ninety-seven.
      Before the second reading came on several petitions were presented in
      favour of the bill, from London, Leeds, Liverpool, and other places, as
      well as from private individuals. On the second reading the usual topics
      in favour of it were enforced by Sir Robert Wilson, Lord John Russell, and
      Messrs. O'Connell, Brougham, and Huskisson. Sir Robert Peel&mdash;for the
      honourable secretary had now become a baronet by the death of his father&mdash;said
      that he would not go so far as to say that this bill would ûnchristianize
      the legislature; but its principle was clearly this, that every form and
      ceremony whatever, which gave an assurance of adherence to Christianity,
      should be abolished; and all who supported the bill must maintain that
      every man, whether a sectarian or infidel, would have a right to the same
      concession, though he could give no affirmation which would afford a
      security to the state. General Gascoyne moved as an amendment that the
      bill should be read a second time that day six months, and on a division
      this was carried by a majority of two hundred and twenty-eight against one
      hundred and sixty-five, and the bill was lost.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IN CASES OF FORGERY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of April Mr. Peel brought in a bill to alter the law in cases
      of forgery. The principal object of this bill was to abrogate partially
      the capital punishment which had so long been affixed to almost every
      branch of this offence. Thus he proposed to remit the capital punishment
      in all those cases where serious doubts attended its infliction, and where
      the complainants by due caution could have saved themselves&mdash;such as
      forging receipts for money, orders for the delivery of goods, forging
      stamps, uttering forged stamps, attempting to defraud by issuing forged
      orders for goods, the fabrication of the material of Bank of England
      paper, and forging deeds and bonds. Capital punishment was still retained
      in all forgeries of the great seal, privy seal, and sign-manual; in
      forgeries of wills, on the public funds, on bank or money notes, or orders
      for the payment of money; and, in a word, of all documents which represent
      money, and are negotiable and transferable for it. This bill did not meet
      with the views of a strong party in the house, who thought that the
      punishment of death should not be inflicted in any cases of forgery, nor
      extended to any offence short of murder. On the third reading of the bill,
      Sir James Mackintosh moved a clause repealing the punishment of death in
      all cases of forgery, except that of the forgery of wills. It also
      provided that any person against whom a conviction of forgery should pass
      should lie in prison, either with or without hard labour, at home for the
      space of fourteen years, or if sent abroad to a penal colony, should be
      transported for any term not exceeding that number of years. He further
      proposed to give, not only the power of inflicting either of these
      punishments, but also that of accumulating both whenever the circumstances
      of the case should be so atrocious as to deserve the greatest severity. He
      proposed, likewise, to vest a power in the crown, authorising it to treat
      all persons convicted of forgery in such a manner as would mark forgery as
      an offence of a blacker dye than any other which was not directed against
      life. Finally, to meet the objection that the importance of employing
      persons of education in the public service in new and remote colonies
      would lead, first to the pardon, and then to the employment in public
      situations of such persons convicted of forgery, he proposed to take away
      all power of remitting or relaxing the punishment of forgery, except by a
      representation to the king of the grounds on which it was proposed to
      remit it, and by a remission of it by the king at home. This clause was
      carried, and Mr. Peel thereupon relinquished all charge of the bill,
      hinting at the same time that the house would probably regret the decision
      to which it had come. On its introduction in the lords, therefore, the
      lord chancellor declared himself against so sweeping a repeal of the
      capital punishment, and moved that the bill should be restored to the
      state in which it had originally been introduced into the house of
      commons. His views were supported by Lords Tenterden, Wynford, and Eldon.
      The amendment of the lord chancellor was carried by a large majority; and
      although when the bill was returned to the commons those who supported Sir
      James Mackintosh's amendment complained that the lords had improperly
      treated them, the lord chancellor's amendment was finally agreed to, and
      the bill passed.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR AMENDING THE LAW OF LIBEL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In a previous article certain state prosecutions for libel have been
      noticed. These prosecutions, and the conduct of the attorney-general in
      promoting them, were brought before the house of commons by Sir Charles
      Wetherell, on a motion for copies of the proceedings on the three <i>ex
      officio</i> informations against the proprietor of a London newspaper. As
      the motion was merely for the production of papers, and the
      attorney-general was willing that the papers should be produced, there was
      no debate, but the general impression of the house seemed to be that the
      prosecutions were harsh and vindictive, and that Sir James Scarlett,
      notwithstanding his Whig education and opposition life, was inclined to be
      a very dictatorial attorney-general. Sir James attempted to recover the
      favour of the house by a bill to mitigate in some respects the laws of
      libel as they existed in what were called the Six Acts. By one of these
      acts it was provided that a second conviction for a seditious or
      blasphemous libel might be punished with transportation; and another set
      forth that every person who should publish a newspaper, or certain other
      publications, should first enter into a recognizance of three hundred
      pounds, with two sufficient securities, in the metropolis, or of two
      hundred pounds, if in the country. The object of this clause was to guard
      against the circulation of blasphemous and seditious libels, and to ensure
      a forthcoming fund, out of which their authors should pay the awarded
      penalty. By the bill now introduced the punishment for the second offence
      was to be repealed, and the securities demanded raised from three to four
      hundred pounds in London, and from two to three hundred pounds in the
      country. To the first of these propositions there was no objection; but a
      strenuous opposition was made to the second, to adopt which, it was said,
      would be imposing new shackles on the press. When the bill was in
      committee the clause was rejected on a motion by Lord Morpeth; but on the
      third reading, the attorney-general having collected a more numerous
      attendance of ministerial members, moved and carried its restoration.
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    <h2>
      ALTERATIONS IN COURTS OF JUSTICE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Committees of the house of commons, and the law-commissioners appointed by
      the crown, had recently found much to blame in the arrangements for the
      distribution of justice in Wales. In consequence of this an act was passed
      during the present session abolishing the separate system of Welsh
      judicature, and annexing the jurisdiction of the Welsh judges to that of
      the judges of England. By the same bill the number of puisne judges was
      increased from twelve to fifteen&mdash;a new one being added to each of
      the courts of king's bench, common pleas, and exchequer. In Scotland, on
      the other hand, while courts were abolished, the number of judges in the
      remaining court was diminished by the subtraction of two from its fifteen
      lords ordinary, or working judges, on whose ability to get through the
      work depends whether the eight other judges, who sit four and four in two
      courts of review, shall have judgments brought before them.
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    <h2>
      ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the sitting of parliament, business was interrupted by the illness
      of the king. His majesty's health had, indeed, for a considerable time
      been in a precarious state, but the first bulletin was not issued till the
      15th of April, when it was announced that he was labouring under a bilious
      attack, accompanied by an embarrassment of breathing. The disorder was
      subsequently ascertained to have been ossification of the vessels of the
      heart. The symptoms continued to vary, the patient enjoying temporary
      intervals of comparative ease; but they did not give way, and they brought
      with them such an accession of bodily debility as rendered painful even
      the slightest exertion.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO AUTHORISE THE ADHIBITING OF THE SIGN-MANUAL BY STAMP.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the illness of his majesty, on the 24th of May a message
      was sent down to both houses of parliament, stating that his majesty found
      it inconvenient and painful to sign with his own hand those public
      documents which required the sign-manual, and requesting the parliament to
      provide means for the temporary discharge of that function of the crown
      without detriment to the public service. A bill, therefore, was
      immediately passed, allowing the sign-manual to be adhibited by a stamp.
      Before the stamp could be affixed, a memorandum, describing its nature and
      its objects, signed by three privy-councillors, was to be endorsed upon
      the document. The stamp was then to be affixed in the presence of his
      majesty, by some person whom his majesty should command to do so by word
      of mouth. The presence of certain high officers of state was likewise
      required to attest what had been done; and the party affixing the stamp
      was to adjoin to the royal signature the words, "In his majesty's
      presence, and by his majesty's command," and subscribe the same with his
      own name. The bill was limited in its duration to the present session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE KING, AND ACCESSION OF THE DUKE OF CLARENCE, WILLIAM IV.
    </h2>
    <p>
      About the end of May a favourable turn of the disorder of his majesty gave
      rise to a hope of his recovery. This feeling, however, was soon dispersed,
      for the chest became affected, the lungs completely decayed, blood was
      mingled with the expectoration, and general debility rapidly ensued. His
      end was evidently near; and a short time before it took place his
      physicians intimated to his majesty that all further endeavours to avert
      the stroke of death would be unavailing. He calmly answered, "God's will
      be done," and subsequently received the sacrament from the hands of the
      Bishop of Chichester. Soon after his voice became faint and low, and for
      several days his words were scarcely articulated; his sleep also was
      broken and disturbed. At length, on the night of the 25th of June, the
      angel of death once more approached the palace of the kings of England. He
      had slept little during the evening, and from eleven to three was in a
      restless slumber, opening his eyes occasionally when the cough caused
      great pain. At three o'clock his majesty beckoned to the page in waiting
      to alter his position, and the couch, constructed for the purpose, was
      gently raised, and the sufferer lifted to his chair. At that moment,
      however, a blood-vessel burst, and his attendants hastened to apply the
      usual stimulants, and to call in the physicians. The royal patient himself
      perceived that his dissolution was at hand, and exclaimed, "O God, I am
      dying!" then in a few seconds he added, in a whisper scarcely audible,
      "This is death!" and when the physicians entered the apartment George IV.
      had ceased to breathe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The decease of the monarch had become so much an object of daily
      expectation, and for years he had lived so much retired from his people,
      that his death excited less sensation than commonly follows that of
      English monarchs. Moreover, George IV. was not one of the most popular
      monarchs in English history.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the decease of his majesty was known, his next brother, William
      Henry, Duke of Clarence, was proclaimed by the title of William IV. The
      new monarch in a short time rendered himself very popular by the plainness
      of his habits and manners, and by the condescension, or rather the
      familiarity of his intercourse with his people&mdash;qualities which
      rendered him more popular by a comparison with the secluded life of his
      predecessors. No immediate change took place in the government, for his
      majesty, after the usual oaths for the security of the church of Scotland,
      having signed the instruments requisite at the commencement of a new
      reign, re-appointed the judges and other great officers of the state to
      the places which had become vacant, and signified to the members of
      government that he desired to retain their services.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XL. (Continued)
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1830&mdash;1831
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Royal Message to Parliament..... Rupture between the
     Ministers and the Whigs..... Debates on the Question of
     Regency..... Prorogation and Dissolution of Parliament.....
     Formation   of Earl Grey's Administration..... Death of Mr.
     Huskisson..... State of foreign Nations.</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      ROYAL MESSAGE TO PARLIAMENT&mdash;RUPTURE BETWEEN THE MINISTERS AND
      WHIGS-DEBATES ON THE QUESTION OF THE REGENCY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 29th of June the new king sent down a message to parliament, in
      which he paid a tribute of respect to his deceased brother, and requested
      the commons to make temporary provision for the public service preparatory
      to the dissolution of parliament, which would speedily take place
      according to constitutional usage. An address, in answer to that part of
      the message relating to the death of the late monarch, was immediately
      moved by the Duke of Wellington in the upper, and by Sir Robert Peel in
      the lower house, in the terms of which all parties expressed their hearty
      concurrence. This harmony, however, did not long prevail. The Whigs had
      become uneasy because the session had passed away without bringing them
      into closer contact with ministers; and this uneasiness increased when
      they saw a new reign commencing, and a new parliament about to be chosen,
      without any invitation given, or hope held out to them. The time, they
      conceived, had arrived, when it became necessary, if they hoped to
      participate in the sweets of office, again to try their strength. They did
      this on the following day, when the remaining parts of the speech were
      taken into consideration. The king had recommended that parliament should
      make provision for carrying on the public service. The Whigs insisted that
      parliament should continue to sit until a bill be carried through,
      appointing a regency in case the new king should die before the new
      parliament could meet&mdash;the heir-presumptive, the infant of the late
      Duke of Kent, being a minor. Accordingly, the ministers having moved in
      both houses an address simply noting that they would make the temporary
      provision recommended in the royal message, Earl Grey in the lords, and
      Lord Althorp in the commons, moved as an amendment, that the consideration
      of the address should be postponed to the following day. They objected,
      generally, to the dissolution of parliament, when so many important bills
      were pending; and insisted more specifically on the necessity of providing
      for a possible demise of the crown during the interval which must elapse
      before a new parliament could assemble. They argued that the only
      inconvenience that could occur was that of sitting a month longer, and
      they asked why they should not sit, when so imperative a duty required it.
      The matter, at all events, was so important as to make it reasonable that
      parliament should have twenty-four hours more deliberation how to address
      the crown. Ministers replied, that the importance of the question, the
      difficulties which would arise in the course of it, and the caution with
      which every part of it must be considered, were the strongest possible
      reasons for not hurrying it through at the end of a session, when members
      of the lower house would be thinking much more of the elections for the
      next parliament than the business of the present. There was, moreover, no
      present necessity, they said, for this weighty arrangement, as there was
      no prospect of danger from the king's health. Earl Grey had himself said,
      it was urged, that his majesty's strong constitution and temperate habits
      gave promise of a long reign. While the inconvenience, then, was positive
      and present, the danger was imaginary and remote. It was in vain to say
      that the object was to gain twenty-four hours' deliberation. "If the
      motion is agreed to," said the Duke of Wellington, "it will be viewed as a
      complete defeat of ministers." Lord Grey declared that the <i>bona fide</i>
      intention of his motion was to obtain a day's delay, in the hope that the
      crown might thereby be induced to come forward itself with a
      recommendation to parliament to consider the question of the regency; and
      the Duke of Wellington remarked that he believed him. But his grace was
      right in suspecting that, whatever the mover's object might be, the result
      was to end in a trial of strength. The discussion, in truth, opened his
      eyes to the fact that all parties but his own were determined to oppose
      him: Lords Harrowby, Winchelsea, and Eldon, the Duke of Richmond, the
      Marquis of Londonderry, Earl Mansfield, and Lord Wharncliffe, one after
      another, stated their determination to vote for the amendment; even Lord
      Goderich himself expressed similar sentiments. On discovering this,
      ministers and their friends lost their temper, and railed against the
      "unnatural coalition" which, the said, was now shown to have taken place
      between parties opposed to each other in principle. Earl Grey, in reply,
      assured the house that he had never either felt or expressed confidence in
      the government. They had done well in carrying the Catholic Relief bill;
      they had received all the political and personal support he could give;
      and that support he could not but feel was of some benefit to the cause;
      but he claimed no gratitude for what he had done; and, on the other hand,
      he had none. As to general confidence in the present cabinet, he never
      entertained such an idea. His public declarations must be known to some of
      their lordships, and he was certain that, in private, he had often made
      the same statements. He had repeatedly expressed his belief of the
      incapacity of ministers, and therefore he could not have any confidence in
      them. On a division, ministers had a majority of one hundred against
      fifty-six; but the debate was a declaration of war; and it became evident
      that their scheme of government, by balancing and trimming their measures,
      so as to secure the aid of one section of those who trusted them not,
      against another, was now at an end.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, the language was still more vehement and bitter.
      The amendment was supported by Messrs. Brougham, Wynn, and Huskisson, Sir
      Charles Wetherell, and Lord John Russell. Sir Robert Peel had the
      mortification of receiving a lecture on the subject of consistency from
      Mr. Huskisson. On a division, the amendment was lost by a majority of one
      hundred and eighty-five against one hundred and thirty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by the king in person on the 28rd of July. In his
      speech he thanked both houses for their expressions of sympathy and
      affectionate attachment, conveyed to him on the demise of his lamented
      brother, and on his accession; and said that he ascended the throne with a
      deep sense of the sacred duties which devolved upon him, and with a humble
      and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that he would prosper his anxious
      endeavours to promote the happiness of a free and loyal people. His
      majesty referred to the Catholic Relief bill, expressing a hope that it
      would put an end to religious feuds; and declaring that he was determined
      to support the Protestant religion as by law established. On the next day
      parliament was dissolved by proclamation, and writs were ordered to be
      issued for the election of a new one, returnable on the 14th of September.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session just closed had broken up the alliance which enabled ministers
      to retain office; and as this alliance, whilst it lasted, seemed to widen
      the breach between them and their ancient friends, they were destined, in
      the ensuing elections, to meet with a formidable opposition. To oust the
      ministry was the avowed object of the Whigs, and whoever professed the
      same object was their friend. The hostility of the Tories rested on
      different grounds from that of the Whigs, but it was equally formidable.
      The ministry, therefore, was forced to an election in face of the combined
      opposition of the two parties&mdash;by playing off one of which against
      the other it had flattered itself with being able to retain its power. Yet
      the opposition was not stated on any special ground. The manifestoes of
      the Whigs attacked it on the ground of incapacity; but in what they were
      incapable was not shown. The Duke of Wellington was said by them to be a
      domineering soldier, unfitted to conduct alone the government of the
      nation, yet determined to surround himself with men of mean capacity and
      dependent spirit, who would act as the unreflecting instruments of his
      will. Such were the views put forth by the Whigs, and though the offended
      Tories did not deliberately act in union with them, yet their influence
      operated in the same direction&mdash;namely, to overthrow the ministry.
      This general spirit of opposition suddenly gained an addition of strength
      by a revolution in France. The ministers of Charles X., discovering that
      the new elections increased the number of their opponents, broke through
      the fences of the constitution, with a determination to establish a
      species of Prussian government, in which the material interests of the
      people should dominate over those that are intellectual and political. A
      royal ordinance abolished the liberty of the press; cancelled the existing
      system of representation; and fashioned for the kingdom a new system of
      election, which would produce a chamber of deputies more subservient to
      the royal will. Paris rose in arms against these decrees, and the rabble
      overcame the troops. Charles X. and his descendants were then excluded
      from the throne by the deputies then in Paris, and the French crown was
      presented by them at the same time to the Duke of Orleans. This revolution
      in France was followed by another in Belgium, where a national congress
      declared Belgium an independent state, excluded the house of Orange from
      the throne, and set themselves about the election of a new king. These
      events were hailed in England by the Whigs with applause, as the dawning
      of a new and glorious era in the history of man. Public meetings were held
      to pass resolutions commending the spirit with which the Parisians had
      shaken off encroaching despotism, and deputations were sent to
      congratulate them on their triumph. The people of England were especially
      called on to remark how little they had to fear from military power, since
      the citizens of Paris and Brussels had been able to set it at defiance. It
      was also stated that they were clearly entitled to be heard in the
      government, since it was in their power to make the government what they
      chose. The excitement produced by these events, indeed, acted in the
      elections very unfavourably to ministers; and it had also the effect of
      bringing forward the question of parliamentary reform in a much more
      prominent and remarkable shape than it had yet assumed. The force of
      example was now added to the existing motives for change, and the notion
      of transferring the privileges of a corrupt borough to an unrepresented
      place, or giving the elective franchise to a populous town, was discarded.
      A wild and indiscriminating change was abroad. Meetings, petitions, and
      addresses were got up on every hand, advocating extensive alterations in
      our representative system, all of which, however vague and indeterminate
      in their respective conditions, tended to confer the elective rights on a
      much larger proportion of the people than had hitherto enjoyed them.
      Threats were even uttered that a refusal of these rights would lead to a
      general convulsion, in which the privileged orders might possibly be
      forced to yield more than was required. As a natural consequence of these
      menaces and demands, disturbances took place throughout the country.
      Lurking incendiaries wreaked their vengeance on property, the destruction
      of which only tended to aggravate the prevailing distress. Night after
      night they lighted up conflagrations, by which a large quantity of grain,
      and even of live stock, was consumed. Bands of men, also, still more
      daring than the incendiary, attacked machinery of all kinds, particularly
      thrashing machines, the use of which became so unpopular that
      insurance-offices refused a policy to those who kept them on their
      premises. The military force was increased in the disturbed counties, and
      a proclamation was issued, offering a reward of five hundred pounds for
      the conviction of an incendiary. A special commission, also, was ordered
      to proceed into those counties where the outrages were committed. The
      first offenders that were seized, being tried before county magistrates,
      met with lenity, from commiseration for their starving condition. But this
      only increased the evil; and, therefore, the government resolved to quell
      the riotous proceedings by the strong arm of the law. They were aided in
      this work by the yeomanry and fanners, who, mounting their horses and
      scouring the country, aided the civil officers in the discovery and
      apprehension of offenders.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was under these gloomy circumstances that, on the 26th of October, the
      new parliament met for the dispatch of business. The meeting of parliament
      found parties precisely as they had been at the dissolution, with this
      difference, that all the elements of opposition had acquired new vigour by
      the course of events, while new topics had sprung up, on which it would be
      forced to make a trial of strength. It appeared certain that the question
      of reform would speedily be brought forward; and the ministers may have
      hoped that such a discussion would restore to their ranks their former
      adherents. The session opened in reality on the 2nd of November, the
      intervening days being occupied in swearing in members, and in the
      reelection of Mr. Manners Sutton as speaker. The king attended on that day
      in person. In his speech his majesty alluded to the important events which
      had occurred on the continent; to the continuance of his diplomatic
      relations with the new French dynasty; to the endeavours he was making to
      restore tranquillity in the Netherlands; to the maintenance of those
      general treaties by which the political system of Europe had been
      established; and to the hope of renewing his diplomatic relations with
      Portugal, because the government of that country had determined to perform
      a great act of justice and humanity by the grant of a general amnesty. The
      remainder of his majesty's address referred to the estimates, the
      expiration of the civil list on the demise of his late brother, and his
      own dependence upon the generosity and loyalty of the house and the
      country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The usual addresses were carried in both houses, though not without signs
      of opposition to ministers on the subjects of reform and retrenchment.
      Earl Grey, in allusion to that part of the address which spoke of the
      proceedings in Belgium as a revolt against an enlightened government, and
      expressed our determination to maintain in regard to it those general
      treaties by which the political system of Europe had been fixed, said,
      that all this sounded like threatened interference, while our principle
      should have been, as in the case of France, non-interference. He could not
      conceive why we should be bound by treaties to interfere between Holland
      and the Low Countries. We ought to learn wisdom from what had passed
      before our eyes; and when the spirit of liberty was breaking out all
      around, it was our duty to secure our own institutions by introducing into
      them a temperate reform. Unless we did so, he was persuaded that we must
      make up our minds to witness the destruction of the constitution. He had
      been a reformer all his life; but at no period had he been inclined to go
      further than he would be prepared to go now, if the opportunity offered.
      He did not found this on abstract right. It was said that every man who
      paid taxes, nay, that every man arrived at years of discretion, had a
      right to vote for representatives. He denied this. The right of the people
      was to have a good government, one calculated to secure their privileges
      and happiness; and if that was incompatible with universal suffrage, then
      the limitation, and not the extension, was the true right of the people.
      In reply to Earl Grey on this subject, the Duke of Wellington went beyond
      his usual prudence and reserve. He remarked:&mdash;"The noble earl has
      alluded to something in the shape of a parliamentary reform; but he has
      been candid enough to acknowledge that he is not prepared with any measure
      of reform. I have as little scruple to say, that his majesty's government
      is as totally unprepared as the noble lord. Nay, on my part I will go
      further, and say, that I have never read or heard of any measure, up to
      the present moment, which could in any degree satisfy my mind that the
      state of the representation could be improved, or be rendered more
      satisfactory to the country at large than at the present moment. I will
      not, however, at such an unseasonable time enter upon the subject, or
      excite discussion; but I shall not hesitate to declare unequivocally what
      are my sentiments upon it. I am fully convinced that the country possesses
      at the present moment a legislature which answers all the good purposes of
      legislation, and this to a greater degree than any legislature ever has
      answered in any country whatever. I will go further, and say, that the
      legislature and the system of representation possess the full and entire
      confidence of the country&mdash;deservedly possess that confidence; and
      the discussions in the legislature have a very great influence over the
      opinions of the country. I will go still further, and say, that if at the
      present moment I had imposed upon me the duty of forming a legislature for
      a country like this, in possession of great property of various
      descriptions, I do not mean to assert that I would form such a legislature
      as we possess now, for the nature of man is incapable of reaching it at
      once; but my great endeavour would be to form some description of the
      legislature which would produce the same results. The representation of
      the people at present contains a large body of the property of the
      country, in which the landed interest have a predominating influence.
      Under these circumstances I am not prepared to bring forward any measure
      of the description alluded to by the noble lord. I am not only not
      prepared to bring forward any measure of this nature, but I will at once
      declare that, as far as I am concerned, as long as I hold any station in
      the government of the country, I shall always feel it my duty to resist
      such measures when proposed by others."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons Mr. Brougham did not wait even till the address
      was moved before he gave notice that, on the 16th, he would submit a
      distinct proposition for a change in the representation. Sir Robert Peel
      professed that he saw difficulties about the question which he was by no
      means prepared to encounter. He wished, nevertheless, to say nothing then
      which might prevent discussion hereafter, or interfere with its advance
      towards a satisfactory termination. These declarations of ministers spread
      widely the flames of discontent, which had already been kindled against
      government; and the consequences appeared in formidable combinations, both
      in and out of parliament, to embarrass ministers, and thwart their
      measures.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING THEIR MAJESTIES' VISIT TO LONDON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The embarrassment to which ministers were exposed was greatly increased by
      a domestic occurrence. Some time before the meeting of parliament the king
      and queen had promised to honour the lord-mayor's feast at Guildhall with
      their presence: great preparations had been made by the citizens on the
      approach of that civic festival, and all London was on tip-toe expectation
      of the splendid procession. On the 7th of November, however, all their
      expectations were disappointed: the lord-mayor received a note from the
      home-secretary, stating that his majesty had resolved, by the persuasion
      of his ministry, to postpone his visit to a future opportunity, because,
      from information recently received, "there was reason to apprehend that,
      notwithstanding the devoted loyalty and affection borne to his majesty by
      the citizens of London, advantage would be taken of an occasion which must
      necessarily assemble a vast number of persons by night to create tumult
      and confusion, and thereby to endanger the property and lives of his
      majesty's subjects; and it would be a source of deep and lasting concern
      to their majesties were any calamity to occur on the occasion of their
      visit to the city of London." This announcement filled the metropolis with
      doubt and alarm. Men conceived that some atrocious conspiracy had come to
      light&mdash;that a new gunpowder-plot had been discovered&mdash;and that
      the crisis of the constitution and of the country had arrived. The funds
      fell three per cent.; and in the country every man expected that the next
      mail would bring intelligence that London was in a state of insurrection.
      All, however, remained calm; and ministers were naturally called upon to
      explain the grounds on which they had acted. It appeared that the
      principal foundation of their proceedings was a note from some person in
      private life, stating that he was apprehensive the Duke of Wellington
      would not be very favourably received. Mr. John Key, lord-mayor elect,
      wrote to his grace informing him that "in London, as well as in the
      country, there was a set of desperate characters," fond of every
      opportunity of producing confusion, and that, according to information
      received by him, some of these desperadoes intended to make an attack on
      his grace's person on his approach to the hall; and, therefore, suggesting
      that his grace should come strongly and sufficiently guarded. The Duke of
      Wellington stated in the house of lords, and Sir Robert Peel in the
      commons, that on receiving this letter it was considered an imperative
      duty to recommend to his majesty the postponement of his visit to a future
      occasion. "But, besides the letter of the lord-mayor elect to the Duke of
      Wellington," remarked Sir Robert, "information had been received that an
      attack was to be made on his house in the course of the night, when the
      police were at a distance, under the pretence of calling for lights to
      illuminate. Any such attack must be accompanied by riot; and the attempt
      to suppress such riot by force, when the streets were filled with women
      and children, must be accompanied by consequences which all of us must
      lament. That, however, is only one of the causes which I have for
      believing in the possibility of such an attempt at riot taking place.
      Every one is aware that there exists in the public mind considerable
      excitement against those authorities which have been appointed, under the
      sanction of the house, to maintain the public peace&mdash;I allude of
      course to the body which is known by the name of the new police." In the
      course of Saturday and Sunday the most industrious attempts were made in
      various quarters to inflame the public mind against the new police.
      Thousands of printed handbills were circulated for the purpose of inciting
      the people against that portion of the civil force which is entrusted with
      the preservation of the public tranquillity. These were not written papers
      drawn up by illiterate persons, and casually dropped in the streets, but
      printed handbills, not ill adapted to the mischievous purposes which they
      were intended to answer. After reading some of these missives, Sir Robert
      continued:&mdash;"Now, after hearing the inflammatory language of the
      bills, I call upon the house to consider how great the likelihood is that,
      after the police had returned to their ordinary duties in their respective
      portions of the town, a desperate attack would have been made upon them.
      If it were made, it would of course be resisted by the civil force; if the
      civil force were insufficient to repel it, military aid would be called
      in; and then on that night of general festivity and rejoicing, in the
      midst of crowds of unsuspecting men, women, and children, there might be
      resistance, and if resistance bloodshed, occasioned by the necessity of
      supporting civil authorities." In reply, Mr. Brougham observed that, so
      far as the statement made did not proceed on the unpopularity of the Duke
      of Wellington, it amounted simply to this&mdash;that it was a bad thing to
      have a large assembly on the 9th of November; and for this reason, that
      though nine hundred and ninety-nine men out of one thousand might be
      peaceable and loyally disposed, yet the odd units, the few who were
      riotously inclined, might put out the lights in the streets, might involve
      the town in darkness, and might afterwards commence a scene of riot and
      confusion which could not end without bloodshed. If this were any objection
      to his majesty's attendance at the civic festival, it was not an objection
      to which the course of events had suddenly given birth within the last two
      or three days. Every one must have known that such an event as the visit
      of his majesty to the city of London must, from its rarity, collect
      thousands, if not myriads, to witness it; so that any accident to which
      the metropolis was exposed at present, from the collection of a large mass
      of people together, must have been as palpable a month ago as at the
      present moment. In the course of his speech Mr. Brougham contrasted with
      severity the popularity of the king with the hostility exhibited towards
      the premier.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      MAJORITY AGAINST MINISTERS FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE CIVIL LIST.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was now obvious that the duke's administration had received a shock
      from which it could not recover. The opposition made a final and
      successful attack upon it on the 15th of November, when the chancellor of
      the exchequer stated to the house his arrangement for the civil list,
      which he proposed to raise to the annual sum of £970,000. They insisted
      that government in many of its departments was extravagant, and, above
      all, that the portion which was incurred on the personal account of the
      monarch ought to be kept apart from every other item. Sir Henry Parnell
      moved, "That a select committee be appointed to take into consideration
      the estimates and accounts, presented by command of his majesty, regarding
      the civil list." The debate on this proposition was brief. Messrs.
      Calcraft and Hemes, both members of government, opposed the motion,
      chiefly on the ground that it had never been customary to submit the civil
      list to a committee, and that retrenchment and simplification had been
      earned as far as was practicable or prudent. The motion was supported by
      Lord Althorp and Messrs. Bankes, Wynn, and Holme Sumner, three of which
      members would in other times have been loath to lend their votes to unseat
      a Tory ministry; and on a division there appeared a majority in its favour
      of two hundred and thirty-three against two hundred and four, thus
      defeating ministers. The consequence of this vote was that on the next day
      the Duke of Wellington in the lords, and Sir Robert Peel in the commons,
      announced that they had tendered, and his majesty had accepted, their
      resignations, and that they continued to hold their offices only until
      successors should be appointed. They afterwards declared that they came to
      the resolution not so much on account of the vote on the civil list as
      from anticipation of the result of a division on Mr. Brougham's
      proposition for reform, which stood for the day on which this announcement
      was made. But if the civil list question had not been deemed important
      enough to justify a resignation, the majority that decided it showed a
      settled and stern system of opposition, which must have convinced
      ministers that they could no longer rule the country. At the request of
      his friends, Mr. Brougham postponed his motion for reform till the 25th of
      November, professing to do so with reluctance, "because he could not
      possibly be affected by any change in administration." He pledged himself
      to bring forward his motion on the day appointed, whoever might be his
      majesty's ministers. He repeated the same declaration on a motion made by
      Sir M. W. Ridley to postpone the consideration of election petitions till
      after Christmas; but two days afterwards Mr. Brougham was gazetted as lord
      high chancellor of Great Britain with a peerage.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FORMATION OF EARL GREY'S ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1830&mdash;1831
    </p>
    <p>
      The Tories had lent their votes to displace the ministry, but they had
      formed no plan, and taken no steps, to ensure to themselves any share in
      the succession. Earl Grey was authorised by the king to form a new
      administration, of which he himself should be the head; and his lordship
      accepted the office on condition that he should have authority to make
      parliamentary reform a cabinet measure. The ministry was formed in about a
      week, and it consisted of Whigs, and of those who had been formerly
      adherents of Messrs. Canning and Huskisson, and who had held office with
      the leading members of the displaced administration. The greatest
      difficulty lay in managing Mr. Brougham, who had just declared that no
      change could affect him, by which it was found he meant that no change
      would bring him the offer of an office sufficiently high for his ambition.
      Earl Grey was afraid to leave him neglected or discontented in the lower
      house, and the honourable gentleman was determined not to sacrifice his
      importance in that home for any subordinate office. The negotiation ended
      in Mr. Brougham being made lord-chancellor&mdash;a striking instance of
      the most important judicial functions in the empire being entrusted, as
      the reward of merely political services, to a man who possessed splendid
      talents, but who was unprovided with judicial learning, and, above all,
      destitute of habits and capacity in judicial thinking. No man pitied the
      fate of Sir James Scarlett, but many thought the Irish chancellor, Sir
      Anthony Hart, who had stood impartially between contending parties,
      harshly treated in being made to resign for Lord Plunkett&mdash;the new
      premier considering it necessary to have an Irish chancellor whom he could
      fully trust and employ in Irish politics. The Duke of Richmond was the
      only leading member of the old Tory party who entered the new cabinet, and
      he became postmaster-general. The other members of government were as
      follows:&mdash;Lord Althorp was appointed to lead the house of commons as
      chancellor of the exchequer; the offices of home, foreign, and colonial
      secretaries were given respectively to Lords Melbourne, Palmerston, and
      Goderich; Sir James Graham was made first lord of the admiralty; Lord
      Lansdowne became president of the council, and Lord Durham privy seal;
      Messrs. Denman and Home were attorney and solicitors general; Lord Hill
      was commander-in-chief; Lord Auckland, president of the board of trade,
      and Mr. C. Grant, of the board of control; Lord Holland, chancellor of the
      duchy of Lancaster; the Duke of Devonshire, lord chamberlain; the
      honourable Agar Ellis, chief commissioner of the woods and forests; Mr. E.
      Grant, judge-advocate; Lord John Eussell, paymaster of the forces; Mr.
      Poulett Thompson, vice-president of the board of trade and treasurer of
      the navy; Sir Edward Paget and Sir Robert Spencer, master and
      surveyor-general of the board of ordnance; Mr. C. W. Wynne, secretary at
      war; and Messrs. Ellice and Spring Rice appointed joint secretaries of the
      treasury. In Scotland there were no offices liable to change except those
      of the lord-advocate and the solicitor-general, the former of which was
      given to Mr. Jeffrey, and the latter to Mr. Cockbum, both of them
      long-tried friends of the lord-chancellor, and at the head of their
      profession. Ireland received, as its chief governor, the Marquis of
      Anglesea, with Mr. Stanley as secretary, Lord Plunkett as chancellor, and
      Mr. Pennefather, attorney-general. It was necessary that the new
      ministers, who had vacated their seats by taking office, should be
      reelected, and this afforded an opportunity to the radical party of
      showing their strength. Thus Mr. Stanley was defeated at Preston by the
      notorious democrat, Plenry Hunt. After the new ministry had secured seats,
      no business of importance was transacted during the remainder of the year,
      except the passing of a regency bill in conformity with the recommendation
      in the speech from the throne. This bill had been introduced into the
      house of lords on the day when the fate of the late cabinet was sealed in
      the commons. It provided that in the event of a posthumous child of the
      present queen, her majesty should be guardian and regent of the kingdom;
      and that if such an event did not occur, then the Duchess of Kent was to
      be guardian and regent during the minority of her daughter, the Princess
      Victoria, the heir-presumptive. The princess herself was not to marry
      while a minor without the consent of the king, or, if he died, without the
      consent of both houses of parliament; and the regency was to be at an end
      if the Duchess of Kent, while regent, married a foreigner. A select
      committee was appointed on the 9th of December to inquire what reduction
      could be made in the salaries and emoluments of offices held during the
      pleasure of the crown by members of either house of parliament, and to
      report their opinion and observations thereupon to the house. On the 23rd
      both houses adjourned to the 3rd of February&mdash;ministers declaring
      that a long adjournment was necessary, in order to enable them to prepare
      the different measures which they intended submitting to parliament,
      especially that plan of reform to which they had pledged themselves on
      accepting office, and by which alone they could hope to retain it.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF MR. HUSKISSON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the most interesting events of this year may be reckoned the opening
      of the Liverpool and Manchester railway. It was, however, attended by a
      lamentable catastrophe. Mr. Huskisson, as one of the members for
      Liverpool, accompanied the Duke of Wellington in the procession; and,
      neglecting the caution given to visitors against leaving the carriages, he
      was knocked down by one of the returning engines, and his leg was so
      dreadfully crushed, that amputation could not be performed. He died of
      that disorder called tetanus, which commonly occurs after extensive
      lacerated wounds. His character is recorded in the previous pages of this
      history.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF FOREIGN NATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The revolutions in France and Belgium have already been noticed. The
      spirit of insurrection displayed in these countries extended itself to
      Leipsic, Dresden, Hesse-Cassel, Hamburgh, Berne, Basle, and Poland. In
      this latter country, however, the insurrection did not arise from civil
      discord, or political machinations, but rather from the harsh and
      insulting proceedings of Duke Constantine, its viceroy. It was a light to
      guide and warm a noble people to attempt their national redemption from
      the hand of a foreign and tyrannical master. A contest took place in the
      streets of Warsaw, between the people and the Russian troops, and the
      latter were expelled the city. Subsequently the grand duke was obliged to
      retire from the frontier, but not till it had been represented to him that
      it was the universal wish of the nation that the constitution should be
      carried into complete execution; that the promise of Alexander should be
      fulfilled, of incorporating with Poland its ancient provinces now under
      the dominion of Russia; but that no demands pointed to the dethronement of
      the emperor as their king, in whose name all the changes lately made in
      the government had been effected. The Poles, however, being doubtful in
      what light Nicholas, Emperor of Eussia would regard their proceedings,
      prepared for resistance, should he be determined to treat them as rebels.
      General Klopicki was named commander-in-chief of the army, and he soon
      found himself at the head of a powerful force. All the Polish regiments
      joined the cause of the people; but, divided and mutilated as Poland was,
      it seemed a hopeless prospect for a portion of it to engage in a struggle
      with the gigantic power of Russia. Fears were also entertained&mdash;and
      they were too soon realised&mdash;that Austria and Prussia, in fear for
      their plunder, would be adverse to its cause. Notwithstanding, the Poles
      made themselves ready for the contest with stout hearts. To secure energy
      and promptitude in their measures, they invested Klopicki, after the
      manner of the Romans of old, with dictatorial power. But even in assuming
      this office, which was to endure till the chambers of the diet, which were
      convoked for the 18th of December, could be assembled, the dictator
      disclaimed any design on the part of Poland of throwing off its king, or
      of demanding anything more than to enjoy under that king, an independent
      national existence, with the free constitution which had been promised.
      "The Poles," said Klopicki, "know how to be faithful; and when all Europe
      abandoned him before whose victorious eagles the nations had prostrated
      themselves, the Polish battalions, firm in the hour of reverses, never
      ceased till the last moment to range themselves round the fallen
      conqueror. But in the present instance the power of evil had overstepped
      all bounds; it was impossible to convey the language of truth to the head
      of the state; flatterers, greedy of reward and prodigal of calumnies, gave
      us every day new chains instead of liberty. Never was insurrection more
      legitimate. No; the king himself will be forced to admit the justice of
      our cause, when he comes to know the extent to which he was abused." But
      what could the unhappy Poles have expected from the mercy of the haughty
      autocrat Nicholas? They sent two commissioners to St. Petersburg, in order
      to attempt to arrange some terms of compromise; but the emperor refused to
      listen to their representations, and issued proclamations in which he
      threatened to inflict on the Poles the most severe punishment for what he
      called "their horrid treason." The year closed with a storm thickly
      gathering over the unhappy country of Poland.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Spain, Ferdinand deeply offended the Carlists by his abolition of the
      salique law in favour of the child, if it should be a female, with which
      his queen was pregnant, and thus gave rise to a war which long desolated
      the northern provinces of Spain, as well as to the quadripartite treaty,
      under which it was hoped that the country might enjoy the blessings of a
      constitutional government. When the infant was born, it proved to be a
      daughter, and the nation was called upon to proclaim Don Carlos
      immediately. A civil war commenced; but the Carlists were at the close of
      the year so far subdued as to leave the government in apparent security.
      In Portugal, Don Miguel, still cut off from direct communication with
      European sovereigns, except his brother of Spain, continued, by means of
      special commissions, to take vengeance on those of his subjects suspected
      of political delinquencies, and to supply his wants by the confiscation of
      their property. Blood had, it is true, ceased to flow; but a more terrible
      and lingering destruction was ensured to his victims by their deportation
      to servitude in the African settlements. In the beginning of the year
      about fifty persons, whose only offence was that of being suspected of
      being malcontents, were shipped off for Angola. These unhappy men, though
      of good families, and respectable characters, were chained up with the
      most abandoned ruffians, robbers, and assassins, and doomed to the same
      punishment. In the middle passage, they were even stowed away in the
      smallest compass possible, like the slaves of Africa, while the best
      places were assigned to the malefactors; magistrates, members of the
      cortes, and other reputable persons occupied the most deadly and
      pestilential berths. Out of respect for their former situation in life,
      and pity for their present sufferings, they were for some time spared the
      fatigues of hard labours; but the superintendent soon received orders to
      discontinue this lenity. Nor were the political prisoners confined in the
      dungeons at Lisbon much better treated. They could scarcely obtain trials,
      and when declared innocent, they could not gain their liberty. The
      treatment they received may be seen from a petition which those confined
      in the castle of St. Julian presented to Miguel against their jailer:&mdash;"The
      prisoners of the tower of St. Julian have been lodged in the worst cells,
      subterraneous, dark, exposed to rain and all weathers, and so damp that it
      has frequently been necessary to strew the ground with furze, to enable
      them to walk on it. They have occupied apartments only nine yards long and
      three yards wide; and these being crowded, the temperature has been raised
      to such a degree as to cause cutaneous eruptions, and other complaints.
      Among these sufferers are the Spanish bishop, Dr. Diego Munoiz Torrero,
      Doru. Ant. Pinho, and J. Ant. Cansado, these latter being already declared
      innocent by the commissioners. In one of these cells a complete inundation
      has occurred more than once, leaving a continual dampness, and causing a
      consequent deterioration of health. Besides this dreadful state, sir, the
      governor has ordered the windows to be closed, to shut out the few spans
      of light of the heavens, and the fresh air, the only remaining part of it
      being from the fissures of the door, whereto the prisoners apply in turn
      their mouths, to breathe particles of that air which the Almighty spreads
      so unsparingly to all animals and living beings. Another cell, called the
      principal one, from below, is also inhabited, and so dark that, let the
      sun be as brilliant as possible, six lights will not suffice to lighten
      it, being twenty steps below the surface of the ground. Such, sir, has
      been the habitations of your prisoners, not for the space of a few days,
      but for eighteen, twenty, and twenty-three months; whereas several other
      better cells are occupied by only three or four prisoners." The petition
      further stated that the food given to them was of the most revolting kind;
      and that those who were sick were thrust into solitary confinement, in
      dungeons without light, without water, food, or bed, and filled with
      vermin. But the heart of Miguel was steeled against this petition. It was
      in vain that complaints were poured into his ears; nor did the death of
      his mother, who had been blamed for much of this cruelty, and who this
      year was called to her account at the bar of an offended Maker, make any
      change in the proceedings of a disposition which her maxims had deadened
      to the voice of mercy. Earl Grey, on assuming the reins of government,
      very properly refused to make an alliance with such an infamous usurper;
      notwithstanding, he was blamed for this line of policy by the members of
      the late administration. Towards the close of the year, indeed, there were
      signs of a rupture between the two countries. Part of the Portuguese navy
      was employed in an attempt to blockade Terceira, where the regency, in the
      name of the young queen, was still ruling. Miguel made the non-success of
      these vessels a pretext for seizing some English ships; and threats from
      the government were resorted to before he would give up the pretended
      prizes to their owners. Then the usurper relinquished his prey, and war
      was averted.
    </p>
    <p>
      The administration of Greece, during the present year, remained in the
      hands of Capo d'Istrias and his partisans. The allied powers, however,
      were occupied in attempting to make arrangements for the permanent
      settlement of its government. The crown was tendered by them to Prince
      John of Saxony, who declined it. Several candidates were then passed over
      in favour of the pretensions of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and the
      sovereignty was unanimously offered to him; but, though he had been once
      anxious for the prize, he also finally rejected it. The causes of his
      rejection of it were these:&mdash;Early in the year the prince wrote to
      Capo d'Istrias to announce his acceptance of the sovereignty, and to
      communicate to the Greek community the efforts he had made, and was still
      making, to obtain from the allied sovereigns as many advantages as
      possible for the new state. The count, however, did not like the idea of
      relinquishing his power; and he transmitted letters and documents
      expatiating on a variety of objections to the arrangements of the allies,
      and on the dissatisfaction which they had produced throughout Greece.
      These letters and documents excited the apprehensions of the prince; and
      the horrors of an embarrassed administration, and of discontented, unruly
      subjects, prevailed over the glittering radiance of a crown. At the same
      time the illness of George IV., which was likely to terminate fatally,
      opened to him new prospects. The question, therefore, regarding the new
      boundaries of the kingdom, and the separation of Candia from its
      territory, formed a ready pretext for his rejection of the offer. The
      three allied courts endeavoured to change his determination; but their
      efforts were unsuccessful; he definitely declined the crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the revolution of July, the French government had sent a powerful
      fleet and army, under the command of General Bourmont, against the dey of
      Algiers. Bourmont was successful; the dey capitulated, and retired to
      Naples, leaving the head of the piratical states in the hands of the
      conquerors. The expedition was principally undertaken to obtain the glory
      of a military exploit which had baffled the most powerful nations of
      Europe, and of thus creating popularity for the despotic ministers of
      Charles X. But no exploit could raise them in the estimation of the
      people; monarch and statesmen alike were overthrown; and when the
      expatriated dey heard of the event, he exclaimed, "Allah! Allah! God is
      great, and the avenger of injustice."
    </p>
    <p>
      In Belgium, where Prince Leopold finally obtained a crown, the progress of
      military events was interrupted by foreign interference. The kingdom of
      the Netherlands had been created by Great Britain, Austria, Russia,
      Prussia, and France, which powers held themselves bound to look after
      their work. Some of them wished to compel the Belgians to submit by force.
      The Rhenish provinces of Prussia were directly opposed to the infection of
      that spirit which had severed the United States; the Germanic
      confederation was already attacked by formal claims on Luxembourg; and the
      King of the Netherlands had appealed to the allied powers to preserve the
      throne which they had created. On the other hand, it was certain that the
      new government of France would favour the independence of Belgium, and its
      people would desire nothing more ardently than a pretext for war, which
      might terminate in the restoration of these provinces to her dominion. One
      party in Belgium, indeed, openly declared that her interests demanded a
      reunion with France; and that there was no doubt that she would receive
      the protection of that power in case any of the allies should attempt to
      preserve her connexion with Holland. To avoid war, therefore, the allies
      agreed to interpose their good offices; and as their first object was to
      stop hostilities, a protocol, signed at London on the 4th of November,
      bound all parties to negotiation rather than to have recourse to the
      sword. These negotiations involved many difficulties, and were
      counteracted by many conflicting interests; but their result, as will be
      seen, was the erection of Belgium into an independent kingdom.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1831&mdash;1832
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>State of the Reform Question..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     Introduction of the Reform Bill..... Debate on the Motion
     that the Bill be read a Second Time, &amp;c...... Motion of
     Adjournment pending the   Ordnance Estimates carried against
     Ministers..... Prorogation and Dissolution of
     Parliament..... The Budget..... Proposed   Change   in
     Taxes, &amp;c...... Arrangement of the Civil List..... General
     Election..... Meeting of Parliament: The Reform Question
     renewed in Parliament, and carried in the Commons.....
     Rejection of it by the Lords..... Consequences of its
     Rejection..... Financial Statements..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Coronation of William IV...... Opening   of
     the  New London Bridge..... Ravages  of the Cholera.....
     Foreign Affairs..... Meeting of Parliament..... New Reform
     Bill..... State of Ireland</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE REFORM QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1831
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been seen that the ministry which succeeded that of the Duke of
      Wellington were pledged to apply themselves forthwith to what was termed
      the reform of the representation; that is, to strengthen and enlarge the
      democratic part of the constitution. While they were occupied in this
      work, the details of which were as yet unknown, meetings were held in all
      parts of the country, for the purpose of getting up petitions in support
      of their policy. The prayers of the petitions were various, and in many
      cases very indefinite. Thus one set of petitioners prayed that the right
      of suffrage should be equalised and extended; but whether they meant such
      an extension and equalisation as would convert the government into a
      democracy, or some more modified degree of change, did not appear. Others
      said that a real, substantial, and effectual reform in the representation
      of the people had become necessary; but what reform they actually wanted
      was all conjecture. Some petitions, however, plainly declared what species
      of reform the petitioners required. These demanded the annihilation of all
      influence on the part of the aristocracy in returning members of the house
      of commons; the shortening the duration of parliaments; the extension and
      equalisation of the elective franchise; and vote by ballot. Another set of
      petitions recommended a reform of property as well as of representation,
      actually demanding that the possessions of the church should be seized,
      and appropriated to "the necessities of the state." In other petitions,
      the petitioners, apparently at a loss to conceive what kind of reform was
      required, were satisfied with announcing that the country was ruined, and
      that it could only be restored by reform; at the same time gravely leaving
      it to his majesty's ministers to declare what change would best answer the
      purpose. But, besides petitions in favour of reform, permanent political
      associations had begun to be formed in different parts of the country, for
      the purpose of organising large numbers of individuals into one body, to
      act on the mind of the public, and to press the question upon government.
      These associations took the name of Political Unions; and they had a
      regular array of officers, with a council, which transacted the ordinary
      business. Their objects were to push on changes to any extent possible; to
      insist on whatever they chose to demand, as a right which could not justly
      be refused; to repress opposing opinions in their neighbourhood; and to
      make even the government feel that they existed in order to dictate, not
      to obey. The whole kingdom was indeed in a ferment; and not only the
      correction of abuses, but immediate relief from national calamities, was
      confidently expected by the multitude in a reform of parliament. It was to
      prove a balm for all their sufferings&mdash;the commencement of a golden
      era of prosperity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met, pursuant to adjournment, on the 3rd of February. Hitherto
      ministers had veiled in profound secrecy the plan of reform which they
      intended to produce. The question was introduced on this day by Earl Grey;
      but it was only to state that ministers had succeeded in framing a measure
      which would be effective, without exceeding the bounds of a just and
      well-advised moderation; that it had received the unanimous assent of the
      government, and that it would be introduced into the house of commons at
      an early period.
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    <h2>
      INTRODUCTION OF THE REFORM BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The measure of reform concocted by ministers was brought forward on the
      1st of March by Lord John Russell, to whom, though not a cabinet minister,
      it was entrusted, in consideration of his constant and strenuous exertions
      in this great question. His lordship commenced by stating, that he was
      about to propose what had been formed in the mind of Earl Grey himself.
      Ministers, he said, had discarded the notion of complying with violent and
      extravagant demands, and had framed a measure which would satisfy every
      reasonable man in the country. They wished to take their stand between two
      hostile parties; neither agreeing with those, on the one hand, who thought
      that no reform was necessary, nor with others who conceived that only one
      particular reform could be wholesome or satisfactory. His lordship then
      proceeded to detail the plan by which ministers proposed to satisfy a
      demand for reform which, as they themselves believed, could be no longer
      resisted. That plan had been framed so as to remove the reasonable
      complaints of the people, which complaints were principally directed,
      first, against nomination by individuals; secondly, against elections by
      corporations; and, thirdly, against electioneering expenses. As regards
      the first two grounds of complaint, the ministerial plan consisted, first,
      in disfranchisement, in whole or in part, of places which had hitherto
      sent members to parliament; secondly, of enfranchisement, in order to
      enable unrepresented places to elect members; and, thirdly, of an
      extension of the franchise, in order to increase the number of electors in
      those places which were to be allowed to retain, in whole, or in part,
      their existing privileges. The part of the plan which related to
      disfranchisement proceeded on a plain rule; namely, to disfranchise all
      boroughs whose population did not exceed a certain number. It was true,
      said Lord John Russell, it would be extremely difficult to ascertain the
      wealth, trade, extent, and population of a given number of places; but we
      have been governed by the population return of 1821, and we propose that
      every borough which at that date did not contain two thousand inhabitants
      should be deprived of the privilege of sending members to parliament.
      This, he explained, would disfranchise sixty boroughs, and get rid of one
      hundred and nineteen members. Disfranchisement was not to stop here. There
      were some boroughs which should be blotted out altogether, while others,
      although more flourishing in point of population, were too low to have any
      good title to retain their present privilege of sending two members to the
      house of commons. It was therefore proposed that all boroughs whose
      population exceeded, according to the census of 1821, two thousand, and
      yet was under four thousand, should only send one instead of two members.
      The number of these boroughs was forty-seven; and Weymouth, which had
      hitherto sent four members, was in future only to send two. Having
      proposed the disfranchisement of these places, amounting in the whole to
      one hundred and sixty-eight members, Lord John Russell explained the
      ministerial plan of enfranchisement. It was proposed that each of seven
      considerable towns should send two members, and twenty others one member
      each. Then twenty-seven of the largest counties, including Yorkshire, was
      in future to return four members instead of two, with this exception, that
      Yorkshire, already possessing four, was to return an additional member for
      each riding. The representation of London, likewise, was to be more than
      doubled; the Tower Hamlets, Finsbury, Lambeth, and Marylebone, were each
      to return two members. But the most important part of the new constitution
      was as follows:&mdash;The cities, boroughs, and counties which were to
      send members, and the number of members to be elected being ascertained,
      the existing right of franchise in them all was to be altered, and a new
      franchise introduced, extending equally to those which remained untouched,
      with the declared purpose of increasing the number of electors, and of
      having but one uniform election throughout the empire. The elective
      franchise was to be extended to all persons paying a rent of ten pounds
      per annum, whether they occupied the premises or not; copyholders, whose
      property was of the same yearly value, and all householders to an equal
      amount, were to be electors for counties; all holders of leases for
      twenty-one years, which had not been renewed within two years, were to
      have the privilege of voting in towns; and all leaseholders for twenty
      years of property worth fifty pounds per annum, were to vote for counties.
      Existing resident electors were not to be deprived of their right during
      their lifetime; but no non-resident elector was to be allowed to retain
      his franchise. Finally, no alteration was to be made in regard to the
      forty-shilling freeholders. The new constituency being thus formed, Lord
      John Russell explained the ministerial plan regarding the actual election.
      All voters were to be duly registered; and in order to diminish the
      expense of elections, as well as opportunities for bribery, drunkenness,
      and corruption, the duration of the poll was to be diminished; that for
      counties was to be taken simultaneously at different places. Such was the
      general outline of the reform bill, in so far as England was concerned.
      The only alteration in Wales, was to consist in adding unrepresented towns
      to those which already sent members: for instance, Holyhead was to be
      united with Beaumaris, and Bangor to Carnarvon. A new district of boroughs
      was to be erected, consisting of Swansea, Cambridge, Langhorn, and three
      other places, which should have the privilege of sending one member to
      parliament; the only additional one proposed to be added to the
      representation of Wales. In Scotland the existing county franchise, which
      depended on a mere feudal right of superiority over lauds belonging to
      others, was to be annihilated; the election of members for boroughs was to
      be taken from the town-councils, and vested in the citizens at large; and
      the new English franchise was to be introduced, both in counties and in
      boroughs. Every resident owner of land or houses worth ten pounds per
      annum, and every tenant under a written lease for nineteen years or
      upwards, paying fifty pounds a year, was to have a vote in county
      elections; and in towns the franchise was to attach to the occupancy of a
      dwelling-house, rented at ten pounds per annum. To some of the large
      towns, which hitherto had elected only in conjunction with others, as
      Glasgow and Aberdeen, separate or new members were to be conferred; while
      the Fife district of burghs was annihilated and thrown into the county;
      and some counties were conjoined. In the whole, Scotland was to have fifty
      members instead of forty-five. In Ireland the principal alterations were
      to be the introduction of the ten pounds' qualification; and that in towns
      the franchise should be taken out of the hands of the corporations, and
      given to the duly qualified citizens: Belfast was to return one member,
      and Limerick and Waterford two each, thus adding three to the existing
      members for Ireland. The general result of the whole measure, Lord John
      Russell said, would be to create a new constituency of about 500,000
      persons; the increase in counties would be about 100,000; that in towns
      already represented, about 110,000; in new boroughs 50,000; in Scotland
      60,000; and in Ireland, perhaps, 40,000. This numerous body, he said, was
      connected with property, and possessed a valuable stake in the country;
      and upon this body it would depend, if any future struggle should arise,
      to support parliament and the throne in carrying that struggle to a
      successful termination. The probability of this franchise, he continued,
      would be an inducement to good conduct; for when a man found that by being
      rated at a certain rent, and by paying rates, he became entitled to vote
      in the election of members of that house, he would feel an inducement to
      be careful, frugal, and punctual in all his dealings, to preserve his
      character amongst his neighbours, and the place which he might hold in
      society. This large increase of the constituency would provide for the
      political and moral improvement of the people. It was true, he said, that
      the arrangements which he had detailed would diminish the total number of
      members in the house; but that would not be a disadvantage. There would be
      an absolute diminution in the whole of sixty-two, which diminution was
      inflicted exclusively upon England; but it was the opinion of ministers
      that this reduction would enable the house to transact business more
      effectually and conveniently. After accounting for two omissions, which
      might be brought as charges against him&mdash;namely, that no provision
      was made for shortening the duration of parliaments, or for introducing
      the vote by ballot&mdash;his lordship concluded by requesting leave to
      bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people in England and
      Wales.
    </p>
    <p>
      This motion brought on a debate which lasted seven nights, and elicited
      opinions from between seventy and eighty members. This debate would of
      itself form a volume, and therefore only a brief outline can be given of
      it in these pages. Sir Robert Inglis admitted that there was excitement
      and expectation among the people; but he argued that the origin of it was
      to be found in the events which had occurred in France and Belgium, and
      that, if government would oppose instead of fomenting it, it would soon
      pass away. Mr. Horace Twiss took the same view of the question. Lord
      Althorp denied the validity of the grounds of opposition relied upon by
      the previous speakers, and, in terms nearly identical with those used by
      Lord John Russell, advocated the measure. Mr. Hume declared that, radical
      reformer as he was, the plan proposed had exceeded his anticipations. Mr.
      Baring Wall and Lord Stormont used the usual arguments against the bill;
      Lord Newark trimmed between its opponents and supporters; and Mr. Macaulay
      advocated it on the strange grounds that, being opposed to universal
      suffrage and revolutionary measures, he felt constrained to adopt this
      proposal. Mr. Hunt, the radical member for Preston, and Lord Morpeth,
      strenuously supported the motion, and Sir Charles Wetherell most bitterly
      and vehemently denounced it. The baronet's speech was one of the most
      eccentric pieces of vituperative declamation ever delivered within the
      walls of parliament. He nicknamed the bill "Russell's purge!" which
      afforded much amusement to honourable and right honourable gentlemen on
      his side of the house, and was taken up out of doors, the party throughout
      the country using it as if it were expressive of something which ought to
      be considered very fatal to the measure. Mr. Hobhouse replied with
      smartness to Sir Charles, aptly quoting Hume's History of England for
      illustrations of his arguments. This speech was effective on the
      ministerial side. Mr. Baring made a heavy speech, which fell flatly on the
      house, and was replied to by Lord Palmerston, who, in a most statesmanlike
      oration, reviewed the whole question, defended the motives of ministers,
      and exposed the fallacy and folly of the arguments on the
      anti-ministerial, side. This speech produced a most damaging effect upon
      the opposition. Sir Robert Peel revived the hopes of the latter by one of
      his most studied speeches. It was, however, defective in temper, and
      although received with cheers by the opposition, failed to convince any
      one that reform was either the unjust or dangerous thing which he
      represented it. The speech was specious, sophistical and acrimonious; its
      effect upon the country was to strengthen the public prejudice against the
      anti-reformers. The Hon. Mr. Stanley, secretary for Ireland, made his
      reply to Sir Robert effective by illustrations drawn from the condition
      and wants of Ireland, its yearnings for freedom, and the restrictions
      which were laid upon the franchise. Mr. Croker made one of those speeches
      which proved nothing but the impolicy of the speaker. The bill was
      supported by Lords Dudley Stuart and Howick, Sir J. Johnston, and Messrs.
      Russell, Wood, Tennyson, and Long Wellesley. It was opposed by Colonels
      Sibthorp and Tyrrell, Sir George Clerk, Sir George Warrender, and Mr.
      William Peel, who merely repeated Sir Robert Peel in an ineffective
      manner. Mr. O'Connell delivered a persuasive and eloquent oration in
      favour of the immediate adoption of the bill, and intimated that there was
      danger of insurrection in Ireland if that country were left any longer
      without reform. Sir James Graham spoke well on the same side, especially
      in reply to certain unguarded statements of Mr. Croker. Lord John Russell
      replied, and the motion for leave to bring in the bill, as well as those
      for Scotland and Ireland, was not resisted. The bill itself was not
      brought in till the 14th&mdash;a delay which gave occasion to some members
      of the opposition to express their surprise that a plan which ministers
      were stated to have so long carefully pondered and concocted, and which
      had already been amply discussed, should be in so incomplete a state as to
      be unfit to be presented to parliament. On the 14th, however, the bill, in
      | which one or two alterations and corrections had been made, was brought
      in, and read a first time without opposition. It was not known why the
      opponents of the bill allowed the contest to terminate without a division,
      but it appears to have arisen from the fact that they did not form a
      combined body, and that they had no regular plan of party operations.
      Ministers subsequently admitted that if a division had taken place they
      would have been left in a minority; but the opposition reserved themselves
      for the second reading&mdash;a stage at which, according to the forms of
      the house, the fate of the principle of a bill is usually decided.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE MOTION THAT THE BILL BE READ A SECOND TIME, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      From the moment that the general outlines of the plan of reform proposed
      by ministers had been discussed in parliament, public excitement daily
      increased. The bill contained few of those changes for which violent
      reformers had long clamoured; yet these persons professed to receive it
      with joy. The secret of their conduct was easy to be understood; for
      though the bill gave less than they wished or demanded, it granted more
      than they had expected. They were told, moreover, by their leaders, whose
      hopes lay in the future, that as ministers had determined to go no
      further, all would be lost unless government were strenuously supported by
      those who conceived a change desirable. From these causes they agreed to
      forget the defects of the bill, and to be silent regarding the ballot,
      universal suffrage, and annual parliaments. The ministerial measure became
      their standard; "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill,"
      became their watchword; and ministers were invested for a time with a
      species of infallibility. No part of their measure was wrong, and their
      conduct was not to be questioned. The manufacturers of petitions again set
      to work; and the same places which had petitioned a month before for much
      more, now prayed that the bill might pass untouched and unimpaired. Men,
      in fact, who had craved reduction of taxation and retrenchment of
      expenditure&mdash;who had desired a more democratic house of commons as
      the only means of securing those good objects, now conjured the house to
      enact a measure of which even its patrons declared that it would neither
      reduce taxation or expenses. The number of petitions was large, but the
      majority of the names attached to them were from the lowest classes of
      society, to whom ministers had declared no power could be given. But all
      this petitioning, though regular, constitutional, and powerful, did not
      promise to be effective. Ministers had threatened convulsions as the
      consequences of refusing the bill, and the reformers resolved to support
      them by opinions which indicated its approach, and exhibitions of mob
      force which might be used as its means. Language of an intimidating nature
      was constantly used at their assemblies, and in petitions, against all who
      should dare to oppose the bill, which intimidation served the purposes of
      the reformers in two ways: on the one hand, many who were averse to the
      violent changes proposed were driven into acquiescence from the
      apprehension that resistance would produce confusion; and on the other
      hand, those who would actively have resisted the change were overawed from
      any public expression of their sentiments. The menaces of the reformers
      were even accompanied with a display of the means of executing them.
      Everywhere the political unions boasted of the numbers they could bring
      into the field. Ten thousand men, said Colonel Evans at a reform meeting
      held in London, are ready to march hither from Beigate to support his
      majesty's ministers if they should be defeated; and the chairman of the
      Birmingham union openly declared that it could supply two armies, each of
      them as numerous and brave as that which had conquered at Waterloo, if the
      king and his ministers required them in the contest with the
      boroughmongers. Nor was the press idle in this critical state of affairs;
      that daily supplied the fuel by which the excitement was kept up,
      preaching, in some instances, doctrines subversive of all order and
      government. Individuals who distinguished themselves in opposing the
      change were attacked with every species of calumny that enmity could
      invent; the property of the church and the rights of the peerage were held
      out as illegally amassed treasures, which the people, in the exercise of
      their rights, would soon have the pleasure of pillaging; and pretended
      lists of the names of pensioners and placemen were circulated, in which
      were to be found the names of men who had never received one farthing from
      the purse of the state. Even parliament itself was the object of incessant
      and absurd attack, and privilege seemed no longer to exist.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the state of the public mind when, on the 21st of March, the
      second reading of the bill was moved. The debate lasted only two days. It
      was commenced by Sir R. Vyvyan, one of the members for Cornwall, who moved
      that the bill should be read that day six months. He declared that the
      bill affected no interests of his own, but it was a measure full of danger
      to the institutions of the kingdom, and which, therefore, his conscience
      bound him to oppose. The motion was seconded by Mr. Cartwright, who stated
      that Mr. Hume had actually written to the radical reformers of Glasgow,
      entreating them not to say a word about the ballot. Mr. Sheil, an Irish
      agitator, repeated the usual arguments in favour of the bill, dwelling at
      great length on the disfranchisement of the Irish boroughs at the time of
      the union, and the later disfranchisement of the Irish forty-shilling
      freeholders, as justifying in principle everything that was now proposed.
      He treated as ridiculous the idea that the bill could be dangerous either
      to the crown or to the aristocracy. There was variance between the logic
      of the non-reformers and their sarcasms. The syllogisms were overthrown by
      their satire, and their arguments evaporated in their vituperation. This
      bill would wrench despotism from oligarchy, but it would not touch the
      legitimate influence of property, and birth, and station, and all the
      other circumstances which create a title to respect. It would take power
      from individuals, and give it to a class; it would cut off the secret and
      subterraneous conduit-pipes through which aristocratic influence was now
      conveyed to that house, and would make it flow in a broad, open,
      constitutional, and natural channel. Mr. Charles Grant followed on the
      same side. The solicitor-general said that the whole argument against the
      bill seemed to proceed on the assumption that there was something in the
      British constitution inconsistent with change, and that to make an
      alteration would be to effect its destruction. The history of this
      country, however, and its institutions, showed that there had been an
      almost uninterrupted series of conflicts between the principle of
      democracy and despotism, with alternations of success, and the inevitable
      consequences of that, a system of perpetual change. The present bill,
      therefore, was in every point of view in perfect harmony with the whole
      current of our legislation. In six years after the Revolution, he said,
      the triennial act was passed, distinctly admitting on the part of the
      legislature of that period that the Revolution was not a settlement to be
      permanently unchangeable. Neither was the triennial act itself treated
      with undeviating respect, for, in the year 1715, its repeal was sanctioned
      by some of the very men who had brought about the Revolution; then the
      septennial act was passed, and another great change effected in the
      constitution of parliament. Did any one at that period hold that the
      septennial bill was a revolutionary measure? So far from any such
      character being imputed to it, the measure had always been treated as one
      within the constitution of parliament to enact. Sir Edward Sugden
      complained that the solicitor-general had gone back to the bill of rights,
      instead of attempting to explain and justify this bill of wrongs. It was
      perfectly true that the septennial act did not spring from the Revolution;
      it was brought in by Whig ministers for the same purpose for which the
      present bill was brought in by Whig ministers&mdash;as the only means by
      which they could retain their places. Mr. Pendarvis warmly supported the
      bill; and Mr. Cavendish declared his intention of voting for it, although
      his constituents at Cambridge had petitioned against it; many of them, he
      said, were not hostile to the whole measure, but objected to the new
      qualification as being too low. Mr. Ward, on the other hand, opposed it in
      opposition to his constituents in the city of London, who had petitioned
      in favour of the bill. He had passed the earlier years of his life, he
      said, principally in two close boroughs; and among the representatives of
      those had been, during his remembrance, Messrs. Fox, Pitt, Canning,
      Perceval, the noble lord at present at the head of foreign affairs, and
      the Duke of Wellington. Such had been the representatives of those close
      boroughs, and he much doubted if by a reformed system more able members
      would be introduced into that house. Again, when he first entered that
      house he had looked at both sides to see who were the most influential
      members, and he saw on the ministerial side Messrs. Canning and Huskisson,
      and on the opposition side Mr. Tierney, Sir James Mackintosh, and the
      present lord-chancellor (then Mr. Brougham), all of whom had either been,
      or were at the present time, members for close boroughs. Such was the
      case, and it would be fortunate if large and populous places always found
      and returned men of such abilities. On the other hand, during his
      experience but three members had been called to account by that house in
      consequence of their conduct, and all these three members were the
      representatives of large and populous places. Mr. Calcraft, paymaster of
      the forces under the late administration, who had expressed his
      unqualified disapprobation of the bill, startled the house by declaring
      that he intended to vote for the second reading. At length the house
      divided on Sir B. Vyvyan's motion, when there appeared for the amendment
      three hundred and one against three hundred and two, thus leaving Lord
      John Eussell a majority of only one in an assembly of more than six
      hundred members. This division was, indeed, in substance, a defeat of
      ministers, although the mob celebrated it as a victory by illuminations,
      and by venting its vengeance on the houses of all who would not join in
      the triumph. Ministers, however, could not labour under such a delusion,
      although they still resolved to try their fortunes in a committee. That
      committee was delayed till the 18th of April, and in the meantime the bill
      was brought in for Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill for amending the representation of Ireland was brought in by Mr.
      Stanley, the Irish secretary, on the 24th of March. In explaining the
      bill, he said, in the first place, that the right of voting for comities
      would be left to freeholders, as they already stood; but that leaseholders
      of fifty pounds a year, under leases of twenty years, would be added to
      them. Clergymen likewise were to vote, if they were freeholders to the
      extent of fifty pounds; and householders who occupied a house let at the
      yearly rent of ten pounds per annum. The machinery of the bill was to be
      nearly the same with that proposed for England; and the necessary result
      of the measure would be to take the franchise out. of the hands of the
      corporations, who had hitherto monopolised it; and Mr. Stanley thought
      that no one could deny its propriety. The English bill, he said, in
      continuation, made no change in the election of the members for the
      universities; but an alteration was to be made in regard to the University
      of Dublin. In future it was to return two members instead of one; and the
      number of electors was to be increased by bringing back the right of
      voting to what it had originally been. At Oxford and Cambridge the masters
      of arts had always voted; but in Dublin, a subsequent charter having
      excluded scholars from receiving their <i>stipendia</i> after the expiry
      of the five years, it had been held by a forced construction that they
      lost their right to vote for the university-member after the same period,
      though they still continued to be scholars. The present bill would restore
      the original right, by extending their academic franchise to all persons
      who at any time had been scholars of the university, provided they placed
      their names on the books, as claimants of the right, within six months
      after the passing of the act. Mr. O'Connell admitted that the bill would
      prove a great boon to Ireland, and would produce an effective
      constituency; but there were parts of it which he hoped would be altered.
      In the first place, he thought that a greater number of members ought to
      be given to Ireland. He objected, likewise, to the arrangement concerning
      the university, because it still left to the franchise an exclusive
      character; no Roman Catholic could vote there, because he could not become
      a scholar of a Protestant university; scholarships, therefore, ought to be
      thrown open to all classes of the community. Nor did the Irish counties
      receive justice. Many counties in England, because their population
      extended to 200,000, were to receive two members each, while in Ireland
      there were twelve counties, with a population above that point, whose
      representation was not to be increased. In reply to the demand for opening
      the university-scholarships to Catholics, and making all masters of arts
      voters, the Irish solicitor-general announced that the charter did not
      allow it. At Oxford and Cambridge the charters gave the rights to the
      masters, but at Dublin it was only given to the fellows and scholars, and
      it was the principle of the bill to preserve vested rights and settled
      institutions, as far as could be done consistently with an efficient
      reform. Mr. Bankes, and Sir C. Wetherell, and Mr. Hardinge, argued, that
      the giving of additional members to Ireland, as well as Scotland, was
      unjust towards England, and inconsistent with the fundamental principles
      of the two legislative unions. They also complained of the effects which
      the bill would inevitably produce upon the Protestants of Ireland. If the
      bill passed, it would be impossible, they said, for an Irish Protestant to
      be returned to parliament, unless two-thirds of the Catholic population
      chose to vote for him. It would be a virtual exclusion of all Protestants
      from the representation of Ireland; not one would be elected unless he
      became an agitator, pledged himself to all that was demanded, and basely
      pandered to the passions and views of the Catholic electors. The
      chancellor of the exchequer, in reply to these objections, stated that the
      bill did not interfere with the unions, any more than the union with
      Ireland had violated the union with Scotland; and that as to the different
      circumstances in which Irish Protestants might find themselves, he and his
      colleagues entertained no apprehensions of their opponents being able
      successfully to raise against them a no-popery cry; the public mind was
      too enlightened to be affected by such idle clamours. The bill was allowed
      to be read a first time; and the second reading was fixed for the 18th of
      April.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the house met, on the 12th of April, after the Easter recess, Lord
      John Eussell communicated certain alterations which it had been found
      necessary to make in the schedules of boroughs to be disfranchised, in
      consequence of inaccuracies discovered in the population returns of 1821,
      on which the whole plan had been founded. Lord John Russell also declared
      that, although ministers had not changed their opinion regarding the
      propriety of reducing the numbers of the house, and would try to carry
      that clause in the bill, still "they were not prepared to say that this
      was a question of such essential and vital importance, that, if the
      feelings of the house were strongly shown in a desire to keep up the
      present number, they might not be induced to relax their determination on
      that point. If it should appear to be the sense of the house that the
      whole number of six hundred and fifty-eight members should be retained,
      the government would not feel that they were altering a vital or essential
      part of the measure by agreeing to that proposition." On the following day
      Mr. Stanley, when adverting to the same topic, to prevent any
      misconception that ministers, though they might consent to retain the
      numbers, would leave them to the boroughs, stated, that they were
      determined to adhere in all circumstances to the disfranchisement of every
      borough whose population did not reach a particular standard, and the
      partial disfranchisement of every borough falling beneath a certain other
      standard; the number of members to be added should be given to such
      populous towns as might be considered in that event to have a fair claim
      to representation.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of April, Lord John Russell moved that the house should
      resolve itself into a committee on the reform bill. In doing so he stated
      the alterations which had been recently made in it by ministers. According
      to his statement, it appeared that five boroughs had been transferred from
      schedule A to schedule B, and allowed to retain one member, and that seven
      of those in schedule B were allowed to retain their two members, in
      consequence of its having been ascertained that the population returns had
      not accurately represented the number of inhabitants. On the other hand
      members were to be added to the following counties: namely, Bucks, Berks,
      Cambridge, Dorset, Hereford, Hertford, Oxford, and Glamorgan. Members were
      also to be added to the following towns: namely, Oldham, Buly, Bochdale,
      Whitby, Wakefield, Salford, and Stoke-on-Trent: Halifax was restricted to
      the township, and to return only one member, the parish being twenty-five
      miles in extent. Sons of freemen entitled to the privilege of freemen, and
      apprentices having entered into indentures in the same manner, were to
      retain their franchise on taking out their freedom, being resident, and
      registered under the provisions of the bill. General Gaseoyne moved as an
      instruction to be given to the committee, "That it is the opinion of this
      house, that the total number of knights, citizens, and burgesses returned
      to parliament for that part of the United Kingdom called England and
      Wales, ought not to be diminished." This motion was designed to get rid of
      the bill altogether, and it produced a violent and contentious debate. Mr.
      Sadler, who seconded it, delivered a long, argumentative, and learned
      speech against the general principles of the whole plan of reform. He was
      followed by the chancellor of the exchequer, who declared that he was
      quite sure that the amendment was put with a view of destroying the bill.
      It was impossible to misunderstand it: it was the first of that series of
      motions by which it was intended to interfere with the progress of the
      committee, and which, if agreed to, would be fatal to the bill. The debate
      was adjourned till the next day. On that occasion, of the members who
      opposed it, some did not see how an agreement to the amendment could be
      considered hostile to the principle of the bill, even if it were carried;
      and not one, except ministers themselves, pretended it would be a good
      reason for abandoning the whole bill. Mr. Bulwer, for instance, thought
      that this question regarding the number of members would make no
      difference in the general character of the measure, and Mr. J. Campbell
      hoped that the bill would go on, though the amendment should be carried.
      Mr. Wynn, who had resigned office because he was opposed to the bill, also
      thought that this motion was not of much consequence one way or the other.
      Sir George Warrington, though opposed to the bill, would resist the
      amendment, on the idea that the effect of it would be, if the bill went
      on, to prevent the giving of additional members to Scotland. Sir George
      Clerk said, that he, also, would vote against it if he anticipated any
      such results; but he saw no reason that it should be so. Sir Robert
      Wilson, one of the most zealous of all the reformers, expressed great
      surprise at the view which ministers, after all that had passed, chose to
      take of this amendment. In voting for it he was not voting against
      increasing the representation of either Scotland or Ireland, nor did he
      believe that the fate of the bill depended in the slightest degree on the
      success or the failure of the present motion. Mr. Stanley, however,
      declared that this discussion would decide the fate of the bill. The
      amendment, he said, was concocted in a spirit of hostility to the bill,
      and brought forward to embarrass ministers. He warned those honourable
      members, who, while they professed themselves friendly to reform,
      supported this amendment, that it would decide the fate of the bill, and
      that by their votes on this occasion they would be judged by their
      constituents and by the country. In giving their votes, he added, they
      would either vote for or against the carrying of that question, for the
      carrying of which, if now lost, an opportunity so favourable might not
      soon again return, and that the result of that night's division would be,
      either to carry that great question, or to defeat the hopes of the people
      of this country. Sir James Graham, on the same side, remarked that he did
      not say if this amendment was carried, ministers would abandon the bill;
      but he did say, that if it should be, it would be a matter of very grave
      consideration, whether the bill would be so impugned, that they ought not
      to attempt to carry it through its other stages. General Gaseoyne
      expressed his surprise at being told that the motion he had made for
      keeping the sixty-two members was inconsistent with the essence and
      principles of the bill. If I understood the noble lord who brought in the
      bill, right, in a conversation which I had with him only yesterday, he
      distinctly admitted to me that my amendment would not touch the principle
      of the bill. Lord John Russell replied that the amendment now moved was a
      different one to that to which General Gaseoyne alluded: and thus ended
      this debate. On a division, the amendment was carried by two hundred and
      ninety-nine against two hundred and ninety-one, being a majority of eight
      against ministers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION OF ADJOURNMENT PENDING THE ORDNANCE ESTIMATES CARRIED AGAINST
      MINISTERS&mdash;PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1831&mdash;1832
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been seen that ministers looked at the amendment of General
      Gaseoyne as one likely to destroy the bill of reform which they had
      introduced into parliament. It was evident from the beginning that a
      majority of the present house could not be relied on by its supporters.
      Ministers, however, did not seem at first determined to have recourse to a
      dissolution. On the 20th, nothing transpired except that Mr. Hume declared
      that he would offer no opposition to the ordnance estimates, because,
      after the vote of last night, he was anxious to assist ministers in
      getting through the necessary business, in order that a dissolution might
      take place. On the following day, Lord Wharncliffe, in the upper house,
      asked Earl Grey whether ministers had advised his majesty to dissolve
      parliament, and whether it had been resolved that that course should be
      adopted. Earl Grey declined answering the question; and his interrogator
      then gave notice that he would next day move an address to the king,
      praying that his majesty would be graciously pleased not to exercise his
      prerogative of dissolving parliament. The same question was put in the
      commons by Sir R. Vyvyan, and Lord Althorp replied, that it was not his
      duty to answer the question. The discussion on the propriety of a
      dissolution was continued till the morning of the 22nd, and an adjournment
      on the ordnance estimates was then moved till the next sitting. This was
      strenuously resisted by the chancellor of the exchequer, on the ground
      that the topic which had occupied so much time was not a question before
      the house; and that he wished to get on with the report of the committee
      of supply on the ordnance estimates. On a division, however, ministers
      were left in a minority of twenty-two. It was clear from this that
      ministers had more to decide on than the reform question, and that they
      had to straggle not merely for their bill, but their places. On the next
      day, therefore, they resolved to dissolve parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the house met on the 22nd, the presentation of a petition connected
      with parliamentary reform furnished occasion in the commons for another
      discussion on that subject. Sir R. Vyvyan inveighed strongly against the
      desperation with which ministers were believed to be urging on a
      dissolution in the present state of the country. He was called to order by
      Sir Francis Burdett; but the speaker declared that Sir B. Vyvyan was not
      out of order. A scene of indescribable confusion ensued, in which the
      authority of the speaker was for some time set aside. At length Sir B.
      Peel was enabled to address the house. He referred to the scene which had
      been exhibited, and made a disingenuous use of it, declaring that it was a
      specimen of what might be expected in a reformed house of commons, whereas
      the disturbance was created by those who were desirous, <i>per fas et
      nefas</i>, to obstruct the measure before the house. Sir Robert, in a
      strain of unhappy invective, reiterated his previous denunciations of all
      reform.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Robert was interrupted by the sergeant-at-arms, who knocked at the
      door, and the usher of the black rod, who suddenly appeared to summons the
      speaker and the members, to the house of peers, to hear the prorogation of
      parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the upper house proceedings had been of a similar nature to those in
      the commons. Lord Wharncliffe had scarcely risen to move for an address to
      his majesty against the dissolution, when the Duke of Richmond rose to
      complain that all the peers were not sitting in their proper places, as
      usual on such occasions. This gave rise to a scene of noise and confusion,
      in which one noble lord was heard to say that ministers were taking the
      crown off the king's head. Lord Wharncliffe, being at length allowed to
      proceed, stated that, without wishing to provoke discussion on the
      subject, he was anxious that it should be entered on the journals of the
      house, that he in his place yesterday did give notice that he would move
      an humble address to his majesty not to exercise his undoubted prerogative
      of dissolving parliament. His lordship then made a motion to that effect.
      The lord-chancellor said, that he had never yet heard it doubted that the
      king possessed the prerogative of dissolving parliament at pleasure; still
      less had he ever known a doubt to exist on the subject at a moment when
      the lower house has thought fit to refuse the supplies. The near approach
      of his majesty was now announced, and Lord Shaftesbury was called to the
      chair amid discordant noises which it was difficult for him to subdue.
      Lord Mansfield addressed the house, but was interrupted in his speech by
      the entrance of the king, and the house of commons having been summoned,
      his majesty prorogued parliament in these words:&mdash;"My lords and
      gentlemen,&mdash;I have come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing
      this parliament with a view to its dissolution. I have been induced to
      resort to this measure for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my
      people, in the way in which it can be most constitutionally and
      authentically expressed, on the expediency of making such changes in the
      representation as circumstances may appear to require, and which, founded
      upon the acknowledged principles of the constitution, may tend at once to
      uphold the just rights and prerogatives of the crown, and to give security
      to the liberties of the people." Parliament was prorogued to the 10th of
      May, and a proclamation appeared the next day announcing its dissolution,
      and directing a new election, the writs of which were made returnable on
      the 14th of June.
    </p>
    <p>
      The dissolution of parliament was hailed by the people with great joy.
      Illuminations were got up on every hand. That in London was authorised by
      the lord-mayor; and the consequence was that, in the west end of the town,
      the rabble vented their fury on the houses of all those members of
      parliament who had expressed sentiments unfavourable to the bill, and in
      whose windows no candles were placed. Many people, doubtless, illuminated
      their houses lest they should become obnoxious to the mob; yet these
      illuminations were made use of by the reformers to keep up their incessant
      cry, that the inhabitants of the country, from one end to the other, were
      animated by one universal feeling of enthusiasm for the reform bill, and
      for the act which got rid of a parliament that refused it. It has been
      well remarked that, in political disputes, to place candles in windows is
      no proof of political opinion, or of anything else than a prudent desire
      to avoid the outrages of a mob.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET&mdash;PROPOSED CHANGES IN TAXES, ETC.&mdash;ARRANGEMENT OF THE
      CIVIL LIST.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The other business of this session related chiefly to financial matters.
      The budget was opened on the 11th of February by Lord Althorp, who
      estimated the charge for the year at £46,850,000; while the revenue, on
      account of the many taxes repealed, would yield only £47,150,000, and thus
      give an excess over the charge of only about £300,000. This, he said, did
      not afford much room for the reduction of taxation; but still he thought
      that something might be done, especially by reducing those imposts which
      pressed on the industry of the country; by relieving trade from fiscal
      embarrassments; and by introducing, in many cases, a more equal
      distribution of taxes. Lord Althorp avowed that he had taken his
      principles and general views from Sir Henry Parnell's work entitled
      "Financial Reform." He divided the taxes into three classes:&mdash;first,
      taxes on commodities of which there would be an increased consumption and
      revenue; secondly, taxes which, instead of being equally and impartially
      distributed amongst all classes, pressed more severely on one part of the
      community; and thirdly, those taxes which, besides interfering with
      commerce, took more out of the pockets of the people than was furnished to
      the revenue. Under the first head, his lordship explained that he intended
      to reduce the duty on tobacco, and on newspapers, stamps, and
      advertisements; under the second, that of sea-borne coal, which he
      proposed to repeal altogether; and under the third, the duties on tallow
      and candles, calicoes, glass, &amp;c. The estimated loss of the reductions
      in the whole was £3,170,000, a reduction which the revenue could not
      sustain. The next point was, therefore, how to make good this loss without
      imposing an equal burthen on the people. Lord Althorp proposed to equalise
      the duties on foreign wines, and foreign European timber and exported
      coals; and to place duties on cotton, steam-boats, and the <i>bona fide</i>
      sale or transfer of landed property. The estimated revenue from these
      sources was £2,740,000; while on the other hand, the amount of taxes
      repealed or reduced was £4,080,000; so that the country gained £1,340,000,
      while it was stated the public services would not suffer. This financial
      project of Lord Althorp was vehemently attacked by all parties in the
      house. The experiment, it was said, was a dangerous one, and the
      probability was, that it would be necessary to raise by exchequer-bills a
      sum to meet the charges of the year; thus gratifying the country for a
      time by an apparent relief from taxation, only to produce the necessity of
      afterwards imposing heavier taxes on the people. The experiment was
      represented as the less justifiable, as not one shilling was included in
      the budget as being applicable to the diminution of the national debt. It
      was always believed by some that the budget was not one of reduction, but
      of mere transposition. Some taxes were reduced, but others were imposed to
      make up the loss. At all events, it was said, the budget was merely a
      pretext of doing something, while in truth it did nothing, or did
      mischief. An attack was especially made on the tax proposed on transfers
      in the public funds, and Lord Althorp was induced to abandon it. Ministers
      were also defeated on a division in regard to a proposed diminution of
      duties on Baltic timber, and an augmentation of those grown in Canada. The
      tax on steam-boat passengers was likewise abandoned, and an increased duty
      on our colonial wines, which his lordship consented to reduce. Finally,
      the proposed duty on the importation of raw cotton was reduced, and the
      whole affair produced a strong impression of the practical inefficiency of
      the government. Under any other circumstances, indeed, ministers could not
      survive the defeats they had experienced; but the anchor of reform saved
      the ship in which they had embarked, albeit it was a crazy one, from
      foundering in the sea of politics.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ministers were not more skilful in the arrangements of the civil list. The
      late ministry had gone out of office after a vote by which the house of
      commons declared its opinion that the civil list should be referred to a
      select committee. When these arrangements were considered, it appeared
      that the most material changes made after the abolition of certain
      offices, were the reduction of the pension list in future to the sum of
      £75,000 per annum, and the subtraction of £460,000 from the civil list, to
      be placed under the control of parliament. On hearing the statements of
      the chancellor of the exchequer, the members of the late government
      expressed their satisfaction that the present ministers, so loud against
      expenditure when out of office, and pledged to retrenchment when they came
      in, had been driven to acknowledge that they found it impossible to carry
      economy further, in the matter of the civil list, than had been done by
      their predecessors. The new estimate, they said, was identically the same
      with the former, except as to the principle, whether a certain portion of
      the amount should be kept constantly under the control of parliament. The
      system of retrenchment proposed was by no means satisfactory to Messrs.
      Hume, Hunt, and others of the radical school. Ministers, they said, had
      not adhered to their promises of retrenchment in framing the estimates,
      especially in regard to the pensions. It was of no use to tell the people
      that most of these pensions were charitable; charity begins at home; and
      the house was bound to be just to the people before being generous to poor
      peers, or the poor relations of wealthy peers. Another point on which
      ministers had to encounter stern opposition from their old allies, was a
      proposal which they made for an increase in the army of 7680 men. No
      opposition, however, was offered to a resolution moved in consequence of a
      royal message, assigning to the queen, in case she should survive his
      majesty, £100,000 per annum, with Marlborough House and Bushy Park as town
      and country residences.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The election of the new parliament took place in the midst of general
      excitement. This was very auspicious for the ministry. The declared
      intention of the dissolution had been to obtain from the people a house of
      commons pledged to support the reform bill. The only test by which
      candidates were tried, was their determination to support that measure.
      Nor was it sufficient to save a candidate from the storm which raged all
      over the country, that he should be willing to reform the representation.
      It was demanded of him that he should support the particular measure which
      the ministry had proposed. It was to be "the bill, the whole bill, and
      nothing but the bill." Candidates who had long represented places were
      told by the electors that they could no longer vote for them, not because
      they were against the bill, but that they were against the king; they did
      not know much about it, but it was the king's, and it must pass. The
      official influence of the ministry was put forth unsparingly and
      unblushingly. In some instances, indeed, it defeated its own object. Thus,
      in Ireland, two pledged supporters of the bill were elected for the city
      of Dublin. The losing candidates petitioned against the return, and it
      came out in the proceedings before the committee, that the vice-regal
      government had interfered directly to ensure the success of the sitting
      members. The consequence of this was that the committee found the sitting
      members were not duly elected; and, on a new election, two members were
      returned who were hostile to reform. The tumult and license which usually
      characterise a general election were more than ordinarily rampant and
      intolerant. Anti-bill candidates and their supporters were exposed to the
      most lawless violence wherever they dared to show themselves on the
      hustings, and were denounced on the one hand as oppressors of the people,
      and on the other as disloyal opponents of the people. In some instances
      the life, as well as the property of unpopular men was sacrificed; and in
      Scotland especially, the elections were controlled by the violence of
      riotous mobs. At the election for the county of Lanark, the late member
      was attacked with stones and missiles, from the gallery of the church in
      which the election took place; and when he was re-elected, those who voted
      for him were detained prisoners for some hours, until the military arrived
      to shield them from lawless violence. At Dumbarton, also, the successful
      candidate for the county was obliged to conceal himself in a garret, till
      the mob, believing he had escaped, dispersed. From the excitement and
      violence which everywhere prevailed, it was not surprising that the great
      majority of the elections terminated in favour of the reforming
      candidates. Out of the eighty-two county members for England, with the
      exception of about twelve, all were pledged to support the bill.
      Ministers, indeed, completely succeeded in obtaining a house of commons
      fashioned after their own mind: the great majority of the members were
      pledged to implicit obedience to the will of the people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT&mdash;THE REFORM QUESTION RENEWED IN PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 14th of June; being opened by commission till the
      preliminary forms necessary to be gone through in the house of commons
      should have been completed. On the 21st. after Mr. Manners Sutton had been
      re-elected speaker without opposition, and all the members were sworn in,
      his majesty opened the session in person. In his speech his majesty
      remarked: "I have availed myself of the earliest opportunity of resorting
      to your advice and assistance, after the dissolution of the late
      parliament. Having had recourse to that measure for the purpose of
      ascertaining the sense of my people on the expediency of a reform in the
      representation, I have now to recommend that important question to your
      earliest and most attentive consideration; confident that in any measures
      which you may propose for its adjustment, you will carefully adhere to the
      acknowledged principles of the constitution, by which the prerogative of
      the crown, the authority of both houses of parliament, and the rights and
      liberties of the people are equally secured." No amendment was proposed to
      the address in the upper house. The discussion chiefly turned on the
      dissolution of parliament, the inattention of government to the security
      of property during the London illuminations, and the arts used to inflame
      the public mind during the election. The same topics were also discussed
      in the commons, and the address was carried there without opposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house of commons having been elected for the purpose of passing a
      measure of reform, no time was lost in bringing it forward. Lord John
      Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the representation of
      England on the 24th of June. No debate took place on this occasion: Sir R.
      Peel having stated that he did not wish to divide the house on the first
      reading, or to have a long debate without a division. At his suggestion
      the second reading was postponed from the 30th of June to the 4th of July.
      In the meantime the Irish and Scotch bills were brought in and read the
      first time: the former on the 30th of June, and the latter on the 1st of
      July. On the appointed day for the second reading of the English reform
      bill an animated debate took place. Sir John Walsh moved that the bill
      should be read that day six months. The debate which followed this
      amendment continued three nights; and it consisted chiefly of a repetition
      of the views, arguments, and anticipations which had been brought out at
      such great length in the former parliament. Ministers and their
      supporters, however, found new matter for triumph in the evidence with
      which the general election had furnished them, that the people were
      generally for reform. All doubt or hesitation was at an end: the voice of
      the people had decided, not merely that there must be reform, but that it
      must be that kind of reform contained in the ministerial bill. This voice
      had been pronounced unanimously, for the returns from close boroughs and
      particular counties could not be taken into account in estimating the will
      and the wishes of those who formed the people. The opposition on the other
      hand contended, that the argument drawn from the mere fact of a popular
      clamour having been raised in favour of this measure, was fit only for
      legislators who had been invested with that character on no other terms
      than those of pledging themselves to discharge the humble duty of
      delegates, and not to act according to any opinions which they might form
      on the measures proposed by government. No man, it was said, could deny
      the violent excitement which had taken place, and few would maintain that
      large bodies of electors were the fittest persons for deciding on the
      merits of so complicated and delicate a question; and every man must
      concede, that least of all could the decision of such assemblages be
      regarded when made under the influence of agitation, sedulously cherished
      by false pretexts, and supported by groundless anticipations. Nor could
      the returns, it was argued, be considered as manifesting the opinion of
      the country on this plan of reform. They had been influenced, it was said,
      by considerations not connected with the merits of the proposition; and by
      identifying it with consequences, to which even its most rational and
      candid friends admitted that it never would lead. It was asked, Where had
      been the unanimity in favour of reform before the promulgation of the
      present measure, and the triumphs of the democracy of France? How little
      ministers could trust to reason and calmness among the people, and how
      much they reckoned on everything that was the reverse, was clear from the
      delicacy and respect with which they treated bodies that ought to have
      been unknown to them as a government, except for the purpose of checking
      their pretensions. Ministers had resolved not to intrust ten-pound voters
      who paid weekly; and this having displeased the Birmingham Political
      Union, they addressed a letter to the prime-minister on the subject, and
      that noble lord honoured them with the most friendly recognition. The
      speech of Mr. Macaulay, a nominee of Lord Lansdowne for the borough of
      Calne, in favour of the bill, elicited much applause. He remarked:&mdash;"The
      country and their children for ages to come will call this the second bill
      of rights; the greater charter of the liberties of England. I believe that
      the year 1831 is destined to exhibit to mankind the first example of a
      great, complicated, and deeply-rooted system of abuses removed without
      violence, bloodshed, and rapine; all forms observed, the fruits of
      industry not destroyed, and the authority of the law not suspended. These
      are things which may well make Englishmen proud of the age and country in
      which they live. These are things which may make them look forward to a
      long series of tranquil and happy years, during which nothing will disturb
      the concord of a popular government and a loyal people; of years in which,
      if war should be inevitable, it will find the people a united nation: of
      years pre-eminently distinguished by the mitigation of public burdens, by
      the prosperity of industry, by the reformation of jurisprudence, and by
      all the victories of peace: in which, far more than in military triumphs,
      consist the true prosperity of states and the glory of statesmen. It is
      with such feelings and hopes that I give my most cordial assent to this
      measure of reform, a measure which, in itself, I think desirable, but
      which in the present temper of the public mind is indispensably necessary
      to the repose of empire and the stability of government." The debate was
      closed by Lord John Russell, who defended his plan: and on a division the
      second reading of the measure was carried by a majority of three hundred
      and sixty-seven against two hundred and thirty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was proposed that the house should go into committee on the 12th of
      July, when Lord Maitland, one of the members for Appleby, rose to oppose
      the disfranchisement of that borough, on the score of a mistake in the
      population returns. He moved that his constituents should be heard at the
      bar by themselves and their counsel against the bill, in so far as it
      affected them, and in support of the allegations in their petition.
      Ministers declared that they would resist such an inquiry. They asked,
      whether the progress of this great measure was to be stopped to enter into
      the examination of a particular case of so insignificant a borough as
      Appleby? Members would be heard in committee in regard to this and every
      other borough; but if the house was to hear counsel in the case of
      Appleby, they might likewise be called on to hear them in the case of the
      other condemned boroughs, and that would be vexatious. The house had the
      information furnished by the population returns, which ministers deemed
      sufficient: if witnesses were examined at the bar, they must necessarily,
      if they had not been engaged in taking the census, be unable to furnish
      any other evidence; and if they had been so engaged, they would furnish
      the same evidence. A stormy debate followed, several members maintaining
      that there never had been an instance of so arbitrary and unconstitutional
      an attempt as ministers were now making. The second reading had carried
      the principle of the bill; but these petitioners were not objecting to the
      principle, but simply maintaining that, adopting this principle, the rule
      laid down by the bill itself, and founded on matters of fact, could not
      apply to them. Ministers, however, were deaf to all remonstrances; and the
      motion was negatived, although several supporters of the bill ventured to
      vote in the minority, feeling that the petitioners were justly entitled to
      show cause why they should not be disfranchised, and that justice would
      not be done if the motion were rejected. This motion being lost, a new
      discussion arose before the speaker left the chair, on the general
      principles and tendencies of the bill. As many members wished to express
      their sentiments, and the majority seemed impatient to cut all argument
      short, Mr. Gordon moved for an adjournment. The chancellor of the
      exchequer, however, asserted that he would have no further general
      argument on the bill after that night; and, notwithstanding the motion was
      ably defended, it was negatived. Repeated motions for adjournment were
      made, and were as repeatedly negatived; but as the minority still kept to
      their point, and seven o'clock in the morning was approaching, the
      chancellor of the exchequer said, that if the house would allow him to go
      into committee <i>pro forma</i>, the chairman might report progress, and
      ask leave to sit again to-morrow, when the discussion might go on as
      before. This was agreed to, and the house then adjourned. On the 13th,
      when the motion was made for the speaker leaving the chair, some
      discussion took place on the general principles of the bill; but it was
      very brief; and the house then discussed the measure clause by clause. The
      discussion on the several clauses continued from the 13th of July to the
      15th of September, the opposition combating every point foot to foot with
      ministers. Amendments were moved as to the general principles of the bill,
      and as regards particular boroughs; but ministers were triumphant in
      almost every instance of importance. An amendment, moved by the Marquis of
      Chandos, that the right of voting should belong-to all occupiers of land
      paying a rent of not less than fifty pounds, was, however, earned by a
      majority of eighty-four; and it was incorporated with the original clause,
      which gave a right of voting for counties to leaseholders for a certain
      period, and a defined rent. The committee finished its labours on the 7th
      of September; and the bill, as amended, was reported to the house. The
      third reading was carried without a debate, on the 15th of September, by a
      majority of fifty-five; but on the motion that the bill do pass, a debate
      arose, which continued during the 19th, 20th, and 21st of September. Mr.
      Macaulay, with brilliant eloquence, admonished the peers to look to the
      deserted halls of France, and take warning not to oppose popular lights.
      Mr. Croker who seemed to make a point of rising to address the house after
      Mr. Macaulay, ridiculed the idea of the peers of England being deterred by
      fear from the performance of their duty, and reminded Mr. Macaulay that if
      the halls of France were deserted, it was because the French nobility were
      so foolish as to make any concessions to popular clamour. Mr. Stanley,
      then in the noon of his reputation, replied with his usual debating power
      to Mr. Croker, and carried the sympathies, if not the opinions of the
      house. Useless and angry recrimination entered largely into the remainder
      of the debate, in which Mr. Wynn and Sir Charles Wetherell especially
      figured. The personal influence of Lord Althorp and Sir Robert Peel
      allayed this angry spirit.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REJECTION OF THE REFORM BILL BY THE LORDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The reform bill having been carried in the commons, on the next day Lord
      John Russell, attended by many of its supporters, delivered the bill to
      the lord-chancellor in the house of lords. The bill was read a first time,
      and, on the motion of Earl Grey, was directed to be read a second time on
      the 3rd of October. In the meantime the reformers vigorously employed all
      the means in their power to intimidate the peers into submission.
      Political unions again sent forth their addresses and petitions, and
      meetings were convened to warn them of "the tremendous consequences of
      rejecting the bill," and to inform them how "deeply and fearfully the
      security of commercial, as well as of all other property, was involved" in
      passing it without delay. In a meeting held in the common-hall of London,
      Colonel Torrens remarked:&mdash;"Let the peers refuse this bill if they
      dare; and if they do, dearly will they rue their obstinacy hereafter. You
      all remember the Sibyl's story. She presented her oracles to the court of
      Tarquin, and they were rejected. She burned a portion, and again offered
      them, but they were again rejected. After diminishing their number still
      further, she once more returned, and the remaining volumes were gladly
      purchased at the price which she had originally demanded for the entire.
      We, however, mean to reverse the moral, for should the present bill be
      defeated, we shall bring their lordships another bill, demanding a little
      more; and then, should they still dare to resist the might, and insult the
      majesty of the people of England united as one man, we will come forward
      with a bill of reform in which their lordships will find themselves
      inserted in schedule A." Such language as this was used from one end of
      the country to the other, and the press and orators alike endeavoured to
      intimidate the peers into submission. They were to have no direct
      influence in the deliberations of the commons, and now they were to have
      no deliberate voice in their own house. Such was the state of public
      feeling when, on the 3rd of October, Earl Grey moved the second reading of
      the bill. After some prefatory remarks, he said, that being called to form
      a new administration, he stated to his majesty that the only condition on
      which he would accept office was that he should be allowed to bring
      forward the question of parliamentary reform as a measure of government.
      That condition was sanctioned by the monarch, assented to by the commons,
      and hailed with joy by the people. Earl Grey next went into the details of
      the bill, an account of which is given in the previous pages. He added:
      "You are asked to give up that which is odious, unjust, and
      unconstitutional, and by retaining which the security of this house may be
      shaken. The influence which your lordships possess in the representation
      of sixty-five old boroughs may be taken from you by this bill, but the
      peers and the landed interest are not thereby deprived of their influence
      in the representation&mdash;on the contrary, that influence is increased."
      Earl Grey proceeded to contend that the measure had received the
      approbation of the country. He was, he said, one of the last men in that
      house who would grant anything to intimidation, and he would say, "Resist
      popular violence, and do not give way to popular commotion," but here
      there was neither violence nor commotion. The opinion of the people was
      fairly and unequivocally expressed, and no government could turn a deaf
      ear to it, and least of all could a government founded on free principles
      take such a step. The time was passed for taking half-measures; their
      lordships must either adopt this bill, or they would have in its stead
      something infinitely stronger and more extensive. The measure was brought
      forward at the recommendation of the crown; it had been carried by an
      overwhelming majority of the other house, and it was supported by the
      prayers of millions, who respectfully knocked at their lordships' door,
      and asked, for that which they considered to be the restoration of their
      just rights. Were their lordships prepared to reject a bill so supported,
      and that, too, on its second reading? He would venture for a moment, he
      continued, to address himself to the right reverend prelates who sat near
      him. While he assured that body that no man was more sincerely attached
      than he was to the maintenance of all the rights and privileges of the
      church&mdash;no man held in higher veneration the purity of its doctrine
      and discipline&mdash;no man was more ready to admit the zeal, and
      learning, and piety of those who presided over it,&mdash;let him at the
      same time ask, that if this bill be rejected by a narrow majority of the
      lay peers, and if its fate should thus within a few votes be decided by
      the votes of the heads of the church, what would then be their situation
      with the country? Those right reverend prelates had shown that they were
      not indifferent or inattentive to the signs of the times; they had
      introduced measures for effecting some salutary reforms in matters
      relating to the temporalities of the church, let them be implored to
      follow up the same course. The eyes of the country were upon them; he
      called upon them to "set their house in order," and prepare to meet the
      coming storm&mdash;to consider seriously what would be the opinion of the
      country should a measure on which the nation had fixed its hopes be
      defeated by their votes. They were the ministers of peace; he hoped that
      the result of their votes would be such as might tend to the tranquillity,
      peace, and happiness of the country. Earl Grey concluded his speech by
      saying that he was prepared to stand or fall by this measure; the question
      of his continuance in office for one hour would depend on the prospect of
      being able to carry through that which he considered important to the
      tranquillity, safety, and happiness of the country. Lord Wharncliffe
      addressed the house against the measure, defending nomination, not because
      it was made by peers or other influential individuals, but because its
      effect in the house of commons was that it acted as a check on those
      places which were popularly represented. He further argued, that if a
      house of commons were once elected on the principles of this bill, it
      would cramp the crown in the exercise of its prerogatives, and create a
      body in that house so irresistible as to make their lordships' decisions
      on all public questions a dead letter. The house of commons would become
      too much the image of the people. The dangers, indeed, which at this
      moment surrounded their lordships proved the accuracy of his argument.
      They had now a popular house of commons&mdash;a delegate house of commons;
      that house had passed this measure, and their lordships were told that
      nothing was left for them but to record and register the decree of the
      house of commons. He moved, therefore, that "this bill be rejected." Lords
      Mulgrave and Mansfield followed..... the former in support of, and the
      latter against the bill. After which Lord Wharncliffe, lest his motion
      should be interpreted as an insult to the house of commons, begged leave
      to withdraw his motion, and to propose in its stead that the bill be read
      a second time that day six months. After some discussion this alteration
      was allowed, and the debate was resumed by Lord Winchilsea, who opposed
      the bill. Lord Melbourne supported the measure, and the Duke of Wellington
      opposed it. After some introductory remarks, the duke referred to language
      which Earl Grey had uttered concerning the house of commons in 1817. His
      words were&mdash;"Constituted as it now is, I in my conscience believe
      that the house of commons is, of all institutions, in all countries of the
      world, the best calculated for the general protection of the subject." In
      1830 he (the Duke of Wellington) had pronounced an opinion in parliament
      on the subject of reform, of which the noble earl disapproved. What he
      said was, that he approved of the constitution of parliament; and if he
      were to invent a constitution for parliament over again, he would
      endeavour to frame one like it, in which property should preponderate. The
      noble earl had said that it was this sentence which had created the spirit
      of reform now pervading the country. It was not so; the spirit of reform
      had originated with the French revolution. Ever since the American war,
      the minds of the people had been occasionally disturbed by the spirit of
      reform; and when any insurrection grew up in Europe, a desire for reform
      was sure to be exhibited. Concerning the measure before the house, the
      noble duke asked whether it was founded on the principles of the
      constitution? He thought not; he thought the bill violated both the
      principles and practice of the constitution. It went to establish a new
      system of representation in every county, borough, and town in the United
      Kingdom, with the exception of the two universities. The town
      representation would be placed in the hands of close, self-elected
      committees, like that which had appointed itself in the metropolis at the
      close of the last session, and which dissolved itself only in consequence
      of the notice which its proceedings had attracted in parliament. The undue
      enlargement of the powers of the town constituency would entirely destroy
      the balance of the agricultural representation of the counties. The towns
      already exercised an extraordinary influence in the election of county
      representatives, and the evil would be aggravated tenfold by the clause of
      the bill which gave votes to leaseholders and copyholders. The noble duke
      entered into the details of the measure at great length, and concluded by
      eulogising the constitution as it now existed. Under it, he said, we
      enjoyed the largest commerce, and the most flourishing colonies in the
      world. There was not any country in the universe in which so much
      happiness, so much prosperity, and so much comfort, were diffused amongst
      all the various classes of society; none in which so many and such large
      properties, both public and private, were to be found as in England. There
      was not a position in Europe in any degree important for military
      purposes, or advantageous for trade, which was not under our control, or
      within our reach. All these great and numerous advantages we possess, he
      added, under the existing system; but it will be impossible to retain them
      if we once establish a wild democracy, a complete democratic assembly
      under the name of a house of commons. On the two following evenings the
      principal speakers for the bill were Lords Lansdowne, Goderich, and
      Plunkett; and against it, Lords Dudley and Ward, Haddington, and
      Carnarvon. The fifth and last night of the debate was begun by Lord
      Wynford, who was followed by Lord Eldon, who condemned the measure as
      subversive of the right of property as well as of the monarchy, and of
      every principle acknowledged by the constitution. Lord Eldon concluded his
      speech by warning their lordships of the danger of conceding the terms
      required; and by declaring that if the measure passed, there would be an
      end to the monarchy. The lord-chancellor, after taking a review of the
      courses taken by the opponents of the bill, denied that the bill was
      founded upon population, and not property. Lord Lyndhurst resisted the
      bill because it appeared to him inconsistent with the prerogative of the
      crown, and with the authority of their lordships; but, above all, because
      it was detrimental to the rights and liberties of the people. The bill was
      opposed by Lord Tenterden and the Archbishop of Canterbury, both of whom
      expressed their belief that it would have a mischievous tendency. The Duke
      of Sussex supported it; but the Duke of Gloucester, although desirous of
      temperate reform, opposed it, as he conceived it to be a scheme for a new
      constitution. Lord Grey, in reply, complained that the opposition to the
      measure seemed to be carried on, less with a view to defeat the bill, than
      to drive its advocates from office. He repeated that he was pledged to
      this measure, or to one of equal extent; and said, that if a more moderate
      scheme would satisfy the people, he would not be the person to introduce
      such a measure. As to what course he should follow if defeated, he could
      not say; but he should be culpable if he were to resign his office and
      abandon his king, so long as he could be of use to him; for he was bound
      to him by gratitude as great as ever subject owed a sovereign. The house
      at length divided; and the bill, which had occupied so much of the
      attention of parliament during this session, and for which the people had
      long been earnestly striving, was lost by a majority of one hundred and
      ninety-one against one hundred and fifty-eight.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1831&mdash;1832
    </p>
    <p>
      This division in the house of lords took place on the 8th of October. When
      the house met on Monday, the 10th, Lord Ebrington brought forward a
      motion, the object of which was to prevent ministers from resigning, by
      pledging the house of commons to support them. He founded their claims to
      public confidence, not merely on what they had done for the question of
      reform, but likewise on other measures which had distinguished their
      course; the relief, in particular, granted to the poor by the repeal of
      the duty on soap and candles, the improvements introduced by them into
      criminal jurisprudence, and the cleansing of the Augean stable of the
      court of chancery. He moved the following resolution;&mdash;"That while
      this house laments the present state of a bill for introducing a reform
      into the commons house of parliament, in favour of which the opinion of
      the country stands unequivocally pronounced, and which has been matured by
      discussions the most anxious and the most laborious, it feels itself most
      imperatively called upon to reassert its firm adherence to the principles
      and leading provisions of that great measure, and to express its unabated
      confidence in the integrity, perseverance, and ability of those ministers
      who, by introducing and conducting it, so well consulted the best
      interests of the country." The motion was supported by Messrs. O'Connell,
      Shiel, Macaulay, Hunt, and Duncombe, all of whom argued that, as matters
      stood, the continuance of ministers in office was the only thing that
      would secure public tranquillity, and that perseverance for a short time
      was sure to make reform triumphant, while their resignation would produce
      a state of things where demagogues would be above the law. Mr. Hume
      described the vote of the house of lords to be the unreasonable and wilful
      blindness of a miserable minority withholding from the majority their just
      rights. Others insisted that government should not hesitate, if it seemed
      necessary, to create as many peers as might be required to secure a
      triumphant majority. "The people," it was said, "have sent a
      sweeping-majority of reformers into the house of commons; why should not
      ministers send an equally decisive majority into the other house?" The
      motion was opposed by Sir C. Wetherell and Sir Robert Peel, and by Messrs.
      Croker and Goulburn, as being unnecessary and unfounded. If agreed to, it
      was said, it would only be a repetition of former votes. Lord Althorp said
      that the motion was made without any suggestion on the part of ministers.
      For himself, unless he felt a reasonable hope that a measure equally
      efficient would be brought forward and carried, he would not remain in
      office a single hour. The opponents of reform had gained a great triumph,
      and might rejoice in their success; but he did not think that any great
      triumph would be eventually gained; he was confident that the measure was
      only postponed. If the people of England remained firm and determined, but
      peaceable, he hoped and believed that there would be ultimate and speedy
      success. There was only one chance of failure; namely, if their
      disappointment led them into acts of violence, or to unconstitutional
      measures of resistance. The motion was earned by a majority of three
      hundred and twenty-nine against one hundred and ninety-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONSEQUENCES OF THE REJECTION OF THE REFORM BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The rejection of the reform bill produced an extraordinary sensation
      throughout the country. Meetings were instantly convened in the
      metropolis. One was held at the Thatched-house Tavern, consisting of all
      the members who had supported the bill in its passage through the commons.
      The common-council also promptly assembled; and this was followed by a
      meeting at the Mansion-house of merchants and bankers, who passed
      resolutions approving of the conduct of government, and pledging
      themselves to its support. Petitions were also carried to the king,
      praying him to continue his ministers, and have recourse to a new creation
      of peers, sufficient in numbers to carry the bill. The lord-mayor and
      corporation went to St. James's with an address to the throne, and the
      civic procession was joined in its route by such numerous bodies with
      similar addresses, that, before it reached the palace, it consisted of
      more than 500,000 persons. Soon after their arrival the parochial deputies
      waited on Lord Melbourne, who prudently advised them to commit their
      addresses to the county members for presentation at the levee. This was
      announced to the multitude by Mr. Hume, who, while he exhorted them to be
      firm and united, advised them to be peaceable, and to disperse
      immediately, so that no advantage might be given to the enemies of reform.
      Mischief, however, was on foot. The mansions of the Duke of Wellington,
      the Marquis of Bristol, and that of Earl Dudley, were attacked, and were
      only saved from destruction by the timely interference of the police. The
      Marquis of Londonderry and the Duke of Cumberland were personally attacked
      in the park; and the latter would probably have been killed had not the
      police rescued him. In the country, also, violence and outrage became the
      order of the day. At first they were confined to the counties of Derby and
      Nottingham, at the latter of which places the mob set fire to the castle,
      the seat of the Duke of Newcastle, one of the sternest opposers of the
      reform bill. The house of Mr. Masters, also, in the vicinity, was sacked
      and pillaged; and his wife died in consequence of being obliged to seek
      shelter under the bushes of a shrubbery in a cold and rainy October night.
      In both houses of parliament ministers loudly expressed their
      disapprobation of such proceedings; but they were charged by their
      opponents with having indirectly encouraged the rioters by the language
      they had used, and the connexion in which they had placed themselves with
      large bodies of men acting illegally. While the bill was before the lords
      a meeting of political unions took place at Birmingham; and this assembly
      voted an address to the king, setting forth their alarm "at the awful
      consequences" which might arise from the failure of the bill; their pain
      at imagining the house of lords so infatuated as to reject it; and their
      earnest desire that his majesty would create as many peers as might be
      necessary to carry the measure. The most violent and threatening language
      was uttered by the speakers at this meeting; and one of the resolutions
      agreed to was a vote of thanks to Lords Althorp and John Russell. This was
      answered in these courteous terms:&mdash;"I beg to acknowledge with
      heartfelt gratitude the undeserved honour done me by 150,000 of my
      countrymen. Our prospects are now obscured for a moment, and I trust only
      for a moment. It is impossible that the whisper of faction should prevail
      against the voice of a nation." This courteous reply to a body of
      demagogues was severely deprecated in the house of commons, especially by
      Sir H. Hardinge, Sir R. Vyvyan, and Sir Charles Wetherell. In the meantime
      the spirit of insubordination seemed to increase. At Croydon the
      Archbishop of Canterbury was grossly insulted while presiding over a
      meeting of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; and in
      Somersetshire the bishop of the diocese was attacked when engaged in the
      solemn ceremony of consecrating a new church. Several other obnoxious
      prelates were burned in effigy. But these were trifles compared with the
      devastation committed at Bristol, when its recorder. Sir Charles
      Wetherell, arrived there late in October, on his official duties. He had
      no sooner opened his commission than he was attacked with such violence by
      the mob, that he was compelled to seek for safety by flight and disguise.
      Even his departure did not stop the mad fury of the populace. The
      episcopal palace, the mansion-house, the excise-office, with great part of
      Queen's Square, fell a sacrifice to the flames. A large number of
      warehouses, also, many of which were filled with wine and spirits, shared
      in the conflagration. The soldiers had been sent out of the city, but they
      were compelled to be recalled; and as parties of them arrived,
      tranquillity was restored. The total number of killed and wounded amounted
      nearly to one hundred; and about two hundred were taken prisoners during
      the outrages, while others were captured afterwards with plundered
      property in their possessions. About the same time partial disturbances
      broke out at Bath, Coventry, and Worcester; but these being vigorously
      opposed by the municipal and military powers, were speedily checked. A
      proclamation was finally issued by his majesty in council on the 2nd of
      November, exhorting all classes of his subjects to unite in suppressing
      tumults. As winter advanced, however, the alarm of the executive
      government increased, and serious apprehensions were entertained lest the
      peace of the country should be endangered by the formidable associations
      which everywhere existed, and especially by those in London, Birmingham,
      and Manchester. These associations began even to appoint councils and
      officers, and to assume a regular plan of organization. The rapid increase
      of unions at length made it necessary that some steps should be taken to
      lay them under restraint; and the Gazette of the 22nd of November
      contained a proclamation, declaring their illegality, and warning all
      subjects of the realm against entering into such combinations. About the
      same time a special commission was appointed to try the Bristol rioters,
      and the result was that eighty-five were convicted: five were left for
      execution, but four only suffered the extremity of the law. A military
      court of inquiry was also instituted on the conduct of the officers
      commanding at Bristol, and a court-martial was appointed on Colonel
      Brereton and Captain Warrington. The former, overcome by his feelings, and
      the weight of evidence against him, destroyed himself, and the latter
      rested his defence for his neglect in suppressing the riots, and
      preserving the buildings, on the want of directions from Colonel Brereton,
      and of assistance from the city magistrates, the head of whom purposely
      concealed himself when his presence was needed; whilst all the aldermen
      excused themselves for not accompanying the soldiers, by their inability
      to ride on horseback. General Sir Charles Dalbiac, however, the
      crown-prosecutor, laid it down as a fundamental principle of the common
      law:&mdash;"That if the occasion demands immediate action, and no
      opportunity is given for procuring the advice or sanction of a magistrate,
      it is the duty of every subject to act on his own responsibility, in
      suppressing a riotous and tumultuous assembly; and whatever may be done by
      him honestly, in the execution of that object, he will be justified and
      supported by the common law. That law acknowledges no distinction between
      the private citizen and the soldier, who is still a citizen, lying under
      the same obligation, and invested with the same authority to preserve the
      king's peace as any other subject." Later in the year commissions were
      issued to try the rioters at Nottingham and Derby.
    </p>
    <p>
      During all this time Ireland continued in a most distracted state.
      Associations were promoted in the country by Mr. O'Connell for the repeal
      of the union, until at length the magistrates dispersed one of his
      meetings, and apprehended the great agitator and his accomplices for
      illegal acts. True bills were found against them by the grand jury, and
      Mr. O'Connell put in a demurrer; but withdrew it, and pleaded not guilty.
      After several attempts to delay the trial, he withdrew that plea, also,
      and pleaded guilty to the first fourteen counts in the indictment
      respecting the holding of meetings in contempt of proclamations. Mr.
      Stanley, secretary for Ireland, distinctly stated in the house of commons,
      in answer to a question put by the Marquis of Chandos, that he and his
      accomplices would be brought up for judgment; but this promise was never
      fulfilled, and many discussions took place in parliament, as to whether
      government had made any compromise with the agitators. Ministers denied
      that such was the case; and that they were not brought up for judgment is
      perhaps sufficiently accounted for by the state of both England and
      Ireland. In the latter country the disturbances toward the close of the
      year greatly increased. In the counties of Clare, Roscommon, Galway and
      Tipperary, all law was trampled under foot; murder, robbery, and searching
      for arms by bodies of men were the ordinary occurrences of every day. The
      lord-lieutenant made a progress through the disturbed counties in the vain
      hope that his presence would restore tranquillity; but things remained in
      the same state on his return to Dublin as before his departure from
      thence. More vigorous measures were afterwards adopted: proclamations were
      issued in several counties applying the insurrection act to them, and a
      special commission was sent down to try all offenders captured. A great
      number of miserable creatures were convicted, but few individuals suffered
      the last penalty of the law. But notwithstanding these trials, the
      outrages in Ireland lost little of their horrors. The refusal to pay
      tithes became general; and many frightful collisions occurred between the
      peasantry and the authorities which endeavoured to repress their lawless
      proceedings, The law was, in fact, powerless; and whenever the officers of
      the law interfered, open war was declared against them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of October the chancellor of the exchequer laid his view of
      finance for the year before the house of commons. This was the second
      statement within the year; for the original budget was a failure, and his
      lordship had been driven to the necessity of changing his operations. His
      present statement was that the total amount of receipts for the present
      year would be £47,250,000, and the expenditure £46,756,221. He had, he
      said, to allow for £200,000 more received from the account of the last
      year, so that he would take the surplus of revenue over expenditure at
      £493,000. He begged to observe that this surplus was larger than he had
      anticipated in February last, notwithstanding he had not succeeded in
      carrying several of the taxes he had proposed. In the customs there had
      been a falling off this quarter; but he had grounds for concluding that it
      would not continue. In regard to the sinking-fund, he said, that, at the
      commencement of each quarter, he had taken an average of the four
      preceding quarters, and that sum he had applied to the reduction of the
      debt in the succeeding quarter, if the revenue was not clearly falling.
      The act allowed the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt
      to apply the surplus to the purchase of exchequer-bills, as well as stock;
      and since the revenue had been diminished so much by the reduction of
      taxes, the surplus had been applied in the purchase of such bills. He had
      done this in order to diminish the number of securities in the hands of
      the bank; and although the plan was operose, the effect was, that the debt
      was not reduced, unless there was a real surplus of revenue.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The king prorogued parliament on the 20th of October, in person. On the
      one all-absorbing topic, that of reform in parliament, he remarked:&mdash;"In
      the interval of repose which may now be afforded to you, I am sure it is
      unnecessary for me to recommend to you the most careful attention to the
      preservation of tranquillity in your respective counties. The anxiety
      which has been so generally manifested by my people for the accomplishment
      of a constitutional reform in the commons house of parliament, will, I
      trust, be regulated by a due sense of the necessity of order and
      moderation in their proceedings. To the consideration of this important
      question the attention of parliament must necessarily again be called at
      the opening of the ensuing session; and you may be assured of my unaltered
      desire to promote its settlement by such improvements in the
      representation as may be found necessary for securing to my people the
      full enjoyment of their rights, which, in combination with those of the
      other orders of the state, are essential to the support of our free
      constitution." Parliament was prorogued to the 22nd of November, but
      subsequently by proclamation to the 6th of December.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CORONATION OF WILLIAM IV.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The coronation of William IV. took place on the 8th of September. The
      ceremony was shorn of the grotesque pageantry of chivalric times, and was
      confined to the interior of the abbey. The royal procession moved in state
      carriages from St. James's Palace, and was escorted by the cavalry. His
      majesty was saluted with hearty cheers from the multitude, such as greeted
      his father in the most palmy days of his reign. His majesty, the first
      naval king that ever sat on the British throne, was dressed in an
      admiral's uniform. As the procession passed, the bands which were
      stationed at different points played the national anthem, which tended to
      excite the enthusiasm of the people. In conformity with precedents, the
      coronation was distinguished by the grant of new honours. Three
      marquesses, four earls, and fifteen barons were created; and this increase
      of the peerage was afterwards succeeded by the addition of twenty-eight
      names to the list of baronets of the United Kingdom, for the express
      purpose of carrying the reform bill.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF NEW LONDON BRIDGE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The ceremony of opening new London Bridge took place on the 1st of August.
      It was honoured by the presence of their majesties, who partook of a
      banquet in a pavilion erected on the bridge. On the day following, another
      exhibition of royalty took place in the procession of their majesties to
      the house of lords, that the king might give his assent to the queen's
      dower bill. On the same day, in consequence of a royal message, delivered
      by Earl Grey, the importance of making a further provision to support the
      honour and dignity of the Princess Victoria, as presumptive heiress of the
      crown, was taken into consideration. It appeared that, in consequence of
      Prince Leopold's election to the throne of Belgium, £6000 per annum, which
      he had hitherto allowed his sister and niece, had been withdrawn. Lord
      Althorp made a similar statement in the commons; and he proposed an
      addition of £10,000 per annum to the income of the duchess, which
      resolution was agreed to <i>nem. con</i>.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RAVAGES OF THE CHOLERA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the country was in the disturbed state described in previous pages,
      its confusion was increased by the appearance of the cholera morbus. This
      frightful malady first appeared on the banks of the Ganges, in 1817. The
      early manifestations of it consisted in violent vomitings and discharges
      of the bowels. After this, spasmodic contractions, beginning in the
      fingers, gradually extended themselves to the trunk; the pulse sank; the
      skin became cold; the lips, face, neck, hands, and feet, and soon after
      the thighs, arms, and surface assumed a leaden, blue, purple, black, or
      deep brown tint, according to the complexion of the individual, or the
      intensity of the attack. The fingers and toes were reduced in size; the
      skin and soft parts covering them became wrinkled, shrivelled, and folded;
      the nails assumed a bluish, pearly white hue; the larger superficial veins
      were marked by flat lines of a deeper black; the pulse became small as a
      thread, and sometimes totally extinct; the voice sunk into a whisper; the
      respiration was quick, irregular, and imperfect; and the secretion of
      urine was totally suspended. Death took place often in ten or twelve, and
      generally in eighteen or twenty hours after the appearance of well-founded
      symptoms. Many were the thousands who perished by this visitation in
      India; the cities of Decca and Patna, the towns of Balasore, Burrishol,
      Burdavan, and Malda suffered greatly, and throughout the Gangetic Delta
      the population was sensibly diminished. The scourge was extended eastward
      along the coast of the Asiatic continent, and through the islands of the
      Indian Ocean, to China and to Timor. Before the end of 1827, it had
      traversed the Molucca islands, and the island of Timor, and continuing for
      several years to ravage the interior of China, it had, by 1827, passed to
      the north of the great wall, and had desolated some places in Mongolia. In
      the meantime, also, it extended to the west. Bombay, Persia, Asiatic
      Turkey, Russia, Poland, Austria, and Prussia, all experienced the dreadful
      visitation, from 1818 to 1831. Precautions had been taken in England, by
      enforcing quarantine regulations, to protect the country from the malady;
      but notwithstanding, in the month of October of this year, it made its
      appearance in Sunderland. Before the close of the year, it found its way
      from Sunderland and Newcastle to the suburbs of the metropolis. At first
      its outrages were generally confined to the victims of intemperance; but
      it soon began to attack patients of all descriptions, and to spread from
      the capital into the provinces. Scarcely any part in the empire,
      eventually, escaped the fearful scourge, but its inflictions, probably by
      reason of the habits of the people, and the nature of the climate, were
      less violent than in the other nations which it had visited. A board of
      health was established, which made a daily report of cases. Concerning the
      disease, there was great contrariety of opinion among medical men. The
      main points on which they differed were as to whether the disease was
      contagious or not; whether it was the Asiatic cholera or a new complaint;
      whether it was imported or indigenous; and whether it partook of the
      properties of the plague, or was to be regarded as a transient scourge.
      The ratio of deaths in England was found to be about one to three. Some
      places were entirely free from its ravages, although it was raging near,
      which gave rise to an opinion that its propagation was extended by
      currents in the air.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "God proclaims His hot displeasure against foolish men,
     That live an atheist life; involves the heaven
     In tempests; quits his grasp upon the winds,
     And gives them all their fury; bids a plague
     Kindle a fiery boil upon the shin,
     And putrefy the breath of blooming health.
     He calls for famine, and the meagre fiend
     Blows mildew from between his shrivelled lips,
     And taints the golden ear.
     He springs his mines,
     And desolates a nation at a blast."
</pre>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In France, this year was likewise distinguished by tumults. In Paris and
      Lyons especially there were great disturbances; and at the latter place
      the riot of workmen advanced to such a height that the Duke of Orleans,
      accompanied by Marshal Soult, was dispatched thither with extraordinary
      powers to quell the revolt. In the Netherlands, after Prince Leopold had
      accepted the crown, which he did in the month of June, Holland, on the 1st
      of August, declared the armistice to be at an end, and prepared to enforce
      by arms the rights which Europe had, on a former occasion, declared to
      belong to the king of that country. A Dutch army entered Belgium, and
      routed the Belgian forces at Hasselt and Louvain, which latter city it
      captured. This army, however, subsequently retired before a large French
      force which arrived at Brussels for the defence of the country. The
      marches of the Dutch and French armies became a subject of debate, in
      consequence of which the French troops were recalled. Another set of
      articles was framed by the conference, which declared that the acceptance
      of them should be compulsory. Belgium readily accepted them, but they were
      rejected by Holland. After this, a treaty was signed between the five
      powers and Leopold, who was recognized by them as King of Belgium; but the
      Dutch plenipotentiaries entered a strong protest against this instrument,
      feeling a certainty of being aided in their pretensions by some of the
      contracting powers, and by a strong party even in Great Britain. The state
      of possession however, at the close of the year, remained undisturbed; the
      King of Holland having declared that, although he would not desist from
      his military armaments, he would employ them at present only for the
      purposes of defence. In Spain, this year two attempts at insurrection were
      made; but they were followed by defeats, arrests, and executions. In
      Portugal, where Don Miguel's cruelties continued unabated, the hopes of
      the constitutionalists were revived in the return of Don Pedro, with his
      daughter. Donna Maria, to Europe, and his preparations for a descent on
      Portugal. Don Miguel made every exertion to put the forts of the Tagus
      into a state of complete preparation to repel the expected attack; but all
      his efforts were weakened by the want of money; and at the close of the
      year his usurped throne was in danger of being overthrown. Insurrections
      were also, this year, prevalent in Italy. They occurred in Parma, Modena,
      and the Papal States, and were put clown by Austrian interference. Greece,
      during the same period, for whose pacification the powers of Europe had
      laboured so long, was a scene of violence and war. The popularity of Capo
      d'Istria, either from his too great attachment to Russian interests, or
      from the jealousy and discontents of the chiefs, unused to control and
      jealous of power, had rapidly declined. In consequence of this he became
      suspicious and tyrannical; and before the year closed he lost his life by
      assassination. This year was fatal to the liberty of Poland. Driven to
      insurrection by the faithless and tyrannical conduct of Nicholas, betrayed
      by France, deserted by England, and persecuted in their low estate by
      Austria and Prussia, the Poles, after heroically struggling with the
      armies of Eussia, were finally subdued. Warsaw was captured; the Polish
      armies disbanded; the nobles degraded; and thousands of every rank, age,
      and sex subjected to the most cruel punishments, and the nationality of
      the country destroyed, so far as human ingenuity could accomplish so fell
      a destruction. Poland rose for a desperate struggle against the Russian
      giant, and astonished the world with its prowess; but it proved unequal to
      stem the crushing movements of the Muscovites.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1831&mdash;1832
    </p>
    <p>
      The British parliament reassembled on the 6th of December. During the
      recess, ministers had been urged by their reforming adherents to
      reintroduce the reform bill without delay; and it became evident, from his
      majesty's speech, that this subject would become the absorbing topic of
      the next session. His majesty distinctly stated his views on the subject
      of reform in the opening of the speech, thus:&mdash;"I feel it to be my
      duty, in the first place, to recommend to your most careful consideration
      the measures which will be proposed to you for a reform in the commons
      house of parliament; a speedy and satisfactory settlement of this question
      becomes daily of more pressing importance to the security of the state,
      and to the contentment and welfare of my people." The other parts of the
      speech referred to the distress which prevailed; to the appearance of the
      cholera morbus; to the agitation prevailing in Ireland; to the Portuguese
      affairs; to the separation of the states of Holland and Belgium; to a
      convention entered into with the king of the French for the suppression of
      the slave-trade; to the estimates; and to the recent riots. The address
      did not produce any division, but several parts of it were objected to in
      both houses. In the lords, the principal matter of discussion was found in
      those parts of the royal speech which regarded the foreign policy of the
      government, the opposition particularly objecting to that part of the
      address in answer to it which expressed satisfaction that an arrangement
      had been made for the separation of the states of Holland and Belgium. At
      the suggestion of Lord Harrowby the paragraph was slightly altered, so as
      to meet the views of all parties. In the commons, Sir Charles Wetherell
      brought under notice that part of the speech which related to the riots at
      Bristol, in the course of which he made some severe remarks on the libels
      of the press, which had charged him with being the author of those events;
      the charge was false, he said, in all its parts, and known to be false by
      those who made it. Sir Robert Peel proposed the same alteration in that
      part of the address that related to the affairs of Holland and Belgium,
      which Lord Harrowby had suggested in the upper house, and it was adopted.
      In his speech, besides adverting generally to the other topics in the
      address, he protested against a precedent now established, that of
      assembling parliament for the dispatch of business without giving the
      usual notice. He admitted that, by the letter of the law, government was
      entitled to call parliament together after fourteen days' notice; yet it
      was laid down by the highest authority that, up to the period when the old
      law was altered, it was deemed of high importance that forty days' notice
      should be given of the meeting of parliament. Of the allusion in the
      speech and address to the necessity of a speedy and satisfactory
      settlement of the reform question, Sir Robert said that he would not
      object to it, as ministers had declared that it was not intended to
      express any pledge. He would candidly avow, however, that he despaired of
      seeing the question brought to a speedy and satisfactory settlement. In
      the different discussions on the reform bill, ministers had agitated
      principles which did not admit of any satisfactory settlement. It was his
      conscientious belief, indeed, that the principles of the bill were so many
      impediments to the settlement of the question, which the ministers
      themselves had not the capacity to remove. In reply, Lord Althorp
      justified the short notice on which parliament had been called together,
      by the circumstances of the country. Mr. Hume made some remarks on the
      distress of the country, which he connected with the paper currency, and
      he moved this amendment:&mdash;"That in the present critical and alarming
      state of the country, when trade and manufactures were reduced to such
      difficulties by the withdrawing of, and narrowing the circulation, without
      a proportionate reduction of taxation, by which the means of all but those
      who lived upon the taxes were reduced one-half in value, the greatest
      distress existed; that these were aggravated by the baleful system called
      free-trade, by which a competition of foreign silks, gloves, and other
      articles was permitted with our own manufactures; that by these means the
      people were driven to desperation and frenzy, and that to these causes
      were to be attributed those incendiary proceedings going on in the
      country; that for these reasons the house do adjourn, to give time to
      ministers to prepare a suitable address, taking proper notice of the state
      and condition of the country." Mr. Hume said that he did not move this
      amendment to get rid of the address, but to give ministers time to
      consider whether they would not depart from the practice of making the
      address a mere echo of the speech. No member, however, would second the
      amendment, and therefore it fell to the ground.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEW REFORM BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 12th of December, pursuant to notice, Lord John Russell moved for
      leave to bring in a new reform bill. He first called upon the house to
      remember Earl Grey's declaration on the rejection of the former bill in
      the house of lords&mdash;namely, that he remained in office only with the
      view of bringing forward another and no less efficient measure of reform.
      The principles of the two measures, he said, were the same&mdash;any
      alterations which had been made left its efficiency unimpaired. He
      conceived that, as a resolution had been passed by the house of commons in
      favour of the last measure, it was only necessary to explain the
      alterations in the present bill, which alterations regarded the manner of
      carrying into effect principles already adopted by the house. These
      principles consisted in the disfranchisement of decayed and inconsiderable
      boroughs; the enfranchisement of large and opulent towns; and the
      introduction of a general new electoral qualification. As regards the
      disfranchisement of decayed boroughs, the former bill had taken the census
      of 1821 as the rule, and had fixed on a certain amount of population,
      disfranchising all those whose population did not at that time reach the
      amount. Since that time a new census had been taken. This census could not
      be thrown out of view, but, at the same time, it was liable to objection,
      having been taken after a particular point of population had been fixed as
      that of disfranchisement, it was not improbable that pains had been taken
      to raise certain boroughs above the line of disfranchisement. Ministers
      had, therefore, rather taken the number of houses than that of
      inhabitants, it being less likely that improper practices would be adopted
      in regard to the former than to the latter. It had been found difficult,
      he continued, to draw a line which should mark where the census should be
      attended to, and where it was to be disregarded. Ministers had used every
      effort to obtain a correct account of the size and importance of the
      boroughs which were to be abolished; and on the data they had obtained
      schedule A of the new bill was to be founded. The drawing of the line at
      which disfranchisement should stop, he said, must necessarily be
      arbitrary, whether the population, the houses, or the amount of the
      assessed taxes, or the number of boroughs, was to be taken into
      consideration. It had appeared to ministers that the number which had been
      fixed last session to be disfranchised was proper, and therefore they
      proposed to strike off fifty-six, the number which stood in schedule A of
      the former bill. The consequence of this was that some of the boroughs
      which formerly escaped disfranchisement in consequence of the population
      of their parishes being large, though the boroughs themselves were
      inconsiderable, would now be placed in schedule A, whilst others would be
      raised out of it, and placed in schedule B. Another part of the
      disfranchising clauses of the bill regarded the boroughs in schedule B,
      which were to be deprived of only one of their two members. Ministers had
      now resolved to give an additional member to a certain number of boroughs
      in this schedule, taking the number to be included in it to be forty-one,
      as it had been fixed last session, and dividing the rest of the
      twenty-three members, with two exceptions, among the newly enfranchised
      towns which, under the late bill, were to have only one representative.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of the twenty-three members required to fill up the numbers of the house,
      it was proposed that ten should be given to the most considerable towns in
      schedule B, one to Chatham, so as to render it independent of Rochester,
      and another to the county of Monmouth, from which there had been several
      petitions, stating that there was only one district of boroughs in that
      county, although its population exceeded 100,000. The rest of the
      twenty-three, he continued, were given to the large towns to which the
      late bill gave one representative each. The consequence of all this was,
      that there would be only thirty boroughs in schedule B, instead of
      forty-one, and that in schedule C. instead of twelve members, there would
      be forty-two: instead of ninety-six places, as by the old bill, there
      would be only forty-nine returning one representative each. His lordship
      next proceeded to the ten-pound qualification clause. As it stood in the
      last bill, he said, the right of voting in boroughs was to be enjoyed by
      occupiers of houses assessed to the house-duty, or poor-rates at ten
      pounds, or rented, or of the annual value of the same; but then this right
      was afterwards limited thus:&mdash;that no one whose landlord compounded
      for the rates should be entitled to vote unless he claimed to be rated in
      his own name, and that no one should be entitled to vote for airy
      premises, unless he had occupied them for twelve calendar months, and had
      not been in the receipt of parochial relief during that time. He now
      proposed that every one who occupied a lease of the value of ten pounds
      should have a right to vote in behalf of it, provided he was rated,&mdash;not
      that he should be rated at ten pounds, but that he should be assessed to
      the poor-rates, and then the only question to be decided would be, whether
      he was the occupier of a house or a warehouse of the stated value. It
      would also be enacted, that any person who was not rated to the poor-rates
      might demand to be placed upon them, and being so placed upon them, might
      claim to be put on the registry. In other matters, his lordship said,
      connected with the right of voting, the present bill would be found to
      differ from the last, though most of what stood in the latter was still
      allowed to remain. Thus the former bill had allowed the right of voting to
      freemen during the lives of those now in possession; the present bill did
      the same, but it went a step further, in preserving the rights of freemen,
      acquired by birth or servitude, for ever. Another change related to
      officers, about which some difficulty arose in the committee on the late
      bill: it was this, that in any case where his majesty might grant a
      charter of incorporation to any of the new boroughs to be created by the
      bill,&mdash;such as those in schedule C,&mdash;it was intended that the
      mayor or other chief officer of such corporation should be returning
      officer of such borough. It was thought much better, he said, to unite the
      voters in such boroughs in a corporate form on liberal principles, the
      same as those of London and other places, than to leave them the right of
      voting without such corporate form. Another right reserved in the bill
      related to the rights of freeholders in cities being counties in
      themselves. Freeholders were of three classes: some voted in the county at
      large; others only for the county of the city or borough; and others did
      not vote for either. It was intended that the voters for counties at large
      should remain undisturbed, and those who voted for the county of the city
      would also be allowed to continue that vote, but those who by the former
      bill were not to be allowed to vote for either place would now be allowed
      to vote for the county in which the city or borough happened to be
      situated. Lord John Russell added in conclusion, that by the late bill
      commissioners were appointed to make inquiries, and to ascertain the
      limits of boroughs, and that the reports of these commissioners would be
      laid before parliament, for it to determine the limits of each. In
      consequence of the inquiries of these commissioners a mass of information
      had been obtained, which he hoped to be able to lay before the house soon
      after the Christmas recess. There were other alterations of minor
      importance, he said, in the bill, and some verbal changes, but it was not
      necessary to allude to them, as the discussion of these would be more
      proper in the committee. Sir Robert Peel said that in one thing there must
      be an unanimous feeling on all sides&mdash;that of gratitude at the escape
      which the country had had from the bill of the last session, a danger
      which he had not till now fully appreciated. The new bill, he contended,
      was a full and complete answer to the calumnies of which they had heard so
      much in the last session against the factious delays, as they were then
      called, of those who sought to introduce some of those very modifications
      now adopted by the noble lord who brought forward the former measure.
      There was scarcely an amendment in schedule A which had been offered from
      the opposition side of the house which had not been adopted. The principle
      of population was abandoned; and the preservation of the rights of
      freemen, which the opposition had vainly struggled to introduce last
      session, was now voluntarily urged by the noble lord, as an improvement in
      his new plan of reform. He would not stop to inquire, he said, why when
      five boroughs were taken out of schedule A as many more should be added,
      so as to make the number fifty-six; nor would he now examine why the
      number of boroughs having but one member each should be reduced from
      sixty-nine to forty-nine; nor would he enter into any inquiry as to the
      cause of the change in the right of voting in cities and counties; he left
      all these matters for future discussion;&mdash;but he must congratulate
      himself and his friends on the effect of the opposition which they made to
      the last bill. He was not surprised that the noble mover should have been
      so severe on the last bill; but he must say, that he was not prepared for
      such a sacrifice to the manes of the late parliament as the adoption of
      the resolution of General Gaseoyne, by keeping up the number of members
      undiminished. After all that had been said, both in and out of the house,
      as to the nature and the object of the opposition, it was declared to be
      the deliberate conviction of the king's government, that the objections
      which the opposition took were well founded. He rejoiced for the sake of
      the character of those on that side of the house with whom he had the
      honour to act, that such a triumphant refutation was brought forward of
      the charges which had been made against them. He rejoiced, also, not only
      on account of the amendments which had been made in the details of the
      bill; but because, if the house should determine, on the second reading of
      the bill, to adopt the principle of the measure, and to make so
      extraordinary and extensive a change in the frame and constitution of the
      government of this country, he could not help thinking that when they
      approached the discussion of the details, there would be a disposition on
      the part of the majority of the house to follow the course of ministers,
      and to introduce more amendments into the measure. Lord Althorp, on the
      other hand, said that he could not recollect a question moved from the
      opposition side of the house with respect to any of the alterations which
      had since been made in the bill. Ministers had given their attention to
      every reasonable suggestion with regard to the details of the bill, and
      some of those alterations now proposed might have been pressed upon their
      consideration; but he did not remember that an opportunity had been given
      them last session to adopt such resolutions. The bill having been
      rejected, ministers had employed the interval which had since elapsed in
      endeavouring to remove all objections to the details of the measure, and
      in introducing such improvements as were consistent with its great
      principle; and yet, because they had done so, the right honourable baronet
      taunted them with unstable conduct. The giving up the clause regarding
      commissioners, he asserted, was the necessary consequence of the fact of
      the commissioners having now made their inquiry. Great alterations were
      said to have been made in schedule A: fifty-one boroughs out of fifty-six
      remained as before. The ten-pound clause, again, it was admitted, had not
      suffered from the alteration which had been introduced in it: the fact
      was, the clause had been merely simplified in its wording and provisions;
      in its practical effect it was precisely similar to that contained in the
      late bill. Some of the Irish members complained that injustice was done to
      Ireland in not allowing her a greater number of members: twenty-three
      additional members, it was said, had now been given to England, and eight
      to Scotland; and yet Ireland was still to receive only the one hundred and
      five which had originally been allotted her under very different
      circumstances. The bill, however, was read a first time without a
      division, and the second reading was fixed for the 16th; after which, Lord
      Althorp stated that the house would adjourn for the Christmas holidays.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 16th, on the motion being made that the bill be read a second time,
      Lord Porchester moved an amendment that it should be read a second time
      that day six months. He had hoped, he said, that ministers would have
      framed a bill which would have been generally acceptable. The debate which
      followed was continued by adjournment on the 17th. Sir E. Sugden, who
      seconded the amendment, agreed with Lord Porchester that the bill was more
      democratic in its tendency than its predecessor, and equally unfounded in
      any sound principle of the constitution, though some of the alterations
      made in the details were changes for the better. There were other changes,
      however, which were alterations greatly for the worst, setting aside the
      mischievous and unconstitutional tendency of the measure. Mr. Macaulay
      contended that since opposition admitted that the principles of the bill
      were unchanged, they had no reason for the exultation in which they had
      indulged over minor alterations, as if ministers had abandoned their own
      plans, and gave the preference to theirs. The new bill, he said, was an
      improved edition of the first; but the first was superior to it in one
      point, inasmuch as it was the first, and was, therefore, more likely to
      cement a reconciliation between the refractory aristocracy and the
      exasperated people. It had been asked, he continued, why they had the
      temerity to legislate in haste? He did not mean to dispute that a hurried
      settlement at a season of excitement might not be wholly unaccompanied
      with evil; but if so, the responsibility must be with those who had
      withheld concession when there was no excitement. The time had arrived
      when reformers must legislate in haste, because bigots would not legislate
      early; when reformers must legislate in excitement, because bigots would
      not do so at a more auspicious opportunity. Bigots would not walk with
      sufficient speed, nay, they could not be prevailed on to move at all; and
      now, therefore, the reformers must run for it. Mr. Macaulay entered into a
      defence of the principles of the bill; and in conclusion asserted, that,
      by fair means or foul, either through or over parliament, the question
      must be carried. He was followed by Mr. Croker, who said that the doctrine
      now set up, of some terrific and uncontrollable necessity, put an end to
      all argument and consideration. Lord Althorp, in reply, challenged the
      opposition to point out any instance in which, ministers had neglected
      their duty, or had looked with apathy on the violations of the public
      peace, or on outrages against persons and property. Mr. Stuart Wortley
      said he had hoped that ministers, after knowing the sentiments entertained
      in another place, would have introduced a measure which might, to a great
      extent, have met the 'wishes of those who, like himself, were disposed to
      mitigate their opposition, if it could be done without sacrificing the
      principles for which they contended. He had been disappointed: and,
      therefore, notwithstanding the improvements made in the bill, he could not
      give it his support. He was satisfied that in principle, and in some of
      the details, this bill was dangerous: yet if members on the other side
      would declare their willingness to admit of further amendments, he would
      not be indisposed to give up the point of disfranchisement to a
      considerable extent, as being the point on which the popular feeling was
      most strongly excited; provided that, on the other hand, concessions were
      made in parts of the bill on which the public did not feel so strongly.
      Lord John Russell contended that it signified little whether they took
      away this or that number of nomination-boroughs; the time was gone by when
      any government could be earned on by means of their operation. It must be
      carried on under the control of the intelligent and respectable part of
      the community, which control would be provided by the bill. If the bill
      passed into operation, he had no doubt that men would be returned of sound
      views, and entitled to the confidence of the country. Sir C. Wetherell, on
      the other hand, maintained that while the present was the most unfit of
      all seasons to agitate reform, in consequence of the violent excitement
      into which the country had been thrown, that excitement itself was mainly
      attributable to ministers, who had fostered it for the express purpose of
      carrying the bill. Sir Robert again combated the details of the bill,
      arguing that they tended to the destruction of the British constitution.
      He added, in conclusion, "This bill, therefore, I shall oppose to the
      last, believing, as I do, that the people are grossly deluded as to the
      practical benefits which they have been taught to expect from it; that it
      is the first step, not directly to revolution, but to a series of changes
      which will affect the property, and alter the mixed constitution of the
      country; that it will be fatal to the authority of the house of lords; and
      that it will force on a series of further concessions. I will oppose it to
      the last, convinced that, though my opposition will be unavailing, it will
      not be fruitless, because the opposition now made will oppose a bar to
      further concessions hereafter. If the whole of the house were now to join
      in giving way, it would have less power to resist future changes. On this
      ground I take my stand, not opposed to any well-considered reform of any
      of our institutions, which the well-being of the country demands, but
      opposed to this reform in our constitution, because it tends to root up
      the feelings of respect towards it, which are founded in prejudice,
      perhaps, as well as in higher sources of veneration for all our
      institutions. I believe that reform will do this; and I will wield all the
      power I possess to oppose the gradual progress of that spirit of democracy
      to which others think we ought gradually to yield; for if we make those
      concessions, it will only lead to establish the supremacy of that
      principle. We may, I know, make it supreme; we may be enabled to establish
      a republic full, I have no doubt, of energy&mdash;not wanting, I have no
      doubt, in talent; but in my conscience I believe fatal to our mixed form
      of government, and ultimately destructive of all those usages and
      practices which have long ensured to us a large share of peace and
      prosperity, and which have made and preserved this the proudest kingdom in
      the annals of the world." The bill was supported by Sir H. Willoughby,
      Lord William Lennox, Messrs. Bulwer and Slaney, and other members, who all
      insisted on the absolute necessity of yielding, and of yielding precisely
      what was contained in the bill, because all the principles therein
      contained, and the extent to which they should be applied, had been
      submitted to the people, and had been adopted by them, with a
      determination which rendered resistance useless. On the other hand, the
      bill was opposed by Lord Mahon, Sir E. H. Inglis, and other members. It
      was stated that most members of the house had seen an address to the
      inhabitants of Leeds, signed "Thomas Babington Macaulay," in which that
      gentleman stated that he by no means considered the bill as final, but
      that he looked upon it only as a step towards a more extended suffrage.
      The house divided on the morning of the 18th, which was Sunday, and the
      motion for the second reading was carried by a majority of three hundred
      and twenty-four against one hundred and sixty-two. Immediately after the
      division, the house adjourned for the Christmas holidays, till the 17th of
      January.
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Reform Bill passed by the Commons..... Debates on the Reform
     Bill in the Lords..... Disturbed State of the Nation.....
     Reassembling of Parliament..... Failure of the Attempts to
     form a New Administration..... Ministers Recalled.....
     Reform Bill passed..... Irish and Scotch Reform Bills
     passed..... Bill to Prevent Bribery at Elections,  &amp;c......
     Committees on  Irish Tithes..... Financial Statements.....
     Committee on the Charter of the East India Company, &amp;c......
     The Affairs of the West Indies..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... General Election..... Resignation of the
     Speaker..... State of Ireland..... State of the Continent</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      REFORM BILL PASSED BY THE COMMONS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1832
    </p>
    <p>
      When parliament re-assembled on the 17th of January ministers expressed
      their intention of going into committee on the reform bill on the 20th.
      Messrs. Croker and Goulburn rejected this proposition, as bringing the
      house into a consideration of the details of the bill before it had been
      put in possession of the proper information. Lord John Russell and Lord
      Althorp, however, would not consent to any delay of the committee. On the
      20th, when the motion was made for the house to go into committee, Mr.
      Croker repeated his objection to their proceeding in the state of
      imperfect information in which they were now left. Lord Althorp, and the
      material adherents, asserted that the information called for was
      unnecessary in deciding on the first clause, which respected the number of
      boroughs to be disfranchised, though they admitted that when they came to
      the schedule, information would be necessary in order to see whether the
      boroughs designated ought to be retained or not. Mr. Croker moved as an
      amendment that the committee should be delayed till the 24th; but it was
      negatived by a large majority; and the house then went into committee. On
      the first clause being read, Lord John Russell said, that as the line
      must, in any case, be arbitrary, it had been thought best to take the
      number which had received the sanction of the house in the former bill.
      Ministers would have liked quite as well fifty or fifty-five, sixty or
      sixty-five; but in fixing upon a number different from that of the
      preceding bill, they would have been acting on their own responsibility.
      After combating this clause with all the arguments that could be enforced,
      Mr. Croker, in accordance with the views of the opposition, moved, as an
      amendment, that the number fifty-six should be omitted. Lords John Russell
      and Althorp, however, repeated that the number had been adopted because it
      had been sanctioned in the preceding session. The former bill, they said,
      containing precisely the same number of disfranchised boroughs in schedule
      A, had been rejected by the lords; and it appeared of great importance to
      ministers that as little risk as possible should be run of its being again
      rejected by them, while at the same time they felt it to be of equal
      importance, to satisfy the country, that the great disfranchising
      principle of the former bill should be preserved. Mr. Croker's motion was
      negatived; and then a similar discussion took place regarding the next
      clause, which enacted that thirty boroughs, to form schedule B, should in
      future send only one member to parliament. This was opposed on the ground
      that no reason was given why this number had been selected, and also on
      the ground that the principle of giving only one member was an inexpedient
      principle. Sir Robert Peel moved an amendment, that each of the boroughs
      in schedule B should continue to return two members; but this motion was
      also negatived by a large majority. The clauses giving members to various
      towns hitherto unrepresented, and those which united different places into
      one for electioneering purposes, were agreed to without much opposition,
      and without a division. The provision, also, that each of the three
      ridings of Yorkshire should return two members passed without opposition.
      Colonel Sibthorp made an ineffectual attempt to prevent the division of
      the county, but the clause was carried by a large majority. On the clause
      which provided that the limits of all places having the right of electing
      members, should be held to be such boundaries as shall "be settled and
      described by an act to be passed for that purpose in this present
      parliament," Lord Althorp admitted an amendment, that the present act
      should not operate as a law until the boundary bill should have been
      passed. The provision, that where no particular returning officer was
      named in the schedule, the sheriff within whose jurisdiction the place lay
      should annually appoint such resident person as he thought fit to be
      returning officer, was strongly objected to; but the objections to the
      clause were not pressed to a division. The clause for dividing certain
      counties and giving two members occasioned much discussion. An amendment
      was proposed for the purpose of getting rid of it, and giving the four
      members to the undivided county. The principal support of this amendment
      was from the reformers, who opposed this part of the ministerial scheme on
      the ground that it was inconsistent with the main principles of the bill,
      as it narrowed the sphere within which aristocratic influence was to act,
      thus adding to its energy; and that it was a wanton and unnecessary
      interference with the ancient institutions of the country. Some members
      who had voted for this clause in the preceding session now declared
      themselves opposed to it in consequence of the extension of the comity
      franchise to tenants-at-will; while on the other hand several members who
      had voted against it in the former session, conceiving that the division
      would do good by preventing contests and unsatisfactory compromises, now
      supported it. Sir Robert Peel said, that though he intended to vote for
      the clause, he wished to suggest that another arrangement might be made
      with respect to the right of voting for counties, which would simplify the
      operation of the bill, and improve it; namely, that wherever a right of
      voting accrued from property, of whatever nature, in any city or borough,
      the individual possessing such property should be allowed to vote for the
      city or borough, but not for the county. Having made that provision for
      cities or boroughs, he would continue the integrity of the counties, and
      propose that each county should return four members. He offered this
      suggestion <i>bona fide</i>, as an alteration that would simplify the
      operation of the bill; and though he did not mean to move it as an
      amendment, he would ask whether it was not a proposition that was likely
      to please all parties? Ministers defended the clause on the ground that it
      would greatly diminish the expenses of county elections, and thus
      contribute to the purity of the representation, while it would neither
      tend to throw the power of the elections into the hands of the rural
      voters exclusively, nor of large proprietors, as it had been objected. As
      for Sir Robert Peel's proposition, there was the great objection which he
      had himself suggested; namely, that it was too great a distinction between
      the inhabitants of towns and those who were more immediately connected
      with counties. If the proposition succeeded, the consequence would be that
      many voters possessing freeholds in boroughs, which, as the bill now
      stood, would enable them to vote for counties, would be disfranchised. The
      original clause, however, was carried by an overwhelming majority. An
      amendment, intended to have a similar result with Sir Robert Peel's
      proposal, was subsequently moved by Mr. Praed on the clause, to the effect
      that no county franchise should arise from the possession of property of
      any kind situated in a represented borough, and that forty-shilling
      freeholders in boroughs returning members should be entitled to vote for
      the borough members only; but this amendment was likewise negatived. No
      division took place on the clause giving three members to certain of the
      middle-sized counties, although it was denounced as monstrous and
      unjustifiable on any principle of fairness or common equity. In the
      preceding session, while the former bill was in committee, the Marquis of
      Chandos had succeeded in carrying as an amendment a provision which
      conferred the county franchise on tenants-at-will paying a rent of not
      less than fifty pounds per annum. Ministers had opposed this, but had been
      defeated; and they now, although they had made the provision part of the
      new bill, sought to get rid of it by an amendment which went to strike it
      out of the clause altogether. The amendment was moved by Sir Robert Heron,
      and supported by Lord Milton and Mr. C. Ferguson, but only thirty-two
      members voted for it, while two hundred and seventy-two supported what was
      now part of an original clause. A variety of amendments on the clause
      fixing the qualification of borough electors at ten pounds was moved by
      Mr. Hunt and others, but were all negatived. The clauses which regulated
      the formation of registers of the voters, the duration of elections, and
      the mode of polling, were carried without giving rise to much discussion.
      By the 20th of February the committee had gone through the different
      clauses, and then proceeded to take up the schedules, which it had been
      agreed should be postponed till the other provisions of the bill should be
      arranged. Mr. Croker argued that great inconvenience and injustice would
      result, if the committee proceeded to determine what boroughs should stand
      in schedules A and B, before they had ascertained whether the calculations
      on which disfranchisement was made to depend were correct and uniform. In
      some boroughs, he said, game-certificates and yeomanry exemptions were
      included, while in others they were omitted: if the rule was not uniform
      it would be unjust. The fifty-six boroughs for schedule A, and the thirty
      for schedule B would come up to No. 86 in the list: Helstone No. 84;
      neither the yeomanry exemptions, nor the game-certificates for that
      borough had been included; if the former were added, Helstone would be No.
      88; if the game-certificates were likewise added, it would be No. 89; in
      either case it would be raised above the line of disfranchisement. It was
      impossible for the committee to decide what boroughs ought to be
      disfranchised, until they had returns of the assessed taxes of each
      borough, specifying whether game-certificates and yeomanry exemptions were
      or were not included. The consideration of the schedule ought to be
      postponed till that information had been obtained. Lord John Russell
      admitted that there was a difference with respect to many boroughs, and
      that one uniform rule ought to be observed. Directions for that purpose
      had been given to the commissioners, and they had endeavoured to obtain
      returns comprehending the game-duties; but from some misunderstanding
      there still remained a few cases where the game-duties were omitted. He
      argued, however, that this was no reason for delay; and the house
      supporting him in his views, it was resolved to proceed. After a
      discussion on the principles and calculations on which the schedules had
      been framed, which led to no division, the committee proceeded to the
      particular boroughs, and the disfranchisement of the first fifty-two was
      agreed to without an amendment. The next was Appleby, in regard to which
      it was contended by the opposition that ministers had repeated the
      injustice which they had committed last session, by leaving out details
      which ought to have been introduced, which omission was made for the
      purpose of securing its disfranchisement. A motion was made for its
      exclusion from schedule A; but the committee having divided, it was
      decided that it should remain in the schedule. The last of the fifty-six
      boroughs to be disfranchised was Amersham, and Mr. Croker moved that
      Midhurst should take its place. No reason was offered why the one should
      be disfranchised and the other not; but Midhurst was saved by taking in an
      adjoining district. Alderman Waithman justified the disfranchisement of
      Amersham, because it was a corrupt borough, where there had been no
      election within the memory of man. But this had been the case equally at
      Midhurst, and yet it was decided by vote that Amersham should be No. 5G in
      schedule A, instead of Midhurst. Mr. Shiel, who wished to extend the
      disfranchisement in England, in order that Ireland might receive a larger
      number of members, moved that Petersfield should be taken out of schedule
      B and transferred to schedule A. If successful in this, he intended to
      follow up the motion by one regarding Eye, Wareham, Midhurst, and
      Woodstock. He conceived it impossible that his motion should be rejected,
      considering what had been done to Amersham, as that town had far higher
      claims to return a member than Petersfield, whether as regarded
      population, wealth, rental, or number of ten-pound houses. Lord Althorp
      admitted that he could not oppose the motion on principle, though he
      resisted it on the ground of expediency. Prudence, he said, required that
      the success of the bill in the house of lords should not be hazarded by
      sending up to their lordships a bill disfranchising a greater number of
      boroughs than had been contained in that which they had rejected. Mr.
      Shiel withdrew his motion; and on the 28th of February the committee
      proceeded to the consideration of the thirty boroughs which were to form
      schedule B. Having thus disposed of the disfranchising clauses, the
      committee proceeded to schedule C, which gave members to places hitherto
      unrepresented. The only debate or division which took place in considering
      this schedule, was on the clause which proposed to confer eight members on
      the metropolitan districts: the Tower Hamlets, Finsbmy, Marylebone, and
      Lambeth. The Marquis of Chandos, after contending that to extend the
      elective franchise in that quarter would lead to a great excitement, and
      give the capital a preponderating influence over the rest of the country,
      moved an amendment, that the clause should be omitted. He was supported by
      Sir E. Sugden, Sir George Murray, and Lord Sandon, who argued that the
      provision was unnecessary, and far from being expedient. The clause was
      defended by Lords Althorp and John Russell, and Messrs. Macaulay and C.
      Grant, who, on the other hand, maintained that an increase to the
      metropolitan representation, was required both by justice and by the
      principles of the bill; and that the dangers apprehended from it were
      visionary, while those which would attend its refusal were real and
      unavoidable. On a division, the motion of the Marquis of Chandos was lost
      by a majority of three hundred and sixteen against two hundred and
      thirty-six. In the consideration of schedule D, which contained those new
      boroughs which were only to return one member, an unsuccessful attempt was
      made to include Stockton-on-Tees, and Merthyr Tydvil; but on the bringing
      up of the report, Lord John Russell informed the house that ministers had
      resolved to allow the latter place a member of its own: "treating it," he
      said, "rather like an English town than a Welsh contributory borough." By
      the 9th of March the committee had gone through the bill, and the report
      was considered on the 14th, on which day Mr. Croker put several
      resolutions on the journals without pressing them to a division, embodying
      the objections, not to the principles of the bill, but to the manner in
      which they had been applied. On the 19th the motion for the third reading
      of the bill was met by an amendment, moved by Lord Mahon, that it should
      be read a third time that day six months.
    </p>
    <p>
      The amendment was seconded by Sir John Malcolm, and was followed by a
      debate which continued to the 22nd, in which old arguments, both for and
      against, were reiterated with deep earnestness. On a division, the bill
      was carried by a majority of three hundred and fifty-five against two
      hundred and thirty-nine; leaving a majority of one hundred and sixteen for
      ministers. On the 23rd the bill was finally passed; an amendment which
      went to raise the qualification to twenty pounds in Liverpool, and all the
      new boroughs, returning two members, having been negatived without a
      division.
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE REFORM BILL IN THE LORDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the reform bill had been thus carried through the commons a second
      time, the reformers began again to be apprehensive of its fate in the
      upper house, and to bring again into operation their various engines of
      clamour and intimidation. It was industriously reported abroad that
      ministers had been armed with a <i>carte blanche</i> for the creation of
      peers, in order to carry the measure; but though they did not deny it, it
      does not appear that any such power had been delegated to them. At all
      events the bill was laid before the house of lords without a single peer
      having been created, and it was read a first time on the 26th of March.
      The most important part of its reception consisted in the speeches of
      Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe, who had led the opposition of last
      session, but who now declared their intention to vote for the second
      reading. The Bishop of London was also so impressed with the dangers
      hanging over the country, that he resolved to follow this example. On the
      other hand, the Duke of Wellington, the Earl of Carnarvon, and the Marquis
      of Londonderry, expressed their undiminished aversion to the measure. The
      second reading was moved on the 9th of April, and the debate was continued
      up to the 13th. Before the discussion commenced, the Duke of Buckingham
      gave notice that if there should be, as he trusted there would be, a
      majority against the second reading of this bill, he would bring in, after
      the Easter recess, a bill for the purpose of giving representatives to
      such of the large towns therein to be named, whose importance entitled
      them to representation; and also for the purpose of joining and
      consolidating the representation of certain boroughs which now elected
      members, so as to make room for the new representatives without adding to
      the members of the house of commons, and to extend the franchise in such a
      way as to prevent its abuse in boroughs. In proof of his sincerity, his
      grace moved the insertion of this notice on the journals of the house.
    </p>
    <p>
      In moving the second reading of the reform bill, Earl Grey said, that he
      considered himself almost relieved from entering into discussion of its
      principles, because there were few of their lordships who did not now
      recognise those principles, and admit that some degree of change was
      necessary. After briefly mentioning the nature of the bill, its
      interesting object, the large majority that had sent it from the commons
      to the lords, and the support it had received from the people, he
      proceeded to notice the Duke of Buckingham's intended motion for reform.
      His very notice, he said, admitted all the three principles of
      disfranchisement, enfranchisement, and an extension of the right of
      voting. He felt, therefore, justified in calling on the house to sanction
      the second reading of a measure founded upon a basis which was
      acknowledged to be just, even by those who opposed the measure itself;
      inasmuch as they would have an opportunity of proposing in the committee
      such alterations in its details as might appear necessary and expedient.
      The noble earl next proceeded to notice the alterations introduced into
      the bill, and to defend the ten-pound qualification from objections that
      had been raised against it. He concluded with an appeal to their lordships
      on the unjust attacks made on him for having proposed a measure which, in
      his opinion, was required by that duty which he owed to his sovereign and
      his country. He especially called their lordships' attention to the awful
      silence on the part of the people now prevailing, and taking place of that
      outcry which first marked the progress of the bill. Silence, he said,
      might perhaps lead some to imagine that they were not viewing this measure
      with the same feelings of interest; but he cautioned their lordships
      against forming such an opinion. "Though the people are silent," he added,
      "they are looking at our proceedings this night no less intensely than
      they have looked even ever since the question was first agitated. I know
      that it is pretended by many that the nation has no confidence in the
      peers, because there is an opinion out of doors that the interests of the
      aristocracy are separated from those of the people. On the part of this
      house, however, I disclaim all such separation of interests; and therefore
      I am willing to believe that the silence of which I have spoken is the
      fruit of a latent hope still existing in their bosoms." Lord Ellenborough
      opposed the motion for the second reading, and moved as an amendment that
      the bill should be read a second time that day six months. His lordship
      admitted that the bill had passed the commons by a large majority, and
      that the majority was seconded by a large body of the people: but when he
      recollected how often material alterations had been made in the bill; that
      the qualification clause had been remodelled eleven times; that a town had
      been enfranchised at the very last moment; that among forty-six boroughs
      of the original bill there had been forty-seven changes; and that no such
      sweeping alteration had ever been made in the established constitution of
      a great country, he could not see any reason for adopting this last
      emanation of an ever-changing mind. There could be no doubt that there
      were many respectable persons whose opinions ought to be held in proper
      regard, who were anxious that some change should take place in our system
      of parliamentary representation. He contended, however, that if this bill
      passed it was clear, from the constituency which would be created by it,
      that parliament must be prepared to go further. It would be impossible, he
      said, to resist the demands of the most numerous and most necessitous
      class in the state: concession must proceed until universal suffrage was
      established. Lord Melbourne spoke briefly in favour of the bill, and the
      Bishop of Durham opposed it. At the same time, the latter said, he by no
      means considered that the rejection of the present measure implied a
      rejection of reform <i>in toto</i>; it was the duty of ministers to have
      proposed a measure calculated to satisfy both the party that was anxious
      for reform, and the party which felt alarmed at the consequences of great
      changes, while they had introduced a proposition which would gratify
      neither party. Earl Bathurst took the same view of the question: he had no
      objections to a bill for reform, but the present measure would make
      parliament worse than it had ever been. His lordship particularly called
      on the house to recollect the declaration which the lord-chancellor had
      made regarding the ten-pound qualification: that it was emphatically a
      subject for deliberation in committee, and for such alterations as their
      lordships should think fitting. Now, however, it was not to be touched,
      though it was a qualification opposed to the recorded opinions of its
      present patrons, as well as of the people. The Earl of Haddington had
      changed his opinion on the subject of reform. On the former occasion, he
      said, till within a few days before the debate, his mind had been made up
      that the bill should be read a second time, because he conceived it
      expedient that the question should be arranged by the house as soon as
      possible. He had abandoned these sentiments from a conviction that, in the
      existing state of feeling in the country, anything like an amendment in
      the bill would not be practicable. Lord Gage also declared that he had
      changed his opinion. He thought it impossible to prevent the people from
      having a reform, and by refusing to go into committee, their lordships
      might deprive themselves of the opportunity of introducing such amendments
      as they wished into the bill. On the other hand, the Earl of Wicklow
      conceived that the reasons which had led to the rejection of the bill of
      the last session were equally as potent for rejecting the present; and he
      therefore continued his hostility to it. The Earl of Shrewsbury, a
      Catholic peer, distinguished himself while he supported the bill by a
      violent attack against the Protestant bishops. The Earl of Mansfield
      objected to the present bill, as he did to the former. The Earl of
      Harrowby had already announced that he would vote for the second reading;
      but he had yet to state his reasons for this change of sentiment, he
      having been one of the most distinguished opponents of the bill of last
      session. In doing so, he denied that the sentiments he had delivered
      against the former bill were those of a man determined to resist, under
      all circumstances whatever, the considerations of parliamentary reform. On
      the contrary, the opinion which more than another he was anxious to
      express was, that they should not treat the present bill as they had
      treated the last; that though they had then acted right in rejecting the
      bill, they would not be warranted to do so again; and that they could not
      hope again successfully to resist a measure which the house of commons had
      sanctioned a second time by a large majority, and in favour of which the
      people of England had expressed a decided opinion. It was for this reason
      that he had prepared a resolution by which the house would pledge itself,
      in the then next session, to take into serious consideration some plan for
      extending the franchise to his majesty's subjects, and for correcting the
      abuses which had crept into the representative branch of the constitution.
      He was on the point of moving this resolution, when he was persuaded by
      some noble friends that to do so then would do more harm than good; that
      it would be better to wait till the excitement of the public mind had been
      somewhat allayed before a more moderate measure of reform than that
      brought forward by ministers should be submitted to parliament. He yielded
      to the suggestion, hoping that the interval between the two sessions would
      afford the public and their lordships time to consider maturely the merits
      of the question, and that both would see that, if the ministers' plan were
      adopted, it would prove injurious to all existing interests. In this he
      had been disappointed; there had been time enough to allow a reaction to
      have manifested itself; but it could not be denied that, notwithstanding
      the potent objections which had been urged against the bill, no such
      reaction had occurred. On these grounds, with others, his lordship said he
      would vote for the second reading. He was followed by the Duke of
      Wellington, who said that he could not shift into the course which the
      Earl of Harrowby, and those who thought with him had adopted. Why he could
      not, he explained at great length; and he afterwards descanted at large
      upon the objections which he had to the bill itself. It was bad, he said,
      because it went to overturn the whole established system of
      representation; it destroyed for the mere pleasure of reconstructing: it
      totally revolutionised the representation of Scotland, and put an end to
      all the arrangements which, three years ago, had been entered into for the
      final settlement of the catholic question. It put an end, also, to that
      most valuable principle of our existing constitution&mdash;the principle
      of prescription&mdash;which sanctioned the descent, and secured the
      possession of all kinds of property in this country. It went to destroy a
      number of boroughs&mdash;some holding by prescription, and some by charter&mdash;and
      for no reason whatever, except that such was the will of the minister of
      the day. Lord Wharncliffe, who had moved the amendment which threw out the
      former bill, had now come to the conclusion that the danger of rejecting
      the bill was greater than that of taking it into consideration; and that,
      by going into committee they might get rid of those parts of it against
      which a strong objection was felt; and, at all events, would be enabled
      more thoroughly to weigh its provisions. The effect of rejecting the bill,
      in his opinion, would be to place all those who voted against the second
      reading in a perilous situation with the country. The Duke of Buckingham
      opposed the bill. His grace introduced no new argument, but urged the
      house at all costs to resist reform in every shape. He severely
      animadverted upon the speech of the Earl of Shrewsbury, for attacking the
      constitution and the ministers of the protestant religion. The Bishops of
      Lincoln and Llandaff, who had opposed the last bill, now announced their
      intention of voting for the second reading; at the same time they did not
      pledge themselves to adopt the measure as a whole. On the other hand, the
      Bishop of Exeter announced his intention of giving the bill his decided
      opposition. His speech gave occasion to an angry episode, founded on a
      somewhat common occurrence. It was generally believed that the Times
      newspaper, which had recently distinguished itself by great abuse in
      favour of the bill, was not altogether excluded from the confidential
      communications of ministers. The Bishop of Exeter, in descanting on the
      tone and the temper of the press, spoke of some articles in this journal
      as "breathing the inspiration of the treasury." On the following evening
      Lord Durham, son-in-law of the premier, assuming that he was the party
      pointed at, attacked what he called "the bishop's gross and virulent
      invective&mdash;his malignant, calumnious, and false insinuations&mdash;his
      well-known powers of pamphleteering slang." Here the noble lord was called
      to order, and the Earl of Winchelsea moved that the words "false
      insinuations" and "pamphleteering slang" should be taken down. After some
      observations from Earl Grey, Lord Holland, and the Duke of Buckingham,
      Lord Durham went on to state that he had not the slightest objection to
      the words being taken down, and denied the imputations cast upon him. The
      Marquis of Lansdowne argued in favour of the measure; in doing which he
      denied that he, or the rest of his majesty's ministers, were introducing
      new doctrines. They wished, he said, to go back to the elements of the
      constitution; and he argued that there was nothing contrary to the
      principles of that constitution, in extending the right of voting to those
      places which had become the depositories of that knowledge, and the
      possessors of that influence on society, to which the wisdom and policy of
      this government had always endeavoured to attach itself; or in
      disfranchising small and unimportant places, and enfranchising others of
      importance. As to the apprehensions, he continued, that the new
      constituency were likely to be governed in their choice of representatives
      by factious or revolutionary motives, and, above all, by anything like a
      desire to disturb the tranquillity of the country, they were groundless.
      In moments of great excitement it might be so; but the class of persons on
      whom the franchise was now to be conferred would generally feel themselves
      flattered on being consulted by their superiors, and would in the end rely
      on their judgment. His belief was that their choice would be governed by a
      desire to elect such persons as would advocate measures contributing to
      the public tranquillity; for, having acquired their property by their own
      industry, they had as deep a stake in the country' as any noble baron who
      derived a splendid fortune from his progenitors. Small fortunes were as
      valuable to them as the ample incomes of any of their lordships. Their
      lordships might convey away their land, and go to another country to avoid
      the evils of a revolution; but to the professional man, who depended upon
      the peaceful exertions of his talents; to the mechanic, who depended upon
      his weekly wages; to the annuitant and small proprietor, who depended upon
      their half-yearly and quarterly incomes&mdash;revolution, or even
      agitation, would bring greater ruin than could come upon their lordships,
      even by the confiscation of their estates. Lord Wynford, in opposing the
      bill, said that those who were voting for the second reading, in the hope
      of introducing amendments in committee, were acting a very foolish and
      dangerous part. They might beat government on different clauses; but all
      that was done in the committee might be undone on bringing up the report.
      Lord Eldon, on the same side, said that no man was or could be an enemy to
      reform; but, he thought, the first duty of every peer was to consider
      whether what was proposed was or was not reform; whether it was a measure
      which the people ought to expect, and which would confer any additional
      happiness on those for whom it was intended. He had opposed reform for
      forty years, because he had seen no plan which, in his opinion, would
      improve the condition of the people: and this last was so vicious in its
      principles and details, that it would be impossible to carry it into
      effect with any safety to the institutions of the country. Lord Tenterden
      likewise declared his continued hostility to the bill; and he went so far
      as to say that he would never enter the doors of the house again if the
      bill should be carried, "after it had become the phantom of its departed
      greatness." The Bishops of Rochester and Gloucester likewise expressed
      their determination to vote against the bill; and the latter took occasion
      to animadvert, with pointed but just severity, on the attack which had
      been made by the Catholic Earl of Shrewsbury on the ecclesiastical bench.
      The Earl of Carnarvon opposed the motion, and Viscount Goderich spoke in
      favour of it. They were followed by the lord-chancellor, who referred to
      the petitions which had been addressed to the house, the resolutions
      adopted at public meetings of merchants and bankers, and the composition
      of the majorities and minorities in the house of commons, to show that the
      opinion of property, as well as of members, was in favour of the measure,
      and that the feeling of the people had in no degree subsided. Lord
      Lyndhurst said that he had not heard or seen anything to convince him that
      he had acted erroneously in voting against the principles of the former
      bill; and as the present bill was admitted to be the same, he should vote
      against the second reading. Earl Grey, in his reply, repeated the answers
      which had already been put forward to the views taken of the bill by its
      opponents, and denied the charge of having excited the country. On the
      subject of the threatened creation of peers, which had been so frequently
      alluded to, his lordship said that the best writers on the constitution
      admitted that, although the creation of a large number of peers for a
      particular object was a measure which should rarely be resorted to, yet in
      some cases, such as to avoid a collision between the two houses, it might
      be absolutely necessary. For many reasons he was averse to such a scheme;
      but he believed it would be found that in a case of necessity, like that
      which he had stated, a creation of peers would be justifiable, and in
      accordance with the most acknowledged principles of our constitution. On a
      division, the second reading was carried in favour of ministers by a
      majority of nine, the numbers being one hundred and eighty-four against
      one hundred and seventy-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the reform bill had been read a second time, the lords broke up for
      the Easter recess. Previous to their breaking up, however, the Duke of
      Wellington thought proper to enter a protest against the second reading on
      the journals. This protest embodied all the objections urged against the
      bill; and it was signed by seventy-four other peers, including the Dukes
      of Cumberland and Gloucester. The committee was appointed the first day
      after the Easter recess.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISTURBED STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      The interval which elapsed before the reassembling of parliament was a
      very memorable one in the annals of the country. Every association and
      political union, tremblingly alive for the fate of the bill, was on the
      alert, it being conceived that it was in imminent clanger of being lost in
      committee. At Leeds, Birmingham, Liverpool, Manchester, Sheffield,
      Edinburgh, Glasgow, Paisley, Dundee, as well as throughout the south of
      England, meetings were held, at all of which resolutions were passed
      expressing confidence in Earl Grey and his colleagues; and petitions were
      got up to the king and the house of lords, beseeching them to pass the
      bill unmutilated. In the counties of Warwick, Worcester, and Stafford, all
      the associations agreed to meet at the foot of Newhall Hill, and an
      immense assembly was collected on the day appointed, when a petition to
      the house of lords was carried, "imploring them not to drive to despair a
      high-minded, generous, and fearless people; nor to urge them on, by a
      rejection of their claims, to demands of a much more extensive nature; but
      rather to pass the reform bill into a law, unimpaired in any of its great
      parts and provisions, more especially uninjured in the clauses relating to
      the ten-pounds franchise." At Birmingham, the council of the union
      declared its sittings permanent until the fate of the bill should be
      decided. In the metropolis, an extraordinary assembly of the national
      union took place. Mr. Hume was in the chair, and various resolutions were
      agreed to, all urging the necessity of the bill being passed without
      alterations; while a petition to the house of lords stated that, in case
      of its mutilation or rejection, "there was reason to expect that the
      payment of taxes would cease; that other obligations of society would be
      disregarded; and that the ultimate consequence might be the utter
      extinction of the privileged orders."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled after the Easter recess on the 7th of May. The
      house of lords then went into committee on the reform bill, no attempt
      having been made by the opposition to move any obstructions to it. In the
      committee, Earl Grey stated that the house would probably be inclined to
      follow the course which had been adopted by the commons; namely, to
      dispose of the disfranchising clauses, leaving the schedules for future
      consideration. He proposed that the number fifty-six should not be
      specified, but that their lordships should come to a successive vote on
      each individual borough as part of the clause. He thought this the best
      method of obviating objections which had been made to the clause as it now
      stood. Lord Lyndhurst, however, thought it would be still more convenient
      to postpone the consideration of the first clause altogether. If this were
      done, he should likewise propose the postponement of the second clause;
      and he would take this course for the purpose of entering on the
      consideration of the boroughs and places to be enfranchised&mdash;a matter
      which, he thought, ought to be discussed before the house entered on the
      question of disfranchisement. His lordship admitted that he considered the
      second reading of the bill to have fixed the three principles of
      disfranchisement, enfranchisement, and extension of suffrage; but he
      contended that the house was not fettered, in the slightest degree, as to
      the point to which these principles were to be carried, although he had no
      hesitation in saying that, after all that had passed in both houses of
      parliament, and looking at the state of the country, and the expectations
      that were abroad, neither he, nor those with whom he acted, were disposed
      to suggest any alterations which would render the measure unsatisfactory
      to intelligent reformers. He observed, that Lord John Russell had said on
      a previous day, "Let us first agree as to what towns shall be
      enfranchised, and then we shall see what is to be the extent of
      disfranchisement&mdash;what alterations it may be necessary to propose."
      He would proceed on the same principle. It was not prejudging the question
      of disfranchisement; for their lordships would afterwards measure the
      extent of disfranchisement by the extent to which they should have carried
      the principle of enfranchisement. On these grounds, therefore, he moved
      that the first and second clauses of the bill should be postponed. The
      lord-chancellor said that, although Earl Grey had proposed to omit the
      number, that had no connection whatever with any intention not to propose
      the disfranchisement of all the fifty-six. There would be an inconvenience
      attending the clause, if it were proposed at once that fifty-six boroughs
      should be disfranchised, and therefore it had been proposed to leave out
      the number, but with the certain intention of proposing the insertion of
      every one of the fifty-six as they went on. The present proposition,
      however, was of a different character, and considering by whom it was
      made, and likely to be supported, he could view it in no other light than
      as a negative of the most important part of the bill. The amendment was
      supported by Lords Harrowby, Wharncliffe, Winchelsea, and Ellenborough,
      and the Duke of Wellington, and others, on the ground that its object was
      not to defeat schedules A and B. Several of these noble lords deemed it
      expedient to enter on a defence of their character for integrity and fair
      dealing in thus supporting the amendment; but the Duke of Newcastle avowed
      boldly that he gave it his support, as he would any other measure likely
      to frustrate the bill. Lord Holland argued that the proposition was
      inconsistent with the decision to which that house had come on the second
      reading; being in reality a proposition against the principles of the
      bill. The Earl of Harewood thought, that as the bill had passed the second
      reading, and entered the committee, it ought to be dealt with fairly; and
      if he believed that the motion now before the house contained anything of
      a sinister character, he would not support it. If ministers knew the
      nature of the amendments which would be proposed if the postponement
      should be agreed to, much of their objection to the proposition would be
      removed. They were under the impression that the object of the amendment
      was to defeat schedule A; but he believed that no such intention was
      entertained; if it were, he would not support it. It was his belief that
      the amendments which would be proposed would comprise the whole of
      schedule A. Earl Grey, however, asserted that nothing could have been
      devised better calculated to defeat the bill than this amendment; and he
      would state at once that, if it were carried, he would consider it fatal
      to the bill. He was pledged to the principles of disfranchisement,
      enfranchisement, and the extension of the qualification. With respect to
      the two first, he was ready to listen to any suggestions which might be
      made with a view of preventing injustice in details, but he would not
      consent to any reduction of the extent of either disfranchisement or
      enfranchisement. His lordship also stated that he would resist with the
      most fixed determination any proposition which, under the pretence of
      regulation, would have the effect of raising the qualification. These
      things being fixed, he was so far from considering the proposed motion of
      little consequence, that it appeared to him of the greatest importance. If
      it did not subvert the principle of the bill, it materially affected it;
      and therefore it was impossible that he should give it his assent. He was
      unable to understand why enfranchisement should be proceeded with before
      disfranchisement; he might reverse the proposition, and say, that the
      amount of enfranchisement could not be ascertained till the extent of
      disfranchisement was settled. A noble lord had expressed a hope that
      ministers would confide in the peers on the other side of the house, to
      grant a proper measure of reform to the people; had he observed any such
      disposition, no one would have been more ready than himself to have met it
      in a proper spirit; always recollecting that he was irrevocably fixed to
      the bill. Another noble lord had said, that if any alteration should be
      proposed which would defeat the principles of the bill, ministers might
      reckon upon many coming over to them from the opposite side: he could not
      rely on such a hope consistently with his duty to his king, his country,
      and himself. It was his opinion that if the present motion should be
      carried, there would be a difficulty in bringing the bill to a successful
      issue; and if it should, it would then be necessary for him to consider
      the course he should be constrained to adopt. At length the house divided,
      and ministers were left in a minority, the votes for Lord Lyndhurst's
      amendment being one hundred and fifty-five, and those against it, one
      hundred and sixteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      On this defeat of ministers, Earl Grey immediately moved that the house
      should resume; and stated that he would then move that the further
      consideration of the bill be postponed till Thursday, the 10th. Lord
      Ellen-borough expressed his regret that ministers should interpose delay;
      and took the opportunity of detailing the amendments which his party,
      after serious consideration, intended to propose. These consisted in a
      disfranchisement of one hundred and thirteen boroughs, their privileges to
      be distributed among other places; a prohibition of persons to vote for
      counties in respect of property situated in boroughs; the adoption of a
      clearer and more certain mode of ascertaining the genuineness and value of
      holdings; and the retention, not only of the ten-pound qualification, but
      of scot and lot where it existed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having postponed the further consideration of the bill, Earl Grey and the
      lord-chancellor proceeded to Windsor, and tendered his majesty the
      alternative of either arming the ministers with the powers they deemed
      necessary to enable them to carry through their bill&mdash;namely, a
      creation of peers&mdash;or of accepting their resignation. The ministers
      seem to have expected that he would have adopted the former alternative;
      but the king hesitated on account of the great number requisite, and the
      danger of such a precedent. He did not give his answer till the next day,
      when he informed Earl Grey that he had determined to accept his
      resignation rather than have recourse to the only alternative which had
      been proposed. Ministers then resigned <i>en masse</i>; and on the 9th
      Earl Grey in the lords, and Lord Althorp in the commons, announced that
      the ministry was at an end, and that they held their offices only till
      their successors should be appointed. Earl Grey in doing so moved that the
      order for going on with the committee next day should be discharged; and
      he did not think it necessary to name another day for that purpose. The
      Earl of Carnarvon strenuously resisted this proposition: the house would
      not do its duty, he said, to the country or the sovereign, if it left them
      in this extraordinary state, by suspending so important a subject as
      reform. The motion for taking the committee on the following Monday was
      agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, on the announcement of the resignation of ministers,
      Viscount Ebrington gave notice that he would next day move an address to
      the king on the state of public affairs, and that he would likewise move a
      call of the house, that he might "guard against backsliders and
      time-watchers," and show the people who were their honest and consistent
      representatives and who were not. In pursuance of this notice, on the 10th
      of May his lordship moved, "That an humble address be presented to his
      majesty, humbly to represent to his majesty the deep regret felt by this
      house at the change which has been announced in his majesty's councils by
      the retirement of those ministers in whom this house continues to repose
      unabated confidence. That this house, in conformity with the
      recommendation contained in his majesty's most gracious speech from the
      throne, has framed and sent up to the house of lords a bill for a reform
      in the representation of the people, by which they are convinced that the
      prerogatives of the crown, the authority of both houses of parliament, and
      the rights and liberties of the people, are equally secured. That, to the
      progress of this measure, this house considers itself bound in duty to
      state to his majesty that his subjects are looking with the most intense
      interest and anxiety; and they cannot disguise from his majesty their
      apprehension that any successful attempt to mutilate or impair its
      efficiency would be productive of the greatest disappointment and dismay.
      This house is therefore compelled, by warm attachment to his majesty's
      person and government, humbly, but most earnestly, to implore his majesty
      to call to his councils such persons only as will cany into effect,
      unimpaired in all its essential provisions, that bill for the reform of
      the representation of the people, which has recently passed this house."
      The motion was opposed by Mr. Baring, who, before proceeding to speak
      against it, expressed a hope that Lord Althorp would give some explanation
      of the nature of that advice which ministers had tendered to the king, and
      his majesty's refusal of which had led to their resignation. Lord Althorp
      declined answering, and Mr. Baring then went on to say that the house was
      thus left in utter ignorance. He asked on what facts, therefore, was the
      proposed address to be rested? Lord Althorp, in reply, said, that he had
      no objection to state plainly that the advice which ministers had given to
      the king was, that he should create as many peers as would enable them to
      carry the reform bill through the house of lords in all its efficiency. It
      was true he had treated a similar proposition to Lord Lyndhurst's, when
      made in the house of commons, as a matter of small importance; but after
      the decision to which the lords had come, there was no hope left of
      carrying the measure. From that moment the bill had passed into the hands
      of its declared enemies; and ministers had to choose between two
      alternatives,&mdash;either to resign immediately, or to tender such advice
      as would place them in a situation in which they might be responsible for
      the further progress of the bill; they had adopted the latter alternative,
      and their advice having been rejected, all that was left them was to
      resign. Mr. Hume, in supporting the proposition, stated that it did not go
      far enough. Lord Morpeth supported, and Sir Robert Peel opposed the
      motion. The latter said, that the first resolution implied a complete
      confidence in the existing government. He could not consent to this; with
      reference to the general course they had taken, he could not say that they
      deserved his confidence. With respect to the reform question, and with
      reference to some other points, he was decidedly opposed to the course
      which the government had pursued. Mr. Macaulay, in supporting the
      proposition, contended that the house had a right, with respect to the
      prerogative of the sovereign in the choice of his ministers, as with
      regard to all the other prerogatives of the crown, to offer its respectful
      advice. The prerogative vested in the crown of creating peers, for the
      purpose of carrying any public question, was a valuable and useful power,
      the existence of which was absolutely necessary, in order, on important
      questions, to obviate great and pressing inconveniences. He argued, also,
      that there existed a strong necessity for counter-balancing, by a creation
      of peers from the Whig party, the number of peers which, during the last
      forty years, had been made from the Conservative party. There could not be
      a strong objection to the creation of fifty peers in one day, when no
      objection had been raised to the creation of two hundred in the course of
      a generation by the one party that held power during that period. He
      heartily concurred in the advice which ministers had given to the king,
      and he regretted it had not been taken: unless ministers were recalled,
      the reform bill would be lost. On a division, the resolutions were carried
      by a majority of two hundred and eighty-eight against two hundred and
      eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FAILURE OF THE ATTEMPTS TO FORM A NEW ADMINISTRATION&mdash;MINISTERS
      RECALLED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During these proceedings in parliament great agitation prevailed
      throughout the country. The political unions convened large assemblies in
      the open air, and violent resolutions were passed, which threatened a
      dissolution of society. Addresses were voted to the king, praying him to
      create as many peers as might be necessary, while others were sent to the
      commons, praying them to stop the supplies. One meeting, which styled
      itself "a meeting of the inhabitants of Westminster," assured the king,
      that, unless their advice was complied with, "tumult, anarchy, and
      confusion would overspread the land, and would cease only with the
      extinction of the privileged orders," The national political union
      resolved to present a petition, praying that, till the bill passed, no
      supplies should be allowed to go into the hands of the lords of the
      treasury, but should be paid over to commissioners named by the house of
      commons; this course was specifically recommended to them, on the ground
      that it was taken from "that admirable resolution adopted by the house of
      commons in 1642." The national union also resolved "that the betrayal of
      the people's cause was not attributable to Lord Grey, or his
      administration; but to the base and foul treachery of others; that
      meetings be recommended in every comity, town, and parish throughout the
      kingdom; which, by inducing compliance with the unanimous wishes of the
      people, may prevent the mischief that would otherwise result from the
      general indignation; that a petition be presented to the house of commons,
      praying the appointment of commissioners to receive the supplies; and
      that, until the bill pass, they be not managed by the lords of the
      treasury." The common-council met at Guildhall, and passed a number of
      resolutions, expressing their mortification and disappointment at the
      distressing communication made by ministers, that his majesty had refused
      them the means of carrying the reform Dill through the house of lords;
      declaring that the advisers of such a refusal had put to hazard the
      stability of the throne and tranquillity of the country; and petitioning
      the commons to withhold supplies till the reform bill was carried. Tire
      livery of the city also met, and passed a similar set of resolutions;
      adding, that "they viewed with distrust and abhorrence attempts, at once
      interested and hypocritical, to delude and mislead the people by pretended
      plans of reform, promised or proposed by the insidious enemies of all
      reform." The speeches at this meeting dared any administration to assume
      the reins of government, without undertaking to carry the whole bill. The
      Duke of Wellington was particularly censured by the speakers: nor did his
      majesty himself escape censure for yielding to domestic influence, and
      following the advice of pernicious counsellors. The majority of the house
      of lords, however, was more particularly attacked: it was said, they were
      men who would mix blood with corruption; that they were friends of every
      despotism; and that they were representatives of Miguel and of Ferdinand,
      of Russian lords and German ladies. Similar meetings were held in
      Westminster, Southwark, Marylebone, St. Paneras, and Paddington. At
      Birmingham also, the news of Earl Grey's resignation had no sooner
      arrived, than the inhabitants assembled at New-hall Hill, and a petition
      was voted to the house of commons, which, in addition to a prayer that the
      supplies might be stopped, contained this ominous sentence: "Your
      petitioners find it declared in the bill of rights that the people of
      England may have arms for their defence, suitable to their condition, and
      as allowed by law; and they apprehend that this great right will be
      enforced generally, in order that the people may be prepared for any
      circumstances that may arise." Some of the inhabitants defied the laws of
      their country by exhibiting printed placards in their windows to the
      effect that no taxes would be paid until the reform bill had passed.
      Similar meetings were held, similar petitions were got up, and similar
      language used at Manchester, Liverpool, and in various parts of Scotland
      and Ireland. The annals of England, indeed, clo not present a more
      alarming period than the interval between the 9th and the 16th of May. The
      language used at the numerous meetings indicated the bitterness of the
      disappointment which the people, or at least a certain portion of the
      people, felt, and their determination of having "the bill, the whole bill,
      and nothing but the bill," be the cost what it might. At a public meeting
      at Paddington, Mr. Hume told the multitude, "that military were marching
      upon the metropolis; and he asked whether, when other nations were free,
      they would submit to walk the streets with the brand of slavery upon them?
      whether they were prepared to bend before a military yoke?" He added that
      there were one hundred and fifty peers against them, but he did not know
      how many women, though he heard there were some. This allusion to the
      queen was immediately followed by groans; and shortly after her majesty,
      while taking an airing, was grossly insulted by the populace. In fact the
      king himself, at this period, learned the true value of the shoutings
      which had attended him as the personal protector of the reform bill. In
      one of the metropolitan unions a member was loudly applauded for declaring
      that till the reform bill was passed there was no William IV., but only a
      Duke of Clarence. The queen, also, was dragged forward, as an active enemy
      of the bill, to be made the theme of atrocious insult.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the king found a difficulty in forming an administration.
      As soon as he had resolved to accept the resignation of his cabinet, he
      sent for Lord Lyndhurst, desiring that nobleman to obtain the opinion of
      parties respecting the advice which he had rejected, and also authorising
      him to adopt measures for the formation of a new ministry. At the same
      time his majesty declared, that "extensive reform was necessary, and was
      the express condition on which such a ministry must be based." Lord
      Lyndhurst, on receiving his majesty's commands, immediately waited upon
      the Duke of Wellington. The sentiments of his grace on the subject of
      reform had been fully and openly declared; but he, nevertheless, was found
      willing to make large sacrifices, and to encounter any obloquy, in order
      to extricate his majesty from embarrassment. He desired no office, he
      said, much less that of prime-minister; yet if necessary for the king's
      service, he was ready to serve in any way that might be thought fit. After
      some consultation, these noble lords considered it advisable to offer the
      first place to Sir Robert Peel. He was asked if he would accept the office
      of prime-minister; on the clear understanding that he must carry through a
      measure of extensive reform, in fulfilment of his majesty's declaration?
      Sir Robert replied that by an "extensive reform" he assumed to be
      understood all the principles of the bill, and that under such a
      condition, it was impossible to accept office: hostile as he uniformly had
      been to every plan of extensive reform, he felt that he could be of no
      service to the king or to the country. Lord Lyndhurst communicated the
      nature of his commission to several other influential persons, and they
      were not unwilling to take subordinate situations, but no one came forward
      as a leader. In the meantime Lord Ebrington's motion interposed
      insurmountable difficulties in the way of negotiations. The new ministry
      was of necessity to be sought for among the opponents of the bill; office
      must be accepted in defiance of the lower house; and the utter
      hopelessness of any change from a dissolution of parliament was evident
      from the agitation already distracting the country. Lord Lyndhurst,
      therefore, was compelled to inform his majesty that the commission with
      which he had been entrusted had failed. The king was now reduced to the
      necessity of renewing his intercourse with his former ministers. On the
      10th Earl Grey announced in the house of lords that he had that day
      received a communication from his majesty, though of too recent a date to
      be followed by any decided consequence. Both houses adjourned to the 17th;
      but before the commons separated, a debate took place on the presentation
      of the London petition, which for boldness of invective and declamation
      was scarcely ever surpassed. It turned chiefly on the supposed conduct of
      the Duke of Wellington, and some others, in accepting office under the
      peculiar circumstances of that period. On the 17th, however, the lords had
      no sooner met, than the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst gave an
      explanation of their conduct in this matter. The Duke of Wellington
      remarked:&mdash;"When his majesty found that he could not consistently
      with his duty to the state, follow the advice of his confidential
      servants, so little communication had he with men other than his
      responsible advisers, that he had had recourse to a nobleman, whose
      judicial functions took him almost out of the line of politics, to inquire
      whether means existed, and what means, of forming an administration on the
      principle of carrying into execution an extensive reform. That nobleman
      communicated to me the difficulties in which his majesty was placed, in
      order to ascertain how far it was in my power to assist in extricating him
      from them. With this view, I thought it my duty to institute similar
      inquiries of others, the rather as I was myself as unprepared as his
      majesty for the advice which his ministers had tendered, and for the
      consequences which had ensued from its being rejected. On inquiry I found
      that there was a large number of most influential persons not indisposed
      to support a government formed to aid his majesty in resisting the advice
      tendered to him by his late administration. Under this conviction I
      attended his majesty; and my advice to him was, not that he should appoint
      me Iris minister, but certain members of the other house of parliament. So
      far from seeking office for myself, I merely named those persons I thought
      best qualified for the service; adding, that, for my own part, whether I
      was in office or out of office, he and those persons might depend upon my
      most strenuous support. The object of this advice and tender of assistance
      was to enable his majesty to form an administration upon the principle of
      resisting the advice which he had just rejected. These are the first steps
      of the transaction; and I believe they show that, if ever there was an
      instance in which the king acted with honesty and fairness towards his
      servants, and if ever there was an instance in which public men, opposed
      to those servants, kept aloof from intrigue, and from the adoption of all
      means except the most honourable, in promoting their own views of the
      public weal, this was that individual instance; and I will add with
      reference to myself, that these transactions show that, so far from being
      actuated by those motives of personal aggrandizement, with which I have
      been charged by persons of high station in another place, my object was,
      that others should occupy a post of honour, and that for myself I was
      willing to serve in any capacity, or without any official capacity, so as
      to enable the crown to carry on the government." Lord Lyndhurst, in
      explaining the part he had taken in the matter, bitterly complained of
      being calumniated by the press, which, he said, now reigned paramount over
      the legislature and the country. "As far as I am myself concerned," he
      said, "I despise these calumnies. They may wound, however, the feelings of
      those allied to me by the dearest ties, and so far they are a source of
      pain to myself; but apart from the feelings of others, I hold them in the
      utmost scorn." Several noble lords, although they had in no way been
      connected with the transactions which had been explained, declared that
      the conduct of the Duke of Wellington had been high-minded and
      disinterested. He had been hunted down day after day because he had dared
      to become minister; and it turned out that he had neither accepted nor
      sought office. Earl Grey expressed his surprise that the Duke of
      Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst should have indulged in violent invective
      against the reform bill and ministers, and "dinned their lordships' ears"
      with denunciations of the measure, and declarations that the bill, instead
      of saving, would tend to the destruction of that house and of the
      monarchy. He thought differently. There were clangers, not imaginary or
      hypothetical, but substantial and imminent, both to that house and to the
      monarchy, to be apprehended from proceedings which tended to a collision
      between the hereditary and representative branches of the constitution. He
      concluded by declaring that his continuance in office must depend on his
      conviction of his own ability to carry into full effect the bill on their
      lordships' table, unimpaired in principle and all essential details. The
      Earl of Carnarvon said, that if he could venture to make any comment on
      the reasons assigned for the proceedings of ministers, he would say that
      they had hurried on in their violent course, because they feared that if
      their opponents were permitted to introduce their measures, not all the
      power and influence of ministers could have produced a collision between
      the two houses. It was his duty, as the continued day for the committee
      had been fixed on his motion, now to get rid of it. He therefore moved
      that "the order for the committee on the reform bill be discharged." He
      added:&mdash;"Thus I leave it to other noble lords to do their dirty
      work." The order was accordingly discharged.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Friday, the 18th of May, on the assembling of the peers, the Earl of
      Harewood asked Earl Grey whether it was yet settled that ministers were to
      continue in office? His lordship answered, that in consequence of having
      received the king's request to that effect, and in consequence of now
      finding himself in a situation which would enable him to carry through the
      bill unimpaired in its efficiency, he and his colleagues did remain in
      office. He moved that the committee on the bill, under these
      circumstances, should be taken on Monday. The Earl of Harewood continued,
      that he had understood the continuance of Earl Grey in office depended on
      the power he should receive to carry the reform bill&mdash;a power which
      might be conferred by the creation of peers, or by the act and will of
      certain lords in seceding from their opposition to the bill. In the choice
      of these two evils, it was his duty to select the lesser. He had opposed
      the bill on the second reading, and he would likewise have opposed many of
      its details in the committee, but the wiser course would be now to
      withhold further opposition to the bill, rather than render the calamity
      of creating a great number of peers unavoidable. But though he adopted
      this course, let it be understood that it was by compulsion, and with a
      feeling that he never would again enjoy an opportunity of uttering in that
      house one word in an independent form. Bidding farewell to freedom of
      debate, let those who had brought this infliction on the country be
      responsible for their acts when the nation came to its senses. On the
      other hand, the Earl of Winchilsea, while he admitted that the
      independence of the house was at an end, and that their lordships might be
      pointed at with scorn, as belonging to a body which went through the
      mockery of legislative functions while it was denied all legislative
      power, expressed his determination still to offer every possible
      opposition to the bill. Earl Grey had not yet stated in what shape the
      power of carrying the bill had been conferred; and Lord Wharncliffe,
      conceiving that before any peer could decide on the course he would adopt,
      it was necessary to know, put the question direct to him, whether their
      deliberations were to be carried on under the immediate threat of a
      creation of peers? or whether it was to be understood that a certain
      number of peers would absent themselves from the house on the occasion of
      the discussions that might ensue upon the bill? Earl Grey replied, "I do
      not feel myself called on to answer the questions which have been put to
      me by the noble baron. I have already stated to your lordships that I
      continue to hold office under the expectation that the bill will be
      successfully carried in its future stages through this house. I do not
      consider that the noble lord has any right to call on me for any further
      explanation; and I will add, that I wish to be bound only by what I state
      myself." Lord Wharncliffe rejoined, that he could come to no conclusion as
      to what course he should take until he saw more clearly the real position
      in which their lordships were placed. The noble earl opposite had no right
      to call for any statement as to the course his opponents meant to pursue
      when he hesitated to communicate his own. The Earl of Carnarvon repeated
      Lord Wharn-cliffe's question, whether it was intended to create peers? but
      the minister replied that it was a question which ought not to be put, and
      one which he would not answer. The motion for going into committee on
      Monday was agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although ministers, however, refused to give any answer as to the intended
      creation of peers, it was soon known that this power was assured to them&mdash;at
      least, as an alternative or an expedient. Sir Herbert Taylor, in the name
      and by the authority of the king, wrote a circular note to the opposition
      peers, stating his majesty's wish that they should facilitate the passing
      of the bill by absenting themselves from the house when any important part
      of the measure to which they could not consent came under discussion. Such
      a request implied that his majesty desired it, as the only means of
      avoiding the creation of a number of peers; and the opposition lords,&mdash;that
      is, the majority,&mdash;understanding the hint, were thus compelled to
      abandon for a time their rights and duties as legislators. During the
      remainder of the discussions on the bill, therefore, not more than between
      thirty or forty attended at a time. The king and the lords were equally
      opposed to this measure, but both were compelled to bend to the will of
      the house of commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar announcement to that which Earl Grey made in the lords was made
      in the commons by Lord Althorp. This announcement stopped another address
      to the king in the house of commons, which Lord Milton intended to have
      brought forward, and furnished to Sir Robert Peel an opportunity of
      explaining the share he had taken in the late negotiations to form a new
      administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REFORM BILL PASSED.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      The committee on the bill was resumed on Monday, the 21st of May, and, as
      was natural, it now passed rapidly through the upper house. The inverted
      order of the schedules, taken up at Lord Lyndhurst's suggestion, was
      adopted, though in a very different spirit from that which was in the
      noble mover's mind. Schedule C was voted at the first sitting up to the
      Tower Hamlets; and next day the clauses on the Tower Hamlets, to which so
      many objections had been raised, were passed. Lord Ellenborough wished the
      county of Lancashire to be divided into three districts, each retaining
      two members, he conceiving that as the bill now stood the agricultural
      interest of that county would be utterly helpless; but there were only
      fifteen peers who ventured to vote with him, while seventy-five adhered to
      the bill. The bill, in fact, passed, with some few slight verbal
      alterations, on the 4th of June, one hundred and sixty voting for it, and
      twenty-two against it. The bill was now ordered back to the commons, and
      the amendments of their lordships having been agreed to on the following
      day without any discussion regarding their merits, the royal assent was
      given to the bill by commission on the 7th of June.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH AND SCOTCH REFORM BILLS PASSED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was easy to foresee that the English reform bill having passed, those
      relating to Scotland and Ireland would be equally triumphant. Deliberation
      was, in point of fact, at an end. Both bills had been read a first time,
      and had awaited on the table of the house of commons the fate of the
      English bill in the house of lords. The bill relating to Scotland was read
      in the commons on the 21st of May, the day on which the restored ministry
      resumed the committee in the lords on the English bill. No resistance was
      made to the second reading, the opposition knowing that it was hopeless,
      and feeling assured that this measure must follow as part of the general
      scheme, all the elements of which had triumphed in regard to England.
      Various amendments were moved in the committee, but they were all rejected
      by large majorities, and it passed the third reading unmutilated. In the
      house of lords also, as in the commons, no opposition was made to the
      second reading, and it passed that house on the 13th of July, The Irish
      bill called forth more resistance than that of Scotland, though its
      triumph from the first was equally certain. Mr. Lefroy moved, on its
      re-introduction, that it should be read that day six months. He said, that
      if a reform bill was to be passed at all, the present measure, in so far
      as the country representation was concerned, was not very objectionable;
      but he could discover no advantage to be derived from it in respect to the
      alterations in the boroughs. Seven of these boroughs had sent reformers to
      parliament, and eight possessed an open constituency. In the others the
      constituency varied from twelve to ninety-four, and none of them could be
      called decayed boroughs; on the contrary, they were more flourishing than
      at the time when they received the franchise. Of the one hundred Irish
      members, eighty-three were popularly returned. Where then, he asked, was
      the necessity or expediency of the measure? Would any rational man have
      deemed a reform bill necessary in England under such circumstances? And
      while the bill was unnecessary, he continued, it was also dangerous&mdash;dangerous
      not merely to the Protestant church of Ireland, but to the sister church
      of England, and the integrity of the empire. The fall of the Irish church
      would endanger the connection between the two countries. The leader of the
      Catholic population in Ireland had told them to choose reformers as the
      best means of opening the way to repealers; yet it was proposed by opening
      the boroughs to put them into the hands of this party&mdash;a party whose
      influence would be increased to an extent that no government would have
      power to oppose. The amendment was seconded by Lord Castlereagh, and
      supported by Messrs. Shaw, Conolly, and Gordon, who all said that the bill
      would be ruinous to the Protestant interest in Ireland. Messrs. O'Connell
      and Shiel defended the bill against the objections urged by the supporters
      of the amendment, but pointed out other defects, which they expressed a
      hope would be remedied in the committee. For instance, the name of the
      ten-pound franchise had been given to Ireland without the reality; the
      Irish and English freeholders, from the nature of their tenures, and the
      disproportion between their means, were in opposite positions to each
      other. In respect to houses also, the franchise was too high; and, instead
      of being the instrument of reform, it would be productive of corruption.
      Thus Portarlington, which was formerly sold by a single proprietor, would
      now be sold by one hundred members. In England, no man was called upon to
      show his title unless by previous notice; but in Ireland a scrutinising
      assistant-barrister examined it without any process being-served on the
      man who came to vote. In Ireland, also, half-a-crown was the sum paid for
      registry; in England it was a shilling only. Was this equality? Was this
      union? Could this conduce to the continuance of the union between the two
      countries? But while he found so much in the bill of an objectionable
      nature, he would support it for the good it would effect; he would support
      it because it would strike down the corporation of Dublin, and because it
      would open the borough of Belfast, whose representative had hitherto been
      appointed by the noble Marquis of Donegal, like his groom or his footman.
      After a few words of opposition from Sir Robert Peel, the house divided on
      the second reading, and it was carried by two hundred and forty-six
      against one hundred and thirty.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in the committee that the attacks of the Irish reformers against
      the bill commenced in reality. The emancipation act had been accompanied
      by the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders. Mr. O'Connell
      moved that it should be an instruction to the committee to restore the
      franchise to these freeholders. The Irish reform bill exhibited gross
      injustice. England was to have thirty members more than had originally
      been contemplated, but Ireland was not to derive any such advantage. It
      was always the way when Ireland was concerned; her aid was invoked in the
      battle, but when the division of the spoil came, she was forgotten. And in
      the present instance insult had been added to injury. The Scotch bill had
      been brought forward by a Scotch legal luminary. Was there no Irish
      gentleman to whom ministers could entrust the Irish reform bill? Ministers
      wished to put an end to agitation in Ireland. But how did they set about
      it? By perpetrating an act of injustice, which would perpetuate agitation.
      The amendment was supported by Mr. Shiel, who contended that the
      restoration of the forty-shilling freeholders was just in principle,
      because it would assimilate the constituency of England and Ireland, and
      because it would conciliate the people of Ireland without being
      detrimental to England. Ministers replied, that if the proposed
      instruction was carried, it would have, the effect of impeding, if not
      ultimately defeating, the measure. Mr. O'Connell's motion was lost! by a
      majority-of one hundred and twenty-two against seventy-three; and he
      immediately moved, as a modification of it; that "the franchise should be
      restored to persons seized of an estate for three lives, renewable for
      ever, of the yearly value of forty shillings, provided that the rent did
      not exceed four pounds per annum, of which one-third was to be profit, and
      provided also that the renewal fee did net exceed two-pounds." This was
      opposed by Mr. Stanley, on the ground, that it would create a minute
      subdivision of independent, property, and by that means would also create
      an immense multitude of independent voters. The motion, was not pressed to
      a division; and Mr. O'Connell then took up the subject of the increase of
      representation in Ireland. Of the five additional members, one was to be
      given to the University of Dublin, which was now to return two members;
      and Mr. O'Connell and his party objected to this arrangement, because it
      would strengthen the Protestant interest. Sir Robert Heron moved as an
      instruction to the committee, that the University of Dublin should
      continue to return only one member. The motion was opposed by Mr.
      Crampton, the solicitor-general of Ireland, who vindicated the character
      of the electors of Dublin University from the attacks which the Irish
      reformers made upon it. The proposal was rejected by a large majority: and
      Mr. O'Connell returned to the attack by moving, as an instruction to the
      committee, to extend the franchise to persons occupying freehold estates
      of the yearly value of five pounds. His motion was founded on this
      reasoning&mdash;that, as Ireland was a poorer country, a ten-pound
      qualification in England was a twenty-pound qualification in Ireland, and
      the constituency of the latter would consequently be curtailed. In his
      speech, he said that the object of all parties seemed to be to exclude the
      people of Ireland as much as possible from the enjoyment of the franchise.
      He was justified in making this charge, when he saw two members given to
      Trinity College, Dublin, in the constituency of which it was impossible
      there should be a Roman Catholic voter. If the system was acted on, the
      Catholic question still remained to be settled. Mr. Stanley complained of
      the unreasonable conduct of Irish members, and especially of Mr.
      O'Connell, who first desired alterations in the bill, and then complained
      that it was no longer the same. The change in the plan of registration, he
      said, had been recommended by Sir Henry Darnel. An alteration had also
      been made in the leasehold from twenty-one years to fourteen, and this was
      done at the instance of Irish members. Mr. O'Connell himself had entreated
      ministers to omit the fifty-pound qualification, which was complied with:
      but he had hardly effected his purpose, when he turned round and accused
      the government of making unfavourable alterations in the bill. Members
      might be astonished, but it was fact, that he had given notice of a motion
      for the restoration of a qualification which was omitted on his own
      suggestion. This motion was likewise rejected; as was another, made by Mr.
      Mullins, to extend the franchise in counties to leaseholders for nineteen
      years, at a rent of thirty pounds. Ministers, however, yielded something
      in the committee by consenting to extend the franchise to leaseholders for
      twenty years, having a beneficial interest to the amount of ten pounds.
      Mr. Shiel divided the house without success, to get rid of a proviso that
      required ten-pound voters in boroughs to pay all municipal taxes. The
      recorder of Dublin was equally unsuccessful in a motion tending to place
      Irish freemen on the same footing with their brethren in English boroughs;
      that is, to have their rights as freemen perpetuated, instead of
      terminating with the lives of those existing, as provided in the Irish
      bill Before the bill left the committee, Mr. Dominick Browne, one of the
      members for the county of Mayo, proposed a different plan for Ireland; but
      his proposition was not entertained by the house. The bill passed the
      commons on the 18th of July, and was read a second time in the lords on
      the 23rd. No division took place; but the Duke of Wellington stated at
      length his objections to the measure, which were replied to by Lord
      Plunkett. The bill passed through the committee in the peers almost
      without discussion. The only amendment of importance was one which had
      been rejected in the commons; namely, to place the rights of freemen in
      boroughs on the same footing on which they stood in the English bill, by
      continuing them in perpetuity instead of confining them simply to the
      children of freemen born after the passing of the bill. When the bill
      returned to the commons, Mr. Stanley declared that he felt a strong
      repugnance to this amendment. It was, however, allowed to stand, and by
      the first week of August all the three bills had received the royal
      assent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO PREVENT BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after, the reform bill was carried the house of commons was filled
      with complaints, that, in its working, it was producing, extensive
      disfranchisement among the new constituencies. It was required by the
      English bill, that the intended voter should have paid up by the 20th of
      July all rates and taxes, payable in the preceding April in respect of the
      premises on which he claimed. That period was now past, and the non-payers
      were so numerous as greatly to diminish the new constituencies. Under
      these circumstances Lord Althorp, on the 7th of August, moved for leave to
      bring in a bill "for allowing further time for persons to pay the
      poor-rates, in pursuance of an act passed in the present session to amend
      the representation of the people in England and Wales." This was resisted
      on the ground that the act contained no clause allowing it to be altered,
      during the present session, and that the proposition was a breach of
      pledge. The house, it was said, had fully discussed and finally passed a
      measure effecting a great and extensive change in the constitution of the
      country, and that measure had gone forth to the country as being the final
      act of those who had originated it; yet it was now proposed to make an
      alteration in one of its most essential provisions. The alteration
      proposed was not unreasonable in itself; but there was danger in
      permitting any alteration to be made with respect to the reform act. Who
      could say, if changes were to be made, when they would stop? Lord Althorp
      argued that there were precedents which would enable the house to get over
      the difficulty in point of form, but as the bill was to be opposed, and
      as, in that case, it could not be carried through before the 20th of
      August, he would withdraw it altogether; he was the more ready to do so,
      because he thought that the inconvenience had been exaggerated. The
      subject, however, was taken up by Colonel Evans, who thought that a great
      number of tax and rate payers entitled to vote were defaulters, and
      therefore not able to enjoy their franchise. He moved a resolution, which,
      after adverting to the disfranchisement likely to arise, suggested that
      the mischief might be remedied by substituting for "the 6th of April," in
      the 27th clause of the reform act, "the 25th of September last" for the
      payment of the poor rates, and the "10th of October last" for the payment
      of the assessed taxes. This motion was only supported by two members, yet
      the colonel brought the matter before the house again on the 10th of
      August, by moving "that an address be presented to his majesty, praying
      that he will be graciously pleased to prorogue the present, and convene
      another short session of parliament, to take into consideration the
      unexpected disfranchisement produced by certain restrictive clauses of the
      act for amending the representation of the people in parliament." This
      motion was opposed by ministers, and was not pressed to a division. It had
      become clear, indeed, that many of the statements concerning the number of
      non-payers were without good foundation, and therefore there was no reason
      for altering the clause. About the same time objections were raised to the
      boundaries of boroughs as laid down by the commissioners whom ministers
      had employed, principally on the ground of the influence which, it was
      supposed, had here and there been given to individuals, by adding large
      portions of their lands to boroughs. It was objected, for instance, that,
      in the case of Whitehaven, a rural district, comprehending thirty voters,
      had been added to a borough containing three hundred. It was said that
      this was done to conciliate opposition; as this district was the property
      of Lord Lonsdale, it was stated, he would acquire by its junction with the
      town a preponderating influence. An amendment was made to exclude it, but
      ministers resisted it, and it was lost. Lord Althorp said, that nobody who
      knew the state of parties would believe in these theories of conciliation;
      and that Lord Lonsdale would have no more influence in the borough than
      the legitimate influence to which rank and property entitled their
      possessor. A similar objection was stated against the boundary allotted to
      Stamford, which was followed by a similar motion of exclusion; but it
      found only nineteen supporters, while one hundred and seventy-two voted
      against it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another measure connected with the changes in the representation was a
      bill brought in to amend and render more effectual the laws relating to
      bribery and corruption in elections. Lord John Russell, who brought in the
      bill, stated that its principal object was to subject all cases of bribery
      to a more complete investigation. With that view, the bill extended the
      term for presenting petitions complaining of bribery at elections from
      fourteen days to two years; and provided that it would be lawful for any
      person to petition the house during that period, complaining that the
      election of any particular borough had been carried by bribery and
      corruption. The bill also provided that where the parties complained of
      undue elections in consequence of bribery, if they proved their case, all
      their costs and expenses in sustaining their petition should be defrayed
      by the public. Objections were urged against this measure from both sides
      of the house. It was argued, that the extension of the period for
      petitioning would keep members in a state of vassalage for two years; that
      a new petition might be presented every week, if it only related to a
      different alleged act; and that the terms which defined what bribery was
      were so vague, and yet so comprehensive, that it was impossible for a
      member to know whether a charge could be brought against him or not. Some
      members thought that nothing but the ballot would prevent bribery, while
      others suggested that every member on entering the house should take an
      oath that he had neither given, nor promised to give, or would promise
      hereafter, by himself, his agents, or friends, any money, security, order,
      or other thing of value, or any pecuniary fee, or reward of any kind, in
      consideration of any vote or votes, by which his return to that house had
      been promoted or served. The bill passed the commons; but when it came to
      the lords its postponement for six months was moved by Lord Wynford, and
      the lord chancellor agreeing with him as to the impossibility of carrying
      its provisions into effect, the bill was thrown out.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the discussion on the reform question, one strong objection against
      the destruction of nomination-boroughs had been, that without them there
      would be no certain means of members who vacated their seats by accepting
      office of securing a new return. In order to obviate this inconvenience,
      the Marquis of Northampton brought in a bill to repeal, in so far as
      certain offices were concerned, the act of Queen Anne, by which an
      acceptance of any of them vacated a member's seat. On the motion for the
      second reading of this bill, the Duke of Wellington said there could be no
      doubt that some measure of this description was necessary; but it appeared
      to him that the present bill was only a half measure, because it provided
      for only half of the inconvenience likely to result. He also objected to
      the bill being brought forward in the individual capacity of the noble
      marquis. As the inconvenience would arise from a government measure,
      government should introduce a remedy, and recommend it to both houses of
      parliament upon their own responsibility. The lord-chancellor likewise
      thought that the second reading should be delayed till the matter had been
      more ripely considered. The second reading, therefore, was postponed, and,
      as the end of the session approached, the bill was ultimately laid aside.
      The last subject of direct reform in the representation was introduced by
      Mr. Bulwer, who moved an address to the king, praying that his majesty
      would give the free inhabitants of New South Wales a representative
      system. He grounded their title to it on the score both of population and
      taxation; but while ministers admitted that New South Wales must in time
      have a representative body, they did not think the elements had yet been
      formed out of which a safe constituency could be created, and the motion
      was negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEES ON IRISH TITHES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832&mdash;1833
    </p>
    <p>
      In the speech from the throne, on the opening of parliament, there was
      this clause:&mdash;"In parts of Ireland a systematic opposition has been
      made to the payment of tithes, attended in some instances with afflicting
      results; and it will be one of your first duties to inquire whether it may
      not be possible to effect improvements in the laws respecting this
      subject, which may afford the necessary protection to the established
      church, and at the same time remove the present causes of complaint." Both
      houses, during this session, appointed select committees to inquire into
      the collection and payment of tithes in Ireland, and the state of the laws
      relating thereto. The report of the committee of the house of lords was
      presented on the 16th of February, and that of the commons on the 17th.
      The report stated that in different parts of Ireland resistance had been
      made to the payment of tithes, by means of organised, illegal, and in some
      instances armed combinations, which, if allowed to extend themselves
      successfully to other districts, would be applied to other objects, and
      ultimately subvert the dominion of the law, and endanger the peace and
      security of society. In many districts the report further stated, where
      resistance had been made to the payment of tithes, the clergy had been
      reduced to the greatest distress; and in order to obviate this, the
      committee recommended that his majesty should be empowered to advance to
      the incumbent, where tithes or compositions had been illegally withheld,
      or to his representatives, sums not exceeding the amount of the arrears
      due for the tithes of the year 1836, proportioned to the income of each,
      according to a scale diminishing as their incomes increased. It further
      recommended that as a security for repayment of the sums so advanced, his
      majesty should be empowered to levy, under the authority of a law to be
      passed for that purpose, the amount of arrears due for the tithes of the
      year 1831, without prejudice to the claims of the clergy for any arrear
      that might be due for a longer period. Where the arrears were due in a
      compounded parish, the sum to be advanced was to be regulated by the
      composition, and where there was no special agreement, by an average of
      the produce of the tithe for the years 1827, 1828, and 1829. As the crown
      was to become entitled to the arrears, it was recommended that the
      attorney-general should be empowered to sue for them, either by petition
      in chancery or exchequer, or by civil bill at the county quarter-session.
      On the tithe system, the committee stated that they had seen sufficient to
      satisfy them, "that with a view to serve both the interests of the church
      and the lasting welfare of Ireland, a permanent change of system will be
      required: that such a change, to be safe and satisfactory, must involve a
      complete extinction of tithes, including those belonging to lay
      impropriators, by commuting them for a charge upon land, or an exchange
      for or investment in land, so as effectually to secure the revenues of the
      church, so far as relates to tithes, and at the same time to remove all
      pecuniary collisions between the clergymen and the tithe-payer, which, at
      present, were unavoidable." On the 8th of March, the Marquis of Lansdowne
      in the upper house, and Mr. Stanley in the commons, moved resolutions
      adopting and embodying the recommendations of the report. In the lords no
      opposition was offered to them, but in the commons it did not pass so
      readily. Mr. Stanley said that as he intended to state the whole plan
      which government had in contemplation, with all its details, he should
      move for that purpose that the house should resolve itself into a
      committee on the report; a course which he deemed advisable, because it
      would put it into his power to give every explanation which might be
      required, and to take the opinion of the committee separately on each of
      the resolutions. This motion was sternly opposed by the Irish members. Mr.
      Brownlow led the attack, by maintaining that the report was too partial
      and imperfect to be made the subject of consideration in committee. He
      moved "that the debate be adjourned, until the committee had gone into a
      full inquiry into the subject of tithes, and the appropriation of church
      property in Ireland, and until the evidence and report of the committee
      came before parliament." In support of the amendment, Mr. Shiel said that
      the Irish members did not oppose the resolutions: they only said, "Wait
      for the final report, and do not decide on a document resting on one-sided
      evidence." Catholics, he said, had been excluded from the committee, and
      only one out of eighteen Catholic witnesses had been examined. Was this
      just, or fair dealing? It was as if a jury were desired to retire on the
      closing of the plaintiff's case. They find their verdict; judgment is
      given; and then the defendant was desired to proceed with her case. If the
      committee had confined themselves to the recommendation of assisting the
      clergy, the Irish members would not have complained; but while they came
      with a purse of gold for the church, they also came with a rod of iron for
      the people. Mr. Shiel proceeded next to discuss the plan which was
      supposed to be unknown, in doing which he discovered the true objection of
      the Irish members to it, namely, that the Protestant church of Ireland was
      still to be preserved. Other Irish members urged the same objections; and
      added, that if every thing else in the supposed plan were right, it was
      wrong to pay the arrears to the clergy, and then ask repayment by coercive
      measures. Lord Ebrington, who had been on the committee, and concurred in
      its report, now sided with the Irish members. Sir Robert Peel said that
      the discussion on the anticipated propositions was foreign to the question
      before the house. The question was, whether the propositions should be
      explained now, or after the house had gone into a committee. Pie thought
      that the latter was the course most conformable to the practice of the
      house; and by supporting a motion to that effect, no member pledged
      himself in the least to the proposition of the government. Lord Althorp
      and Mr. Stanley complained of the course the Irish members had taken in
      commenting on propositions of which they knew nothing; and on a division
      the amendment of the Irish members was lost by an overwhelming majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      The committee was delayed till the 18th, on which day Mr. Stanley moved a
      series of resolutions similar to those which had been agreed to by the
      lords. The first of these resolutions was, "That it appears to the house
      that in several parts of Ireland, an organised and systematic opposition
      has been made to the payment of tithes, by which the law has been rendered
      unavailing, and many of the clergy of the established church have been
      reduced to great distress." Mr. Stanley entered at great length into the
      evidence which proved both parts of this resolution. It was quite clear
      from the evidence that a system of opposition had been established in
      Ireland to the payment of tithes, which could not be overcome by ordinary
      means. Every plan had been adopted by which the operations of the law
      might be traversed. Tithe-proctors and process-servants were violently
      assailed; impediments were interposed to prevent the seizure and sale of
      cattle; and, in a word, every system of determined and organised
      opposition was manifested that could be displayed by a whole population
      acting as one man against the payment of a claim legally due. Having
      proved the truth of the first resolution, Mr. Stanley proceeded to the
      second, which provided means of relief. It read thus:&mdash;"That, in
      order to afford relief to the distress, it is expedient that his majesty
      should be empowered, upon the application of the lord-lieutenant, or other
      chief governor or governors of Ireland, to direct that there be issued
      from the consolidated fund such sums as may be required for this purpose.
      That the sums so issued shall be distributed by the lord-lieutenant, or
      other chief governor or governors of Ireland, by and with the advice of
      the privy-council, in advances proportioned to the incomes of the
      incumbents of benefices wherein the tithes, or tithe composition lawfully
      due may have been withheld, according to a scale diminishing as the
      incomes of such incumbents increase." To this resolution Mr. Stanley said
      that he did not anticipate any objection, inasmuch as it was from no fault
      of the clergy that the resistance, and the consequent distress had arisen.
      He then proceeded to the third resolution, which provided for the
      reimbursement of the sums advanced:&mdash;"That, for the more effectual
      vindication of the authority of the law, and as a security for the
      repayment of the sums to be advanced, his majesty may be empowered to
      levy, under the authority of an act to be passed for this purpose, the
      amount of arrears for the tithes or tithe-composition of the whole or any
      part of the year 1831, without prejudice to the claims of the clergy for
      any arrear which may be due for a longer period; reserving, in the first
      instance, the amount of such advances, and paying over the remaining
      balance to the legal claimants." The last resolution pledged the house to
      an alteration of the existing tithe system on some principle of
      commutation, though Mr. Stanley said he was not prepared to state the
      nature of the change. Those who dissented from the resolutions consisted
      chiefly of the Irish members, and, singular enough, their opposition was
      chiefly confined to the last resolution. This was, it was said, to
      introduce a change of system, but it implied that the tithe was still to
      be a fund available to the established church. It was said to be unjust to
      demand extraordinary powers for the execution of a law acknowledged to be
      bad and mischievous, and that every renewed attempt to recover tithes by
      coercion would only hasten the ruin of the church establishment in
      Ireland. Some adjustment must be made by which the church property should
      be applied to the support of the three prominent sects in Ireland, instead
      of its being bestowed exclusively on one, which only comprehended about a
      third of the population. It was admitted at the same time that it was
      right to relieve the clergy who were suffering; but it was asserted that
      the resolutions held out no hope of any substantial amendment of the
      existing state of things. Mr. Shiel argued that the last resolution did
      not pledge the house not to appropriate church property as it might deem
      fit, and insinuated that this was what the ministry meant, though they
      could not venture to speak it out plainly. Sir Robert Peel supported the
      plan of the ministry, for, although hostile, he said, on general
      principles, to pledges that the house would do something at a future
      period, he thought that the interests of religion and the Protestant
      church required that the present case should be made an exception. As to
      the proposal to delay the question till the committee should have given a
      full report, he deemed it unnecessary and mischievous. If the spirit of
      combination was to be checked, it should be so at once; it would be true
      mercy to check it as soon as possible, for any delay would only add wings
      to its already rapid progress. The first resolution was agreed to finally
      without a division. On the second, Mr. Hunt divided the house, as he did
      not think the distress of the clergy in Ireland was such as to warrant
      money being taken out of the pockets of the people of this country for
      their relief. He was, however, only supported by eleven members, while
      eighty-six voted for the resolution. The third then passed without a
      division, and an amendment on the fourth was negatived without being put
      to the vote, so that the whole were carried. The bill was brought in to be
      read a second time on the 6th of April, when the Irish opposition pressed
      for a delay on the ground that it was inconsistent with sound policy to
      carry through this coercive measure before introducing the other measure
      for the change or extinction of tithes; that if the arrangements regarding
      the latter were complicated and required delay, that was the best reason
      for delaying the former, and that Mr. Stanley, the Irish secretary, ought
      to take advantage of the Easter recess, then approaching, to pay a visit
      to Ireland. Ministers resisted all delay, however, and the second reading
      was carried by a majority of one hundred and nineteen against twenty-one.
      It was read a third time, without much discussion, on the 16th of April;
      and in the house of lords, where the resolutions had been agreed to, the
      bill was passed without opposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The tithe-committees still continued their investigations, and on the 25th
      of June Mr. Stanley stated to the house of commons the measures which
      ministers intended to recommend for the final settlement of the questions
      connected with tithes. Three bills were to be introduced: the first, to
      make the composition act permanent and compulsory, and to render it at the
      same time more equitable and effective in some of its details; the second,
      constituting the bishop and beneficed clergy of each diocese into a
      corporation for the purpose of receiving the tithes for the whole body,
      and dividing them for their common benefit in the proportion to which the
      respective parties would be entitled: and the third, providing for a
      commutation of the tithe on the same principle as the land-tax redemption
      in England, or the redemption of quit-rents in Ireland&mdash;that is, that
      the party liable to the charge might redeem it, and the money thus paid
      for redemption would go to a fund as a provision for the clergy in the
      proportions to which they were at present entitled. Mr. Stanley explained
      the principles of these three bills at great length; but stated that it
      was not intended to carry all of them through the house at so late a
      period of the session. And this, he continued, was not necessary, as the
      first and second were independent of the third. He moved therefore for
      leave to bring in a bill for making the tithe-composition act compulsory,
      and the composition permanent, and another for establishing the
      ecclesiastical corporations. Subsequently the latter of these was delayed,
      and the composition bill only pressed on. The motion for this was opposed
      by Mr. J. Grattan, who moved as an amendment the following resolutions:&mdash;"That
      it is essential to the peace of Ireland that the system of tithes in that
      country should be extinguished, not in name only, but in substance, and
      unequivocally: That in coming to this resolution we recognise the rights
      of persons having vested interests, and declare that it is the duty of
      parliament to provide for those persons by making them a just
      compensation: That we also recognise the liability of property in Ireland
      to contribute to a fund for supporting and promoting religion and charity;
      but that such may and ought to be quite different in the mode of
      collection, and much lighter in effect than that raised by the system of
      tithes: That we are also of opinion that the mode of levying and the
      application of such fund and its distribution ought to be left to the
      decision of a reformed parliament." As the session was drawing near to a
      close, the opposition seemed to entertain hopes of rendering the measure
      abortive by mere opposition. Ministers were first compelled to adjourn the
      debate from the 3rd of July to the 10th, and on the 10th it was found
      necessary to adjourn it again to the 13th. On that day, after stern
      opposition from the Irish members, and especially Mr. O'Connell, who
      descanted in his usual strain on the "insulting contempt with which all
      Irish affairs were treated," a division took place on Mr. Grattan's
      resolutions, which were rejected by a large majority, and then the bill
      passed the second reading without opposition, and the house went into
      committee. Mr. Stanley in opening the ministerial propositions had
      adverted to the payment of church-cess and church-rates by Catholics, and
      expressed an opinion that they might be got rid of by a proper application
      of the first-fruits. Mr. Shiel moved that "the committee should be
      instructed to recite in the preamble of the bill, that the tithe
      composition should be extended, with the view to the levying of
      first-fruits according to their real value, and to such future
      appropriation of them to the purposes of religion, education, and charity,
      as, after making a due provision for the maintenance of the church, should
      to parliament seem proper." Mr. Shiel said that the preamble already set
      forth that the bill was to effect a commutation. The government, however,
      ought not to stop there: they had declared that they intended to relieve
      the people from the church-rate, by levying their first-fruits to their
      full extent, and it was their object to ascertain the full amount of
      tithes through Ireland in order to tax the church. The committee, also,
      had reported that the people ought to be relieved in this particular:
      wherefore then was it not set forth in the preamble? They should be
      embodied in the bill, and the legislature should give an earnest of their
      determination to rescue the Irish nation from the most odious imposition
      in the annals of ecclesiastical taxation, the erection of temples with
      which the people had no concern. Mr. Stanley, in reply, admitted that he
      agreed in the principle that the fund arising from the first-fruits should
      be made available for the repair and erection of churches. When asked,
      however, "Why not say in the preamble of this bill that there should be an
      abolition of church-cess and rates for the future?" he said he was not
      prepared to go to that extent. If he consented to the introduction of
      these words into the preamble, he should be doubtless told that
      church-rates were abolished, and that the people of Ireland so understood
      it. He did not wish, he said, to declare that to be the object of the bill
      which was not its object, however it might be likely to be effected by the
      passing of the bill. On a division Mr. Shiel's motion was rejected by
      seventy-nine to eighteen. The bill now proceeded without further delay,
      and was passed by the commons and the lords. On the second reading in the
      upper house the Duke of Wellington expressed a wish that it should pass
      unanimously, he believing it to be the commencement of a series of
      measures which had the pacification of Ireland for their object.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the reform bill and the management of Ireland were the great business
      of this session, matters of trade did not occupy much attention in
      parliament. The chancellor of the exchequer made his financial statements
      on the 27th of July, when it appeared that in the quarter of the year
      ending on the 5th of January, there had been a deficiency of £700,000,
      making the revenue of that quarter fall short of the estimate by no less a
      sum than £1,200,000; ministers having calculated on a surplus of £500,000.
      The revenue in the year 1830, the chancellor of the exchequer said, was
      £50,056,616, while the expenditure was £47,142,943, leaving a surplus of
      £2,913,673. The expenditure of 1831 ending in 1832 was within £19,664 of
      that of 1830; but this equality did not proceed from an equality of votes
      in the two years, because in the latter year there arose, from the
      reduction of four per cents., a saving of £777,443. After entering into
      minute particulars of the receipts and expenditure, with the savings which
      government had effected, the chancellor of the exchequer said, that upon
      the whole there was a decrease of income in 1831, as compared with 1830,
      of £3,682,176. From this, if the surplus, which would have accrued if the
      income had been equal to the expenditure in that year, that was
      £2,933,319, were deducted, there would be an excess of expenditure in 1831
      over the income amounting to £698,857. The state of the revenue,
      therefore, in the commencement of 1832, was, that instead of having a
      surplus of £2,913,673, as in the commencement of 1831, the expenditure of
      1831 being £19,646 below that of 1830, there was a falling off to the
      amount he had already shown; and the real excess of expenditure over
      income in 1831 was the sum of £698,857. Lord Althorp attributed this
      deficiency chiefly to the reduction of taxation in 1830. The whole
      reduction of taxation in 1831 amounted to £4,780,000. From this, if
      £3,364,412 were deducted as the loss on customs and excise, there would be
      a balance of £1,414,588; a clear proof that the resources of the country
      had increased by nearly a million and a half in the consumption of
      articles not affected by taxation. He owned he had been too sanguine in
      the calculation he had made of increased consumption from reduced
      taxation, but it was satisfactory to observe that, notwithstanding the
      great reduction of taxation, the deficiency in the revenue had been so
      small. He felt it right to state, he continued, that the deficiency at the
      end of the year was increased in the April quarter, the amount in that
      quarter being £1,240,413. Finding this deficiency his majesty's ministers
      had endeavoured to meet it, not by an increase of taxation, but by a
      reduction of expenditure. They had lowered the estimates by more than
      £2,000,000, and had reduced official salaries and appointments to the
      utmost of their power. In two years, the reductions they had made in
      salaries and officers amounted to £334,353. Lord Althorp next entered into
      a statement of the gradual decrease of the surplus, and then proceeded to
      the estimates for the year ending-April, 1833. He calculated that the
      expenditure of the year ending April, 1833, would be £45,696,376, which
      would be £2,162,051 less than that for the year ending in April, 1832. He
      next proceeded to give a comparative estimate of the income as it was in
      April, 1832, and as he calculated it to be for 1833. From the various
      items he expected a total of £46,470,000; deduct from that £45,696,376, as
      the amount of expenditure, and it left a surplus for the year ending in
      April, 1833, of £773,624. Against this, however, was to be set the
      deficiency of 1832, amounting to £1,240,413, and take from that sum the
      surplus of £773,624 for 1833, and it would leave a deficiency on the two
      years of £466,789. Mr. Goulburn contended that, according to the noble
      lord's statement, there would be a deficiency at the end of the current
      year, on account of 1832, although in this year there was a surplus. After
      a few words from Sir Robert Peel, however, who questioned the reality of
      the reductions made by government, the financial arrangements were carried
      without opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE ON THE CHARTER OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of January the president of the board of control moved the
      appointment of a committee upon the affairs of the East India Company, and
      to inquire into the state of trade between Great Britain, the East Indies,
      and China. This was, in fact, only the reappointment of a committee which
      had sat during previous sessions; but the president hinted that as the
      charter would expire in April, 1834, and the East India Company had
      declined to make itself a party to the discussion, it would be necessary
      that the government should take a more direct management of the question,
      though without intimating its intentions, so as not to disappoint
      expectations. It would be necessary to carry this proposal into effect, he
      said, to have a considerable number of sub-committees, at least six or
      seven, each taking a separate branch of the inquiry. In the East India
      House, and in the board of control, the business was divided into six
      departments, each division having its separate functionaries; and he
      proposed, therefore, that there should be at least six sub-committees,
      each taking one of these departments. As it was necessary, he continued,
      to provide for the absence of members, and as five or six members would be
      necessary in each subcommittee, he should propose that there should be at
      least forty-eight or forty-nine in the committee. The present committee,
      he added, would have this advantage, that, the subject was not entirely
      new. A large mass of testimony had been obtained; and though the evidence
      had not been systematically collected, yet the materials were in
      preparation, and the committee would be supplied with them. In addition to
      this the board of control had for some time been preparing for the
      discussion, officers having been employed in classifying the evidence laid
      before both houses, and in separating the different branches of the
      evidence. The committee was appointed without opposition. Subsequently,
      the chancellor of the exchequer proposed the appointment of "a committee
      of secrecy, to inquire into, and report upon the expediency of renewing
      the charter of the Bank of England; and also on the existing system of
      banking by banks of issue in England and Wales." The circumstance which
      gave rise to this motion was the renewal of the charter with the Bank of
      England. As the occasion of a renewal of that charter had always been
      considered the proper time for an inquiry into the banking system, and had
      been looked forward to by the public as a proper season for taking the
      principles of the Bank of England into consideration, therefore the
      proposition was made. In making the proposal, the chancellor of the
      exchequer said that he trusted the house would agree in the propriety of
      making it a committee of secrecy, in order to prevent any discussions in
      that house upon the subject pending the inquiry; on such a question,
      involving the money transactions of the country, nothing could be more
      objectionable than these discussions. As to the questions which the
      committee would have to consider, they would have first to decide whether
      the charter should be renewed, and then, in case of renewal, whether any,
      and what exclusive privileges should be given to the Bank. Another
      question for their consideration would be the existing system of banking
      with reference to banks of issue; and they would likewise have to consider
      the Bank of England in its quality of banker to the state. It was not,
      however, intended that the committee should go into the question of the
      currency; it was to confine itself to banking, properly so called. But one
      exception to this would be found in the one-pound notes: it would be
      impossible to exclude that question from the consideration of the
      committee, if they should consider it was necessary to enter upon it. It
      was thought by some members that it would be better to restrict the
      committee from entering into that question, and by others that it would be
      better to delay the whole subject till a new parliament. In substance, in
      fact, it was so delayed, for, although a committee was appointed, it had
      made no report when parliament was prorogued and subsequently dissolved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF THE WEST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the latter part of 1831, a violent hurricane had occasioned a great
      deal of injury in Barbadoes, St. Vincent, and St. Lucia. During this
      session ministers proposed, and parliament agreed, to grant his majesty
      £100,000 for the relief of the sufferers in those islands. Jamaica was
      soon after visited by a calamity of a different kind, though not less
      destructive. About the end of 1831, a formidable insurrection, which had
      been organised for some time, broke out among the slaves, particularly in
      the parishes of Trelawney, Portland, and St. James. The negroes on several
      estates began at first to refuse to go to their work, and then they
      assembled together in large bodies, and marched over the country,
      spreading devastation around them. The destruction which they caused was
      not confined to the whites; the houses and small settlements of free
      people of colour were attacked equally with the large plantations of the
      white inhabitants. It was found necessary on the 20th of December to
      proclaim martial law, and the militia of the different parishes was called
      out. Sir Willoughby Cotton also marched to Montego Bay, with between two
      and three hundred troops. Two engagements took place between the negroes
      and the militia, in both of which the former were routed. They again made
      head in some quarters; but at length the troops succeeded in dispersing
      them; and offers of pardon being issued to all but the ringleaders, the
      greater part of them returned to their masters. Of the ringleaders, some
      were shot after trial by courts-martial; and by the middle of January the
      danger was over, though some of the negroes still remained out, and
      martial law was not recalled. The insurrection was ascribed by the whites
      partly to the vague notions existing among the negroes by the orders in
      council intended to effect the amelioration of their condition, and partly
      to the arts or imprudence of sectarian missionaries. A belief had been
      produced among the former that their liberty had been granted by the king;
      and it was said that they had been encouraged in these ideas by some of
      the missionaries. This unfortunately gave rise to the work of retaliation.
      At Montego Bay. Falmouth, Lucia, and Savanna-la-Mer, the chapels of the
      Baptists were razed to the ground by the mob, probably at the instigation
      of the planters. A Baptist and Moravian missionary were arrested on the
      charge of exciting the insurrection, but nothing was found to criminate
      them. But apart from the effect which the orders in council might have had
      in misleading the negroes, they were regarded by the colonists as an
      unnecessary and mischievous interference with the rights of property, and
      even with their political privileges. The orders appointed
      slave-protectors to attend to the rights of negroes against their own
      masters, fixed the hours of labour, and contained various other
      regulations, all deemed useful, and intended to prepare the way for a
      general emancipation. These orders were considered in both sets of islands
      as dangerous incitements to turbulence among the negroes, and ruinous to
      the property of planters. There were discontent and irritation everywhere
      against the government at home; and in the colonies which had legislative
      assemblies it was plainly spoken out by resolutions and petitions. Nor
      were the proprietors at home silent on the occasion. On the 6th of April
      the West-India mercantile body of London presented a protest against the
      order in council to the secretary of state. This was followed by a public
      meeting of persons interested in the colonies, where it was resolved to
      petition the house of lords, praying, "That a full and impartial
      parliamentary inquiry should be instituted for the purposes of
      ascertaining the laws and usages of the colonies, the condition of the
      slaves, the improvements that had been made in that condition, and what
      further steps could be taken for the amelioration of that condition
      consistently with the best interests of the slaves themselves, and with
      the rights of private property." This petition was presented on the 17th
      of April, by the Earl of Harewood, and the prayer of their petition was
      granted. Mr. Buxton, on the 24th of May, made a motion on the other side
      of the question. He moved: "That a select committee be appointed to
      consider and report upon the measures expedient to be adopted for properly
      effecting the extinction of slavery throughout the British dominions at
      the earliest period compatible with the safety of all classes." Lord
      Althorp objected to this motion as too unqualified, and he wished Mr.
      Buxton to add the words, "in conformity with the resolutions of 15th of
      May, 1823." To this Mr. Buxton would not consent, and Lord Althorp then
      moved them as an amendment on the motion, and they were carried by a large
      majority. These measures were subsequently followed by pecuniary relief to
      those who had lost property. The sum of £100,000, which had been granted
      to the sufferers from the hurricane in Barbadoes, St. Vincent, and St.
      Lucia, was raised to £1,000.000, and extended to the sufferers in Jamaica
      by the insurrection. In addition to this, the sum of £58,000 was granted
      to be applied in giving aid in regard to the internal expenses to the
      crown colonies, which had adopted the orders in council, and had carried
      the same into effect.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by his majesty in person on the 16th of August.
      On the great question of the session his majesty remarked:&mdash;"The
      matters which you have had under consideration have been of the first
      importance; and the laws in particular which have been passed for the
      reforming the representation of the people have occupied, as was
      unavoidable, the greatest portion of your time and attention. In
      recommending this subject to your consideration, it was my object, by
      removing the just causes of complaint, to restore general confidence in
      the legislature, and to give additional security to the settled
      institutions of the state. This object will, I trust, be found to have
      been accomplished." Ireland was still in a disturbed state, on which his
      majesty remarked:&mdash;"I have still to lament the continuance of
      disturbances in Ireland, notwithstanding the vigilance and energy
      displayed by my government there, in the measures which it has taken to
      repress them. The laws which have been passed in conformity with my
      recommendation at the beginning of the session, with respect to the
      collection of tithes, are well calculated to lay the foundation of a new
      system, to the completion of which the attention of parliament, when it
      again assembles, will of course be directed. To this necessary work my
      best assistance will be given, by enforcing the execution of the laws, and
      by promoting the prosperity of a country blessed by Divine Providence with
      so many natural advantages. As conducive to this subject, I must express
      the satisfaction which I have felt at the measures adopted for extending
      generally to my people in that kingdom the benefits of education." At the
      close of his majesty's speech the lord-chancellor said, that it was his
      majesty's royal will and pleasure that parliament be prorogued to Tuesday
      the 16th of October next, to be then holden, and this parliament is
      accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the 16th day of October next.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      After parliament was prorogued, the great objects of public attention were
      the registration of the new constituency under the reform bill, and other
      preparations for a general election, which was to follow as soon as the
      registration was completed. The registration, which was conducted very
      quietly, having been completed, parliament, which had been prorogued by
      commission on the 16th of October, was dissolved on the 3rd of December,
      and the first general election under the reform act took place. The writs
      were made returnable on the 29th of January, 1833. As regards the
      machinery of the act, it appeared to work more smoothly than had been
      anticipated. Generally speaking, in the most populous places, the polling
      was concluded within the two days allowed by the act. Less time and
      opportunity were allowed for bribery, and the disturbances which used to
      arise from drunkenness and profligacy in a great measure ceased. As
      regards the candidates which the machinery of the act produced, there was
      a great dislocation of old connexions and previous interests. There were
      three parties in the field: ministerial candidates; Tories, now called
      Conservatives; and the Radicals, who have been aptly termed "the apostles
      of pledges." The elections were generally in favour of the ministerial
      candidates, or at least of candidates who professed the same general
      views, and declared their adherence to a reforming ministry. This was
      natural, for in almost all the boroughs success depended on the newly
      created electors, who could scarcely refuse their votes to that party by
      whose means they had procured the right of voting. The Whigs were most
      successful in Scotland: out of fifty-three representatives elected in that
      portion of the empire, not more than twelve were Conservatives; nor could
      half that number be termed "apostles of pledges." In Ireland, however, the
      Whigs were not so successful. O'Connell had denounced the ministers, even
      while the reform bill was in progress, as acting with insult and injustice
      towards Ireland in the measure of change meted out to her; and the refusal
      to abolish the Protestant established church in Ireland had converted him
      and his adherents into declared enemies. All their energies, therefore,
      were employed to return members who would either drive ministers from the
      helm, or drive them to sacrifice the church, and repeal the union. The
      consequence of his agitation was, that, while Mr. O'Connell was himself
      elected for Dublin, he brought over with him when parliament met some
      half-dozen of his own immediate relations, besides various demagogical
      dependents, as the representatives of Ireland. O'Connell's manners and
      language on this occasion were violent in the extreme. In a letter "To the
      Reformers of Great Britain," he even ventured to put forth articles of
      impeachment against the ministers, and he went so far as to offer to
      coalesce with the Orangemen in order to defeat them. The result of his
      agitation was that, by his exertions and influence, coupled with that of
      the minor demagogues of Ireland, the number of Radicals, or "Repealers"
      was greatly increased.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the end of last session was approaching, Mr. Manners Sutton, who had
      filled the speaker's chair in six successive parliaments, announced his
      intended resignation. His chief reason appears to have been that the next
      parliament would consist of many new faces; and would be differently
      constituted to those in which he had presided. All parties, however,
      received his announcement with regret; and Lord Althorp moved, Mr.
      Goulburn seconded, and the house voted by acclamation the usual resolution
      of thanks in such cases. An address was also voted to the king, praying
      his majesty to confer some signal mark of his favour on the speaker; and
      this was carried into effect by granting to Mr. Sutton £4000 a-year, to be
      reduced one-half if he accepted office under the crown of equal value, and
      £3000 a-year to his son on his demise.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year witnessed the disaffection of all parties in Ireland. Towards
      the conclusion of the preceding year a systematic opposition to tithes had
      been organised, and the repeal of the union had been openly advocated.
      Ministers, doubtless, conceived that the reform bill would conciliate both
      the agitators and their followers; but in this they were mistaken. The
      reform bill, indeed, gave rise to new sources of discontent. The
      Protestants lost all confidence therefrom in the government; and they very
      naturally felt inclined to have recourse, for means of defence, to the
      same instruments which the Catholics used against them. They were
      surrounded by Catholic bands, inclined to pillage and murder, and it was
      no wonder that they felt irritated by a measure which appeared to give
      licence to the lawless. A meeting of Protestant noblemen and gentlemen,
      held in Dublin, put forth a manifesto, enumerating the various grievances
      of which they thought themselves entitled to complain, and calling upon
      all their brethren to be vigilant and true to their own interests. The
      example of this assembly was followed in many parts of the country, and
      addresses were voted by numerous meetings to the king. In one of these
      addresses dissatisfaction and alarm was expressed at the spirit that
      appeared to influence the councils and direct the measures of the Irish
      government. Unconstitutional and mischievous associations, it was stated,
      had been suffered to be formed and continued, the efforts of which were
      directed to usurp the power of government, and destroy the civil and
      religious institutions of the country; and these associations, instead of
      being suppressed, were allowed to take place even in the metropolis, while
      the instigators of them were rewarded with favour and confidence. This
      address also expressed strong opinions on the reform bill. It would
      transfer, it was said, to the Catholics and Catholic clergy an
      overwhelming influence in the representation; that the boroughs, whose
      franchise was to be taken from the Protestant corporations and transferred
      to a larger constituency, had been incorporated for the express purpose of
      maintaining, by a Protestant constituency, the connexion between the two
      countries; and that the measure in progress could have no other effect
      than to vest the dominion of Ireland in the Catholics. On the other hand,
      the reform bill did not give satisfaction to the Catholics; it gave much,
      but it did not give all that they desired, or all that was necessary to
      the completion of their schemes. Their object was ascendancy. Popery could
      not retain its glories in Ireland, or the Protestant church be destroyed,
      so long as their fate depended on a Protestant parliament. The union must
      be repealed; and unless Ireland sent into the house of commons a large
      body of Catholic repealers, there was no chance of such a consummation.
      Hence it was that Mr. O'Connell attacked the Irish bill with such
      bitterness; it did not make a larger addition to the representatives of
      Ireland, and it did not sink the qualification to a scale sufficiently low
      to ensure the return of all repealers to the reformed parliament. These
      "defects of the bill," therefore, supplied the demagogues with new sources
      of agitation. The people were told that this pretended reform was an
      insult; that they had received only a small portion of the justice that
      was due to them; and that they must still offer unyielding opposition to a
      government which granted only a part of their demands.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the tithe question became &amp; fruitful source of discontent
      and bloodshed. A petition was entrusted to Mr. O'Connell to the house of
      commons against the Protestant church, which, while it announced in plain
      language their own wishes, gave direct encouragement to violence and
      outrage. The different counties, in fact, from the agitation of the
      demagogues, presented one scene of growing lawlessness and crime. The
      king's speech was even made to foster this spirit of insubordination. It
      had recommended the consideration of the tithe question in parliament; and
      the Irish Catholics construed this into a condemnation of the tax. Looking
      upon the tithes, therefore, as already denounced by the king and the
      parliament, they thought they were justified in resisting the payment of
      them. Everyman refused to pay; and threats, arson, and murder, were
      directed against all who in any way connected themselves with the payment,
      or collection of tithes, whether as clergyman, proctor, policeman, or
      payer. Recourse was even had to intimidation by public proclamation;
      chapel doors were desecrated by placards threatening death and destruction
      to all who should pay tithes. Thus instructed at the very sanctuary where
      peace alone should have been taught, the ignorant and misguided peasantry
      everywhere committed acts of violence and outrage. The premises of the
      tithe-payer were reduced to ashes, and his cattle were houghed, or
      scattered over the country, or, as in Carlow, hunted over precipices.
      Moreover, scarcely a week elapsed in which a proctor, or a process-server,
      or a constable, or a tithe-payer, were not murdered. An archdeacon of
      Cashel was even murdered in broad daylight, while several persons who were
      ploughing in the field where the act was committed, either would not, or
      dared not interfere. Neither life nor property were safe; and in the
      beginning of February the Irish government found it necessary to have
      recourse to the peace-preservation act, and to proclaim certain baronies
      in the county of Tipperary to be in a state of disturbance. This, however,
      had no effect; large bodies of men everywhere openly defied the law, and
      roamed about the county, compelling landlords to sign obligations to
      reduce their rents, and to pay no tithes. They even compelled some farmers
      to give up their farms and their houses, and, in some instances, they
      committed the most atrocious cruelties. An end was put not only to the
      payment of tithe, but to the payment of rent; and the terror which
      prevailed on every hand acted as a shield to the offenders. In fact, it
      was considered a crime to be connected with any attempt to execute the law
      against the insurgents, and to betray any activity in preserving order was
      to become a marked man; such a man was sure of being made the victim of
      open violence, or secret assassination. Such an extensive combination had
      been entered into to resist the payment of tithes, and to protect all who
      might be implicated, that the ends of justice could not be attained.
      Jurors were in danger of losing property and life; and at Kilkenny the
      attorney-general even found it necessary to delay the trials.
    </p>
    <p>
      Government, as the year advanced, filled the disturbed districts with
      troops and an augmented constabulary force; but no approach was made to
      the restoration of order. The magistrates of the county of Kilkenny made
      an unanimous application to the Irish government for stronger measures to
      meet the crisis; but the lord-lieutenant stated in his answer, that, from
      circumstances which had taken place, he had no expectation left of any
      appeal to the law under the existing excitement proving effectual. He
      sent, indeed, into that county three additional stipendiary magistrates,
      and one hundred additional policemen; but this was ineffectual: crime
      still prevailed, and resistance was successfully made to the payment of
      tithes. In the meantime, the agitators and their political unions, while
      they affected to deplore the perpetration of the outrages which were every
      day occurring, did not cease to address to their countrymen the same
      exciting language in which they had hitherto indulged, and to devise new
      schemes and combinations for open resistance to the law. It was quite
      evident, indeed, that they were at the bottom of all the mischief that was
      afloat. It is true, they did not recommend openly murder and arson, and
      that they preached passive resistance; but they called upon every man to
      refuse payment of tithes, and in that call was involved disobedience to
      the laws. Dublin was the seat of most of the mischief going forward. From
      thence the agitators continued to describe Ireland to its inhabitants as
      the slave of England, and to denounce the existence of tithe. The remedy
      of the tithe-owner was distraint; but in a few instances only could a sale
      be carried into effect, and the clergy were at length compelled to give up
      all attempts to enforce their rights, the more especially as the arrears,
      if the measures proposed by ministers were carried, would become debts due
      to government. Where-ever a sale was effected, all those connected with it
      were objects of vengeance. Thus, in Kildare, a farmer who had purchased
      some distrained cattle, was obliged to throw up his farm and leave the
      country. The opposition against the payment of tithe was directed against
      the government as well as the clergy. Its intention was to drive
      ministers, if possible, to recommend and enforce their abolition, by
      rendering the recovery of them impracticable. Anti-tithe meetings were
      held in every part of Ireland, and the greater part of the country was
      involved in one huge conspiracy. During the year government seemed to
      think it time to try whether the law could not reach the tumultuous
      assemblies of the conspirators. A circular was addressed to the Irish
      magistracy, directing them to disperse all meetings collected in such
      numbers as to produce alarm and endanger peace, as distinguished by
      banners, inscriptions, or emblems, which tended to disturbance, or to
      throw contumely on the law. This circular was denounced by Mr. O'Connell
      as illegal, though he advised that it should be obeyed. Several large
      meetings were dispersed by the military, headed by a magistrate; but where
      the meeting was strictly parochial, no opposition was offered to their
      proceedings. It was this spirit of lawlessness which gave rise to the
      Irish tithe-bill of this session. The passing of that bill neither
      mitigated the discord which everywhere prevailed, nor diminished the
      crimes which that discord produced. The people had been taught to demand
      as their right, and to expect as a concession, the annihilation of tithe;
      but they found that the crown, by the Irish tithe-bill, had become
      creditor instead of the clergymen. They had now, therefore, to struggle
      with the crown. Proceedings were adopted by the law-officers of government
      to enforce payment of arrears, and at the same time it was resolved to try
      the power of the law against the ringleaders of the "anti-tithe meetings."
      A great number of persons were apprehended on the charge of conspiracy,
      and of holding illegal assemblies. Some of these on their trials were
      convicted, and others, on the advice of O'Connell, pleaded guilty, and
      they were fined and imprisoned; but they were looked upon as martyrs, and
      the penalties which they were suffering were noted down as another
      unpardonable injury committed against Ireland by the English government
      and the Protestant church. The law, however, was not equally successful
      when directed against the more atrocious crimes of arson and murder, which
      had been committed in the southern counties. Life was not safe in those
      parts, and jurors and witnesses alike dreaded the execution of a duty
      which might involve a sentence of death upon themselves. Rather than
      attend, they paid the fine for absence; or if they attended, they were
      afraid to convict, even in the most atrocious cases. The law-officers
      were, in fact, compelled to give up the prosecutions in despair, and
      murder remained unavenged. In celebration of this triumph over law and
      justice, the county of Kilkenny blazed with bonfires, announcing to the
      world that the guilty had escaped punishment. As for the "acquitting
      jurors," they were greeted with the popular applause; and because they
      allowed murder to be committed with impunity, the peasantry hastened in
      crowds to their fields in harvest-time, and reaped their fields for
      nothing. Crime, therefore, prospered; and the tale of murder was
      repeatedly told in the newspapers of the day, while the perpetrators
      thereof escaped the punishment due to their crimes. Yet no lament was
      raised by the political guides of Ireland over murdered landholders and
      clergymen; it appeared to be, in their sight, a just revenge. At the same
      time a long wail of woe was heard throughout the country, if it happened
      that any of the resisting peasantry were killed by the military in the
      performance of their duties in securing the tithe. Four were thus killed
      in the county of Cork, and others wounded, the military being compelled to
      fire in self-defence; and Mr. O 'Connell immediately sent forth a letter
      to the reformers of Great Britain, invoking vengeance. And yet this man,
      who could deplore the fate of violators of the laws, could not find any
      cause for lament in the deaths of the many clergymen and laymen who had
      been slain by the infuriated peasantry. He could not find it in his heart
      to deplore the fact that the blood of peaceful, respectable, and virtuous
      citizens, had been shed on Irish ground; but he could palliate the conduct
      of their murderers, and by his agitation virtually sanction the foul
      crime.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year Don Pedro carried his threat into execution, of
      attempting to recover the throne of Portugal from his brother by force of
      arms. He had been permitted to levy men, and to purchase vessels and
      shipments of arms and ammunition, both in England and France, and the
      naval part of the expedition was placed under the command of a British
      officer, who became a Portuguese admiral. The expedition sailed from the
      rendezvous, in the Azores, on the 27th of June, and it consisted of two
      frigates, three corvettes, three armed brigs, and four schooners, besides
      transports, and a number of gun-boats to cover the landing. The army on
      board, including British and French recruits, did not amount to ten
      thousand men, and it was scantily provided, both with cavalry and
      artillery. The invaders landed off Oporto on the 9th of July, without any
      opposition; and in the course of the day they took undisturbed possession
      of the city, the enemy having retired to the left bank of the Douro, and
      destroyed the bridge. The possession of this city was doubtless of great
      importance to Don Pedro; but it was far removed from the capital. He had
      hopes that the country would rise in his favour, and that the military
      would abandon his opponent. In these expectations, however, he was doomed
      to be disappointed. Don Miguel was enabled to concentrate his forces, and
      to organise the means of resistance; and at the close of the year, after
      some slight successes in engagements with the enemy, he was shut up in
      Oporto by the Miguelites, who bombarded the town, blockaded the Douro, and
      placed him in a very critical situation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the East a quarrel took place between the Sultan and Mehemet Ali, Pasha
      of Egypt, which threatened serious consequences to the Turkish empire, and
      occasioned such interference on the part of Russia as awakened the
      jealousy, and aroused the watchfulness of the other European powers.
      Ibrahim wrested Syria from the Porte, and the Ottoman empire was tottering
      to its fall, unless the European states should interfere to prevent it, or
      Russia should realize her long-cherished schemes of aggrandizement by
      taking the shores of the Bosphorus, which the Sultan was not able to
      defend, under her own protection. It was feared by the European powers
      that Russia would thus act; and toward the end of June, ministers
      dispatched the son-in-law of the premier on a special mission to Russia.
      Much confidence was placed by the public in the integrity and talents of
      Lord Durham, and an attempt was made to induce the ministers to embrace
      this opportunity of mitigating the cruel fate which hung over the unhappy
      Poles. Poland, however, was still doomed to be unbefriended. Russia was
      left to seek the annihilation of its existence as a separate nation at her
      pleasure. By an ukase this year, indeed, the emperor declared that Poland,
      with a separate administration, should become an integral part of the
      empire, "and its inhabitants form but one nation with the Russians, bound
      together by uniform and national sentiments." During this session, also,
      there was a debate on the subject of payments made to Russia without the
      authority of parliament. This question was connected with the financial
      affairs of the country, though it was treated more as a question of
      political party. It arose out of the treaty of 1814 for the incorporation
      of the Belgian provinces with Holland. By that treaty Great Britain had
      agreed to pay a certain share of a debt due to Russia by Holland, so long
      as Holland and Belgium were united. They had now been disjoined for nearly
      a year, and yet ministers had been making these payments without any new
      authority from parliament. The subject was brought forward by Mr. Herries,
      who entered at length on the subject, and contended that England had no
      right any longer to pay money to Russia: the Dutch had refused to pay any
      more, and ministers should not have done so without at least new powers
      from parliament. He moved three resolutions:&mdash;"That by the 55 Geo.
      III., for carrying into effect the convention between Great Britain, the
      Netherlands, and Russia, the treasury was empowered to issue sums to pay
      the interest and capital due by Holland to Russia, conformably with the
      provisions of the convention: That the payment of these sums was made to
      depend upon the non-separation of the kingdoms of Holland and Belgium; and
      that, as the kingdoms of Belgium and Holland had been separated, all
      payments made since that separation were unwarranted by act of parliament,
      and contrary to the treaty recognising the loan." Lord Althorp, in reply,
      said that the true question was, whether the country was not bound in
      honour to the continued payment of those sums. Looking at it only
      according to the strict letter of the treaty, we might not be bound; but
      he thought that by a careful examination of its spirit and provisions, it
      would be found that our honour was pledged to the payments, and that on no
      other consideration than that it was so pledged should we have interfered
      as we had done in the affairs of Holland and Belgium. He argued that the
      separation contemplated by the framers of the treaty was one produced by
      extreme force, and had nothing to say to any severance proceeding from
      internal causes. He argued further, that it was by giving Russia an
      interest in preventing the severance of Holland and Belgium, that this
      country concluded the treaty; and that, therefore, to that treaty we were
      equally pledged. That Holland had refused to pay was immaterial: if one
      pledged himself to the payment of a debt to which there was also a third
      party, it would be dishonourable to take advantage of that third party
      having refused to fulfil his engagement, as a legal reason for also
      refusing to fulfil your engagement. With respect to the resolutions, he
      had only to say, that, as the two first were merely declaratory of the
      fact, he should, as far as they were concerned, move the previous
      question; but as the third was a direct censure on ministers, he should
      meet it with a direct negative. Ministers had acted on the opinion of the
      attorney and solicitor-general, and they now defended that opinion. Lord
      John Russell also argued that it was the spirit and not the letter of the
      treaty which must be looked at, and that that spirit justified the
      payment. He complained that the resolutions were moved with a mere party
      view, and not from any love of economy or from any desire to maintain a
      constitutional principle. He complained also, that a motion should be made
      for censuring ministers, without calling for papers, and without any
      allusion to the circumstances which had occurred in 1830 and 1831, and on
      which the interpretation of the treaty might in a great degree depend.
      After some stinging comments upon this speech, Sir Robert Peel wound up
      the debate in one of his most plausible parliamentary addresses. He
      clearly confuted the main arguments which Lord Althorp used, and produced
      an effect unfavourable to ministers. When the house divided, the previous
      question was carried by a majority only of twenty; and government had but
      the narrow majority of twenty-four for the third resolution. Many of their
      adherents, including Mr. Hume, voted against them on this occasion; and
      even their secretary-at-war, Sir Henry Parnell, failed to attend to vote
      for them, for which conduct he lost his place, and was succeeded by Sir
      John Cam Hobhouse. The truth was, as it afterwards appeared, ministers had
      entered into a new convention with Russia, although that convention had
      not been ratified. Ministers laid this before parliament on the 27th of
      June; and on the 12th of July Lord Althorp moved the house to go into
      committee to consider of it, with the view that a bill should be brought
      in to enable his majesty to execute it. The convention provided for
      continuing the payments, and the opposition thought this a powerful
      argument in their favour; if a new convention was necessary, it was said,
      the former payments were made without authority. They moved the following
      amendment to Lord Alfhorp's motion:&mdash;"That it appears to this house
      that the payment made by the commissioners of the treasury on account of
      the interest due on the Russian loan in Holland, in January last, when the
      obligation and authority to make such payment had, according to the terms
      of the convention with Holland and Russia, and of the act of parliament
      founded thereon, ceased and determined, and also when a new convention
      with Russia, not then communicated to this house, had been entered into,
      recognising the necessity of recurring to parliament for power to continue
      such payments under the circumstances which had attended the separation
      which had taken place, was an application of the public money not
      warranted by law." Ministers still argued the question on the ground,
      whether this country was bound in good faith to continue the payments? if
      we were, they said, this convention was only to fulfil that duty. But the
      strongest argument in their favour was that adduced by Lord Althorp, which
      was to the effect, that, if his motion were lost, it would upset the
      ministry. As the reform bill was still pending, many voted for, who would
      have voted against them; and, on a division, the amendment was lost by
      forty-six&mdasmdash;one hundred and ninety-seven voting for it, and two
      hundred and forty-three against it. During the progress of the bill,
      founded on the motion, Mr. A. Baring moved an address to the king,
      "praying his majesty to be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid
      before that house copies or extracts of any documents relating to the
      convention of the 19th of May, 1815, between Great Britain, Russia, and
      the Netherlands, explanatory of the spirit and objects of that
      convention;" but this motion was lost by a majority of thirty-six in
      favour of ministers. On this occasion Mr. Hume voted for them, although,
      he said, he knew they were in the wrong. He had come down to the house on
      the 12th of July, he said, with a firm determination to vote against them;
      but when he found by whom he was surrounded, he was unwilling to join them
      in driving ministers from office. He had changed his opinion, and would
      vote with the Whigs against the Tories, although he believed the Whigs
      were in the wrong. But the fact was, he was determined not to assist in
      turning out ministers until they had completed the great measure of
      reform. A great deal remained to be done, and he wanted to see a new
      election take place; he was determined, therefore, to support ministers.
      The conduct of Mr. Hume was followed generally by the liberal party, and
      this policy of the extreme sections of liberals alone preserved ministers
      in office. Another interesting subject was brought before the house by Mr.
      Lytton Bulwer, relating to the Germanic states. He moved for "an address
      to the king, requesting his majesty to exert his influence with the diet
      in opposition to the course which that body was then pursuing." In making
      this motion, Mr. Bulwer traced an outline of the political history of the
      Germanic confederacy, from its free government to its termination with the
      victories of Austerlitz and Jena, when the principle of aggrandizing the
      larger states at the expense of the smaller was first avowed and
      practised. He said that the defeat of Napoleon in his Russian campaign
      gave to Germany the opportunity of casting off a yoke which had been
      reluctantly borne. Russia and Prussia then appealed to her former free
      constitutions, the restoration of which was distinctly promised, when the
      Germanic states rose <i>en masse</i>; and the battle of Leipsic, with the
      downfall of the French power, speedily followed. By the second article of
      the congress of Vienna, he continued, the promises of Russia and Prussia
      were respected, and the rights of every class in the nation were solemnly
      guaranteed, the only state disagreeing being Wurtemburg. The late protocol
      of the diet, however, had for its object the rendering of the
      representative bodies of the several states useless, by relieving their
      despotic princes from every embarrassment which an efficient control by
      such assemblies might create, and to protect Austria and Prussia against
      the influential example of popular institutions. The sovereigns of these
      two states, he said, are willing to give just so much constitutional
      liberty to Germany as will not allow its writers to write, its professors
      to teach, its chambers to vote taxes, make speeches, or propose
      resolutions; whilst every state should be so inviolate, so independent,
      that, with or without the invitation of its sovereign, a deputation of
      Austrian or Prussian hussars may be sent to keep it in order! The question
      was, therefore, was it politic for England, under such circumstances, to
      interfere? Our situation, he said, rendered it incumbent on us to express
      an opinion, at least, in favour of the German people, or we must be
      thought to take part with their rulers. He could not recommend a foolish
      and hasty interference with foreign states, yet he could not consent that
      England should be a cipher in the political combinations of Europe,
      looking with indifference on the continent, as though no changes could
      affect her interests. And if there was any one thing more than another
      which immediately affected British interests, he thought it was the fate
      of Germany. Unite that country under a good government, and it would be at
      once a check on the aggrandisement of France and ambition of Russia. Mr.
      Bulwer concluded with his motion for the address; but Lord Palmerston
      dissented from his opinions, and was willing to believe that the
      government alluded to would not be so impolitic as to put down free
      constitutions. The motion was therefore negatived.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year Greece was involved in absolute anarchy. After the
      assassination of Capo d'Istrias it was left without a government, and
      although Augustine, brother of the murdered president, concocted a
      provisional government, and placed himself at the head, the refractory
      chiefs could not brook his authority, and began to act for themselves. A
      national assembly met at Argos in the middle of December, 1831; but it was
      not more successful in restoring obedience and tranquillity. Everywhere
      there was confusion and bloodshed, as in the days of the ancients. The
      national assembly of Argos was overthrown, and every chief ruled despotic
      in the small district which he was strong enough to occupy. In the
      meantime the courts of Britain, France, and Russia were occupied in
      selecting a king who might reduce the country to order more easily and
      effectually than they could do by protocols and despatches. Their choice
      fell on Otho, son of the King of Bavaria; and his majesty having accepted
      the crown on behalf of his son, the conditions were fixed by a treaty,
      concluded in May, between him and the sovereigns of England, France, and
      Russia. The territory to be comprehended in the new state was to be
      somewhat larger than when its sovereignty had been offered to Leopold; and
      the King of Bavaria was to send along with his son an army of 36,000 men,
      to be supported entirely at the expense of the country. It might have been
      expected that the Greeks would have been averse to the rule of a foreign
      monarch, attended by foreign troops, and professing a different religion
      to themselves. The assembly of Napoli, however, as soon as they had been
      informed of the conclusion of the treaty, dispatched an address to the
      King of Bavaria, praying him to hasten the arrival of their monarch. The
      address was followed by a deputation, which was received at Munich with
      marks of royal favour, and which had been commissioned to assure their
      future sovereign of their good will and ready submission to his rule. The
      young monarch quitted Munich for Greece on the 6th of December, proceeding
      by the way of Naples, Otranto, and Brindisi, to Corfu, where he was to be
      met by the army intended to support his newly-erected throne. He made his
      entrance into Napoli on the 5th of February, 1833; and the regency
      appointed for the duration of his minority&mdash;for he was a minor&mdash;replaced
      the provisional government.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /><br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Meeting of Parliament; Reelection of Mr. Manners Sutton as
     Speaker..... . Opening of the Reformed Parliament by the
     King in person..... Case of Mr. Pease..... Irish  Coercion
     Bill..... Irish   Church  Bill..... Irish Tithe Bill.....
     Financial Statements..... Bank of England Charter
     renewed..... . East India Question..... Abolition of Slavery
     in the Colonies..... Factory Bill..... The Corn  Laws.....
     Resolutions against Bribery,  &amp;c...... Bill  to Remove the
     Civil Disabilities of Jews..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Foreign Affairs</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT&mdash;RE-ELECTION OF MR. MANNERS SUTTON AS SPEAKER.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1833
    </p>
    <p>
      The first reformed parliament was opened by commission on the 29th of
      January. The first business of the commons was to elect a speaker. Mr.
      Manners Sutton had not been advanced to the peerage, although such a mark
      of honour is usually bestowed on those who have filled the chair for so
      long a period, and with such distinguished applause. At the general
      election he had been returned one of the members for the university of
      Cambridge; and ministers having obtained his consent to put him in
      nomination, resolved to support his re-election as chairman. This
      intention was not concealed; and on the meeting of parliament Mr. Hume
      moved that Mr. Littleton, one of the members for Staffordshire, should
      take the chair. The Radicals, of whom Mr. Hume was one of the leaders,
      took this step on the score of Mr. Manners Sutton's politics, considering
      it a matter of the greatest importance that the speaker should concur
      generally in the political sentiments entertained by a majority of
      members. Mr. Hume's motion was seconded by Mr. O'Connell, who denounced
      the intention of government as "another instance of the paltry truckling
      of the present administration." On the other side, Lord Morpeth moved, and
      Sir Francis Burdett seconded the motion, that Mr. Manners Sutton should
      take the chair. In doing so, they insisted on the admitted fact of his
      superior qualification, as well as the candid and impartial conduct which
      he had observed during the late political struggles. Mr. Littleton himself
      requested Mr. Hume to withdraw his motion; but that gentleman declined to
      do so. Seeing the house universally in the favour of Mr. Manners Sutton,
      the Radicals now chiefly confined themselves to the question of the
      pension. The attorney and solicitor-general argued that there was no
      feasible ground for these objections, and asserted that he would have no
      claim to his retiring annuity. By act of parliament, any speaker was
      entitled to his salary till a successor was elected, and Mr. Manners
      Sutton, being thus entitled to his salary, he could have no claim for a
      pension. On a division, Mr. Manners Sutton was re-elected by a majority of
      two hundred and forty-one against thirty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF THE REFORMED PARLIAMENT BY THE KING IN PERSON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first session of the new parliament was opened by the king in person,
      on the 5th of February. His speech on this occasion took a comprehensive
      view of our foreign and domestic relations, in which the affairs of
      Holland, the approaching termination of the charters of the Bank and the
      East India Company, the temporalities of the church, and the state of
      Ireland, were prominently introduced.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of lords the address was voted almost unanimously, a slight
      discussion only being elicited by the sentiments of Lord Aberdeen and the
      Duke of Wellington, against the foreign policy of government, and
      especially that regarding Portugal and Holland. Such harmony, however, did
      not exist in the commons. A part of the speech which pointed at the
      adoption of extraordinary measures to suppress insubordination, excited
      violent indignation among a large portion of the Irish members. Mr.
      O'Connell denounced the address as "bloody, brutal, and unconstitutional."
      He concluded by moving an amendment, that the house do now resolve itself
      into a committee of the whole house to consider of the address to his
      majesty. Mr. Stanley replied in a speech of caustic severity, which the
      agitators of Ireland have never forgotten or forgiven. He argued that
      coercion was necessary; that crime could not be put down in Ireland but by
      the strong arm of the law. Colonel Davis considered Mr. Stanley's speech
      as an insult to Ireland, and as proving that he was totally unfit for
      office. He was opposed to the repeal of the union; but unless justice were
      dealt out to Ireland by measures of relief being proposed, he would vote
      against the coercive policy contemplated by government. Mr. Roebuck
      expressed himself to the same effect: he would not join with ministers in
      doing what must produce a civil war in Ireland: if they did not take care,
      they would find the people rise up in such terrible array that they would
      not know where to turn. Lord Althorp declared that it was the intention of
      ministers to remove every grievance they possibly could; but, he asked,
      was it not a grievance that, in Ireland, life and property were not secure&mdash;that
      murder, burglary, and arson should exist in every part of that country? If
      it was their duty to remove grievances, ought they not to remove this
      grievance also? The debate was continued by adjournment on the three
      following days; the general strain of the arguments adduced coinciding
      with those expressed on the first day of the debate. The opposition to the
      address was chiefly conducted by Irish members, although they received
      likewise the support of Messrs. Hume, Cobbett, Bulwer, Tennyson, and Clay.
      Mr. Bulwer told ministers that the independent representatives of the
      people in that house, three hundred in number, were allied to no old
      party, and attached to no superstitious observance of Whig names; and that
      these members could not, night after night, hear grievances stated by the
      Irish members, which, received no other answers except demands for
      soldiery, without dropping off in serious defection from the ministerial
      majority. Mr. Tennyson said, that he had no doubt of the good intention of
      ministers; but he could not approve of their conduct in pressing the house
      to adopt the address. At the same time he could not support the amendment
      of Mr. O'Connell, and he therefore proposed another to this effect:&mdash;"That
      the house should declare its readiness to sanction such measures for
      restoring social order in Ireland, as might appear, on mature deliberation
      and inquiry, necessary, and to entrust his majesty's official servants
      with additional power for that purpose, and to employ its best energies to
      the putting an end to the disturbances which affect that country; that,
      while the house would give a willing ear and earnest attention to the
      complaints and petitions of the Irish people, with the view to promoting
      an efficient remedy, it was prepared to resist by every means in its power
      all lawless attempts to effect a repeal of the legislative union between
      the two countries." Mr. Macaulay taunted Mr. O'Connell with not having
      ventured to bring the question of repeal before the house. He asked, what
      was meant by the watch-word of repeal of the union between Great Britain
      and Ireland. If those who used it meant a complete separation, or a
      species of Hibernian republic, their conduct was both comprehensible and
      consistent; but if, as they asserted, they only meant two separate
      independent legislatures, under the same monarch, the motion was
      inconsistent with the first principles of the science of government. After
      having shown this inconsistency by a chain of conclusive reasoning, he
      said, that he admitted Ireland had grievances to remove; but, he asked,
      was he in the meantime to see the law outraged and despised by a misguided
      multitude? Talk of the distribution of church property in a country where
      no property was respected! and be told that to enforce the laws against
      the robber, the murderer, and the incendiary, was to drive an injured
      people into civil war! Did those who talked thus wildly recollect that
      sixty murders, or attempts at murder, and six hundred burglaries, or
      attempts at burglary, were committed in one county alone, in the space of
      a few weeks? This was worse than civil war. He would rather live in the
      midst of many civil wars he had read of, than in some parts of Ireland.
      Civil war had commenced, and if not checked, it would end in the ruin of
      the empire. Mr. Shiel, in reference to repeal, entrenched himself behind
      quotations from speeches delivered by Lord Grey at the time of the union,
      in which he predicted that it would only lead to distress, suspicion, and
      resentment, and that the people of Ireland would seek an opportunity of
      recovering rights which they would believe to have been wrested from them
      by force. The interest of the debate ended with Mr. Shiel's speech,
      although addresses were subsequently made by Mr. Grant, Mr. Hume, and Sir
      Robert Peel. On a division, Mr. O'Connell's amendment was lost by a
      majority of four hundred and twenty-eight against forty; and Mr.
      Tennyson's, by three hundred and ninety-three against sixty. On the
      bringing up of the report, Mr. Cobbett moved that the whole of the address
      should be rejected, and that another which he had concocted should be
      adopted. This crude amendment was negatived by an overwhelming majority:
      only twenty-three in a full house voted for it.
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    <h2>
      CASE OF MR. PEASE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the general election, the southern division of the county of Durham
      had returned Mr. Pease, a gentleman who belonged to the Society of
      Friends. On the 9th of February, when he appeared to be sworn in, as a
      Friend he refused to take an oath, but offered to give his solemn
      affirmation. He was desired by the speaker to withdraw, as no affirmation
      could be made without the sanction of the house. A committee was
      appointed, on the motion of Lord Althorp, to report what precedents were
      to be found on the journals, and what was the state of the law in regard
      to Friends being allowed to substitute affirmation for oath. The report of
      this committee was taken into consideration on the 14th, and its chairman,
      Mr. Wynn, moved that Mr. Pease was, on making his solemn affirmation,
      entitled to take his seat, without taking those oaths which were demanded
      from the other members of the house. Mr. Wynn stated, at great length, the
      reasons which induced him to make this motion, and the solicitor-general
      agreed in his views. It was quite clear, the latter said, that at the time
      of passing the 7th and 8th William III., Friends could not sit in
      parliament, having been excluded, along with all other dissenters, by the
      30th Charles II.; but under the act of William they would have been
      admissible, if its provisions, as they ought to have been, had been
      construed liberally. At all events, the act of George II. removed every
      doubt: it was evident that the legislature, in passing that act, intended
      to put Friends on the same footing in England with all other dissenters,
      except Catholics; such being the case, the act ought to be construed in
      accordance with the intention of the legislature in passing it. The motion
      to allow Mr. Pease to make his solemn affirmation in place of the usual
      oath was agreed to unanimously.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH COERCION BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of February, Earl Grey introduced into the house of lords a
      bill for the suppression of disturbances in Ireland. In doing so, his
      lordship related the evils which called for such a measure, clearly
      showing that it was necessary. In explaining the provisions by which
      ministers proposed to meet the evils, he said, that the bill combined many
      provisions of the several laws that had been passed both in the Irish and
      English parliament for the repression of such outrages as he had related,
      with such alterations as circumstances seemed to require. Provision was
      made for proclaiming districts in a state of disturbance; and it was
      provided that courts should be appointed in which offences connected with
      such districts were to be tried. It was also provided that persons
      prosecuted under this act should be obliged to plead forthwith, as in
      cases of felony, and not be permitted to delay their trial. By the bill
      the lord-lieutenant was to be empowered, on due information, to proclaim
      any district to be in a disturbed state. All persons were to be warned to
      abstain from seditious and illegal meetings; and no one was to be absent
      from their houses after sunset until sunrise, unless they could give good
      reason for their being abroad, under the penalty of being found guilty of
      a misdemeanour. Another provision was, that meetings for the purpose of
      petitioning parliament, or for discussing grievances, should not be held
      without giving ten days' notice to the lord-lieutenant, or without his
      sanction. It was further thought advisable that proclaimed districts
      should, to a certain extent, be subjected to martial law. Military courts
      were to be formed for the trial of all offences under this act, with power
      to pronounce sentence as definitively as any commission of oyer and
      terminer. The lord-lieutenant was to have the power for the appointment of
      courts-martial; and it was provided that courts-martial should not consist
      of more than nine gentlemen nor less than five. It was further provided,
      that no officer under twenty-one years of age, or who had held his
      commission for less than two years, should act on such courts-martial; and
      that the said courts-martial should not have the power of trying for any
      offence to which a felonious punishment was attached, except by special
      direction of the lord-lieutenant; and that, in that case, they should only
      pronounce sentence of transportation, either for seven years or for life.
      It was made imperative that a serjeant-at-law or a king's counsel should
      sit to assist in the judgment. A clause was likewise introduced to shield
      officers who had. acted on courts-martial under this act from future
      prosecution: any complaints made against them on account of their
      proceedings at any court-martial were to be inquired into by a
      court-martial to be called for that purpose. The bill further gave power
      to enter houses in search of arms; and persons refusing to produce them
      were subjected to punishment. It was also made a misdemeanour to disperse
      seditious papers in a proclaimed district; with a provision that, if the
      persons actually dispersing them gave up his employer, the former should
      be discharged. Finally, it was to be enacted, that when an individual
      arrested under this bill sued out a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> within
      three calendar months after his arrest, it should be a sufficient return
      to the writ, that the person so detained was kept in custody on a charge
      of offence perpetrated in a proclaimed district; at the same time it was
      provided that every person arrested should be brought to trial within
      three calendar months, or should be discharged. This bill was carried in
      the lords without opposition; some slight amendments being adopted in the
      committee with reference to the constitution, the powers, and the mode of
      procedure of the courts-martial. The bill, however, had to encounter a
      stormy course in the commons. On its appearance there on the 22nd, the
      first reading was postponed till the 27th, and Mr. O'Connell gave notice
      that he would move a call of the house for that day, and would repeat the
      call whenever he perceived any relaxation of its effects, so long as the
      bill was before them. He taunted ministers with the delay, which he
      insinuated was interposed to their remedial measures, and reminded them
      there was another house of parliament through which they might find it
      impossible to carry redress of grievances, whatever was the unanimity with
      which it enacted measures of coercion: "a house where any proposal
      springing from malignant hatred of Ireland was sure to pass." Mr. Stanley
      denied that there was any necessity for remedial and repressive measures
      going on together; but at the same time he declared that if ministers
      found themselves unable to carry both they would resign office. On the
      27th, the house having been called over, Lord Althorp moved the first
      reading of the bill. Ministers, he said, had waited to the last, to
      ascertain what order could be restored by the ordinary administration of
      the laws; and after relating at length the evils which afflicted Ireland&mdash;telling-many
      a tale of murder committed with impunity, even in broad daylight&mdash;he
      explained the provisions of the bill concocted to repress them. In
      conclusion, he asserted that the bill had no reference to the collection
      of tithes, as some had hinted, or any other individual purpose, except the
      maintenance of social order. The motion was met by an amendment from Mr.
      Tennyson, that the bill should be read a second time that day fortnight:
      his object being, as he stated, to give government an opportunity, whether
      in a select committee or otherwise, to satisfy the house that the dangers
      which had been stated really existed, and that there were no other means
      of effectually checking them. The amendment was supported by Messrs.
      Bulwer and Grote, the former of whom was averse to coercion in any shape,
      and contended that it would only produce mischief. Mr. Grote admitted that
      good grounds had been stated why the hands of justice should be
      strengthened, but he objected very strongly to courts-martial being
      employed in the administration of justice. To him it appeared that it
      would be much better if, instead of creating these courts-martial, the
      bill had granted more extensive, prompt, and efficient powers to the civil
      courts. Mr. Stanley, in reply to Mr. Grote, said it was true that the
      committee of last year had recommended a tribunal consisting of the
      magistrates of the neighbourhood sitting at quarter-sessions, and having
      power to sit by adjournment from time to time, till tranquillity was
      restored. He contended, however, that it would be a most objectionable
      thing to confide the administration of such a law to the local magistracy.
      The debate was continued up to the 5th of March, the Irish members
      threatening to have recourse to repeated motions of adjournment if any
      attempt was made to close the discussion prematurely. The opposition was
      composed of those who considered that the bill ought to be resisted
      altogether, as well as of those who thought that delay, as involved in the
      amendment, should be conceded. The members who opposed it were Messrs.
      O'Connell, Shiel, O'Connor, Baldwin, Barron, O'Dwyer, and Ruthven, among
      the Irish members; and Messrs. Romilly and Harvey, with Majors Beauclerk
      and Fancourt, among the English members. On the other hand, the necessity
      and efficacy of the bill were maintained by Lord John Russell, Sir R.
      Peel, and Mr. Macaulay, with other English members; and by Messrs. Carew,
      Tennent, and Lefroy, Lords Castlereagh and Acheson, and Sirs R. Bateson
      and C. Coote, among the Irish members. The opposition contended that no
      necessity for the bill had been made out to any extent, much less to the
      effect of utterly destroying the constitution over the whole of Ireland;
      that the "prædial agitation" had no connection with political agitation,
      and did not require any measure like this to put it down; and that the
      true cause of these disturbances was the refusal of ministers to abolish
      tithes, and the true object of it to prevent all expression of public
      sentiment in Ireland against their faithlessness and misgovernment. Those
      who supported the bill contended, on the other hand, that not only were
      the existing outrages such as to require extraordinary measures contrary
      to the constitution, and that when this necessity for overstepping the
      constitution once existed, it was safer to err on the side of vigour than
      to run the risk of a half-measure; but that it was likewise proved that
      this "prædial agitation," as it was called by the repealers, was closely
      connected with the political agitation; the principle of both was
      intimidation. Sir Robert Peel admitted that the measure was one of
      intolerable severity if there was not a paramount necessity for it; but he
      denied that it was a suspension of the British constitution. As for the
      amendment proposing delay, Sir Robert said that he could not listen to it
      for one moment; the necessity for the measure was urgent. What could be
      answered to the astounding fact that in one year and in one province there
      had been one hundred and ninety-six murders and attempts at murder, one
      hundred and ninety-four burnings, one thousand eight hundred and
      twenty-seven burglaries and attacks on houses? How could the state of
      society be worse! and how could the people of Ireland be better off by
      persevering in maintaining the existing law! One hundred and ninety-six
      murders! Why, great battles had been fought, and great victories achieved
      by this country at a less expense of human blood. The battle of St.
      Vincent had been gained at less cost of life; the sanguinary bombardment
      of Algiers had caused less loss of life; and we had rolled back the
      impetuous tide of French exultation at the battle of Busaco with less loss
      of life. There was something animating in the idea of a battle; but what
      horrid recollections haunted the mind which had witnessed a murder! The
      debate was closed by Mr. O'Connell, who, smarting under the severe remarks
      made by some of the speakers, delivered a speech of remarkable energy.
      Ministers, he said, after combating at length the principles of the
      measures, had done their best by enforcing the tithe act; it was not their
      fault that the case was not worse. As for the attacks made upon himself he
      cared nothing for them personally; but the wrongs of his country were
      mixed up with them. Why, he asked, did they not pass an act to banish him?
      That would be fair and manly, and he would consent to it; but let them not
      banish the constitution from Ireland. He stood in a reformed parliament,
      in the midst of the representatives of the great and glorious people of
      England, who, disguise it as they might, were about to legislate against a
      single individual. What mighty work! He felt compassion for them. On a
      division, the first reading of the bill was carried by a majority of four
      hundred and sixty-six to eighty-nine. This was a preponderance which
      seemed to promise an easy passage through its other stages, especially as
      the discussion which is generally elicited at the second reading took
      place on the first reading. When, however, the order of the day for the
      second reading was moved, Mr. Hume opposed it in a violent speech,
      denouncing the apostasy of ministers: they had forgotten, he said, and
      violated the principles of which they had been the noisy advocates for
      twenty-five years, and to which advocacy they were wholly indebted for
      their political reputation and power. He warned them against "the
      wickedness of their proceedings," and called on them to pause in their
      rash career. He moved as an amendment:&mdash;"That the house deeply
      laments the disturbed state of some of the districts in Ireland, and is
      willing to entrust to his majesty whatever powers may be necessary to
      control and punish the disturbers of the public peace, and the midnight
      violators of the law; but is of opinion that it has not been
      satisfactorily shown that the existing laws are not sufficient for these
      purposes, and it cannot, therefore, give its consent to a bill which
      places Ireland out of the pale of the British constitution." Alderman Wood
      seconded this resolution; but, on a division which took place on the 11th,
      the second reading being put off on some matter of form to that day, the
      amendment was rejected, and the second reading carried by three hundred
      and sixty-three against eighty-four. But notwithstanding this overwhelming
      majority, the progress of the bill through the committee on the 13th,
      15th, 18th, 19th, and 22nd of March was a series of conflicts. On the 13th
      Mr. O'Connell moved an instruction to the committee to "preserve inviolate
      and effectual the undoubted right of his majesty's subjects in Ireland
      peaceably to propose, prepare, and present petitions for redressing
      grievances to his majesty, and to both houses of parliament." This, he
      said, would still leave hope to his country. This proposition was rejected
      by one hundred and twenty-five against sixty-three; and in the committee
      Mr. O'Connell moved several amendments, which were likewise negatived. In
      the committee ministers themselves inserted a provision by which, even in
      proclaimed districts, offences purely political were withdrawn from the
      cognizance of the military tribunals, and left to be dealt with by the
      ordinary civil jurisdiction. Ministers, also, of their own accord,
      omitted, in the clause giving powers to search, arrest, and detain for
      trial in proclaimed districts, the provision which gave this power to
      "such other persons as the said lord-lieutenant shall think fit to
      authorize in that behalf." Divisions took place on the clauses
      establishing the courts-martial, suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and
      protecting those who should act under the bill: but these were all carried
      by large majorities. The bill finally passed on the 23rd of March, and was
      immediately sent back to the peers for their concurrence in the
      alterations which had been made in the commons. Their lordships took these
      into consideration on the 1st of April; and though much dissatisfaction
      was expressed by the peers with the amendments, and especially with a
      proviso inserted in one of the clauses, that no district should be
      proclaimed because tithes were not paid in it, the bill was finally
      passed. The effect of the bill was such as was desired. On the 10th of
      April the lord-lieutenant issued a proclamation suppressing the
      association of volunteers, after which he applied the provisions of the
      act to the county of Kilkenny with the best effect. It soon appeared,
      indeed, that the list of outrageous offenders against the laws decreased
      throughout the country. The discussions on the coercion act had produced
      many personal conflicts in debate between Mr. O'Connell and the Irish
      secretary. O'Connell seemed to regard Mr. Stanley with bitter hostility,
      arising partly from the vigour with which he repelled the attack of the
      repealers, and from the supposition that he was not disposed to give up
      any of the revenues of the Irish church. Mr. Stanley, however, now retired
      from the battle by accepting the more tranquil office of colonial
      secretary, which had become vacant by Viscount Goderich being made
      lord-privy-seal, and advanced a step in the peerage by becoming Earl of
      Papon. Sir John Cam Hobhouse succeeded Mr. Stanley as Irish secretary.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH CHURCH BILL.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      While carrying on their measures for tranquillizing Ireland, ministers had
      uniformly admitted that grievances existed in Ireland which ought to be
      redressed. They had also declared their readiness to propose expedients
      for that purpose. At the head of these grievances, the Irish established
      church had always been placed, it standing in the peculiar predicament of
      possessing large revenues, whilst a majority of the people belonged to a
      faith, the clergy of which had once been the possessors of that opulence.
      The object of the repealers was to diminish these revenues, while they
      disclaimed any wish of seeing them bestowed on their own clergy. There
      were others, at the same time, and those not Irishmen, who, regarding
      every religious establishment as an evil, considered the property of the
      church as a fund which might be seized for what they denominated the
      purposes of the state. It was with this subject that government next
      dwelt, and in doing so they adopted a middle course&mdash;conceding much,
      but not conceding all that was required of them. The measures which they
      intended to pursue were unfolded in the commons by Lord Althorp, on the
      12th of February. It appeared from his statement that the total revenues
      of the Irish church were found not to exceed £800,000 per annum. On these
      funds, he said, it was the intention of ministers, after abolishing
      first-fruits, to impose a tax varying from five to fifteen per cent. This
      tax, however, was not to be imposed on clergymen whose livings were under
      £200 per annum. The larger revenues of the primates, he said, were to be
      reduced respectively to the amounts of £10,000 and £8000 per annum. The
      sum thus collected was to be applied under commissioners to the abolition
      of church-cess; the augmentation of poor livings and building of
      glebe-houses; the division of unions, and the erection of churches. With
      respect to the offices of deans and chapters, it was proposed, wherever
      they were unconnected with the cure of souls, to abolish them altogether,
      or to unite them to such cure; and with regard to livings, where no duty
      had been done for the last three years, it was further proposed to suspend
      the appointment of ministers at the discretion of the commissioners. Ten
      bishoprics were to be abolished, and the vacated sees were to be annexed
      to those preserved. With reference to the lands attached to bishoprics the
      chancellor of the exchequer laid down this principle, namely, that if by
      the act of parliament to be introduced any new value was given to
      benefices, that new value not belonging properly to the church might be
      appropriated to the exigencies of the state. He believed, he said, that
      £500,000 per annum was the value of all Irish episcopal lands to the
      lessees or tenants, though the bishops did not receive more than £100,000.
      By a different mode of granting leases, his lordship showed that a sum of
      near £3,000,000 might be acquired for the state without any diminution of
      income to the bishops. His lordship concluded by moving for leave to bring
      in a bill to alter and amend the laws relating to the established church
      in Ireland. The plan thus unfolded by Lord Althorp was calculated to
      produce hostility from two opposite quarters,&mdash;from the conservative
      opposition, who thought its principles destructive to the Irish church;
      and from the economists, repealers, and radicals, who thought that it left
      too much of the church untouched. At the same time it was clear that these
      different kinds of opposition would not endanger the success of the bill
      in the commons, as ministers were sure of being joined by one of the
      parties in resisting any amendment proposed by the other. Moreover, most
      of the Irish members approved of tire plan so far as it went, although Mr.
      O'Connell denounced the estimate of the Irish church revenues as "a base
      delusion," and the design of government as one which tended to "relieve no
      grievance except church-cess, not even suspending the war against the poor
      man's pig and tenth potato."
    </p>
    <p>
      Leave was given to bring in the bill; but it was not brought in before the
      1st of March. It was read a first time on the same evening; but the
      proposal to take the second reading on the 13th was successfully opposed
      by Sir Robert Peel, Sir R. Inglis, and others, ministers consenting to let
      it stand for the 14th. On the 14th, when the motion was made for reading
      the order of the day, Mr. C. Wynn objected that the bill was a tax-bill,
      and therefore could originate only in a committee of the whole house. This
      view was combated by Lord Althorp, Mr. Stanley, and the solicitor-general;
      and supported by Sir Robert Peel, and Messrs. Goulburn and others. The
      objection was so strong that Lord Althorp found himself under the
      necessity of discharging the order for the second reading; and, on the
      suggestion of Sir R. Peel, a select committee was appointed to search for
      precedents, and report its opinion whether the bill should, according to
      the rules and orders of the house, originate in a committee of the whole
      house. This committee reported that the bill was a tax-bill; and in
      consequence of this decision Lord Althorp, on the 1st of April, moved
      three resolutions with reference to the Irish church in a committee of the
      whole house. These resolutions having been agreed to, the bill relating
      thereto, which was a counterpart of the former, was read a first time. The
      second reading was fixed for the 6th of May, on which day Mr. Shaw met the
      motion with an amendment that it should be read that day six months. He
      opposed the bill, he said, because it would violate the rights of
      property, and because it tended to lower the character of the clergy. If
      property so fenced by acts of parliament, as church property was, could be
      assailed, he asked, what species of property could be safe? He admitted
      that it was desirable to change the system of church-cess; the Irish
      clergy themselves would not have objected to a proper remedy for this; but
      he would have sought a substitute for it in the reduction of the incomes
      of the bishops, and not in the diminution of their number. The amendment
      was seconded by Mr. Estcourt, one of the members for the University of
      Oxford, who thought that where the principles of the bill were not
      mischievous, as involving the first example of a confiscation of property,
      they were fallacious in the results which it was promised they would
      produce. Sir Robert Peel said that he approved of many parts of the bill&mdash;as
      that part which required that the spiritual duties of the clergy should be
      personally discharged, and of that which provided for the abolition of the
      church-cess. At the same time there were other parts of the bill, he said,
      which he disliked. Lord Althorp and Messrs. Stanley and Grant maintained
      that there was no ground for denying the right of parliament to interfere
      with the church property; and argued with regard to the diminution in the
      number of bishops, that the bill did not suppress bishoprics, but only
      consolidated them. The second reading of the bill was carried by three
      hundred and seventeen to seventy-eight. Before the house went into
      committee, Mr. Gillon moved an instruction to the committee, that the bill
      should contain certain provisions for resuming all the temporalities of
      the Irish church, and applying them after the demise of the present
      incumbents to purposes of general utility; but this motion was at once
      negatived. The reduction of the number of bishops was strongly opposed by
      the committee; but the clause was nevertheless carried. The most important
      discussion arose on that part of the measure which took £3,000,000 from
      the church to apply it to state purposes. Both the conservative and
      radical party were opposed to this; and though there could be no doubt
      that ministers would be able to carry the clause through the commons, they
      had ascertained that it would certainly be rejected by the lords. On these
      grounds, when the house came to that clause, Mr. Stanley moved that it
      should be omitted. He remarked:&mdash;"I am well aware that a strong
      feeling exists against the alienation of church property, and therefore I
      propose that the sum alluded to should be paid into, the hands of the
      ecclesiastical commissioners, to be applied to the same purposes as the
      other with which they are entrusted." Mr. O'Connell immediately attacked
      government in a strain of unmeasured reproach. Many other members also
      contended that ministers, by relinquishing this cause, had degraded
      themselves in the eyes of the country, and that, if the house was to have
      tory measures, it ought to have them under a tory ministry. But although
      many of the supporters of the ministers deserted them from this cause, yet
      the omission of the clause was carried by a majority of two hundred and
      eighty against one hundred and forty-eight. In the committee, also, it was
      agreed that beneficed clergymen in present possession of their livings
      were to be exempted from the graduated tax: it was only to affect their
      successors. On the third reading of the bill, Mr. Shiel moved the
      insertion in the preamble of the following words:&mdash;"That whereas the
      property in the possession of the established church of Ireland is under
      the control of the legislature, and is applicable to such purposes as may
      be deemed most fitting for the best interests of the community at large,
      due regard being paid to the rights of all parties interested." A long
      discussion took place on this motion, in which old arguments were
      repeated, and on a division it was rejected. The bill was read a third
      time on the 8th of July, by a majority of two hundred and ninety-seven
      against ninety-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was in the upper house, however, that the bill was exposed to the
      greatest danger, since there existed among the peers a majority capable of
      defeating ministers on any occasion which they might consider expedient.
      It was read a first time in that house <i>pro forma</i>, and the second
      reading was fixed for the 17th of July. In the meantime, the commons,
      aware of the danger to which the bill was exposed, were on the alert. On
      the 15th of July Sir J. Wrottesly proposed a call of the house of commons,
      to promote its success as that of the reform bill had been ensured,
      namely, by putting the members under arms, as it were, at the critical
      point of its progress. Ministers deprecated the motion as tending to
      embarrass the administration, and defeat the very end for which it was
      proposed. At the same time they declared that their official existence
      would depend on the success of the bill. The motion was pressed to a
      division; but it was lost by a majority of one hundred and sixty to one
      hundred and twenty-five. The debate on the second reading of the bill in
      the upper house was continued by adjournment on the 17th, 18th, and 19th
      of July, it being strongly opposed by many of the bishops and peers. After
      an animated discussion, however, the second reading was carried by one
      hundred and fifty-seven votes against ninety-eight. In the committee it
      was proposed by the Duke of Wellington, that instead of all the three
      civil commissioners being named by the crown, one of them should be named
      by the head of the church, one by the primate of Ireland, and one by the
      archbishop of Dublin. Ministers conceded this point; but they successfully
      resisted another, moved by the Earl of Wicklow, to the effect that the
      appointment of the four bishops to the board of commissioners should be
      vested in the bench of Irish bishops. They also successfully resisted an
      amendment moved by Lord Gage, that the clause imposing the tax should be
      extended to lay-impropriators as well as clerical. A proposal was next
      made that the ten bishoprics should not be immediately abolished, but that
      as they became vacant the crown, if so minded, might grant them to be held
      in <i>commendam</i> with the see to which the bill proposed to unite them,
      while it should have power at the same time to grant their revenues to the
      commissioners. Earl Grey declared that if this amendment were carried it
      would be fatal to the bill; and it was lost, though only by a majority of
      fourteen, seventy-six voting for it, and ninety against it. Lord
      Wharncliffe then moved that the produce of tax imposed upon the clergy
      should be appropriated to the augmentation of small livings, and that the
      commissioners should not have power to apply it to other purposes for
      which parish cess was levied. This amendment was lost by a majority of
      twenty; but ministers were left in a minority of two, on the clause
      empowering the commissioners to suspend appointments to benefices in which
      divine service had not been performed during three years before the 1st of
      February, 1833. An amendment was agreed to, that in all such cases the
      bishop of the diocese in which the benefice might be situated, should be
      entitled to act as a member of the board; and that the revenues of the
      suspended benefice should be applied to the building or repairing of the
      church or glebe-house in such benefice; or if they should not require it,
      that then the revenues should be paid into the general fund, under the
      management of the commissioners. On this defeat Earl Grey adjourned the
      committee, in order to allow time for considering whether ministers ought
      not to throw up the bill and resign. On the next day, however, his
      lordship stated that they had resolved to proceed with the bill; the
      effect of the amendment would be far from an improvement to the bill, but
      he did not deem it such an alteration, affecting the general efficiency of
      the measure, as would justify him in abandoning the duty he had imposed
      upon himself of conducting it through the house. At the same time, he
      said, he would not disguise from their lordships that he laboured under
      deep sensations of difficulty and embarrassment in consequence of the
      vote; and he felt that if any further alterations of the like nature
      should be made, it would be for him to consider how far it would be
      possible for him, consistently with his duty to his sovereign and his
      country, to continue the conduct of the measure. Some further alterations
      were admitted on the bringing up of the report. One of these went to guard
      against the future contingency of the lord-chancellor and
      lord-chief-justice of Ireland, members of the board, being Catholics; and
      another placed at the disposal of the two archbishops ten livings, not
      exceeding £800 a-year each, connected with the suppressed bishoprics, for
      the purpose of being bestowed on the junior fellows of the University of
      Dublin. The bill was passed on the 30th of July, by a majority of one
      hundred and thirty-five against eighty-one; and on the 2nd of August the
      commons agreed to the amendments which had been made by the peers. Mr.
      O'Connell observed that the lords had not made the bill much worse than
      they found it, and protested against its being considered in any other
      light than as the first instalment of the debt due to Ireland.
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    <h2>
      IRISH TITHE BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another measure connected with Ireland arose from the difficulty of
      collecting tithes. It has been seen that in the preceding year an act was
      passed, enabling government to advance to the Irish clergy such amount of
      tithes as had been illegally withheld during the year 1833, and empowered
      the executive, on making such advance, to levy the arrear itself. This
      expedient only inflamed the animosity of the tithe-payers, since it
      created a creditor whom it was apprehended would be more difficult to
      resist. Ministers, therefore, resolved to relinquish this plan; and they
      proposed instead of it that government should be empowered to abandon all
      processes under the existing law, to pay up all arrears, and to seek
      reimbursement in a different manner. On the 12th of June Lord Althorp
      moved that it was the opinion of this committee that an advance of money
      should be paid to the clergy of the established church in Ireland, in
      order to relieve the occupying tenants from payments on account of arrears
      of tithes, or composition of tithes in the year 1833, such advance to be
      paid within a limited time by a land-tax chargeable on all land liable to
      the payment of tithes, the owners of which should not have paid the
      tithes, or composition of tithes, which became due during such years. This
      was generally approved of by O'Connell and the Irish members, though they
      insisted that it should be extended to lay-impropriators as well as
      clerical. There were others who opposed it because they thought it would
      be holding out a premium to lawless violence, and an invitation to
      resistance to the payment of tithes. Moreover, a third party were for
      rejecting it, because instead of involving the principle that the Catholic
      population should not be taxed in any shape for the Protestant church, it
      seemed to contemplate the perpetuation of the impost. In accordance with
      the expressed opinion of the committee, a resolution was moved to the
      effect:&mdash;"That his majesty be enabled to direct exchequer-bills to an
      amount not exceeding £1,000,000 to be issued, for the purpose of
      advancing, under certain conditions, the arrears of tithes due for 1831
      and 1832, subject to a deduction of 25 per cent., and the value of tithes
      for 1833, subject to a deduction of 15 per cent., to such persons as may
      be entitled to such arrears on such tithes, and as may be desirous of
      receiving such advances; and that the amount advanced shall be included in
      the tithe-composition, so as to be repaid in the course of five years,
      being payable by half-yearly instalments." This plan was strongly opposed,
      principally on the ground that the money would never be repaid, since
      repayment was still to depend on a collection of tithe, which never would
      succeed. The pretended loan would be converted into a gift, and England,
      besides paying its own tithes, would also be paying those of Ireland. The
      resolution was carried by eighty-seven to fifty-one, and a bill founded on
      it was brought in and passed both houses without any important alteration.
      The measure was regarded by the Conservatives as a mischievous precedent,
      and they asserted that any existing necessity for it had been produced by
      ministers' own misgovernment.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget was opened on the 1st of April. As this was the first occasion
      of bringing any financial statement before a reformed parliament, the
      chancellor of the exchequer said that he thought it right to state what
      progress had been made in redeeming that pledge of economy on which the
      administration had taken office. In the number of places abolished, he
      showed that there had been a saving effected of £192,000, and he said that
      the diplomatic expenses had been reduced by £91,735. A saving of £28,000
      had also been effected by bringing a number of persons from the retired
      list in the revenue department, and placing them on active service. The
      state of the finances was more satisfactory than during the last session.
      The chancellor of the exchequer stated that the amount of the income and
      expenditure of the year was respectively £46,853,000 and £45,366, leaving
      an excess of income over expenditure of £1,487,000, an excess which would
      be more than sufficient to cover the deficiency of £1,240,412 of the
      preceding year. He estimated the revenue for the present year at
      £46,494,128, and the expenditure at £44,922,219, which would leave a
      surplus of about £1,572,000. He thought it desirable, he continued, that a
      reduction of taxes should be made to the extent of this surplus. He
      proposed to make the reductions on taxes chiefly which fell on industry;
      and he selected tiles, marine insurance, advertisements, the assessed
      taxes, cotton, and soap, as the taxes to be reduced. The estimated loss to
      the revenue by these reductions was £1,056,000, which would leave a
      surplus for the year, after the above reductions, of £516,000. Mr. Hume
      thought the reductions were neither sufficiently great nor sufficiently
      numerous; they ought to be pushed at least to the extent of the estimated
      surplus. On the contrary, Sir Robert Peel was disposed to think that the
      chancellor of the exchequer had carried reduction too far: it was
      dangerous, he said, to reduce taxes to such an extent as might affect our
      ability to keep faith with the public creditor. He concurred, however, in
      the general view the noble lord had taken of the subject: he had acted
      wisely in maintaining the system of taxation as it stood at present. The
      financial statements of the chancellor of the exchequer appear to have
      given general satisfaction, for there was no discussion on the details.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BANK OF ENGLAND CHARTER RENEWED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 31st of May Lord Althorp brought the subject of the renewal of the
      Bank of England charter before the commons. In doing so he stated at great
      length the terms on which government had determined to consent to a
      renewal of that charter; after which he laid the following-resolutions on
      the table of the house, that they might be considered:&mdash;"That it is
      the opinion of the committee, that it is expedient to continue to the Bank
      of England, for a limited period, the enjoyment of certain privileges now
      vested in law in that corporation, subject to provisions to be hereafter
      made: That provided the Bank of England continued liable, as at present,
      to defray, in the current coin of the realm, all its existing engagements,
      it was expedient that its promissory note should be constituted a legal
      tender for sums of £5 and upward: That one-fourth part of the debt at
      present due by the public to the Bank be repaid during the present session
      of parliament: That the allowances to the Bank on the management of the
      national debt, and other public business be continued, subject to an
      annual deduction of £120,000 from the remuneration at present assigned for
      that purpose: That the laws restricting the interest of money to five per
      cent, be repealed, so far as concerned bills not having more than three
      months to run before they become due: That it is expedient that royal
      charters be granted for the establishment of joint-stock banks, within a
      certain distance from London: That all banks should enter into a
      composition, in lieu of stamp-duties, at present chargeable at the rate of
      seven shillings for every one hundred pounds issued in notes: That it is
      expedient that a bill should be introduced into parliament to regulate
      country banks, the provisions of which should be such as to encourage
      joint-stock banking companies in the country to issue the notes of the
      Bank of England." These resolutions were moved on the 1st of June, and the
      first of them was met by an amendment to the effect of delaying the
      consideration of the measure till the ensuing session. The opposition
      proceeded principally from members hostile to the renewal of the
      privileges of the Bank; and to that hostility they now added objections to
      particular parts of the proposed plan. They demanded delay in order that
      there might be more full inquiry, and they contended that such inquiry
      would make it manifest, that the exclusive privileges of the Bank ought
      not to be renewed. The amendment, however, was lost by three hundred and
      sixteen to eighty-three, and the first resolution, affirming the propriety
      of continuing the privileges of the Bank was agreed to without a division.
      The second resolution, making the notes of the Bank of England a legal
      tender for sums of £5 and upwards was opposed still more energetically, as
      being both unnecessary and mischievous; but it was carried by a majority
      of fifty-eight. Lord Althorp, however, agreed so far to modify the
      proposal as to make it incumbent to pay all £5 notes in gold, if demanded.
      To the resolution which provided for the continuance of remuneration, a
      counter resolution was moved, to the effect that it was, in the opinion of
      the committee, expedient that the remuneration now insured by law to the
      Bank of England for the management of the public debt and other public
      business should cease; but this was also lost by a large majority. The
      sixth and eighth resolutions, which went to regulate the establishment of
      joint-stock banking companies were abandoned for the present, Lord Althorp
      conceiving that the opposition was so strong that he should not be able to
      carry them, at least during this session. A bill founded on these
      resolutions was brought in and read the first and second time without a
      division. On the motion for going into the committee, Mr. Gisborne moved
      as an amendment that the committee should be taken that day six months;
      but this was lost by a majority of one hundred and nineteen against forty.
      In the committee multifarious amendments were proposed, but without
      success. One alteration, however, was made by ministers themselves. They
      had believed that the existing law prohibited deposit-banks, no less than
      banks of issue, consisting of more than six partners, from being
      established in the metropolis, or within a short distance of it; but the
      solicitor-general had now satisfied himself that, as the law stood, no
      such restriction existed, and a clause was introduced declaring such to
      be, and to have been the law, although there were legal opinions the other
      way, and although the Bank, and all mercantile men, had acted on the
      belief that the restriction did exist. As the bill passed the commons, its
      chief provisions were, a monthly publication of the Bank accounts; the
      repayment of a portion of its capital; a partial repeal of the usury laws
      which impeded its action; an annual payment of £120,000 in return for
      privileges conceded; its notes made a legal tender except at the Bank
      itself, or its branches; a quarterly return of the amount of circulation
      of all other banks; and certain regulations for the improvement of
      joint-stock banks. The bill passed the upper house without alterations: an
      amendment moved by Lord Whynford to leave out the declaratory clause
      regarding deposit-banks, as being contrary to law, mercantile
      understanding, and good faith, having been rejected. Government, also,
      refused to allow the opinion of the judges to be taken regarding the
      legality of such companies under the existing law.
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another monopoly with which the government had to deed was that of the
      East India Company, their charter approaching its termination. The
      arrangements which government proposed should be adopted with the company
      were explained in a committee of the whole house by Mr. C. Grant, on the
      13th of June. He stated first that the political government of India was
      to be continued in the hands of the company for some time longer; the
      reasons for it being the good which that government had done. That there
      were evils in the system of administration in India he would admit; but he
      argued, that they were more than counterbalanced by the security of life
      and property, which had been secured to the natives by the rule of the
      company. The next great question was, he said, the company's monopoly of
      the trade with China. Public opinion had decided that it should no longer
      exist; and it was only justice to the expression of the public opinion in
      this case to state that it was not the clamour of the moment&mdash;that it
      was the voice of an enlightened community formed during a succession of
      years. After detailing various facts, to show that from the competition of
      private traders the monopoly of the company could not long continue, even
      if parliament did not interfere, Mr. Grant said that government proposed
      the monopoly should cease in April, 1834, and that the trade to China
      should then be open to all the merchants of this country. In consideration
      of the East India Company surrendering all its rights and privileges, Mr.
      Grant said it was proposed that the government of India should be
      continued in the hands of the company for the period of twenty years, and
      that an annuity of £630,000 per annum should be granted to them, to be
      charged on the territory of India. At the end of twenty years, he said, if
      the East India Company should be deprived of the government of India, then
      the payment of their capital might be demanded; and if not, the payment of
      the annuity was to be continued for forty years. He explained further,
      that certain alterations were likewise to be introduced in the frame of
      the government of India; and he said that he should further have to call
      the attention of the house to the state of the ecclesiastical
      establishments in that country. He concluded by moving the following
      resolutions:&mdash;"That it is expedient that all his majesty's subjects
      should be at liberty to repair to the ports of the empire of China, and to
      trade in tea and in all other productions in the said empire, subject to
      such regulations as parliament shall enact for the protection of the
      commercial and political interests of this country: That it is expedient
      that, in case the East India Company shall transfer to the crown, on
      behalf of the Indian territory, all assets and claims of every description
      belonging to the said company, the crown on behalf of the Indian
      territory, shall take on itself all the obligations of the said company,
      of whatever description; and that the said company shall receive from the
      revenues of the said territory such a sum, and paid in such a manner as
      parliament shall enact: That it is expedient that the governments of the
      British possessions in India be entrusted to the said company, under such
      conditions and regulations as parliament shall enact, for the purpose of
      extending the commerce of this country, and of securing the good
      government, and promoting the moral and religious improvement of the
      people of India." These resolutions were agreed to without any opposition;
      and on the 5th of July they passed the lords without a division, although
      they were sternly opposed by Lord Ellenborough, who denounced the whole
      scheme as being a crude and ill-digested plan, the offspring of unfounded
      theories, formed by men who knew nothing, and desired to know nothing of
      India. À bill was subsequently brought into the house of commons founded
      on the resolutions, and, after some unsuccessful motions of amendment, was
      carried. In the upper house Lord Ellenborough renewed his opposition, and
      moved, "That all provisions in the bill, which went to alter the existing
      laws in the East Indian presidencies, should be omitted." This amendment,
      however, was not pressed to a division; and the bill was finally passed.
      One of the greatest advantages which the public gained by this important
      measure, was that which opened a rich field for the enterprise and
      industry of our merchants by destroying the monopoly of the trade in tea.
      Facilities for conducting this branch of commerce, together with a
      considerable relief from taxation on the article of tea, was given try a
      subsequent bill for regulating its importation. It must be confessed,
      indeed, that the adoption of this measure by parliament was highly
      beneficial to the interests of the community at large. By it the long and
      complicated account between commerce and territory was settled; the
      pernicious union of imperial and economical functions in the body of
      proprietors of East India stock was at an end; every office under the
      company was thrown open to British subjects without distinction, and the
      whole of India was opened to European enterprise and European capital. A
      grand feature of the bill, also, was that which provided for extending the
      influence and utility of the Anglo-Indian church.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      At the commencement of this session, the minds of reflecting persons were
      fixed with intense anxiety on the subject of West India slavery. The
      excitement attending the reform act, indeed, had not been neglected by the
      friends of emancipation. Meetings were held and petitions got up: and
      government found themselves under the necessity of framing a measure for
      the gradual abolition of the trade in the bones and the sinews of man. The
      subject was brought before the commons by Mr. Stanley on the 14th of May,
      when he explained the ministerial scheme in a committee of the whole
      house. Government, he said, impelled by the force of public opinion,
      resolved to propose a plan which would insure the extinction of slavery,
      and manumit not only future generations, but likewise the existing
      generation, providing at the same time against the dangers of a sudden
      transition. It was proposed, he said, to place the slave for a limited
      time in an intermediate state of apprenticeship. He was to enter into a
      contract, by which his master would be bound to give him food and
      clothing, or in lieu thereof a pecuniary allowance; for which
      consideration he, on his part, was to give his master three-fourths of his
      time in labour, leaving it to be settled between them whether that should
      be for three-fourths of the week or of each day. The remaining fourth of
      his time, Mr. Stanley said, the slave would be at liberty to transfer his
      labour elsewhere; but if he were inclined to give it to his master, then
      his master would be obliged to find him employment according to a fixed
      rate of wages. It was a difficult point, he said, to settle the scale of
      wages; and he could devise no better mode than that of compelling the
      planter to fix a price on the labourer at the time of his apprenticeship,
      and by enacting that the wages to be paid by the master should bear such a
      proportion to the price fixed by him, that for the whole of his spare time
      he should receive one-twelfth of his price annually. In this manner, he
      said, the slave and his master would both act in reference to each other:
      if the master fixed a high price on his negro, he would have to pay him
      proportionate wages; and if a low price, then upon the payment of that
      price by any other person on his behalf, the negro would be free. This
      measure, he continued, must necessarily occasion loss to many of the West
      Indian proprietors; and, as it was not fitting that they alone should lose
      by the destruction of this species of property, the legality of which had
      at least been recognised by parliament, ministers proposed to advance to
      the West Indian body a loan to the amount of ten years' purchase of their
      annual profits on sugars, rum, and coffee, which would amount to
      £15,000,000. It was for parliament to say in what manner, and upon what
      condition, that loan should be repaid to the country; it might be
      considered equal to one-fourth of the proceeds of the slaves' labour; and
      with that sum and the other three-fourths of his labour, the planter, at
      the end of twelve years, would have received a just compensation for the
      price of his slave, and for all the expense to which the slave might have
      put him for food and clothing. It was right, however, to state that during
      that time the planter would have to pay interest for his loan, and to that
      amount, perhaps, he might be the loser. In conclusion, Mr. Stanley said,
      he would call upon the house to aid the local legislatures in the West
      Indies in establishing schools for the religious and moral education of
      the slave population. He moved the following resolutions:&mdash;"That it
      is the opinion of this committee that immediate and effectual measures be
      taken for the entire abolition of slavery throughout the colonies, under
      such provisions for regulating the condition of the negroes as may combine
      their welfare with the interest of the proprietors: That it is expedient
      that all children born after the passing of any act, or who shall be under
      the age of six years at the time of passing any act of parliament for this
      purpose, be declared free, subject, nevertheless, to such temporary
      restrictions as may be deemed necessary for their support and maintenance:
      That all persons now slaves be entitled to be registered as apprenticed
      labourers, and to acquire thereby all the rights and privileges of free
      men subject to the restriction of labouring under conditions, and for a
      time to be fixed by parliament, for their present owners: That, to provide
      against the risk of loss which proprietors in his majesty's colonial
      possessions might sustain by the abolition of slavery, his majesty be
      enabled to advance by way of loan, to be raised from time to time, a sum
      not exceeding in the whole £15,000,000, to be paid in such manner, and at
      such rate of interest, as shall be prescribed by parliament: That his
      majesty be enabled to defray any such expense as he may incur in
      establishing an efficient stipendiary magistracy in the colonies, and in
      aiding the local legislatures in providing for the religious and moral
      education of the negro population to be emancipated." The consideration of
      these resolutions was adjourned to the 30th of May. On that day the first
      resolution, after considerable debate on the character of the planters,
      and on the subject of the compensation to be given to them, was agreed to
      without a division. Sir Robert Peel said that he would have preferred a
      declaratory resolution, it appearing to him that the co-operation of the
      colonial legislative was indispensable to tire success of the measure. He
      doubted the policy of using the words "immediate and effectual measures
      shall be taken for the entire abolition of slavery throughout the
      colonies;" they were calculated to raise expectations unwarranted by the
      measure; it was a great evil in establishing a preliminary resolution. The
      first impression of any man upon reading this resolution, and especially
      the first impression of an illiterate and ignorant man would be this:&mdash;"You
      never meant to subject me to coerced labour for twelve years." The second
      resolution also passed without a division; but the third, which involved
      the principle of the compulsory apprenticeship, was met with a direct
      negative by Mr. Fowell Buxton, on the ground that it was unnecessary and
      impracticable. It was founded on this assertion&mdash;that emancipated
      negroes would not work, or, at least, would not work more than was
      necessary to supply the mere wants of life. This opinion he showed by
      facts was ill-grounded; and he proved to demonstration that the negroes,
      if free, would work more cheerfully than while enslaved. He moved that the
      resolution be rejected. He was supported by Mr. Halcomb and Buford Howick,
      the latter of whom said that it was not necessary as a groundwork for
      future proceedings; and that, on the other hand, if the house agreed to
      it, they would pledge themselves to a system of apprenticeship of which
      they did not yet know the full effect. This was dealing rather hardly by
      the house; government should avoid calling upon the house, at this stage
      of the proceeding, distinctly to pledge themselves to do that of which
      they had not yet heard a satisfactory account. It was easy to talk of
      apprenticing negroes; but the plan was neither more nor less than a
      subversion of the existing relations of society in the colonies, and
      organising an untried system, the adoption of which must be attended with
      difficulties. His objection to the provision was, that the labour of the
      negro was, for the greater part of his time, to be obtained by direct
      compulsion; his opinion was that the negroes would be in a worse condition
      at the termination of the experiment than they were at the present moment.
      Ministers replied that the question was not, as it had been represented,
      merely one of gradual or immediate abolition; no matter what might be the
      period of apprenticeship, whether ten or twelve years, from the moment the
      bill passed, slavery in the British colonies, in its offensive and
      essential features, was for ever annihilated. The bill recognised the
      rights of property; it conferred freedom from corporal punishment; it
      respected the domestic ties of the negro in their tenderest relations; and
      it ensured to him a considerable portion of the fruits of his own labour:
      with these great enactments surely it was not too much to say that
      slavery, in its obnoxious features, could not be said to exist. Mr.
      Buxton, having been assured that the resolution did not bind the house to
      any particular period of compulsory labour, withdrew his motion to reject
      it, and proposed to insert words declaring that the labour was to be for
      wages. He withdrew this likewise; but Mr. O'Connell insisted on dividing
      the house on the original resolution, when it was carried by three hundred
      and twenty-four to forty-two. The fourth resolution, respecting the
      compensation to planters, was attended with still greater difficulty. The
      original proposal was a loan of £15,000,000, for which they were to pay
      interest; but ministers found such stern opposition from the West India
      planters, that they were compelled to convert this loan into an absolute
      payment of £20,000,000. Mr. Stanley, after admitting the difficulty of
      ascertaining what the amount of compensation ought to be, moved that
      "Towards the compensation of the West India proprietors, his majesty be
      enabled to grant a sum not exceeding £20,000,000, to be appropriated as
      parliament may hereafter think fit." This proposition called forth much
      opposition and many amendments; but it was finally earned by a majority of
      two hundred and ninety-six against seventy-seven. The fifth and last
      resolution was carried by a majority of two hundred and ninety-six against
      seventy-seven; and the whole were then sent to the peers, who agreed to
      them on the 25th of June. On the motion for going into committee on the
      bill brought in pursuant to the resolutions, Mr. Buxton again discussed
      the question of compulsory apprenticeships. He moved, that it be an
      instruction to the committee that they shall not, for the sake of the
      pecuniary interests of the masters, impose any restraint or obligation on
      the negro which shall not be necessary for his own welfare, and for the
      general peace and order of society; and that they shall limit the duration
      of any temporary restrictions which may be imposed upon the freedom of the
      negroes, to the shortest period which may be necessary to establish, on
      just principles, the system of free labour for adequate wages. He was
      supported by Lord Howick and Mr. Macaulay, who before had opposed him on
      the same question, but who now declared that he had an insurmountable
      objection to the transition state, which was to be interposed between the
      cessation of slavery and complete freedom. If it could be proved, he said,
      that any restraint was proposed, the effect of which was to improve the
      morals of the negro, to promote his habits of industry, and to enable him
      better to discharge the duties of a freeman and citizen, he would give his
      assent to such a restraint; but he thought that the restraint was not laid
      upon the negro, as it ought to be, with the sole view of improving his
      character: one of the objects was, not his own advantage, but as a
      compensation to the planter. In reply, Mr. Stanley said that the
      compensation was of two sorts: one was a sum to be paid down now for the
      remission of one-fourth of the labour of the slave, and the whole would be
      paid by the end of twelve years, when the negro would be completely free.
      The sum to be paid to the colonies was taken with reference to the
      estimated value of the slave, and to the interest of money: taking that
      value at £30,000,000 for 800,000 slaves, would give £37 10s. for each. It
      was not extravagant to say that such a sum was about the average value of
      a slave. He went on to say that one-fourth of the labour of the negro was
      to be taken from the master, and placed at the disposal of the negro
      himself; but for the remaining three-fourths he was to be maintained by
      the master. Now the maintenance, taken at a moderate average, was
      calculated at fifty shillings each; this for 800,000 negroes would be
      £2,000,000 per annum, and the one-fourth of this would be £500,000; and
      this at the end of twelve years would make a great difference in the sum
      to be paid to the master. Calculations would show that if the value of
      £30,000,000, or £37 10s. each were taken, and the interest of money
      calculated at six per cent., the sum to be paid to the master would be
      £27,000,000; but if the value of the slaves were taken at £24,000,000, and
      the interest of money at six per cent., £15,000,000 would be the sum to be
      paid to him. Besides this, the allowance for the advances for the support
      of the slave would, at ten per cent., amount to £3,406,000; at eight per
      cent., to £3,786,000; and at six per cent, to £4,900,000. This would show
      that the apprenticeship materially came into the account, in estimating
      the compensation to the master for his loss; and the compensation would
      not be made in a state of slavery, but in a state of comparative freedom.
      Mr. Stanley said that if the West India proprietors were asked what they
      thought of the plan of apprenticeship, they would say that they could not
      go on without it; and that without the application of such a principle in
      the bill, the colonies would go to ruin, and the proprietors be reduced to
      beggary. In fact, he said, if Mr. Buxton's motion should be carried, he
      must be prepared to see the whole frame of civilization in the colonies
      destroyed, and a state of things brought about which, however they might
      in time settle down into some improvement, must at least begin in
      barbarism. On a division, Mr. Buxton's amendment was lost by a majority of
      only seven, one hundred and fifty-one having voted for it, and one hundred
      and fifty-eight against it. The result of this division convinced
      government that they must make some concession on this point; and on the
      following day Mr. Stanley resolved to reduce the period of prodial
      apprenticeship from twelve years to seven, and of non-prodial from seven
      to five years. This was adopted, and clauses were added, empowering the
      commissioners for the management of the national debt to raise the money
      by a loan, specifying the manner in which the operation was to be
      conducted after which the bill passed. In the upper-house some amendments
      were added to the bill, which did not affect its substance, and these were
      finally agreed to by the commons. Thus the dark spot of slavery was wiped
      out of the British annals; we had no slaves at home, and now it was nobly
      resolved that we should have none abroad&mdash;that wherever Britain's
      power was felt, mankind should feel her mercy also.
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    <h2>
      FACTORY BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the former session, Mr. Sadleir had introduced a bill for
      shortening and regulating the employment of children of certain ages in
      cotton and other factories, and protecting them against maltreatment, to
      which it was alleged they had long been exposed. Evidence had been taken
      regarding the subject matter of the bill before a committee of the house
      of commons, and in this session a similar measure to that of Mr. Sadleir's
      was introduced by Lord Ashley. The bill was opposed by the great body of
      the manufacturing capitalists, many of whom had been sent into the house
      by the reform act, and who possessed powerful interest out of it. Mr.
      Patten moved an address to the king to name a royal commission, for the
      purpose of collecting evidence anew, founding his motion on the ground
      that the evidence taken before the committee was partial, defective, and
      untrue. Lord Ashley, and others, contended that this motion was not only
      uncalled for, but would be detrimental: fresh inquiry was needless,
      inasmuch as the house was in a condition to legislate on the subject, not
      only in consequence of the information obtained from the committee of last
      year, but also of that furnished by the other house of parliament. Mr.
      Patten's motion was negatived, and the bill was read a second time; and
      then ministers, alarmed at the probable success of a measure which, as it
      stood, would seriously interfere with the manufacturers of the country,
      arrayed themselves more openly against it. Lord Althorp opposed the motion
      for going into committee, and moved, "That the bill be referred to a
      select committee, with this instruction&mdash;that the committee should
      make provision in said bill, that no children who had not entered into
      their fourteenth year should be allowed to work for more than eight hours
      a-day; and that in the intervals of their labour, care should be taken for
      their education, and that inspection of the mills should take place, in
      order to secure the operation of the above provisions." This motion was
      rejected, and Lord Ashley's bill was carried into committee, by one
      hundred and sixty-four to one hundred and forty-one. Government, however,
      did not give up its opposition. The bill had adopted ten hours as the
      maximum of labour daily, which extended to all persons under eighteen
      years of age; and when the second clause, which involved the principle,
      was moved in committee, Lord Althorp opposed it. He proposed as an
      amendment, that instead of the word "eighteen," the word "thirteen" should
      be inserted; expressing, at the same time, his intention of following that
      up by substituting "eight" instead of "ten". The amendment was carried by
      a large majority, and Lord Ashley abandoned the bill to the chancellor of
      the exchequer, in whose hands its enactments were considerably mitigated.
      As altered, the bill provided that the labour of children in factories
      under thirteen years of age should be limited to eight instead of ten
      hours a-day; that the provisions of Sir J. Hobhouse's bill should be
      extended to other mills besides cotton mills; and that persons under
      eighteen years of age should not be required to work more than sixty hours
      in the week. It also provided that it should be illegal to employ any
      children under nine years of age; that inspectors should be appointed to
      see that the provisions of the bill are duly enforced; and contained
      provisions for introducing a general system of education amongst the
      children in all the manufacturing districts. In the committee Mr. Wood
      proposed an amendment, to the effect, that at the expiration of six months
      after the passing of the act, no child under eleven years of age should be
      permitted to work more than eight hours a-day; that no child under the age
      of twelve years should be permitted, after the expiration of eighteen
      months from the passing of the bill, to work for more than eight hours
      a-day; and that after the expiration of two years from the passing of the
      bill, no child under the age of thirteen years should be permitted to work
      more than eight hours a-day. This amendment was opposed by Lord Althorp,
      on the ground that it would postpone the operation of the measure, but it
      was carried against him and it formed a part of the measure.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORN LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The people had long been taught to consider the corn laws as unjust
      monopolies, which enriched the landowner, by depriving the poor of "cheap
      bread," and they firmly expected that reforming ministers and a reformed
      parliament would forthwith abolish them. Ministers, however, were not
      inclined to take up the question, and parliament was not yet prepared to
      respond to the general demand. On the 17th of May, Mr. Whitmore moved the
      following resolutions:&mdash;"That the present system of corn laws,
      founded on a high and ever-varying scale of duties, while it fails of
      conferring permanent benefit on the agricultural interest, tends to cramp
      the trade, and impair the general prosperity of this country; that an
      alteration of these laws, substituting in their stead a moderate duty,
      fixed at all periods except those of extreme dearth, while it indemnified
      the agriculturists for the peculiar burthens which press upon them, would,
      by restoring the commercial relations between this kingdom and foreign
      countries, increase the manufactures, and render more equal the price of
      the produce of the country." Lord Althorp objected to the resolutions
      principally on account of the time at which they were brought forward,
      considering the many important questions which yet remained for the
      consideration of parliament; he therefore moved the previous question,
      which was carried by three hundred and five against two hundred and six. A
      few days previously certain resolutions relative to the same question were
      negatived in the house of lords without a division; and in the commons, on
      the 18th of June, a motion for leave to bring in a bill to alter the corn
      laws was rejected. The corn laws, therefore, were yet retained in the
      British code.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTIONS AGAINST BRIBERY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The result of the elections showed that the first reformed parliament had
      no small quantity of bribery to deal with. The prevention of this evil,
      therefore, was an object which a reformed house of commons was especially
      bound to secure. On the 6th of February, Lord John Russell moved the same
      resolutions which had been adopted by the preceding house, and which
      diminished obstacles that stood in the way of effectually questioning a
      corrupt election. According to the resolutions which had hitherto been
      adopted as the standing orders of the house on this subject, the return of
      a member could be questioned only within fourteen days after the
      assembling of parliament, or after his return, if the house were then
      sitting; and it was the practice of persons who made use of bribery to
      secure their elections, not to make any payments till that period was
      passed, in order to avoid the penalties attached to such conduct. In the
      hope of checking this evil, Lord John Russell moved, "That all persons who
      question any future return of members to serve in parliament upon any
      allegation of bribery or corruption, and who shall in their petition
      specifically allege any payment of money or other reward to have been made
      by any member, or on his account, or with his privity, since the time of
      such return, in pursuance of, or in furtherance of, such bribery and
      corruption, may question the same at any time within twenty-eight days
      from the time of such payment; or if this house be not sitting at the
      expiration of the said twenty-eight days, then within fourteen days after
      the day when the house shall next meet." This resolution was agreed to,
      many members regretting that it did not go further, and maintaining that a
      bribery-oath should be administered to the members as well as to the
      electors. Subsequently petitions were received from Liverpool, Warwick,
      Stafford, Hertford, Londonderry, Carrickfergus, and Newry; and in all
      these cases it was proved that gross bribery had been resorted to at the
      elections. Writs were suspended for Warwick, and bills were brought in for
      the disfranchisement of Stafford, Hertford, and Carrickfergus, while
      several individuals were ordered to be criminally prosecuted. As the
      session was drawing to a close, the bills were not persevered in before
      its termination. An attempt was made by Mr. Grote, one of the members for
      the city of London, to establish voting by ballot; that alone, in his
      estimation, being the only means of securing purity of election. This,
      however, was negatived, after a long and earnest discussion, by two
      hundred and eleven against one hundred and six. Another discussion
      relative to the constitution arose on a motion by Mr. Tennyson, for leave
      to bring in a bill to shorten the duration of parliaments. In support of
      his motion, Mr. Tennyson enforced the ordinary topics, that the septennial
      act had been passed to meet a temporary emergency; that it had originally
      been an exception from the rules of the constitution; that the consequence
      of it had been general corruption both among the electors and the
      representatives; and that it rendered the members too independent of their
      constituents, and in so far defeated the object of a representative
      government, and prevented the operation of the public opinion. There was a
      difference of opinion, he said, as to the number of years which ought to
      be fixed for the duration of parliaments, some being in favour of five,
      others of four, and others of three years. He thought they were bound to
      consult the general wishes of the people, and it appeared to him that they
      were in favour of triennial parliaments. At the same time, in the bill
      which he proposed to bring in, he intended to leave the term of future
      parliaments unfixed, so that it might form a subject of debate in
      committee. His bill contained two clauses, one to repeal the septennial
      act, and the other to determine the period of each parliament's existence.
      The resistance of the proposition was left to ministers themselves, and
      Lord Althorp's mode of getting rid of it was by moving the previous
      question. He was ready to acknowledge, he said, this was a question which
      he would support, if parliament were in the same situation as heretofore;
      but things were now changed, and he believed that the feelings and
      opinions of the people were fairly represented in that house. He did not
      think, therefore, that the same necessity existed for abridging the
      duration of parliaments, as before the passing of the reform bill. The
      motion was supported by Messrs. Cobbett, Kennedy, Shiel, and other
      members, and opposed by Lord John Eussell and Mr. Stanley. On a division,
      the previous question was carried by a majority of forty-nine, two hundred
      and thirteen having voted for it, and one hundred and sixty-four for the
      motion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO REMOVE THE CIVIL DISABILITIES OF JEWS.&mdash;PROROGATION OF
      PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period the Jews alone were the only class of the community whose
      religion affected their rights. Towards the close of the session Mr.
      Goulburn brought in a bill to remove their civil disabilities, and it
      passed the commons, but was thrown out on the second reading in the house
      of lords. The session was closed on the 29th of August by his majesty in
      person, who in his speech touched upon the various important measures that
      had this session occupied the attention of parliament. It may be mentioned
      that government had recently appointed a commission for inquiring into the
      state of corporations, and for digesting into one body the enactments of
      the criminal law, and inquiring how far, and by what means, a similar
      process might be extended to the other branches of our jurisprudence. It
      may also be mentioned that two important acts had been passed for giving
      constitutions upon sound principles to the royal and parliamentary burghs
      of Scotland, a change by which the whole system of self-election was
      entirely abolished. His majesty embraced all these topics in his speech.
      On the subject of Ireland his majesty expressed his regret that coercive
      measures had been necessary; but he had not found it desirable, except in
      a very limited degree, to use the powers confided to him, and he hoped
      that the time was not far distant when repressive laws might be no longer
      unavoidable.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1832-1833
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year a prospect of the close of the dreadful calamities which
      had so long weighed down the people of Portugal dawned upon them. At its
      commencement Oporto still continued to be the scene of operations; the
      regent occupying that city, and Don Miguel maintaining his positions and
      his battery on the left bank of the river and to the north of the city
      itself. The operations continued to consist of partial bombardments across
      the river, or engagements of detachments, occasionally varied by more
      regular attacks and sallies to destroy works already erected, or prevent
      new ones from being raised. There was not much blood shed, and the results
      of the operations made no decisive or permanent change in the relation of
      the armies to each other. At the beginning of March, indeed, a battle was
      fought, in which it was stated that the Miguelites lost fifteen thousand
      men, and their adversary only one hundred; but still it left matters where
      it found them&mdash;Oporto was still besieged. At length, however, a
      decisive blow was struck at the power of Don Miguel on the seas. While the
      operations on land were going forward, Don Pedro was involved in a
      dangerous quarrel with his admiral, Sartorius, which resulted in his
      giving up the command of the fleet, and with his being replaced by another
      British officer, Captain Napier. Under his command an expedition sailed to
      the Algarves, the most southern province of the kingdom, having on board
      two thousand five hundred men, commanded by the Duke of Terceira, for the
      purpose of invading that part of the country. The cities of Tavira, Faro,
      and Lagos were soon captured, and in the course of a week the whole
      province of Algarves was in possession of Don Pedro. But a still heavier
      blow awaited Don Miguel. Admiral Napier, having disembarked the troops and
      witnessed their success, set sail to return to the mouth of the Tagus to
      watch the squadron of Don Miguel, or bring it to battle. He fell in with
      it on the 2nd of July, off Cape St. Vincent, and a battle ensued, in which
      the squadron of Don Miguel was annihilated. He had now only the land to
      trust to, and there he was soon defeated. Having regained the province of
      Algarves, the Duke of Terceira marched towards Lisbon, and having reached
      the left bank of the Tagus he was encountered by an army said to have
      consisted of five thousand men, under the command of Talles Jordao. The
      battle was brief, and the victory complete: Jordao was routed, his army
      scattered, and he himself killed. The effect of the battle was to put Don
      Pedro's troops in possession of Lisbon: they entered unmolested on the
      24th of July, and Donna Maria was immediately proclaimed Queen of
      Portugal. As soon as Don Pedro received intelligence of what had taken
      place at Lisbon, he sailed from Oporto to assume the government. The war
      was now transferred to Lisbon; and a series of battles took place between
      the troops of Don Pedro and those of Miguel, and the year closed before
      the contest was decided. Donna Maria, however, ruled in Portugal, and a
      British minister again presented himself at the court of the rightful
      sovereign of the country. The English government at the same time strictly
      adhered to the neutrality which it had imposed on itself; but, taught by
      experience, it did not trust to assurances of the same line of conduct
      from other powers, and especially from the court of Madrid. It prepared
      itself, indeed, for all events, by sending a powerful squadron under
      Admiral Parker to the Tagus, with orders to take an active part for Don
      Pedro the moment a Spanish force should appear in Portugal to assist Don
      Miguel.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in this year Greece received her youthful monarch. Otho was welcomed
      by the various chiefs and populace with all due marks of respect and
      obedience; and awakening from the torpor of ages, Greece took her place
      among the civilized nations of Europe. The kingdom was divided into ten
      departments:&mdash;1. Argolis and Corinth; 2. Achaia and Elis; 3. Messene;
      4. Arcadia; 5. Laconia; 6. Acarnania and Ætolia; 7. Locris and Phocis; 8.
      Attica and Beotia; 9. Eubcea; 10. the Cyclades. The local government of
      each department was assisted by a council; and at the head of each circle
      or district into which they were subdivided, was placed an eparch, with a
      distinct board. The first acts of the government were to disband the
      irregular troops, to organise a new and regular army, and to endeavour to
      provide something like an administration of justice. The disbanding of the
      irregular troops, however, did not contribute to the internal tranquillity
      of the country; on the contrary, it threw large numbers of savage men out
      of employment, and many of them formed themselves into bands for the
      purposes of plunder. One of these bands sacked the Turkish town of Arta,
      in Epirus slaughtering the inhabitants, and setting their houses on fire.
      The massacre lasted three days; after which the marauders, laden with
      booty, took refuge in the mountains.
    </p>
    <p>
      While Turkey was thus shorn of one of her European provinces, she was
      doomed to see a rebellious, but victorious vassal make himself master of
      her Asiatic territories. Ibrahim Pacha, who had during the last year
      opened a way across Mount Taurus, lost no time in descending into the
      plains of Caramania. Here he fought a great battle with the Turkish
      troops, under the command of the grand vizier, Redschid Pacha, whom he
      utterly defeated and took prisoner. Constantinople was almost at his
      mercy; there was no obstacle between Ibrahim and the shores of the
      Bosphorus; and he seemed to be only waiting for the arrival of fresh
      troops, which were on their march through Syria to join him, to traverse
      Anatolia and assail the capital. The danger, however, was averted by the
      exertions of the British government, assisted by that of France. The
      Egyptian army retired from Asia Minor; and the Russians, whom the Sultan
      had called in for its defence, and from whom he was in no less danger than
      from the sword of Ibrahim, left Constantinople. By a treaty which was
      concluded between the Sultan and Mehemet Ali, the former gave up the whole
      of Syria, granting at the same time an amnesty to all its inhabitants for
      the conduct which they might have followed during the expedition of
      Ibrahim. The Pasha of Egypt became by this treaty more powerful than the
      master from whom he had revolted; his rule extended from the limits of
      Asia Minor to the mouth of the Nile. A treaty was subsequently concluded
      between the Porte and Russia, in which the preponderating power of the
      latter was fully established. Russia was to aid the sultan in repressing
      all disturbances, and the sultan was to shut the Dardanelles, in
      particular circumstances, against all other nations. Both England and
      France complained that such a treaty had been concluded without their
      concurrence, and each of them had a fleet near the Sea of Marmora; but
      their remonstrances were unheeded, and their fleets returned. The popular
      and prophetic belief of the Byzantines, namely, that "the Russians in the
      last days should become masters of Constantinople," seemed to be rapidly
      approaching its fulfilment.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Belgian question had its origin in events antecedent to the formation
      of the present British cabinet, so that ministers were compelled to follow
      a course which had been adopted by their predecessors. When the revolution
      first broke forth in the Netherlands, the king called on his allies for
      troops. These were refused by the English government; but his next
      request, for the assembling of a conference, was granted. By subsequent
      acts of that assembly, the principle of separation between the two
      countries was established; and the task imposed on the present government
      was to settle the terms on which a separation should take place, so as to
      provide for the interest and security of all parties. The difficulties
      encountered in performing this task arose from the obstinacy of the Dutch
      monarch. By the armistice which his majesty had invoked in November, 1830,
      the citadel of Antwerp was to be evacuated in fifteen days; but the
      possession of that fortress enabled him to harass the Belgians, and to
      intercept their trade on the Scheldt, and therefore he refused to give it
      up. England and France, failing to obtain the co-operation of the other
      three powers, were obliged to have recourse to force: Antwerp was besieged
      by the French troops, and an embargo was laid on Dutch vessels by Great
      Britain. These vigorous measures disconcerted all the calculations of the
      Dutch monarch and of his partizans. At the beginning of this year Antwerp,
      supposed to have been impregnable, surrendered to Marshal Gerard. This
      event, together with the embargo laid on Dutch vessels, produced the
      convention of the 21st of May, by which the Belgian question was settled.
      This convention provided, "That immediately on the ratifications being
      exchanged, the embargoes laid on by Great Britain and France should be
      removed, and the vessels and cargoes restored, and that the Dutch garrison
      which had defended the citadel of Antwerp should return to Holland with
      all their arms and baggage: That Holland should not recommence hostilities
      against Belgium so long as a definite treaty had not settled their mutual
      relations; that the navigation of the Scheldt should be free, which was
      explained in a supplementary article to mean, that it was to be placed on
      the same footing as it had been prior to the 1st of November, 1812: That
      the navigation of the Meuse should be opened, subject to the provisions of
      the convention of Mayence of the 31st of March, 1831, relative to the
      navigation of the Rhine: That the communications between the frontier of
      North Brabant and Maestricht, and between that fortress and Germany,
      should be unimpeded: That the contracting parties should occupy themselves
      immediately with the definitive treaty, to which Austria, Prussia, and
      Russia should be invited to become parties." The King of Holland having
      agreed to these articles, the principal point of discussion remaining was
      that of compensation: in the meantime Europe was secured against the
      danger of a general war, arising from the differences which had existed
      between Holland and Belgium.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLIV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1834
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Meeting of Parliament..... Mr. O'Connell's Motion for the
     Repeal of the Union..... Divisions in the Cabinet.....
     Commission issued to inquire into the state of the Irish
     Church..... Irish Tithe Question..... Renewal  of Irish
     Coercion Bill..... Resignation of Earl Grey, etc......
     Rejection of the Irish Tithe Bill by the  Peers..... State
     of Ecclesiastical Questions, and the Claims of
     Dissenters..... Poor Laws Amendment Act..... The Corn-Law
     Question..... Financial Statements, etc...... Bill for the
     Removal of the Civil Disabilities of the Jews, etc......
     Disputes with France regarding the Newfoundland  Fisheries,
     etc...... Steam Navigation..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... Dissolution of the Cabinet..... Sir Robert
     Peel appointed Prime-Minister..... Dissolution of
     Parliament..... The Act abolishing Slavery in the West
     Indies carried into effect..... The Affairs of Ireland.....
     State of the Continent, etc.</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1834
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of February the session was opened by the king in person. In
      his speech his majesty alluded to the slavery abolition bill introduced
      last year, stating that the manner in which that beneficent measure had
      been received throughout the colonies, and the progress made in carrying
      it into effect by the legislature of Jamaica, afforded just grounds for
      anticipating the happiest results. Among the various important subjects
      still calling for consideration, his majesty enumerated reports from the
      commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of municipal
      corporations, into the administration of the poor laws, and into the
      ecclesiastical revenues of England and Wales. His majesty also recommended
      the early consideration of such a final adjustment of the tithes in
      Ireland as might extinguish all just causes of complaint, without injury
      to the rights and property of any class of his subjects, or to any
      institution in church or state. Concerning the state of Ireland, his
      majesty remarked that the public tranquillity had been generally observed,
      and that the state of Ireland presented a more favourable appearance than
      at any period during the last year. The speech then reverted to the
      agitations in Ireland for the repeal of the legislative union, which it
      denounced in the strongest terms. The chief point in our foreign policy
      noticed by the king related to the government of Spain. He remarked:&mdash;"Upon
      the death of the late King of Spain, I did not hesitate to recognise the
      succession of his infant daughter; and I shall watch with the greatest
      solicitude the progress of events which may affect a government, the
      peaceable settlement of which is of the utmost importance to this country,
      as well as to the general tranquillity of Europe." On the motion for an
      address in the house of lords, the whole policy of government, both
      domestic and foreign, was vehemently attacked by the Duke of Wellington,
      but no amendment was moved. In the commons, Mr. Hume, in opposition to the
      address said, that although there was a great deal in the speech about the
      independence of Turkey, and something about Portugal, &amp;c, yet there
      was not one word about poor tax-ridden England. He moved an amendment to
      the effect, that the house would pledge itself to take into its immediate
      and serious consideration the state of the established church, as regarded
      its temporalities and the maintenance of the clergy, and also with a view
      to the removal of complaints which arose out of the mode in which tithe
      and church-rates were levied, in order to accomplish such changes as might
      give effectual relief both to churchmen and dissenters. This amendment was
      negatived by a large majority; and another, altering the paragraph in the
      address to his majesty, expressive of the satisfaction of the house at the
      "uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessings of peace," shared the same fate.
      Mr. O'Connell moved that the clause referring to the agitation for the
      repeal of the union should be omitted; but this was also negatived by an
      overwhelming majority. On the bringing up of the report on the address, an
      incidental discussion arose on the coercion bill of last session, which
      gave rise to an extraordinary scene, and to the committal of Lord Althorp
      and Mr. Shiel to the custody of the serjeant-at-arms. A charge had been
      made by Mr. Hill, one of the members for Hull, that one of the Irish
      members who had voted against the coercion bill, went secretly to one of
      the ministers, urging him not to bate a single jot of that bill, or it
      would be impossible for any man to live in Ireland. Mr. O'Connell referred
      to this charge, and he put two questions to the chancellor of the
      exchequer respecting it&mdash;namely, whether he, or any other member of
      the cabinet, had ever stated that an Irish member had acted in such a
      manner, and whether any Irish member ever went to the noble lord, or any
      other minister, and made the statement which had been imputed to him. Lord
      Althorp replied in the negative to both these questions; but, he added,
      that he should not act a manly part, if he did not declare that he had
      good reason to believe that more than one Irish member who voted and spoke
      against the bill, did in private conversation use very different language.
      A scene of confusion and crimination then ensued, in which Lord Althorp
      charged Mr. Shiel with being one of the gentlemen who had so acted, which
      Mr. Shiel denied in terms which left the house under the impression that a
      duel between those two members would ensue. Upon the motion of Sir Francis
      Burdett, both were placed under arrest until assurances were given that
      the matter should not lead to the apprehended results. Subsequently a
      committee of privileges was appointed to examine into this affair, and it
      appearing to the committee that there was no evidence to establish the
      charge, they made their report in favour of Mr. Shiel. Mr. Hill himself,
      finding that he had been deceived, acknowleged his error; and Lord Althorp
      said, that if Mr. Shiel would distinctly say that he had not done what his
      lordship had stated he had done, he should be bound to believe his
      assertion. Mr. Shiel readily made this statement, and thus ended this
      ridiculous interlude. Many believe that the subject was obtruded upon the
      house as much from a hope of embarrassing a rival in the work of
      agitation, as from a desire to vindicate the character of a friend. The
      public in general, however, looked on the matter with indifference.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MR. O'CONNELL'S MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE UNION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. O'Connell had long made his boast in Ireland, that he would bring
      forward the question of the repeal of the union in the British parliament.
      His courage, from his non-performance of this promise, began to be
      doubted; and to save his credit, he was obliged to bring himself to trial.
      On the first day of the sessions he had given notices of two motions: one
      that the house should take the act of union into consideration, with a
      view to its repeal; the other for the appointment of a "select committee
      to inquire and report on the means by which the dissolution of parliament
      was effected&mdash;on the effects of that measure upon Ireland, and upon
      the labourers in husbandry, and the manufacturers in England&mdash;and on
      the probable consequences of continuing the legislative union between both
      countries." He proceeded only with the last of the two motions, and he
      brought that forward on the 22nd of April. He commenced by declaring that
      there had never existed a greater mistake than to suppose that England
      possessed any right of dominion over the former country. He then entered
      at great length into the incompetency of parliament to pass the act of
      union; and having detailed the means by which it was accomplished, he
      proceeded to prove that the financial and legislative terms on which the
      great question had been settled were in their very nature fraudulent and
      unjust. Looking at these circumstances, he said, he dreaded the probable
      consequences of a continuance of the union. Ireland felt strongly on the
      subject; and he demanded that the bitter recollection of the past should
      be for ever effaced by the restoration of her people to their inalienable
      rights. Mr. O'Connell was answered at great length by Mr. Spring Rice, who
      enumerated the manifold advantages gained by Ireland from the union. He
      moved, therefore, that an address be presented to his majesty, expressive
      of the fixed and steady determination of the commons to maintain inviolate
      the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland&mdash;a
      determination to be justified, not only on general grounds, but by reasons
      of special application to Ireland itself; declaring also, that while the
      house endeavoured to remove all just causes of complaint alleged by the
      Irish people, it would promote every well-considered measure of rational
      liberty. The debate on the subject was continued by adjournment for
      several days. The members who took part in it were&mdash;for the original
      motion, Messrs. O'Connor, Barron, Ruthven, Shiel, and others; and for the
      amendment, Messrs. Tennent, Littleton, Sandford, Lambert, and Sir Robert
      Peel, and others. Perhaps the most effective speech was that which was
      delivered by Sir Robert Peel, who said, he believed that no array of
      official documents, and no force of argument, could strengthen the
      conviction of the great majority of the house&mdash;a conviction that lay
      deeper than any argument could reach&mdash;that they would on no account
      consent to dismember the British empire. There were convictions connected
      with the feelings of the heart as well as with the faculties of the mind.
      Mr. Canning had said, "Repeal the union! re-enact the heptarchy!" The
      security of the empire depended on the maintenance of that union; without
      it England would be reduced to the condition of a fourth-rate power in
      Europe, and Ireland to the desolation of a wilderness. On a division the
      amendment was carried by the triumphant majority of five hundred and
      twenty-three against thirty-eight; the minority, with one exception only,
      consisting of Irish members. On the 30th of April the commons, in a
      conference, communicated their address to the lords, who, in one spirit,
      unanimously concurred in its sentiments, and ordered the blank, which was
      purposely left, to be filled up with the words, "lords spiritual and
      temporal." It was then presented to the king as the joint address of both
      houses; and his majesty, in reply, expressed the great satisfaction with
      which he had received the solemn and united declaration of both houses to
      maintain the union inviolate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In opposing the repeal of the union, ministers carried along with them the
      sense and feeling of the people; that was a question on which no man
      differed from them except O'Connell and his followers. Questions, however,
      connected with the Irish church stood in a different light.
    </p>
    <p>
      The agitators supported the repeal as a measure tending not more to
      perpetuate their own domination, than to secure the ruin of the Protestant
      establishment. Many, also, who resisted repeal, still demanded changes and
      curtailments in that establishment, they considering it the principal
      cause of all the turbulence and misery afflicting Ireland. There were
      others again who disliked it, not because it was a Protestant, but because
      it was a religious establishment; and such men inveighed against what they
      termed an unhallowed connection between church and state, and the
      practical injustice of compelling persons of one belief to support the
      institutions of a different creed. This party was ready to attack, not
      only the revenues, but the very existence of the Irish church, as the
      first step towards the destruction of that of England. Union in the
      cabinet, coupled with a determination not to be driven further than
      themselves were inclined to go, might have rendered ministers sufficiently
      strong to defy such destructive reformers. Unfortunately, however, on this
      question, the cabinet itself was divided. One portion of the ministers,
      numerically the strongest, seemed inclined to admit the principle of
      appropriation, which they had repudiated in the bill of last session, by
      withdrawing the clause in which it was contained. On the other hand, the
      minority, however willing to remove striking and useless inequalities in
      the distribution of the ecclesiastical revenue, and to adopt measures
      which would prevent irritating collisions in its collection, resisted on
      principle any transfer of it to other purposes; and they especially
      refused to acquiesce in proposals for making the Protestant establishment
      depend on the comparative strength or weakness of the Romish church. This
      discordance of opinion would have prevented ministers from starting the
      subject; but it was forced on them by a numerous party, which made up in
      fury and zeal what was lacking in knowledge and discretion. On the 27th of
      May, Mr. Ward, one of the members for St. Albans, moved a resolution for
      reducing the temporalities of the Irish church, as exceeding the spiritual
      wants of the Protestant establishment. This motion gave rise to a division
      in the cabinet. In supporting his proposition, Mr. Ward contended that
      vital and extensive changes in the church of Ireland had now become
      unavoidable on the grounds of mere expediency. The tithe system, he said,
      was the source of all the disorganisation that prevailed in Ireland.
      Resistance to it was almost universal, comprehending both Catholics and
      Protestants. Commutation, he argued, would do no good; a new appropriation
      of church property alone could produce even a momentary calm. Mr. Ward's
      motion was seconded by Mr. Grote, who said that the means of relief must
      be suggested from a higher quarter when once the principle was recognised.
      Lord Althorp here arose to request the house to adjourn, in consequence of
      circumstances which had come to his knowledge since he had entered the
      house. He could not at present, he said, state the nature of these
      circumstances; but the house would doubtless believe that he would not
      make such a proposition without being convinced of its propriety. The
      house adjourned, according to Lord Althorp's request; and it appeared that
      the circumstances to which he had alluded, and which had been communicated
      to him while Mr. Ward was speaking, was the resignation of those ministers
      who would not consent to the principle which his motion involved. Those
      who resigned were Mr. Stanley, colonial secretary; Sir James Graham, first
      lord of the admiralty; the Duke of Richmond, postmaster-general; and the
      Earl of Ripon, lord privy-seal. These vacant offices were soon filled up:
      the Marquis of Conyngham became postmaster-general; the Earl of Carlisle
      accepted the privy-seal; Lord Auckland became the first lord of the
      admiralty; and the colonial office was filled up by Mr. Spring Rice. Lord
      Althorp stated afterwards that he was not aware of the necessity of these
      changes till after he had entered the house on the 27th; and the
      adjournment seems to have arisen from the fear that the retirement of
      these ministers would bring along with it the resignation of the whole. An
      address was got up and presented to Earl Grey by a great number of the
      ministerial adherents in the commons, entreating his lordship to retain
      his place; but though, in reply he announced his intention of making every
      personal sacrifice that might be required of him in support of the
      principles of the administration, he admitted that much embarrassment, as
      well as mischief, was produced by the reckless desire of innovation. The
      embarrassment of ministers was rendered still greater by the king himself,
      who, in reply to an address presented to him by the Irish bishops on the
      28th of May, on behalf of the Irish church, remarked with peculiar
      emphasis:&mdash;"I now remember you have a right to require of me to be
      resolute in defence of the church. I have been, by the circumstances of my
      life and by conviction, led to support toleration to the utmost extent of
      which it is justly capable; but toleration must not be suffered to go into
      licentiousness: it has its bounds, which it is my duty, and which I am
      resolved to maintain. I am, from the deepest conviction, attached to the
      pure Protestant faith, which this church, of which I am the temporal head,
      is the human means of diffusing and preserving in this land. I cannot
      forget what was the course of events that placed my family on the throne
      which I now fill. These events were consummated in a revolution, which was
      rendered necessary, and which was effected, not, as has sometimes been
      most erroneously stated, merely for the sake of the temporal liberties of
      the people, but for the preservation of their religion. It was for the
      defence of the religion of the country that the settlement of the crown
      was made which has placed me in the situation which I now fill; and that
      religion, and the church of England and Ireland, the prelates of which are
      now before me, it is my fixed purpose, determination, and resolution to
      maintain. The present bishops, I am quite satisfied, have never been
      excelled at any period of the history of our church by any of their
      predecessors in learning, piety, or zeal in the discharge of their high
      duties. If there are any of the inferior arrangements in the discipline of
      the church&mdash;which, however, I greatly doubt&mdash;that require
      amendment, I have no distrust of the readiness and ability of the prelates
      now before me to correct such things; and to you, I trust, they will be
      left to correct, with your authority unimpaired and unshackled."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMISSION ISSUED TO INQUIRE INTO THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of June, when the house reassembled, Lord Althorp stated that
      Mr. Ward's motion had compelled ministers to take up the question of the
      Irish church; and he informed the house that his majesty had appointed a
      commission of inquiry into the state of church property and church affairs
      generally in Ireland. This commission, he said, was to be a lay
      commission; and it was to visit the different parishes and districts
      throughout Ireland; to inquire on the spot into the number of Protestants
      in each parish; whether that number was stationary, increasing, or
      declining; whether it was a benefice, or if a parish forming part of a
      union; the distance and number of churches and chapels; the situation of
      the clergyman, how paid, and whether resident or non-resident; the times
      which divine service was or had been performed; the number of Protestants
      attending such service; and whether that attendance was stationary, on the
      increase, or declining. Similar inquiries were to be made in each parish
      and district with respect to Roman Catholics, and to Dissenters of every
      description, as well as to the number and the nature of schools in each
      parish. The commissioners were further to make minute inquiries in all
      parishes, touching other matters connected with the Irish church or church
      property, and to report thereupon. Lord Althorp, after making these
      statements, said that Mr. Ward's motion went to pledge the house that the
      amount of church property in Ireland was beyond the wants of that
      establishment; and next, that parliament had a right to regulate the
      distribution of church property, and to determine upon the reduction of
      the Irish church revenues as now established by law. He was of opinion
      that the house should legislate deliberately upon so grave a question, and
      he trusted that Mr. Ward would withdraw his motion, and feel satisfied
      with what government had done. Mr. Ward, however, refused to withdraw his
      motion: he must press, he said, for a recognition of the principle,
      because, from what was passing around him, he was afraid that the present
      ministers would not long continue in office. Lord Althorp then moved the
      previous question, principally on the ground that, of all questions, this
      was one which most required much previous inquiry and detailed
      information. Mr. Hume, and Colonels Davies and Evans supported the
      original resolution, declaring that the shuffling mode of proceeding
      adopted by government in regard to this question, rendered it impossible
      to repose confidence in ministers. After a long debate the amendment,
      however, was carried by a majority of three hundred and ninety-six against
      one hundred and twenty. The majority would have been still larger, had not
      a considerable number of conservative members, unwilling to wear even the
      appearance of tampering with the question, left the house before the
      division. The subject was brought before the lords on the 6th of June, by
      the Earl of Wicklow, who moved an address to his majesty for a copy of the
      commission, a motion which Earl Grey said he would not oppose. Many of the
      peers embraced this opportunity of stating their objections to the
      commission, contending that the measures on which ministers appeared to
      have resolved would end in the ruin of the church. Concession, it was
      said, could not stop here; it must go on from step to step, till nothing
      was left to be conceded. Earl Grey denied that he and his colleagues
      looked forward to anything that could be justly called spoliation of the
      church; they contemplated a great alteration, but nothing more.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH TITHE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the meantime ministers had been proceeding with a bill for the
      amendment of the tithe system in Ireland, founded on principles which
      should extinguish tithe altogether as a payment to be demanded in kind,
      and should lay the burden, directly at least, on a different class of
      payers. The provisions of the intended measure were explained on the 20th
      of February, by Mr. Littleton, the Irish secretary, in a committee of the
      whole house, met for the purpose of considering the portion of the king's
      speech relating to this subject. Government, he said, proposed in the
      first place, that from and after the month of November next, composition
      for tithe should cease in Ireland, and in lieu thereof a land-tax should
      be imposed, payable to the crown, and to be collected and managed by the
      commissioners of woods and forests, of the same amount as the
      tithe-payment now exigible, and to be paid by the same parties who at
      present were liable. In the second place, he said, ministers proposed that
      this land-tax should be redeemable at the end of five years, by all who
      had a substantive interest in the estate. Thirdly, they proposed, he said,
      that so much of the land-tax as remained unredeemed on the 1st of
      November, 1839, should be converted into a real charge, equal to
      four-fifths of the land-tax, and payable by the owner of the first estate
      of inheritance in the land, who should be entitled to recover the whole
      amount over against his tenantry; these rent-charges would be redeemable
      or saleable for the best price to be had, not being less than the
      consideration for redemption of land-tax. In the fourth place, ministers
      proposed that the tithe-owners should be paid by warrants issued by the
      ecclesiastical commissioners for Ireland, and addressed to the
      commissioners of woods and forests: such payments to be of the amount of
      the compositions to which the tithe-owners might be severally entitled,
      subject to a deduction for the trouble, loss, and expense of collection.
      Finally, ministers proposed that on redemption of the land-tax or sale of
      rent-charges taking place, the payments by warrants were to cease; and
      that the redemption or purchase-money should be paid over to the
      commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, and to yield an
      interest of 2 1/4d. per diem. The money was to be drawn out from time to
      time, and invested in land, for the benefit of the tithe-owner entitled to
      the principal money. The great object of the measure, Mr. Littleton
      explained, was, if possible, to invest the produce of the land-tax and
      rent-charge in land, so as to give the tithe-owner £80 in land for every
      £100 tithe to which he had a claim. Where clergymen had already agreed to
      compositions, they would get tax to the same amount, redeemable on the
      same terms as in other cases; clergymen would, indeed, he said, be
      probably gainers of five per cent, by the change. Mr. Littleton concluded
      with moving the following resolution:&mdash;"That it is the opinion of
      this committee, that composition for tithes in Ireland ought to be
      abolished on and after the 1st day of November in the present year, in
      consideration of an annual land-tax to be granted to his majesty, payable
      by the persons who would have been liable to such composition for tithes,
      and of equal amount; that such tax shall be redeemable; and that out of
      the produce provision be made in land or money for the indemnification of
      the persons entitled to such composition." The moderate members reserved
      their opinions until the details of the measure should be more fully
      before the house; but Messrs. O'Connell, O'Conner, Shiel, Grattan, and
      others of the same class, attacked it with unmeasured violence. The bill
      did not abolish tithe, and therefore it was not a bill to suit their
      notions. Of all the delusions which had ever been practised, they said,
      this was the most gross. Did ministers, they asked, think so meanly of the
      people of Ireland as to imagine that a change of name would be mistaken
      for a change of the thing, or that tithes would become less odious by
      being called a land-tax or an annuity? The people of Ireland objected not
      merely to the amount of tithes paid, but to the application of the funds
      thence arising: the objection to tithes was double, and now that objection
      would mix itself with rents. The landlords of Ireland must now look to
      themselves, for the principle upon which opposition to tithes had hitherto
      been conducted would forthwith be applied to rents: the Irish people would
      not regard the present measure as the smallest alleviation of their
      misery. Mr. O'Connell proposed that two-thirds of the existing tithes
      should be abolished, the remaining third being left as a quit-rent on the
      land; and after providing for the life-interest of present incumbents, he
      said, he would apply the produce to relieving the landlord from grand-jury
      assessments, to the support of charities, and to other public purposes.
      Mr. Barron proposed that the tithe levied, to which he did not object,
      should be restored in part to the poor, they originally having had an
      interest in it. Mr. Grattan proposed a third scheme: he wished parliament
      to recognise the liability of property in Ireland to contribute to a fund
      for the support of religion and charity, but he wished also that such a
      fund should be different in collection and lighter in its amount than that
      now raised by the system of tithes. Lord John Russell characterised Mr.
      O'Connel's plan as one of direct robbery and spoliation, which would be
      advantageous to none but landowners. On a division the original motion was
      carried by a majority of two hundred and nineteen against forty-two. A
      bill founded upon it was then brought in; and on moving the second reading
      on the 2nd of May, Mr. Littleton mentioned certain alterations which had
      been introduced into the measure, evidently for the purpose of
      conciliating Irish members. The principal changes were that instead of a
      varying rate of deduction on account of the trouble and expense of
      collecting, there should be one uniform deduction of fifteen per cent, to
      tithe-owners, to be increased two and a half in cases where landlords had
      already taken upon themselves the payment of compositions; and that when
      leases of tithes had been made to the possessors of lands, the rent
      reserved on such leases or the composition, whichever was the smaller in
      amount, should be the measure of the land-tax; but the incumbent lessee
      was to receive the amount of the rent, subject to a reasonable charge for
      deficiency, the deficiency being made good out of the funds arising from
      the deductions. But no change could conciliate the Irish members: their
      opposition continued not only unrelaxed, but it even increased in
      violence. No plan, indeed, would have been acceptable to them which did
      not recognise the principle of despoiling the Protestant church. The new
      bill, they contended, would be as inefficient to tranquillise Ireland as
      its predecessors had been; and that a new insurrection act and an
      additional army would be necessary. The second reading, from the hostility
      of the Irish members, was not carried without long debates and various
      manouvres; and even the conservative members aided in delaying the
      measure. Their objection to it was not that it left too much to the
      clergy, but that it took too much from them. They deemed it necessary,
      however, to support ministers, in order to prevent worse measures from
      being brought forward. It was their belief | that the money to be secured
      by the present measure was to be applied exclusively to the purposes of
      the church. This belief was somewhat shaken by Lord John Russell, who
      stated that he understood the bill to be one for securing a certain fund
      appropriated to religious and charitable purposes; and if parliament found
      it was not so applied, it would be its duty to consider of a new
      appropriation. His own opinion was, he said, that the revenues of the
      church of Ireland were too large for the religious and moral instruction
      of the persons belonging to that church, and for the safety of the church
      itself. When, therefore, this property was once successfully vindicated
      against those who unjustly withheld it, he would be prepared to do justice
      to Ireland, for if ever a people had reason to complain of a grievance it
      was the people of Ireland, in relation to the present appropriation of
      tithes. These sentiments were hailed by some of the Irish members as
      announcing an approaching concession of all their demands, while others
      who thought differently complained that, if such were the intentions of
      government, they had been induced by a false belief to receive the bill
      with favour, even at the sacrifice of some of their own convictions. On a
      division, the second reading of the bill was carried by a majority of two
      hundred and fifty against fifty-four, the greater part of the minority
      being Irish members.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the bill went into committee, lengthy debates ensued, and several
      important alterations were introduced into it from the opposition
      encountered. Thus the enemies of the Protestant church had loudly
      declaimed against the provision by which the redeemed land-tax was to be
      vested in land, and the land vested in the tithe-owner; and in consequence
      of this opposition that part of the bill which invested the revenues of
      the church in land, and consequently the redemption clauses were dropped.
      The composition was to be converted into a land-tax payable to the crown
      by the same parties who were now liable for the composition. The amount so
      collected was to be paid to the tithe-owners, subject to a deduction of
      three per cent. This state of things was to continue five years, at the
      end of which period four-fifths of the land-tax was to be converted into a
      rent-charge to be imposed on the owners of estates of inheritance, who
      should have the power of recovering it from their tenants, and all others
      who were primarily liable under the existing composition laws. The amount
      of these rent-charges was to be received by the crown, and to be paid by
      the crown to the tithe-owners, subject to a further reduction of two and a
      half per cent. for the expense of collection. Another objection to the
      bill had been that under the composition-acts, the tithe had been valued
      too high, and the payers determined to pay no tithe, and had even failed
      to attend the commissions by whom the composition had been struck. Effect
      was now given to this objection by the insertion of a provision conferring
      a power of appeal against the valuation of the amount of tithe-composition
      in certain cases and under certain restrictions. All the concessions made,
      however, failed to conciliate the Irish members. What was required by them
      was, a legislative declaration to the effect that the tithe should be
      diverted from Protestant religious purposes. On the 23rd of June, Mr.
      O'Connell moved as an instruction to the committee, "that after any funds
      which should be raised in Ireland in lieu of tithes had been so
      appropriated as to provide suitably, considering vested interests and
      spiritual wants, for the Protestants of the established church of Ireland,
      the surplus which remained should be appropriated to purposes of public
      utility." This motion was seconded by Mr. Hume, and it led to another long
      debate, in which all the usual topics were again urged on both sides. This
      resolution, however, was lost by a majority of three hundred and sixty to
      ninety, and on the 30th of June the order of the day was moved for going
      into committee. This step was prefaced by the announcement of new and
      extensive alterations in the bill. It was now proposed to offer an
      inducement to the imposition of voluntary rent charges, by exacting that,
      in any case where the owner of the first perpetual estate in the land
      should be willing to subject his estate to a rent-charge in lieu of
      land-tax, and should declare his intention to that effect before the 1st
      of November, 1836, the land-tax should then cease, and his property should
      become liable to a rent-charge, which should be a sum equal to the
      interest at three and a half per cent, on the amount of the land-tax
      multiplied by four-fifths of the number of years' purchase which the land
      might be fairly worth. Mr. Littleton said he thought that the landowners
      should be subject to no greater interest than three and a half per cent,
      on the amount of the land-tax thus determined by the proportion of years'
      purchase of the land, but that the difference between the amount of the
      rent-charge and the amount of the land-tax should not be less than twenty
      per cent, or more than forty per cent, on the amount of such land-tax. The
      difference, he continued, between the bonus given to the landlord and the
      deduction made from the tithe-owner, which deduction was to remain as
      originally proposed, would produce a considerable deficiency in the funds
      accruing to the commissioners of land revenue. It was proposed at first to
      make up this deficiency in the first instance from the consolidated fund,
      and to repay it from the perpetuity purchase-fund in the hands of the
      ecclesiastical commissioners under the act of last session. Finally, in
      all cases where a rent-charge should not have been voluntarily created
      before the expiry of five years, a rent-charge equal to four-fifths of the
      land-tax would be compulsorily imposed. Mr. O'Connell taunted ministers
      with weak and vacillating conduct, and insisted that the bill should not
      go into committee till it had been printed with the new clauses. The bill,
      he argued, was no longer the same: it had been altered again and again;
      eight additional clauses not originally contained in it, had already been
      inserted, and now came a fresh quantity of matter. Familiar as he was with
      the subject, he was not sure that he understood the new alterations, and
      he was quite sure that nine-tenths of the members did not understand them.
      Messrs, Stanley and Shaw joined Mr. O'Connell in thinking that some
      postponement was reasonable and necessary. Mr. Stanley said that it would
      be more decent to give time for the great alterations in view, and the
      deviations from the principles formerly adopted to be deliberately
      considered, after the bill should be again printed and put into the hands
      of members. The objection to proceeding with the bill was so forcible that
      Mr. Stanley's proposal was acceded to, and the committee was postponed. On
      the 4th of July, the house having gone into committee on another bill
      connected with the Irish church, Mr. Littleton explained more in detail
      the mode of fixing the bonus to be given to the landlords who submitted to
      voluntary rent-charges and the financial effects of it on the consolidated
      fund. He moved "that for any deficit which might arise in the sums
      accruing to the commissioners of woods and forests out of the land-tax or
      rent-charges, payable for the composition of ecclesiastical tithes in
      Ireland, to the payment of which the consolidated fund was pledged, that
      fund should be indemnified from the revenues in the hands of the
      ecclesiastical commissioners, and out of the perpetuity purchase-fund,
      placed at their disposal by the act of last session, entitled the Irish
      church temporalities act." After a few words from Messrs. O'Connell and
      Hume, and some other members, Mr. Stanley attacked the measure and the
      proceedings of his former colleagues in a vehement harangue. He opposed
      the resolution, he said, because it was both impolitic and dishonest;
      because it was at variance with the great principle, which for the last
      three or four years it had been the object of government to abolish,
      namely, the final extinction of tithes in Ireland by means of redemption;
      and because it seemed to him to be the commencement of a new system of
      plunder, and that too by a system of plunder not characterised by the
      straightforward course which bold offenders followed, but marked with that
      timidity, that want of dexterity, which led to the failure of the
      unpractised shoplifter. He believed that government was committing great
      injustice, and would yet fail in its aim; that the country was against
      this injustice, and that Ireland after it had been perpetrated would not
      be more tranquil; and therefore he would take the sense of the committee
      on the resolution now proposed. Lord Althorp replied to Mr. Stanley, and
      vindicated the resolution from the charge of spoliation. He did not see,
      he said, how it could be spoliation to take property not from a
      corporation, but from a mass of different corporations, and apply it to
      other purposes, if, in doing this, he was giving security to the church.
      Mr. Hume said he believed in his conscience that ministers were afraid of
      their late colleague, and intimated his intention of acting with him. He
      moved an amendment the effect of which would be to re-enact the 147th
      clause of the act of last session, by substituting for the original
      resolution the following:&mdash;"That the surplus monies to the credit of
      the ecclesiastical commissioners in the perpetuity purchase-fund, to be
      kept by the said ecclesiastical commissioners pursuant to an act of last
      session of parliament, should be applicable to such purposes, for the
      adjustment and settlement of tithes in Ireland, as by an act of parliament
      of this session should be provided." This amendment gave rise to a lengthy
      and sharp debate, but it was thrown out by a large majority, and the
      ministerial resolution was then carried by two hundred and thirty-five
      votes against one hundred and seventy-one. At this stage, however, the
      progress of the bill was arrested for a time by circumstances to which it
      becomes necessary to advert, those circumstances being calculated by their
      moral and political effects on the composition of government, and on the
      relations of parties, to exercise a great influence on the spirit of all
      subsequent measures.
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    <h2>
      RENEWAL OF THE IRISH COERCION BILL.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1834
    </p>
    <p>
      In the preceding session it had been found necessary to pass what was
      termed the coercion bill&mdash;a bill intended to put down that
      insurrectionary violence and combination which filled Ireland with crime
      and confusion. This act was to expire in August; and ministers, acting
      upon information received from various parts of Ireland, had determined to
      propose its renewal, omitting those parts that related to the trial of
      offenders, in certain cases, by courts-martial. There were, however, other
      provisions in the bill which the agitators of Ireland viewed with still
      greater dislike, they interfering with their own influence, by preventing
      those meetings which enabled them to work on the ignorance and passions of
      the misguided multitude. To escape from these restrictions was to Mr.
      O'Connell and his followers an object of greater importance than that the
      multitude whom they misled should be tried only by the regular tribunals
      of the country&mdash;that the peasant should have the benefit of the jury,
      or of an investigation by the civil magistrate. The lord-lieutenant of
      Ireland had recommended that the whole act should be renewed, with the
      exception of the clause relative to courts-martial; but on the 23rd of
      June, Earl Grey received a communication from him, stating that the
      provision against public meetings might also be omitted. What influence
      had been used with the Marquis Wellesley subsequently became the subject
      of much discussion. It appeared that certain members of the cabinet had
      been corresponding with him without the knowledge of Earl Grey, and that
      the object of their correspondence had been, not to insure more
      tranquillity in Ireland, but to smooth the way of ministers by making
      concessions to O'Connell and his adherents. On discovering this, Earl
      Grey, who dissented from such views, immediately wrote to the
      lord-lieutenant to reconsider the subject, taking nothing into account but
      what was fitting for Ireland. Lord Wellesley, however, still adhered to
      his recommendation, more especially if, by means of such omission, an
      extension of the term for the act could be obtained. The subject was now
      brought before the cabinet, and its members were found to be divided in
      opinion thereon. The minority, consisting of Lord Althorp, and Messrs.
      Grant, Rice, Ellice, and Abercromby, objected to a renewal of the clauses
      in question, though they acquiesced in the determination of the majority,
      that the bill should be proposed in the form desired by the premier. On
      the second reading of the bill, Lord Durham objected to the clauses
      regarding public meetings, when Earl Grey declared his dissent from him to
      be absolute; if he could not have proposed the bill with these clauses, he
      would not have proposed it at all. Without them, he said, the bill would
      be ineffectual, impolitic, and cruel: it would punish the miserable
      victims of delusion, and let those escape who supplied to Ireland the fuel
      of agitation and disturbance. In these sentiments the lord-chancellor
      coincided; the clauses, he said, were as necessary as any others.
      Attention must be paid to the cause of excitement, as well as to the
      parties excited; the clauses regarding public meetings no doubt were a
      suspension of rights; but so were all the other clauses of the bill, to
      which no objection had been raised. The second reading of the bill was
      carried without any serious opposition, and the committee was fixed for
      the 7th of July; but in the meantime disclosures were made in the commons,
      which stopped the progress of the bill in its present shape, and which led
      to the resignation of Earl Grey.
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF EARL GREY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Instead of meeting O'Connell with bold defiance, Mr. Littleton, the Irish
      secretary, had committed the fatal error of secretly negotiating with him,
      soothing him, and even entrusting him with the views and determinations of
      the cabinet, giving him assurances, or encouraging expectations, for which
      he had no authority. He seems to have expected some communication from the
      lord-lieutenant regarding the omission of the clauses; and he resolved,
      before the ministers or the cabinet had made any decision known to him, to
      communicate to O'Connell, under the seal of secrecy and confidence, the
      sentiments of the Irish government, and to communicate it as ensuring a
      similar determination on the part of government. He spoke of the propriety
      of acting thus to Lord Althorp, who said that he saw no harm in it; but,
      at the same time, entreated him to use extreme caution in his
      communication, and by no means to commit himself in what he said. Under
      these circumstances Mr. Littleton sent for Mr. O'Connell on the 20th of
      June, and made the desired communication, with an assurance that only a
      short measure for repressing agrarian disturbances would be proposed: and,
      also, that if the coercion bill was again thought necessary, he would not
      introduce it. In consequence of this interview, Mr. O'Connell promised his
      assistance in putting down disturbances; and he actually withdrew the
      repeal candidate whom he had started for the county of Wexford. To the
      dismay of Mr. Littleton, however, the premier and majority of the cabinet
      determined to retain the clause respecting public meetings, and he was
      compelled to belie his confidential communication. He had told Mr.
      O'Connell that he would not be the person to introduce the bill in that
      shape: and yet he did not resign when it was determined that the bill
      should be introduced in that shape alone. At the same time he communicated
      to Mr. O'Connell that his hopes could not be realised; but begged him to
      take no public notice of this until he should have seen Earl Grey's speech
      introducing the bill. Mr. O'Connell replied to him, that if he did not
      resign, he would be guilty of deception; and Mr. Littleton answered, "Say
      nothing of that to-day," or, "Wait till to-morrow." But with regard to the
      fact, whether such an answer was or was not given, both O'Connell and Mr.
      Littleton averred that what the other stated was not consistent with
      truth. Be this as it may, O'Connell thought he was not bound to secrecy;
      and on the 3rd of July, two days after the bill had been introduced in the
      lords, he asked Mr. Littleton whether it was true that the renewal of the
      coercion bill in its present shape had been advised and called for by the
      Irish government? Mr. Littleton answered that this was an unusual inquiry
      to make respecting a bill not before the house; but he would say that the
      introduction of the bill had the entire sanction of the Irish government.
      Mr. O'Connell again put his question, as to whether the bill had been
      called for by the Irish government? and not obtaining a more direct
      answer, he said, "I now ask the Irish secretary if it his intention to
      bring the bill forward in this house?" Mr. Littleton replied, "It will be
      for the government to decide as to its introduction here when the proper
      time arrives; but, whoever may bring in the bill, I shall vote for it."
      Mr. O'Connell then said, "Then I have been exceedingly deceived by him;"
      and the Irish secretary was driven to the necessity of stating the whole
      matter, and an angry discussion ensued. Two days afterwards Mr. Littleton
      tendered his resignation; but it was refused, his colleagues, as Lord
      Althorp stated in the house, valuing his services too highly to dispense
      with them on such grounds. The coercion bill passed through committee in
      the lords on the 7th of July, and on the same evening, in the house of
      commons, Lord Althorp, for the purpose of announcing its approach,
      presented papers relative to the state of Ireland, which he moved should
      be printed. This led to a discussion on the sentiments of the cabinet, and
      the change of opinion manifested by the Marquis Wellesley. Mr. O'Connell
      moved an amendment, that the papers should be referred to a select
      committee; and this being rejected by a large majority, he gave notice for
      the production of so much of the lord-lieutenant's correspondence as would
      explain the reason why he opposed a renewal of the coercion act on or
      about the 20th of June. Hitherto there had been no symptoms of change in
      the ministry, however unfortunate might be the figure which they had been
      compelled to make. They had even refused to accept the resignation of Mr.
      Littleton, whose indiscreet negotiations had been the source of all their
      embarrassments. Lord Althorp, however, seems now to have come to the
      conclusion that ministers would not be able to carry the bill through in
      its original form, for, on the very night of this discussion, he sent in
      his resignation, and persisted in retiring from office. The resignation of
      the chancellor of the exchequer involved that of Earl Grey. The prime
      minister, convinced that it was impossible for him to proceed when
      deprived of Lord Althorp's assistance, gave in his own resignation, which
      his majesty accepted. By the retirement of the head of the cabinet, the
      cabinet itself was dissolved; but no other resignation followed. The
      members of the old cabinet, indeed, resolved to remain together, and
      selected a new head; and Lord Melbourne, the home-secretary, was elevated
      to this post, and kissed hands on the 16th of July as first lord of the
      treasury. Lord Melbourne's first act was to inform the house that
      ministers did not intend to proceed with the coercion bill now before it,
      but that another bill, omitting certain clauses contained in the former,
      would immediately be brought into the house of commons. This announcement
      produced a vehement discussion, in which the conduct of government and
      some of its individual members was assailed by the Dukes of Wellington and
      Buckingham, and several other peers, who maintained, that since the
      Revolution, no instance had occurred of such inconsistency and
      tergiversation. A modified coercion bill, however, was introduced on the
      18th of July; and having been rapidly carried through the commons, passed
      the lords on the 29th, under a strong protest, signed by the Dukes of
      Cumberland and Wellington, with twenty-one other peers. This modified bill
      re-enacted only those parts of the former which referred to the
      proclamation of districts. The lord-lieutenant was to have power to
      proclaim any district which he thought necessary, and in these districts
      any meeting, not convened by the high sheriff of the county, was to be
      held illegal. No person was to leave his house between sunset and sunrise,
      except on lawful business; and constables were to have power to make
      people show themselves at any hour of the night when they might call at
      their houses. The operations of the bill were to cease on the 1st of
      August, 1835.
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    <h2>
      REJECTION OF THE IRISH TITHE QUESTION BY THE PEERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ministers having thus provided for the tranquillity of Ireland, by what
      they considered enactments of sufficient energy and severity, now returned
      to their tithe bill, which, according to them, was to be the great
      recompense of the temporary submission to a strained power of the law.
      Accordingly, on the 29th of July, the order of the day was read for the
      house resolving itself into a committee on the tithe bill. Mr. O'Connell
      moved as an amendment that the house should resolve itself into a
      committee that day six months. He did so, he said, on the ground that it
      was preposterous to go into a committee on a bill containing one hundred
      and twenty-two clauses at that period of the session, on the ground of the
      demerits of the bill itself, and on the ground that it would be time
      enough to legislate after the report of the commission which had been
      issued should have been received, a regular plan arranged and submitted,
      with all its details, and all necessary information, to a select committee
      composed of men of all parties. This amendment, however, obtained only
      fourteen votes in its favour, though others were carried in committee,
      which went to alter the operation and consequences of the bill. Thus Mr.
      O'Connell moved an amendment, the object of which was to relieve the
      tithe-payer immediately to the extent of forty per cent.; and in
      consequence of the accommodating language and coy resistance of ministers,
      it was carried by a majority of eighty-two to thirty-three. Additional
      concessions were also made in the committee; and even Mr. Shiel remarked
      that Ireland ought to be grateful. Such, indeed, was the departure from
      the original principles and arrangements of the bill that one hundred and
      eleven out of one hundred and seventy-two clauses were expunged. Thus
      altered, the bill was read a third time, and passed on the 5th of August.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the second reading of the bill in the lords, the peers were given to
      understand by Lord Melbourne that, if it was lost, government would
      propose no other grant to relieve the Irish clergy. He admitted, he said,
      that there might be reason for viewing with jealousy and distrust the
      quarter whence certain alterations made in the bill, subsequently to this
      introduction, proceeded; but, at the same time he did not think the
      arrangement bad for the church. The tithe for the future was to be
      received by the crown, and paid by the landlord, who, in return for the
      burden thus imposed on him, was to have a deduction of two-fifths or forty
      per cent, of the original composition. The incomes of the clergy, however,
      were not to bear the whole deduction, which was only to be twenty-two and
      a half per cent, on them; that is, twenty per cent, for increased
      security, and two and a half per cent, for the expenses of collection. The
      incumbents would, in fact, receive £79 10s. for every £100 without
      trouble, without the risk of bad debts, and without the odium which had
      hitherto attended the collection of tithe property. Another consequence
      was that the clergy would be relieved from the payment of sums already
      advanced to them from the treasury, as that charge would be laid on the
      landlord. In conclusion, he said that he thought the revision of existing
      compositions, made under the acts of 1823 and '32, was also a proper
      enactment. The bill underwent a complete discussion&mdash;the
      Conservatives seeing no security for the rights and interests of the Irish
      clergy in its provisions as now altered; while their opponents thought
      that it would be much more advantageous to the clerical body to obtain the
      sum proposed without risk, than to recover a smaller&mdash;if they
      recovered any at all&mdash;through scenes of blood and slaughter. The Earl
      of Ripon and the Duke of Richmond pursued a middle course&mdash;they
      wished the bill to go into committee in order to restore it to its
      original state; if unsuccessful there, they would vote against the third
      reading. The lords, however, were determined to reject it forthwith; and
      on a division the bill was thrown out by a majority of one hundred and
      eighty-nine against one hundred and twenty-two. By the rejection of the
      bill, the Irish clergy was thrown on the charity of the British public,
      who liberally responded to their demand: a large subscription was made to
      relieve their distresses.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF ECCLESIASTICAL QUESTIONS AND THE CLAIMS OF DISSENTERS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was not the Catholics alone who regarded the Protestant establishment
      with a jealous eye; there were discontents and heart-burnings, also, among
      dissenters. The great majority of the people of England adhered to the
      established church, yet the dissenters formed a numerous body, possessing
      in many instances great respectability, wealth, and influence. As a body
      they were impressed with the idea that, by the church being supported as a
      national institution, they were stamped with a mark of inferiority. Acting
      upon this impression, they very naturally employed the power with which
      they were now invested to bring down the established church to the same
      level on which they themselves stood; to annihilate all the rights,
      powers, and privileges which belonged to its members; and, by depriving it
      of all support from the funds of the state, convert it into a
      self-constituted religious community. Their great objects were to obtain
      those privileges from which they were excluded, and to be relieved from
      the necessity of supporting an establishment in the advantages of which
      they did not participate. The occasion was favourable for the enterprise,
      in consequence of the unsettled and uncertain state in which things stood,
      and the hopes held out by a ministry who seemed disposed to make
      concessions to all classes of men if they were but importunate. In
      accordance with their views, various petitions were presented by them to
      parliament in the beginning of the session, praying to be relieved from
      church-rates; and in many instances urging the separation of church and
      state, or recommending the general establishment of the voluntary system.
      These petitions, however, led to no other result but that of producing a
      strong expression of opposite opinions, and calling forth numerous
      anti-petitions, praying parliament to preserve the church inviolate.
      Ministers declared that they would listen to no proposition for its
      destruction; but, notwithstanding this, a motion was made by Mr. Rippon,
      the new member for Gateshead, to expel the bishops from the house of
      lords. This motion was seconded by Mr. Gillon, a Scotch member; but on a
      division it was lost by a majority of one hundred and twenty-five against
      fifty-eight. The minority seems to have been much larger than had been
      anticipated, for the announcement was hailed with loud cheers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the grievances of which the dissenters complained in their numerous
      petitions, none were more forcibly insisted on than their practical
      exclusion from degrees at Oxford and Cambridge, in consequence of its
      being required, as a preliminary, that they should conform to the church
      of England, or to subscribe to her articles. As a matter of civil right,
      they demanded that all religious tests should be abolished, and the
      universities thrown open for the education and graduation of men of all
      creeds. Exertions were made by them to get up petitions from the
      universities, and in one of them they succeeded. On the 21st of March Earl
      Grey presented, in the house of lords, a petition from certain members of
      the senate of the University of Cambridge, praying for the abolition by
      legislative authority of every religious test exacted from members of the
      university before they proceed to degrees, whether of bachelor, master, or
      doctor, in arts, law, and physic. On this occasion, as on others when
      similar petitions were presented, there was much incidental discussion of
      the merits of the demand. Ministers declared it to be just and proper, and
      showed an inclination to grant it; but no distinct motion was made on the
      subject till after the Easter recess. On the 17th of April, however,
      Colonel Williams moved an address to the king, "requesting his majesty to
      signify his pleasure to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge
      respectively, that these bodies no longer act under the edicts or letters
      of James I., 1616; by which he would have all who take any degree in
      schools to subscribe to the three articles' of the thirty-sixth canon,
      with the exception of those proceeding to degrees in divinity; nor to
      require the declaration, namely, 'that I am <i>bona fide</i> a member of
      the church of England,' nor any subscription or declaration of like effect
      and import." It was, however, thought for many reasons more advisable to
      proceed by bill; and Mr. Wood, one of the members for Preston, moved as an
      amendment for leave to bring in a bill to grant to his majesty's subjects,
      generally, the right of admission to the English universities, and to
      equal eligibility to degrees therein, notwithstanding their diversities of
      religious opinion, degrees in divinity alone excepted. The address was
      withdrawn; and after a discussion, in which even the introduction of the
      measure was opposed by Messrs. Goulburn and Estcourt, and Sir R. Inglis,
      three of the four members for the universities, it was carried by a
      majority of one hundred and eighty-five to forty-four. Although the
      Cambridge petition had been presented in both houses by members of the
      cabinet, and government had declared its entire concurrence in the prayer
      of the petitioners, neither the proposition for an address, nor that for a
      bill, was brought forward by ministers. They were favourable to the
      measure, however, and supported it by their speeches and votes. At the
      same time they wished that neither parliament nor the government should be
      pressed or hurried to intermeddle, before they could take up the matter
      with the prospect of terminating it in the best and most satisfactory
      manner. They hoped, they said, that as a portion of one of the
      universities was already inclined to it, the object, by allowing some time
      for consideration, might be effected with the concurrence of those learned
      bodies, and in a much better form, and to much better purpose, than if
      they were made reluctantly to act under the compulsion of a statute. That
      hope, however, was vain. Before the bill was brought in, the sentiments of
      the great mass in the two universities were fully expressed. It was soon
      discovered that the sixty-three petitioners at Cambridge, by offending the
      honest principles of many, and the party-spirit of others, had raised a
      storm which no argument or explanation could allay. Meetings were almost
      daily held, pamphlets were distributed on every hand, the public press
      joined in the contest, and the university pulpits resounded with the most
      awful denunciations. During the excitement at Cambridge, a
      counter-petition was signed by two hundred and fifty-eight members,
      resident and non-resident, comprising eleven heads of houses, eight
      professors, and twenty-nine tutors; while a second was signed by seven
      hundred and fifty-five under-graduates and bachelors of arts. These were
      presented on the 21st of April by the Duke of Gloucester in the lords, as
      chancellor of the university, and by Mr. Goulburn in the commons, as one
      of its representatives. A similar document was presented from the
      university of Oxford by Mr. Estcourt, and on the 9th of May a second
      petition was sent from Cambridge, signed by one thousand members of the
      senate who had not signed the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Mr. Wood brought his bill into the house soon after the Easter
      holidays, it was not till the 20th of June that he was enabled to move the
      second reading. Mr. Estcourt proposed as an amendment that it should be
      read that day six months. Mr. Herbert seconded the amendment. Messrs.
      Paten, Poulter, and Ewart spoke in favour of the bill, contending that the
      alteration was necessary, no less for the benefit of the universities,
      than in justice to the dissenters. By the present system the latter were
      impeded in their progress to the bar, by having to keep terms for five
      years instead of three; and were prevented from becoming fellows of the
      college of physicians, for want of academical degrees. These were positive
      and weighty grievances, which ought, it was urged, to be remedied. Mr.
      Spring Rice complained that it was unfair to treat the bill, not according
      to its own deserts, but according to measures which might or might not be
      immediately connected with that now under discussion. He asked what could
      be more inconsistently unjust than the practice of Cambridge, where
      dissenters were admitted so far as instruction was concerned, but then
      excluded from everything to which instruction ought to lead? They were
      admitted to the fullest and most complete course of study until the
      twelfth term, when, on being brought into fair competition with their
      fellow-students, the odious principle of exclusion intervened: the
      dissenter was told that, however obedient he had been to college
      regulations, however high the eminence he had acquired, still he would not
      be allowed the badge or symbol of his acquirements, simply because he was
      a dissenter. The house, indeed, had the benefit of experience; for in
      Dublin dissenters were admitted to degrees, though excluded from
      fellowships, and all participation in the internal management of the
      university. And what mighty mischiefs, he asked, had followed the
      admission? Was the university less orthodox in its principles? or less a
      Protestant foundation than before? Had the zeal of its public instructors
      been lessened, or their sphere of usefulness narrowed by this
      interference? It should be remembered that those on whom the exclusions
      fell were men of active and stirring spirits, men who wrould excite and
      probably guide the councils of those with whom they agreed in opinion. It
      had been said that the dissenters ought to found universities of their
      own. He concurred in that argument; but the English universities would not
      allow them to do this. When they proposed such a step, in order to educate
      the youth of their own persuasion, and reward them with those honours
      which the university denied, and thus sought to secure to themselves
      academical honours and privileges, the universities stepped forward and
      said:&mdash;"We will not only exclude you from our own seats, but will
      also prevent you from enjoying the advantages and privileges of a
      university of your own." This double ground of exclusion and prohibition
      was most undefensible. The colonial secretary was answered by Mr.
      Goulburn, who argued that in proportion as the friends of the bill
      enforced the danger of excluding dissenters, they rendered manifest the
      ruinous consequences of concession. If the dissenters really deemed it so
      great a hardship to be deprived of the empty honour of a degree, what
      would they say, if they were admitted to degrees, and found a bar raised
      against their admission to college emoluments and distinctions? Sir Robert
      Peel characterised the bill as an enactment intended to give to Jews,
      infidels, and atheists&mdash;to the man who professed some religion, and
      to the man who professed none&mdash;a statutable right of demanding
      admission into our universities. Sir E. Inglis and Lord Sandon opposed the
      bill, contending that it was impossible to establish any system of
      religious education in institutions into which persons professing
      different religious opinions were admitted. Lord Althorp, on the other
      hand, supported the bill, disclaiming at the same time any hostility to
      the established church. On a division the second reading was carried by a
      majority of three hundred and twenty-one against one hundred and
      seventy-four. In the committee the speaker gave his decided opposition to
      the bill; and some amendments having been made, it wras read a third time,
      and passed by a majority of one hundred and sixty-four against
      seventy-five. The bill was conducted in the lords by the Earl of Radnor,
      who moved the second reading on the 1st of August. The Duke of Gloucester,
      Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, denounced the bill as being not
      only uncalled for, but most unjust and mischievous. His royal highness
      concluded by moving as an amendment that the bill should be read a second
      time that day six months. He was followed by the Duke of Wellington,
      Chancellor of the University of Oxford, who sustained the same view of the
      question. The Earl of Carnarvon spoke against the bill; the Archbishop of
      Canterbury maintained the same side. Lord Melbourne admitted that the
      subject was surrounded with difficulties; that he did not altogether
      approve of the bill; but, notwithstanding this, the question being brought
      before the house, he would vote for the second reading of the bill,
      because he thought a question of such magnitude and importance was
      entitled to the fullest and most anxious consideration. Lord-chancellor
      Brougham supported the bill, because he thought it went to remove a
      practical grievance, without affecting the discipline of the universities
      or the safety of the church. The discussion was closed by the Bishop of
      Exeter, who, in a long and ingenious speech, opposed the bill in all its
      bearings. On a division, the amendment to reject the bill was carried by a
      majority of one hundred and eighty-seven against eighty-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another grievance of which the dissenters complained was, that they were
      liable to church-rates&mdash;that is, they were taxed towards the expenses
      of the established church. On the 21st of April Lord Althorp brought
      forward his plan for the mitigation of this evil in the shape of a
      resolution: "that, after a fixed time, church-rates should cease and
      determine; and, in lieu thereof, a sum not exceeding £250,000 should be
      granted from the land-tax to be applied to the expenses of the fabrics of
      churches and chapels in such manner as parliament should direct." He said
      that his intention was not merely to relieve dissenters, but likewise to
      provide for the fabrics of the church. This plan, however, did not suit
      the views of either churchmen or dissenters. The friends of the
      dissenters, indeed, immediately attacked it with unmeasured violence. Mr.
      Hume moved that all the words in the resolution should be expunged, except
      those which declared "that church-rates should cease and determine." The
      proposal, it was said, was a contemptible juggle, founded on the old
      financial principle that if money were taken out of the pockets of the
      people by indirect means, they would not be sensible of their loss. On the
      other hand, the friends of the church objected to the plan because it
      questioned the rights of the church, infringed on some of them, and left
      others on a foundation less sure than before; and all this without any
      reason in principle, and confessedly without any good result in practice.
      Lord Althorp, in his reply, expressed much surprise that the dissenters
      should receive the proposition so ungraciously; but expressed his
      determination to persevere in bringing it forward. On a division the
      original motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and fifty-six
      against one hundred and forty; but notwithstanding this majority, and the
      certainty of ultimate success, ministers proceeded no further with the
      measure. Churchmen considered that one advantage was gained, in the
      dissenters having been brought to disclose somewhat prematurely the real
      purposes which they had in view, and to proclaim opinions tending to the
      complete abolition of a religious establishment. Government were equally
      unfortunate in another attempt to gratify the dissenters, by allowing them
      to celebrate the marriage ceremony in their own chapels, and thus escape
      what was deemed by them a grievous oppression.
    </p>
    <p>
      The commutation of tithes in England was a subject still more complicated
      and difficult. It in fact involved so many interests of different kinds,
      and so many details requiring minute attention, that the adjustment of the
      question was a work requiring both time, patience, and circumspection.
      Lord Althorp brought forward the ministerial plan on the 15th of April,
      and it was contained in the following resolution:&mdash;"That it was
      expedient that the payment of tithes in kind should cease and determine,
      and that in the several parishes throughout England and Wales there should
      be substituted in lieu thereof a payment to the parties who might be
      entitled to such tithe, such payment bearing a fixed proportion to the
      annual value of all land whence tithe might be payable, that value to be
      ascertained throughout the several counties at large, striking an average
      on the parishes in each county; also that all owners of property liable to
      tithe be at liberty to redeem the same at the rate of twenty-five years'
      purchase." Lord Althorp then proceeded to develop his plan at great
      length; but its principles and details were so strongly objected to both
      by landlords and the clergy that the measure was dropped for the present.
      Lord Althorp stated as a reason for not going on with it, that he saw,
      from the state of the public business, and the time which would require to
      be devoted to the more urgent question of the amendment of the poor-laws,
      that there was no probability of its being brought to a successful issue
      before the termination of the session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POOR-LAW AMENDMENT ACT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1834
    </p>
    <p>
      One act was carried this session, which, in itself, is sufficient to
      signalise the administration under whose auspices it was brought forward.
      Soon after their accession to office the present ministry had issued a
      commission of inquiry into the state and operation of the poor laws. The
      inquiries of the commission were to be directed towards ascertaining what
      was the cause why, in some parts of the country, the poor-laws were
      considered a benefit by parishes, while in others their operation had been
      ruinous and destructive. The commissioners had made their report, and an
      abstract of the evidence which they had taken had been printed in the
      course of the preceding session. Government was so strongly impressed by
      that report, with a conviction of the evils produced by the system in many
      districts of the country, that they resolved to propose a remedy to
      parliament. On the 17th of April, therefore, Lord Althorp moved for leave
      to bring in a bill to alter and amend the laws relating to the poor. The
      necessity of interference was maintained on the ground that the present
      administration of those laws tended directly and indirectly to the
      destruction of all property, whilst their continued operation was fatal
      even to the labouring classes whom they had been intended to benefit. It
      was the abuse of the system, rather than the system itself, which was to
      be apprehended. Its worst abuses, indeed, were scarcely older than the
      beginning of the present century, and they had originated in measures
      intended for the benefit of that class of the community to whose interests
      and welfare they were now most destructively opposed. A feeling at that
      period prevailed that great discontent existed among the working classes,
      and a principle was then adopted in legislation, which, though humane and
      well intended, was found to produce the most baneful consequences. The
      36th of George III. laid down the principle that the relief to paupers
      ought to be given in such a manner as to place them in a situation of
      comfort. It might have been desirable to place all our countrymen in this
      situation; but to give relief in the manner prescribed by this statute was
      rather the duty of private charity than of the public legislature. The
      effect of this law had been to give the magistrates the power of ordering
      relief to the poor in their own dwellings, and the principle being
      followed up, led from bad to worse, until every spark of independence in
      the breast of the peasantry had been nearly extinguished. The parish must
      keep them, it was often said; and they did not care to obtain an honest
      livelihood by the sweat of their brow. The existing state of things had
      indeed reduced the labouring population in many districts to a state of
      deplorable misery and distress. It was evident that there were great
      dangers to be incurred if matters were left as they stood, and that it was
      absolutely necessary to adopt sounder principles, and to carry them into
      execution unflinchingly. In fact, there were examples already to be
      followed. In about one hundred parishes the evils of the system had
      compelled the inhabitants to adopt an approved mode of administration, and
      in every instance they had succeeded, although some of them had been
      completely pauperised. Where, again, the former system still prevailed,
      cultivation had been abandoned; so heavy was the pressure of rates, and so
      great the evils of mismanagement. The consequence of this was that the
      neighbouring parishes were compelled to support the poor; and it was
      evident that they also would soon be reduced to a similar situation if the
      system was not soon and effectually altered. It was on the grounds of this
      mischief, and the necessity of checking it, that Lord Althorp defended the
      principle of entrusting the poor-laws to a board of commissioners. He
      admitted that this was an anomalous course of legislation, and that the
      board would be entrusted with extraordinary powers. This, however, he
      argued, was rendered unavoidable by the necessity of the case; a
      discretionary power must be vested somewhere, in order to carry into
      effect the better principles to be introduced. But before extending any
      discretionary power, he continued, it would be necessary to fix a day on
      which the allowance system should cease; and in the bill it would be fixed
      in some of the summer months, when the labourers were in full employment.
      The allowance system, he said, was the foundation of almost all other
      evils; and until it was abolished, any attempt at amending the poor-laws
      would be nugatory.
    </p>
    <p>
      The allowance system being abolished, and the central board established,
      next came the powers of the commissioners. He proposed one uniform system
      operating over the whole country, in order to obtain which they were to
      have power to make general rules and orders as to the mode of relief, and
      for the regulation of workhouses, and the mode of relief afforded therein.
      As a check against any abuse, every such rule, order, or regulation so
      proposed by the commissioners would be submitted to the
      secretary-of-state: forty days were to elapse before it could be brought
      into operation, and during that period it should be competent, by an order
      in council, issued for that purpose, to prevent it from being carried into
      effect. The commissioners would further have power, he said, to make
      specific rules and orders for the regulation and mode of relief of the
      poor in separate districts and parishes: to form unions of parishes, in
      order to make larger districts; to arrange classifications of the poor in
      the same or different workhouses; to exercise a general control in such
      unions as might be established without their consent; and to dissolve
      unions which might now exist. Unions having been formed, each parish in
      the union would have to maintain its own poor, or contribute to the
      general fund the proportion of expense which it had hitherto borne by
      itself. The commissioners would likewise have power to call the attention
      of parishes and unions to the state of their workhouse establishments, and
      to suggest to them the propriety of adding to those formed, or of building
      separate and distinct establishments. Another fertile source of mischief
      had been the practice of ordering relief to the poor in their own houses.
      The bill would provide that justices should have no power for the future,
      thus bringing back the law to the state in which it had been previous to
      the year 1796. Other features of the bill, he explained, consisted in
      simplifying the law of settlement and removal; in rendering the mother of
      an illegitimate child liable for its support, and, for its ailment, to
      save from imprisonment the putative father to whom she might swear it. The
      great principles of the proposed plan, therefore, went to stop the
      allowance system; to deprive the magistracy of the power of ordering
      out-door relief; to alter, in certain cases, the constitution of parochial
      vestries; to give large discretionary powers to the commissioners; to
      simplify the law of settlement and removal; and to render the mother of an
      illegitimate child liable for its support. The bill by which these
      principles were to be carried into effect having been brought in, the
      second reading was opposed by Colonel Evans, one of the members for
      Westminster, and Sir S. Whalley, one of the members for Marylebone. The
      latter moved an amendment, that the bill should be read a second time that
      day six months. It was his opinion, he said, that the bastardy clause,
      which threw all the burden on the mother, on whom the odium rested
      already, thus held out a premium to immorality and an inducement to
      infanticide; and the clauses which effected the law of settlement would of
      themselves justify the house in throwing out the bill. His great
      objection, however, was to the board of commissioners. The board was
      unnecessary, for the principal existing defect consisted in the ratepayers
      not having sufficient control over the expenditure. If they were only
      vested with complete control over the poor-law management, the evils of
      the present system would soon disappear. He doubted whether the house had
      authority to give powers of the description proposed to any set of men&mdash;at
      all events it was impolitic. The bashaws whom the bill proposed to start
      into life would be omnipotent; they might do as they pleased, and account
      for their acts by merely stating it was their pleasure. There were to be
      no less than thirty-six discretionary powers vested in the commissioners;
      a degree of authority entrusted to three men of which the country afforded
      no parallel. Government ought to wait before they undertook any poor-law
      reform: the report of the commissioners had already led to the correction
      of many abuses, and time only was required to secure a trial to the
      greater part, if not all, of the recommendations that report contained.
      The amendment was seconded by Alderman Wood, and supported by Mr. Walter,
      a reforming representative of Berkshire. Messrs. Grote and Hume, and Sirs
      J. Scarlett and Francis Burdett, with other members who spoke on the
      occasion, all agreed that there was no good reason against the second
      reading of the bill, though none of them approved it as a whole. The
      chancellor of the exchequer argued in reply, that nothing had been stated
      which could be regarded as an ostensible reason for not going into
      committee; and that when in committee all matters which had been noticed
      would be open to consideration. The second reading was carried by a
      majority of three hundred and nineteen to twenty. In the committee a
      discussion took place as regarded the effect of the bill in establishing
      workhouses, a system which some members disliked; but the clause was
      retained. Another discussion also took place on the clause which allowed
      occupiers and owners to vote in vestries, the latter having accumulative
      votes proportioned to their property. It was objected to as being
      inconsistent with popular rights and good management; but it was
      nevertheless retained. The forty-fifth clause provided that it should be
      lawful for the commissioners, by such orders or regulations as they should
      think fit, to declare to what extent the relief to be given might be
      administered out of the workhouse. An amendment was moved, "that no rule
      or order of the commissioners shall prohibit the guardians of unions from
      giving relief out of the workhouse, to such of their sick or impotent
      poor, and to such widows, orphans, and illegitimate children, as they may
      think fit so to relieve." This amendment, however, was only supported by
      forty, while one hundred and forty-eight voted against it. In the clauses
      regarding settlement, settlement by having occupied a tenement, and having
      been assessed to the poor-rates for one year, and having paid such
      assessment, was added to settlement by birth and marriage.
    </p>
    <p>
      The clauses which laid the burden of supporting an illegitimate child on
      the mother, as if she had been a widow, gave rise to much discussion. Mr.
      Robinson moved that they should be omitted, he objecting to them chiefly
      on the ground that they removed the liability from the father. He did not
      object, he said, to so much of them as repealed certain acts affecting the
      mother, but to that part which let the father go free. The bill proposed,
      he said, that in case the woman should be unable to support the child, the
      liability should rest on the father, or if he were not alive, or being
      alive and not able to support it, then the liability was to fall on the
      grandfather or grandmother. Could the house, he asked, seriously entertain
      propositions of this nature, or consent to pass enactments so contrary to
      every principle of justice and humanity? Lord Althorp protested against
      these provisions being discussed as matters of feeling; they should be
      considered not as they affected one portion of society, but the whole of
      it; and looking at it in this point of view he was prepared to support
      this part of the bill as a boon to the female population. He left it as an
      alternative to the committee, that if this clause was struck out, the
      bastardy clauses should be wholly severed from the bill, and proceeded
      with in a future session of parliament. The general feeling in the house
      seemed to be that the clauses should be struck out, and the matters which
      they involved made the subject of a separate measure, or that they should
      be postponed till some middle term should be devised. The majority,
      however, preferred the latter alternative, and it was decided that the
      provisions in question should not be expunged. On the 21st of March Mr.
      Miles proposed a modified clause, which still refused any claim to the
      mother against the father, and gave no power of demanding security before
      the child was born; but it exposed him to a claim at the instance of the
      managers of the poor, in the event of the mother and the child becoming
      chargeable to the parish. The chancellor of the exchequer said he would
      have preferred the original provisions of the bill; but he acquiesced in
      the adoption of the proposed clause, because he saw that the opinion of
      the house was in its favour. Subsequently clauses were added,
      disqualifying the commissioners from sitting in parliament; requiring all
      general orders and regulations to be laid before parliament; and limiting
      the operation of the act, in so far as regarded the commissioners, to five
      years. The bill was read a third time and passed on the 1st of July. It
      was introduced to the lords on the day following, and the second reading
      was fixed for the 8th of July; but in consequence of the resignation of
      Earl Grey, it was not again brought forward till the 21st of July. The
      second reading was moved by the lord-chancellor, who, after giving an
      historical account of the progress of the poor-laws, pointed out the
      manner in which they had become the sources of so much evil. The bill
      found its most violent opponent in Lord Wynford, who moved as an amendment
      that it be read that day six months. He did not oppose it, he said, on the
      ground that there was not much in the administration of the poor-laws
      which required to be corrected, but because he conceived that the remedies
      proposed by the bill were partly unnecessary and partly inefficient, while
      some of them were perfectly tyrannical. The Earl of Winchilsea and the
      Dukes of Richmond and Wellington supported the motion for the second
      reading, though they did not approve of all the provisions of the bill.
      The division on the amendment gave seventy-six peers for the second
      reading, and only thirteen against it. In the committee Lord Alvanley
      proposed that the bill should be dropped. Lord Wynford urged strong
      objections to the central board of commissioners, but this was defended by
      the lord-chancellor, the Earl of Winchilsea, and the Duke of Wellington.
      The only alteration made in the clauses respecting them and their powers
      was an addition proposed by the Duke of Wellington, to the effect that
      they should be bound to keep a record of each letter received, the date of
      its reception, the person from whom it came, the subject to which it
      related, and the minute of any answer given to it, or made thereon, and
      also, where the commissioners differed, of the opinion of each
      commissioner, and that a copy of such record be transmitted to the
      secretary-of-state once a year-, or oftener if required. The Bishop of
      Exeter moved to substitute for the leading enactment in reference to
      bastardy, "That the father and mother of an illegitimate child, or the
      survivor of them, shall be required to support such child, and that no
      parish shall be bound to support such child whilst either parent is able
      to do so, and that all relief occasioned by the wants of such child shall
      be considered as relief afforded to the father and mother, or the survivor
      of them." This amendment, however, was negatived by thirty-eight votes
      against thirty-four; but the clause itself, being that which the house of
      commons, on the motion of Mr. Miles, had substituted for the original
      clause, was likewise rejected. On the third reading the Bishop of Exeter
      again brought the question before the house, by moving the omission of the
      clause which provided that any person marrying a woman who had an
      illegitimate child or children by another man, should be liable to
      maintain them. The original clause, however, was retained, although by a
      majority of only eleven, eighty-two voting for and seventy-one against it.
      Instead of the rejected clause which Mr. Miles had carried in the house of
      commons, clauses were introduced on the motion of the Duke of Wellington,
      enacting, that the putative father of any bastard child, so soon as such
      child became chargeable to the parish by the mother's inability to
      maintain it, should be liable to reimburse to the parish the expenses of
      its maintenance until it attained the age of seven years, on his paternity
      being proved before the quarter-sessions, but not without the testimony of
      the woman being corroborated by other evidence; that when a woman had had
      one bastard child, she should obtain no order in a subsequent case; that
      an order should be operative only till the child attained the age of seven
      years; that sums to be recovered from the putative father should be
      recoverable only by attachment or distress; and that he should not, in any
      case, be liable to imprisonment for costs. Subsequently, several other
      amendments were made of minor importance, as alterations in the allowance
      system, and in administering outdoor relief, &amp;c.; and the bill thus
      altered passed the third reading on the 8th of August, by a majority of
      forty-five against fifteen. On the 11th of August, when Lord Althorp moved
      the commons to agree to the lords' amendment, an amendment was moved that
      they should be read that day six months. This proposal was chiefly
      supported by those who were opposed to the bill altogether, or who wished
      it should be delayed till next session; but Lord Althorp declared that if
      it did not pass, he would not again bring it forward; and the amendment
      was negatived by a large majority. All the amendments of the lords were
      then agreed to, with the exception of the omission of the clause which
      provided for the instruction of pauper children in the religious creed of
      his surviving parent or god-parent, and entitled dissenting clergymen to
      visit workhouses at all times, for the purpose of religious instruction,
      at the desire of any pauper of any sect. This amendment was said to be a
      violation of the principle of religious liberty, and an insult to the
      small portion of good feeling towards dissenters which existed in the
      upper house, and it was rejected. Finally, the amendment of the commons
      restoring the clause which had been expunged, was agreed to by the lords,
      and thus the great experiment of a revision and alteration of the
      poor-laws commenced.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the great change effected in the poor-laws, no class of men could
      eventually expect greater relief than the owners and occupiers of lands.
      At this time, however, the agriculturists longed after means of relief of
      more immediate, direct, and certain operation. The subject of agricultural
      distress had, indeed, formed a paragraph in the king's speech, and it was
      now brought forward by the Marquis of Chandos. On the 21st of February,
      after ably stating both the local and general causes of the evil, he moved
      a resolution, "That, in any reduction of national burdens by the remission
      of taxes, due regard be shown to that distress of the agriculturists which
      had been alluded to in the speech from the throne." The resolution was
      supported by Mr. A. Baring, who said, that importunity and clamour,
      threats of commotion and resistance to the law obtained that which was
      refused to the patient suffering of the farmer. Several members spoke
      against the resolution, not meaning to deny that the agriculturists were
      suffering, but considering the resolution as not likely to lead to any
      result; and that the means alluded to by those who supported it were
      neither efficient nor just. Moreover, the supporters of the motion were
      far from being of one mind as to the manner in which relief ought to be
      afforded. On a division the resolution was lost by a majority of four only
      in a very full house. This success induced the noble mover to bring the
      subject before the house again. On the 7th of July he moved, "That an
      humble address be presented to his majesty, expressing the deep regret
      that this house feels at the continuance of the distressed state of the
      agricultural interests of the country, to which the attention of
      parliament was especially called in his majesty's most gracious speech
      from the throne, and humbly to represent the anxious desire of this house
      that the attention of his majesty's government should be directed, without
      further delay, to this important subject, with a view to the immediate
      removal of some portion of those burdens to which the land is subject
      through the pressure of general and local taxation." On a division the
      motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and ninety against one
      hundred and seventy-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of March the question of the malt-duty was brought directly
      before the house by a motion of Mr. Cobbett, that it should cease and
      determine from and after the 5th of October next. It was rejected by one
      hundred and forty-two to fifty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAW QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the agriculturists were thus demanding relief, the corn-laws were
      not only insisted on as an answer to all complaints by those who
      maintained a different interest, but were also themselves made the subject
      of a formal attack. On the 6th of March, Mr. Hume moved, "That this house
      do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the
      corn-laws, and of substituting, instead of the present graduated scale of
      duties, a fixed and moderate duty on the import at all times of foreign
      corn into the United Kingdom, and for granting a fixed and equivalent
      bounty on the export of corn from the United Kingdom, with the ultimate
      view of establishing a free trade in corn." Sir James Graham defended the
      present system as necessary to prevent the destruction of the farmers, and
      the annihilation of the occupations of an immense body of agricultural
      labourers. On the other hand, Lord Morpeth, who was himself connected with
      the landed interest, Lord Howick, and Mr. Clay, member for the Tower
      Hamlets, supported the motion, contending that it was the corn-laws which
      kept the agricultural interest in a state of depression while all other
      interests were prospering. The Irish members who spoke were adverse to the
      proposition; the very agitation of the question, it was said, would do
      much mischief in Ireland, unless the house distinctly declared that there
      should be no change in the existing law. Lord Althorp said that he would
      meet the motion with a direct negative, although his opinions were
      favourable to an alteration of the existing system. In opposition,
      therefore, to his theoretical opinion, he would resist the motion; and he
      believed that every cabinet minister would vote against it. There were,
      however, some of the members of government favourable to a repeal of the
      corn-laws; and Mr. Thompson, vice-president of the board of trade,
      supported the motion, and delivered a long speech, principally in answer
      to Sir James Graham's. He contended that so far from the existing system
      conferring any benefit on the corn-growers, the farmers, who had been
      deluded by it, had more reason to complain of it than any other class in
      the country. And what, he asked, were the effects on our manufactures of
      this system which had ruined the farmers? The motion was rejected by three
      hundred and twelve against one hundred and fifty-five. The subject was
      again discussed incidentally, on the occasion of the presentation of a
      petition from Liverpool in favour of free trade, and especially of a free
      trade in corn. Sir Robert Peel embraced this opportunity of expressing his
      opinions on the subject&mdash;opinions utterly at variance with the
      enlightened policy adopted by him at a subsequent date. On the other hand,
      Sir Henry Parnell said that the pretext of farmers being interested in a
      continuation of the corn-laws was a gross delusion practised on them by
      the landlords. It was for their advantage alone that the whole community
      was taxed.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time, also, those concerned in the shipping-interest complained
      loudly of distress, which they considered to be either caused or
      aggravated by the admission into our ports of the ships of foreign nations
      on the same terms on which our vessels were admitted into theirs; an
      admission which the crown had the power of conceding under the fourth of
      George IV., c. 77, commonly called "the Reciprocity of Duties Act." Many
      petitions for the repeal of this act were presented; and on the 5th of
      June Mr. G. F. Young moved for leave to bring in a bill for that purpose;
      but the motion was resisted by ministers, and rejected by one hundred and
      seventeen against fifty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the distress of the country, the financial affairs of the
      present year exhibited an encouraging aspect. The chancellor of the
      exchequer indeed, after providing for the interest on the £20,000,000
      granted to West India proprietors, had a disposable surplus of £1,620,000.
      From various alterations about to be made in the state of taxation with
      respect to spirits and beer, the estimated surplus might be taken at
      £1,815,000. Under these circumstances, the chancellor of the exchequer
      made the following reductions in taxation: in the house-tax, which was
      wholly abolished,£1,200,000; customs,£200,000; starch, £75,000; stone
      bottles and sweets, £6000; almanacks, £25,000; small assessed taxes,
      £75,000&mdash;leaving still a surplus of about £230,000. But this surplus
      would be further reduced by a change which was proposed in the spirit
      duties. The duty on spirits distilled in Ireland had for several years
      been fixed at the same amount as in Scotland. That policy was now to be
      departed from, and the duty on Irish spirits was to be reduced from 3s.
      4d. to 2s. 4d. per gallon. After a few words from Mr. Baring against the
      views of the chancellor of the exchequer, the resolutions proposed were
      adopted by the house. Subsequently, an important measure of finance was
      attempted in a plan for the reduction of the four per cent, annuities
      created in 1826. All holders of that stock who should not signify their
      dissent, were to have, for every £100, three and a half per cent, in a new
      stock to be consolidated with the existing three and a half per cent,
      annuities, which were not liable to redemption before January, 1840. The
      dissentients were found to be a greater number than had been anticipated.
      Before the 9th of June, nine hundred and sixty-nine had expressed their
      dissent, and they held stock to the amount of £4,600,000. In order to
      provide funds for paying off these dissentients, a resolution was passed
      on the 7th of June, authorising the commissioners of the national debt to
      pay them out of the monies, stocks, or exchequer-bills which they held
      under "the savings' bank act." The dissented stock was from the tenth of
      October following to be considered as converted into an equal amount of
      three and a half per cents., which were to be vested in the commissioners,
      and placed in the bank-books to the account intituled "funds for the banks
      of savings."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE REMOVAL OF THE CIVIL DISABILITIES OF THE JEWS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1834
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session Mr. Robert Grant again brought in a bill for removing
      the civil disabilities of the Jews. The second reading was opposed by Mr.
      C. Bruce. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six
      months. The amendment, however, was rejected, and the bill carried through
      committee by large majorities, and it was read a third time and passed on
      the 11th of June by fifty votes against fourteen. In the lords, on the
      second reading, the Earl of Malmsbury moved the amendment that the bill
      should be read that day six months. The Earl of Winchilsea seconded the
      amendment. On a division the bill was lost by one hundred and thirty-two
      against thirty-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      The distress felt at this time by all classes of the community was
      dexterously made use of by the opponents of ministers to render their
      administration unpopular. They became exposed to great inconvenience from
      a statutory rule of the constitution, which requires that all members of
      the house of commons who accept certain offices under the crown shall
      vacate their seats, and take the chance of a re-election. In more
      instances than one, the candidate thus stamped with the approbation of
      government had not been re-elected; and even the attorney-general, having,
      by his promotion, lost his seat for Dudley, was unable to appear in the
      house of commons. This was the first practical grievance experienced under
      the reform act, which had swept away all the close boroughs without any
      exception, and provided no means to compensate the loss. This state of
      matters induced Sir Robert Heron, on the 1st of May, to move for leave to
      bring in a bill to obviate the necessity of members vacating their seats
      on their accepting certain offices under the crown. Mr. E. L. Bulwer was
      dissatisfied with the proposition, because it failed to remove the worst
      clanger of the present system. The principle of the constitution, he said,
      was not that the people should choose ministers, but that they should have
      an opportunity of deciding whether or not they wished their
      representatives to become ministers, and this principle the present
      measure would destroy. Pie moved, as an amendment, "That, for the
      convenience of the public service, and the promotion of the public
      interests, it is desirable that one member of each of the principal
      departments of state should have a seat in that house, but without the
      privilege of voting, unless returned by the suffrages of a constituency."
      Dr. Lushington and Mr. Ward opposed both these propositions, as taking
      from the people one of the most valuable privileges given to them by the
      constitution, merely for the purpose of consulting the convenience and
      safety of the party now in power. Lord Althorp assured the house that the
      subject had been introduced without the sanction of government; but, at
      the same time, he stated that ministers had been put to great
      inconvenience. On the whole, however, he thought that the time was not yet
      come when a measure like that should be pressed on the house. Both the
      motion and the amendment were withdrawn.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of May Mr. Tennyson submitted a motion for leave to introduce
      a bill to shorten the duration of parliaments. He reserved to himself the
      right, he said, of suggesting the precise period to which parliaments
      should extend, when the measure had gone into committee. The motion was
      seconded by Sir Edward Codrington, who expressed himself in favour of five
      years as being more likely to reconcile the different parties. Colonel
      Davies opposed the motion as being premature; and Lord Dalmeny thought the
      passing of the reform act the strongest possible reason against
      entertaining the question. In reply, Mr. Tennyson stated that those who
      supported the bill would bind themselves only to the propriety of
      shortening the duration of parliaments, without at all pledging themselves
      to any particular period, which might be reserved for determination in
      committee; whereas, those who voted against it, would give a conclusive
      opinion that the present term ought to be continued. Mr. E. J. Stanley
      moved, byway of amendment, that the bill be one to shorten parliaments to
      five years, which was negatived without a division: the original motion
      was lost by a majority of fifty. Subsequently Colonel Evans moved for
      leave to bring in a bill for the amendment of the reform act, in so far as
      it made the payment of rates and taxes an essential qualification for
      voting at parliamentary elections, which was supported by Messrs. Hume,
      Roebuck, Attwood, and O'Connell. The motion was opposed by Lords John
      Russell and Althorp; and it was lost, on a division, by a majority of
      eighty-seven. Previous to this, Lord John Russell had introduced a bill to
      prevent bribery at elections, which had passed the commons. The peers had
      referred this bill to a select committee; and on the 28th of July, the
      Marquis of Lansdowne, on presenting the report of the committee, stated
      that there had been no interference with the powers possessed by the
      election committees of the house of commons. The single object kept in
      view by the committee was the attainment of the proposed end in the
      speediest manner possible. Accordingly an amendment on the bill was
      suggested, by which it was directed that, when a committee of the house of
      commons had come to the conclusion that gross and extensive bribery had
      been committed in any place, the result of that inquiry should be laid
      before their lordships; and then the crown should issue a commission, over
      which one of the judges should preside, to form a court of inquiry on the
      whole matter in dispute. He proposed that this court should consist of
      seven members of the house of commons, five of their lordships, and one
      judge, who should have the power of calling before them all persons and
      documents affecting the subject of inquiry; that the witnesses should be
      exempted from the consequences of*any evidence which they might be called
      on to give; and that a statement of the result having been drawn up, any
      legislative enactment with regard to the alleged abuse should be left to
      the discretion of the two houses of parliament. When these amendments were
      brought under the consideration of the lower house, Lord John Russell
      thought them of so extensive a nature as to render the bill almost a new
      measure; and ultimately he agreed to withdraw it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of April, Mr. Roebuck moved for a select committee to inquire
      into the political condition of the Canadas. These provinces, he said, in
      consequence of bad government, were in a state of revolt. By their
      constitution they had a governor, a legislative council, and a house of
      assembly. Some years after the constitution had been conferred upon them,
      the two provinces were permitted to provide for their own expenses, and
      consequently to have control over the expenditure of the government. It
      had been proposed to pass the estimates annually; but that plan had been
      thwarted by the government, which charged the house of assembly with
      disrespect to his majesty. The representatives of the people next resolved
      to vote their money by items; but this having excited the jealousy of the
      officials, put a stop for the time to the business of the state. In
      consequence of all this the public mind was embittered, and the country
      was divided into two hostile sections&mdash;a small band of official
      persons on the one hand, and the nation, with their representatives at
      their head, on the other. Mr. Stanley said, that he was glad of the
      opportunity of bringing under the notice of the house the present state of
      the province of Lower Canada, and after entering into the subject at great
      length, he moved as an amendment for the appointment of a select
      committee, to inquire and report whether the grievances complained of in
      1828 by certain inhabitants of that colony had been redressed; and also,
      whether the recommendation of a committee of that house, to which the
      question of those grievances was referred, had been complied with on the
      part of government: also to inquire into other grievances set forth in the
      resolutions of the house of assembly in Lower Canada, and report thereupon
      to the house. Mr. O'Connell said that the object of government was to
      thwart the Catholic clergymen of Canada, and to throw obstacles in the way
      of their building chapels. He recommended that the motion should be
      withdrawn, and the amendment allowed to be carried, so as to throw upon
      government the responsibility of appointing the committee. Mr. Hume
      contrasted the tyranny exercised over the colony by the present
      government, with the leniency of the measures adopted by Lord Goderich;
      and Lord Howick expressed a hope that the committee about to be appointed
      would succeed in effecting an amicable adjustment of the differences
      prevailing in Lower Canada. Finally the motion was withdrawn, and the
      amendment of Mr. Stanley adopted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by the king in person on the 15th of August. In
      his speech his majesty lamented the still unsettled state of Holland and
      Belgium; but expressed satisfaction that civil war had absolutely
      terminated in Portugal. He rejoiced, he said, that the state of affairs in
      the Peninsula had induced him to conclude with the King of France, the
      Queen Regent of Spain, and the Regent of Portugal that quadripartite
      treaty, which had materially contributed to produce so happy a result.
      Events, however, had since occurred in Spain, to disappoint for a time
      those hopes of tranquillity, which the pacification of Portugal had
      inspired. In his speech his majesty alluded to the numerous and important
      questions that had engaged, and would still engage the attention of
      parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Before parliament was prorogued the weakness and vacillation of the
      ministry had been very apparent. From the moment of Earl Grey's
      resignation, indeed, the want of intrinsic power had rendered them
      dependent on O'Connell and his faction. And this very support was
      vouchsafed to them in such a way as tended to bring their government still
      more into contempt: while the Irish demagogues supported them, they
      expressed the utmost contempt for them. Thus, in the month of October,
      O'Connell wrote a series of letters to Lord Duncannon, in which every
      species of abuse was heaped upon the ministry and the Whigs.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another circumstance which contributed to lower the reputation of the
      ministry was the hostility evinced to them by the public press. There was
      scarcely a daily newspaper, except the <i>Morning Chronicle</i>, which did
      not occasionally express contempt for them; and as for the <i>Times</i>,
      its columns perpetually exposed their feebleness and incapacity to carry
      on government on any fixed set of principles. The conduct of Lord Brougham
      also tended to bring his colleagues into contempt. During the autumn he
      traversed different parts of Scotland, making speeches wherever hearers
      were to be found, in which at one time he would go the utmost lengths of
      ultra-radicalism, and at another, would speak in such a way as would have
      induced the Conservatives to hail him as their own. The dissolution of the
      ministry, however, was especially aided by the death of Earl Spencer,
      which took place on the 10th of November. As that event moved Lord Althorp
      to the house of lords, it was requisite to find a new chancellor of the
      exchequer, and a new leader of the house of commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of November Lord Melbourne waited on the king at Brighton, to
      submit to his majesty the changes in official appointments which the death
      of Earl Spencer had rendered necessary, Lord John Russell being the
      individual selected as leader of the house of commons; but the king
      thought that business could not be carried on by such a ministry as it was
      proposed to construct, and he expressed his opinion that Lord Brougham
      could not continue chancellor, as well as his dissatisfaction with the
      selection of the members of the cabinet who were to frame the Irish church
      bill. The king, in fact, announced that he should not impose upon Lord
      Melbourne the task of completing the official arrangements, but would
      apply to the Duke of Wellington.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SIR ROBERT PEEL APPOINTED PRIME-MINISTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Having thus dismissed the cabinet, his majesty sent for the Duke of
      Wellington, who advised him to entrust the government to Sir Robert Peel.
      As Sir Robert, however, was in Italy, he offered to carry on the public
      business till his return. This course was adopted, and as a temporary
      arrangement, his grace was appointed first lord of the treasury, and sworn
      in as one of the principal secretaries of state. On the 21st of November,
      Lord Lyndhurst received the great seal, and took the oaths as
      lord-chancellor, but he did not resign the office of lord-chief-baron till
      the settlement of the ministry in December. Sir Robert Peel, who had been
      sent for by a special messenger, arrived on the 9th of that month, and one
      of his first steps was to propose to Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham
      that they should be members of the new administration; but they both
      declined pledging themselves to the extent to which they might be
      considered bound by the acceptance of office. The official arrangements,
      however, were completed by the end of December, and the new cabinet
      consisted of the following members:&mdash;Sir Robert Peel, first lord of
      the treasury; Lord Lyndhurst, lord-chancellor; the Earl of Rossyln,
      president of the council; Lord Wharncliffe, lord-privy-seal; the Duke of
      Wellington, secretary-of-state for foreign affairs; Mr. Goulburn,
      secretary-of-state for the home department; the Earl of Aberdeen, colonial
      secretary; Mr. Alexander Baring, president of the board or trade; Sir
      George Murray, master-general of the ordnance; Sir E. Knatchbull,
      paymaster of the forces; Earl de Grey, first lord of the admiralty; Lord
      Ellenborough, president of the board of control; Lord Maryborough,
      postmaster-general; the Earl of Jersey, lord-chamberlain; the Earl of
      Roden, lord-steward; Lord Lowther, vice-president of the board of trade,
      and treasurer of the navy; Mr. C. Wynn, chancellor of the duchy of
      Lancaster; Mr. Hemes, secretary-at-war; Mr. F. Pollock, attorney-general
      for England; and Mr. Follett, solicitor-general. The Earl of Haddington
      went to Ireland as lord-lieutenant; Sir Edward Sugden was appointed
      lord-chancellor of Ireland; Sir Henry Hardinge became chief-secretary to
      the lord-lieutenant; and Sir James Scarlett succeeded Lord Lyndhurst as
      lord-chief-baron of the exchequer, with the title of Lord Abinger.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Every man of penetration saw that the new ministry had too much of the old
      leaven to stand long as the present parliament was constituted. Sir Robert
      Peel, however, did not despair. Though there was a reformed parliament, he
      fully anticipated carrying on the government with advantage to the
      country. In the month of November he expounded the principles on which he
      designed to conduct government, in a long address to his constituents at
      Tamworth, observing, that he would not accept power on the condition of
      declaring himself an apostate from the principles on which he had hitherto
      acted, and declaring that he had not been a defender of abuses, or an
      enemy to judicious reforms, either before or after the reform bill had
      passed. It was evident, however, to Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues
      that government could not be carried on with the present parliament; and
      therefore, on the 30th of December, a proclamation was issued, dissolving
      it, and convoking a new one to meet on the 5th of February, 1835.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ACT ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN THE WEST INDIES CARRIED INTO EFFECT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of August in the present year, the act for the emancipation of
      the negroes came into operation. In some islands symptoms of
      insubordination were exhibited, and the planters were obliged to have
      recourse to punishment and force, in order to overcome the reluctance of
      the black population to regular labour; yet this great change took place
      without any serious disturbances. In Barbadoes, indeed, there was perfect
      tranquillity and order; and in Jamaica the transition was accompanied with
      very little alarm or commotion. The slave felt grateful that he was
      permitted to take his proper station among the great family of mankind.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the close of the last year, the government of the Queen of Portugal was
      in possession of the capital, as well as of Oporto. Having an efficient
      army, as the authority of Don Miguel was obeyed over a large extent of
      country, the government resolved to pursue its military operations with
      vigour. The plan adopted was to crush the smaller bodies of men in arms
      for the pretender in various parts of the kingdom, till there should be no
      Miguelites but those who were around himself at Santarem. In pursuance of
      this plan, the Duke of Terceira joined the queen's army in January, in
      order that Saldanha might undertake other operations. Saldanha made
      himself master of Leyria, between Lisbon and Coimbra, and Torres Novas, in
      which a system of massacre was adopted disgraceful to himself and his
      officers. His army now separated Miguel from the north, while the army of
      the Duke of Terceira pressed upon him from Lisbon. Saldanha took up his
      position at Almoster, where, in February, he was attacked by the
      Miguelites; but he repulsed them with great slaughter. Events equally
      favourable to the queen took place in the north, where considerable
      numbers of Miguelites were still in arms. The provinces north of the Duero
      were, indeed, cleared of the enemy by the Duke of Terceira; and he then
      retraced his steps to expel the partisans of Miguel from the positions
      which they still held between the Duero and the Tagus, particularly
      Coimbra, on the Mondego, and Figueiras, at the mouth of that river.
      Figueiras was reduced by a naval expedition, under Admiral Napier, and
      Coimbra opened its gates to the duke himself. The queen's forces now
      pressed upon Don Miguel; and on the 18th of May he abandoned his lines at
      Santarem, and retreated towards Guadiana, in the direction of Evora. He
      was followed by Count Saldanha and the Duke of Terceira, who were at the
      head of 20,000 men; and seeing no hopes of success or escape, he sought a
      suspension of arms for the purpose of negociating. The government refused
      to enter into any negociation, or to listen to any terms different from
      those which had been already tendered; namely, that Don Miguel should
      leave Portugal within fifteen days, and engage never to return to any part
      of the Spanish provinces or the Portuguese dominions, nor in any way
      concur in disturbing the tranquillity of these kingdoms; that he would be
      allowed to embark in a ship of war belonging to any of the four allied
      powers; and that he should receive a pension of sixty centos of reis,
      about £15,000, and be permitted to dispose of his personal property, on
      restoring the jewels and other articles belonging to the crown and to
      private individuals. The troops of Don Miguel were to lay down their arms,
      and return peaceably to their homes under the protection of the amnesty;
      and he was to issue orders to commanders of fortresses, or of troops, who
      still recognised his authority, immediately to submit, under the same
      protection, to the government of the queen. To these terms Don Miguel now
      consented; and having signed the convention, he went on board a British
      vessel of war, which carried him to Genoa. The civil war was thus brought
      to an end in Portugal; and it was this happy event which led his majesty
      to conclude a treaty with that government, as alluded to in his speech.
      One act of ingratitude which the Portuguese government committed, however,
      must not be forgotten. It was chiefly by the valour of the British
      volunteer auxiliaries that the cause of the queen was triumphant; and
      these volunteers had been induced to enter into the service by promises of
      pay equal to that of England, exclusive of allowances for compensation and
      other advantages. The Cortes, however resolved, in January, 1834, that
      they should only receive Portuguese pay; and when the war came to an end,
      the British troops remained unpaid. The men, in fact, on whose bravery the
      sole dependence was placed when danger was threatened, were left to wander
      through the streets of Lisbon in rags and poverty, and compelled to
      prolong a miserable existence on scanty rations of beans and bread, with
      the occasional addition of a morsel of salt fish. Such is the usual reward
      of mercenaries who hire themselves out as the supporters of foreign
      revolutionary governments.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year the political relations between Holland and Belgium
      continued in the same state of uncertainty in which they had been left at
      the close of the former year. In Spain, also, the history of the present
      year opens with a continuance of the same contests for the succession to
      the crown which had marked the close of the preceding. Throughout the
      whole year, indeed, there was war between the queen-regent and Don Carlos;
      and the year closed while yet they were in arms. In Switzerland some
      agitation was occasioned by an attempt of the Poles in that country, in
      concert with Italian fugitives in the French departments of the Rhone and
      Isère, to overthrow the Sardinian throne in Turin, by a sudden attack upon
      Savoy. Greece, during the present year, suffered both the evils of civil
      war and of political intrigue. In Turkey, the ascendancy of Russia was
      increased by an alliance, offensive and defensive, which was concluded
      between those two powers. The emperor gave up two-thirds of what remained
      to be paid in respect of the indemnities stipulated for by the treaty of
      Adrianople; and, on the other hand, to surround his Asiatic frontier, the
      Porte ceded to him an extensive tract of country in the pachalic of
      Athattsick. Turkey was to pay that portion of the indemnity which was not
      relinquished when it might suit her finances; and, in the meantime,
      Silistria was to remain as a pledge in the hands of the Russians, an
      arrangement which gave them the effective command of Moldavia and
      Wallachia, and left the frontier of Turkey defenceless against invasion.
      Russia also was to have the free passage of the Dardanelles.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1835&mdash;1836
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>State of Parties..... General Election..... Ecclesiastical
     Commission..... Meeting of Parliament; Contest for the
     Office of Speaker..... Opening of the Session.....
     Discussion in the Lords regarding the Slavery Abolition
     Act..... Motion of the Marquis of Chandos to repeal   the
     Malt-tax..... The Dissenters' Marriage Act..... Ministerial
     Plan for  the Commutation  of Tithes in England..... Report
     of Commission regarding the Church  of England, &amp;c...... The
     Question   of   the  Appropriation  of   the   Surplus
     Revenues of  the  Irish   Church..... Resignation of
     Ministers   and   the Restoration of Lord Melbourne's
     Cabinet..... Municipal Reform and the Irish   Church.....
     Agricultural   Distress..... Municipal   Corporations.....
     Bill  for regulating the  Irish   Church..... Discussion
     regarding  Orange Societies in Ireland..... The Vote by
     Ballot, &amp;c...... Motion for the Repeal of the Window-tax,
     &amp;c...... The Budget..... Discussions regarding Canada.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... State of the Continent</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1835
    </p>
    <p>
      The state of the political world in this country was, at the opening of
      the present year, one of great interest and excitement. The dismissal of
      the Melbourne ministry was received by the country with undisturbed
      composure and perfect good-humour; but this was viewed by its members and
      partisans with alarm and humiliation; and, conceiving that it betokened a
      relaxation of power in the springs to whose action they trusted for their
      speedy return to office, they resolved to leave no means untried to
      agitate the country from one end to the other, in order to recover their
      waning influence. To this end the dismissal of the ministry was announced
      as exclusively the work of the queen, and as the result of a deep tory
      plot, and complicated tory intrigues. These tales, however, failed in
      creating the universal dismay so much desired; and then the organs of the
      party in opposition constantly insisted on the dreadful fate which awaited
      the country from the removal of the only men who had either head to
      conceive or courage to undertake the task of saving the public weal, and
      putting in their place politicians who would repeal the reform act, impose
      new taxes, restore and multiply pensions, establish military law, and
      finally produce civil war. Still the country remained quiescent: it was
      known that the picture was fictitious, and men refused to be dismayed. One
      thing, however, was effected: although the Radicals did not raise any
      clamorous outcries at the downfall of their former associates, they struck
      a bargain with the Whigs, and came to terms for the purpose of putting
      down a common enemy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The result of the elections crushed the present hopes of the Whigs.
      Instead of increasing either their numbers or their radical accomplices,
      it brought an addition of more than one hundred members to the
      Conservatives, exclusive of those whig reformers, such as Lord Stanley,
      who refused to identify themselves with the whig opposition in its present
      character and conduct, and of those among the Radicals, as Mr. Cobbett,
      who would not consent to be used merely as instruments for lifting men
      into power who would not manfully adopt any one of their opinions, and yet
      boasted their alliance as being engaged in a common cause. It must be
      confessed, however, that the Conservatives placed their all on this cast
      of the die. The Carlton Club dispersed its agents far and wide throughout
      the country, and every engine which aristocratic wealth and ecclesiastical
      influence could put in motion was employed in their cause. In the
      counties, the fifty-pound clause operated greatly to their advantage, and
      success generally attended their efforts; but in towns the opposite party
      were more successful. In Scotland there were some changes, but the
      comparative strength of parties remained there nearly the same as before;
      but in Ireland the retinue of the popish agitator was somewhat diminished,
      although the popish priests exerted themselves to the utmost in his
      favour. As for O'Connell himself, together with his coadjutors, he
      practised every form of violence and intimidation against every candidate
      who would not join in his cry for repeal, vote by ballot, short
      parliaments, and extension of the suffrage. Thus the Knight of Kerry, who
      started as a candidate for his native county, and who had spent his whole
      life in resisting Orangemen, because he refused to become an instrument in
      the hands of the popish priesthood and their agitator, was denounced as
      unworthy of being elected; every man who dared to vote for him was to have
      a death's-head and cross-bones painted on his door: and the consequence
      was that he was rejected. Of a candidate for New Ross, who refused to
      enlist under his banner, O'Connell said, "Whoever shall support him, his
      shop shall be deserted; no man shall pass his threshold. Put up his name
      as a traitor to Ireland; let no man deal with him; let no woman speak to
      him; let the children laugh him to scorn." Mr. Shiel likewise opposed a
      candidate for the county of Clonmel in the following words: "If any
      Catholic should vote for him, I will supplicate the throne of the Almighty
      that he may be shown mercy in the next world; but I ask no mercy for him
      in this." Yet this unconstitutional line of conduct was not always
      successful, and even O'Connell himself, with Mr. Ruthven his colleague,
      found it difficult to obtain their return for the city of Dublin. The
      final result of the elections secured to the ministry a decided majority,
      in so far as England was concerned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;CONTEST FOR THE ELECTION OF SPEAKER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament met on the 19th of February. The attendance in the house of
      commons on the first day was more numerous than had ever been witnessed,
      even on the discussion of any great political or party question, it being
      determined by both parties to contest the election of speaker. Lord
      Francis Egerton moved that Sir Charles Manners Sutton should be called to
      the chair. The motion was seconded by Sir C. Burrell, who said that though
      he had supported Mr. Wynn as a candidate for the chair in 1817, in
      opposition to the late speaker, he had never found reason to regret his
      want of success on that occasion. On the other hand, Mr. Denison proposed
      that Mr. Abercromby should take the chair, which motion was seconded by
      Mr. Orde. Both these gentlemen expressed the pain which they felt at being
      compelled by an imperative sense of public duty to oppose the re-election
      of the late speaker, and declared their hearty concurrence in all that had
      been said regarding his excellent qualifications; but they maintained that
      a great public principle rendered it necessary that those qualifications
      should not be taken into consideration. A debate of considerable length
      ensued, in which the two candidates themselves took part. On a division
      Mr. Abercromby was elected, three hundred and sixteen voting for him, and
      three hundred and six for Sir Charles Sutton. The honourable gentleman was
      then conducted to the chair, and next day, appearing at the bar of the
      house of lords, he received from the lord-chancellor an assurance of his
      majesty's approval of his election. His election was the first fruits of
      the treaty of alliance between the opposition and O'Connell; but the
      smallness of the majority by which it was obtained demonstrated to the
      opposition that, without his aid, they could never hope to triumph over
      the present ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      His majesty opened the session in person on the 24th of February; the
      intervening days from the election of speaker having been employed in
      swearing in members of the house of commons. Recently the two houses of
      parliament had been destroyed by fire, and temporary rooms had been fitted
      up for the accommodation of the British senate. In the lords the address
      was moved by the Earl of Hardwicke, and seconded by Lord Gage. An
      amendment was moved by Lord Melbourne, which was apparently framed for the
      purpose of catching stray votes, by being so constructed that even its
      success could not lead to the resignation of the ministry. The Earl of
      Ripon and the Duke of Richmond, who had both been connected with the late
      government, expressed their intention of supporting ministers, so far as
      they could applaud their measures, though they were unable to promise them
      full confidence. Finally, the amendment was negatived without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, the address was moved by Lord Sandon, and seconded by Mr.
      Branston. Lord Morpeth moved an amendment to this effect:&mdash;"That in
      place of the concluding paragraphs should be substituted words expressing
      a trust that his majesty's councils would be directed in a spirit of
      well-considered and effective reform; that, in the same liberal and
      comprehensive policy which had dictated the reform of our representation
      and tire abolition of negro slavery, the municipal corporations would be
      placed under vigilant popular control; that all the well-founded
      grievances of the Protestant dissenters would be removed; that all the
      abuses in the church which impair its efficiency in England, and disturb
      the peace of society in Ireland, would be corrected; and that the commons
      beg submissively to add, that they could not but lament that the progress
      of these and other reforms should have been unnecessarily interrupted and
      endangered by the dissolution of the late parliament." The amendment was
      seconded by Mr. Bannerman, and the debate was continued by adjournment on
      the 25th and 26th of February. The members who took part in it were, for
      the original address, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, Messrs. Pemberton,
      Richards, Robinson, Goulburn, and Praed, and Sir James Graham; for the
      amendment, Lords John Russell and Howick, Dr. Lushington, and Messrs.
      Grote, Poulton, Ward, Ewart, Harvey, Fox Maule, Gisborne, Duncombe,
      O'Connell, and Sir Samuel Whalley. On a division, the amendment was
      carried by a majority of three hundred and nine against three hundred and
      two. The majority being so small, Sir Robert Peel intimated that it was
      possible he might take the sense of the house again on the question of
      bringing up the report; but next evening he stated that it was not now his
      intention to do this. The address, therefore, as amended, was presented to
      the king, who made the following reply:&mdash;"I thank you sincerely for
      the assurances which you have given me, in this loyal and dutiful address,
      of your disposition to co-operate with me in the improvement, with a view
      to the maintenance, of our institutions in church and state. I learn with
      regret that you do not concur with me as to the policy of the appeal which
      I have earnestly made to the sense of my people. I never have exercised,
      and I will never exercise any of the prerogatives which I hold, excepting
      for the single purpose of promoting the great end for which they are
      entrusted to me&mdash;the public good; and I confidently trust that no
      measure conducive to the general interest will be endangered or
      interrupted in its progress by the opportunity which I have afforded to my
      faithful and loyal subjects of expressing their opinions through the
      choice of their representatives in parliament." On a subsequent day, in
      answer to some questions put by Lord John Russell, the premier stated that
      he had not felt it his duty, in consequence of the vote on the address, to
      tender his resignation; that with respect to the Irish church, he retained
      his opinion that ecclesiastical property ought not to be diverted from
      ecclesiastical purposes, although any measures not inconsistent with this
      principle should have his best consideration; that he had no motive or
      intention to obstruct corporation reform; and that, in regard to a rumour
      which had been promulgated about another dissolution, and an alleged
      intention of government, in case the mutiny bill should not pass, to keep
      up a standing army in defiance of parliament, he had never sanctioned the
      first either directly or indirectly, and he had never heard a whisper
      about the second until it fell from Lord John Russell's own lips. These
      assurances, however, were not sufficient to satisfy the objections of his
      political opponents.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of Sir Robert Peel, in retaining office after an adverse vote
      upon the address, became the subject of indignant declamation throughout
      the country, and strengthened the general impression that ministers
      intended, if possible, to destroy the measures enacted by the reform bill,
      and to obstruct all further melioration of the law. It was true, as the
      partisans of the government urged, that there were precedents for the
      retention of office in the face of adverse votes; but this was a vote upon
      the general policy of the government, not upon its policy in some
      non-essential particular, and constitutionally decided that the ministry
      did not possess the confidence of the commons house of parliament.
      According to all rule and precedent, Sir Robert ought to have resigned.
      The Duke of Sussex, Lord Holland, the great Fox, and other statesmen of
      acknowledged constitutional principles and respect for public rights, had
      always maintained these views. The conduct of Sir Robert and his cabinet
      was, therefore, justly held to be opposed to the practice of parliament
      and the doctrines of the constitution. Much of the odium of this procedure
      fell upon the Duke of Wellington, who was supposed to be the potential
      adviser of Sir Robert in this matter, and whose despotic sympathies,
      betrayed in many ways, gave great offence to the people. Had not the
      previous ministers, by their inconsistency, incompetency, and truckling to
      O'Connell and the Irish priest party, forfeited the confidence of a large
      portion of their British supporters, the efforts of Sir Robert Peel to
      retain office in opposition to a majority of parliament, would have
      created such a storm of hostility to him throughout Great Britain, as
      would have made it difficult for him to hold any office for many a year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSION IN THE LORDS RESPECTING THE SLAVERY ABOLITION ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 27th of February the Earl of Mulgrave, whose efficient
      administration of the government of Jamaica had made him an authority on
      the West India slavery question, inquired of the secretary for the
      colonies, whether it was the intention of the present government to carry
      out the measure of emancipation recently passed through parliament. Lord
      Mulgrave strongly represented to the house the apprehensions entertained
      by the public that, in two respects, the government would differ from its
      predecessor:&mdash;the appointment of impartial magistrates&mdash;men not
      holders of slave property; and the protection of the missionaries, to whom
      the planters entertained an unjust prejudice, but who, in the experience
      of Lord Mulgrave in Jamaica, were a most useful body of men, who had in no
      way transgressed the bounds of their sacred calling in their conduct to
      slave or master. To these inquiries and remarks the Earl of Aberdeen
      replied very much in the tone and spirit in which he was accustomed to
      answer questions when, many years later, during the Russian war, he was
      prime-minister. He affected surprise that any one should suppose him an
      opponent to freedom; promised everything that popular opinion demanded;
      but betrayed, nevertheless, by his sneers and misrepresentations where the
      missionaries were concerned, and his deep sympathy with the planters, that
      his heart was set against justice and liberty to the poor apprentices. The
      Duke of Wellington brusquely said, that he had been opposed to the
      philanthropic view of the negro question altogether, but the bill passed
      by parliament he would not consent to see made a dead letter. The duke
      evidently said what he meant. The well-known honesty of his character
      assured the Earl of Mulgrave who accepted the reply. It was a good sign as
      to the policy which the cabinet intended to pursue on this question, that
      the Marquis of Sligo was requested to retain his office as Governor of
      Jamaica. The noble marquis was not an experienced politician or
      administrator; but in his management of the difficult and complicated
      concerns of Jamaica at that time, he proved himself to be a man of ability
      and honour.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION OF THE MARQUIS OF CHANDOS TO REPEAL THE MALT-TAX.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first proposal which ministers found themselves compelled to resist
      proceeded from one of their own supporters, and it was also one in which
      their opponents were compelled to join them in resisting. On the 10th of
      March, the Marquis of Chandos moved a resolution for the repeal of the
      malt-tax, as a source of relief to the agricultural interest. The motion
      was seconded by Mr. Hand-ley. Sir Robert Peel, in reply, contended that
      the motion, if it was to be made at all, ought not to have been brought
      forward till after an authentic declaration of the national means had been
      laid before the house. In the course of his speech, Sir Robert Peel said
      that if the malt-duty were repealed, there was no alternative but to have
      a property-tax to make up the deficiency. Messrs. Cobbett and Bennett, who
      supported the motion, saw no objection to such a tax; and the latter
      gentleman said that the English landowners were too depressed in their
      circumstances to fear anything from the change, as the property was in the
      hands of the mortgagees and money-jobbers. The Earl of Darlington was
      bound, he said, to vote in favour of the resolution, however great his
      reluctance to do anything that might embarrass a government to which he
      was friendly, and a minister who, he believed, would endeavour to effect
      what he considered best calculated for the interest of the country.
      Messrs. C. Wood, Rice, and Poulett Thompson, all of whom had been
      connected with the late government, spoke against the motion; as did also
      Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir J. Graham, Mr. Baring, Sir R. Gresely, and Mr.
      Grote. The debate was closed by Mr. Hume, who supported the motion. On a
      division, however, the motion was negatived by three hundred and fifty
      votes against one hundred and ninety-two. So convincing were Sir Robert
      Peel's arguments, that several members voted with him who had either
      pledged themselves at their election to take a different side, or had, at
      least, induced their constituents to believe they would.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE DISSENTERS' MARRIAGE ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sir Robert Peel introduced the first important measure of government on
      the 17th of March, being a bill to provide relief for those dissenters who
      objected to have their marriage rites performed according to the ritual of
      the English church. The measure provided that a civil marriage should take
      place before a magistrate, who should refer the certificate to the parish
      clergyman, by whom it was to be inserted in the parochial registry. The
      various bodies of dissenters might, by arrangements of their own, provide
      a religious form as a sort of addendum to the civil ceremony. This brief
      affair was stated by Sir Robert in a very verbose speech, in which he
      showed a desire to conciliate all parties, and an apprehension that he
      would fail to conciliate any. Leave was given to bring in a bill.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REPORT OF COMMISSION REGARDING THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the first acts of the new ministry had been the appointment of a
      commission, consisting principally of the heads of the church, to inquire
      into and report upon the changes which might be effected in regard to
      ecclesiastical territory, income, and patronage, so as to render
      remuneration and labour more commensurate with each other; to enforce
      residence; and to destroy the necessity of pluralities, by providing for
      all a sufficient maintenance. The first report of this commission was
      presented to the house of commons on the 19th of March, which proposed a
      new arrangement of diocesses. As regards emolument, the principle adopted
      was to proportion, as far as might be, the revenues of the bishops to
      their several stations and duties; not making any reduction where the
      income did not exceed £5500, and making an addition where it amounted to
      £4500. The division of large parishes was further recommended; the
      revenues of new incumbents being supplied from prebends and other
      preferments which might fall.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of March the attorney-general obtained leave to bring in a
      bill for improving, the administration of justice in ecclesiastical
      causes, which was one of the measures alluded to in the speech from the
      throne. On the same day also he obtained leave to bring in another bill,
      having for its object the better maintenance of the discipline of the
      church of England. On the 24th of March, Sir Robert Peel brought the
      subject of the commutation of tithes in England before the house of
      commons. After a long statement explanatory of his views, he concluded by
      moving the following resolution:&mdash;"That it is expedient to give
      facilities for the commutation of tithe in the several parishes of England
      and Wales, and for a payment in moneys, in substitution thereof to be
      allotted on the tithable lands in each parish; such payment to be subject
      to variation at stated periods, according to the prices of corn, or for
      the allotment of land in lieu of tithe in parishes wherein the parties
      concerned may consent to such allotment." This resolution was agreed to,
      and a bill founded on it was ordered to be brought in.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REPEATED DEFEATS OF THE MINISTRY IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While the ministry, by the introduction of these important measures, were
      vindicating their claim to the character of men who in their policy
      regarded the prosperity of the country, and were not wedded to anything
      which might interfere with its welfare, their conduct in other matters
      furnished manifold indications of the same spirit, and hence disappointed
      the opposition, which had predicted the continuance and the restoration of
      every species of abuse. Several committees which had been appointed by the
      late government were re-appointed; and they professed themselves willing
      to carry out their well-founded measures. But, notwithstanding all this,
      their rule was brief; they were unable to disarm the spirit of hostility.
      During the period in which ministers were proposing their important
      measures, some minor topics were introduced, in which they found
      themselves unable to resist the numerical force of their opponents. Thus
      they were left in a minority on the subject of a petition presented,
      complaining of Colonel Tremenhere, an officer in the public service at
      Chatham, as having interfered unconstitutionally in the election for that
      borough, in which election the government candidate had been returned.
      Ministers were also left in a minority, when Mr. Tooke moved an "address
      to his majesty, beseeching him to grant his royal charter of incorporation
      to the London University, as approved in the year 1831, by the then
      law-officers of the crown, and containing no other restriction than
      against conferring degrees in divinity and medicine." Mr. Goulburn moved,
      as an amendment, that the address should be for copies of the memorials
      which had been presented against granting the charter, together with an
      account of the proceedings before the privy-council; but, on a division,
      the motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and forty-six against
      one-hundred and thirty-six. On the 1st of April the king returned this
      answer to the address:&mdash;"That his majesty, desirous that such a
      subject should receive the fullest consideration, had referred it to his
      privy-council; that the reply of his privy-council had not as yet been
      communicated to him; but that his majesty begged to assure his most
      faithful commons that he should call upon his privy-council without delay,
      for a report of the proceedings they had adopted on the subject, in order
      to enable his majesty to judge what would be the best mode of carrying
      into effect the wishes of his faithful commons respecting a charter to the
      London University, and what might be the conditions on which it should be
      granted." These questions, however, did not distinctly affect the
      government. Frequent hints, indeed, were given to Sir Robert Peel that he
      ought to retire; but as yet no motion was ventured which, if carried, must
      necessarily have led to that result. On one occasion, Lord John Russell
      having remarked that all the prerogatives of the crown seemed in a fair
      way of being successively compromised, in the course of what he called an
      attempt on the part of the administration to govern with a majority of
      tire house of commons against them, Sir Robert-Peel complained that the
      opposition did not bring the question of the retirement of the ministry to
      a fair issue. No one was more anxious for this, he said, than he himself
      was; and if the opposition could not find a day for the purpose, he would
      facilitate their views. He asked Lord John Russell whether, if ministers
      had thrown up the government, he would not have turned round on them and
      said, "You are guilty of a cowardly abandonment of office; you never meant
      to remove grievances; we never brought forward a direct vote of censure;
      we were prepared to hear your propositions; but you yourself have shrunk
      from the trial." Mr. Hume admitted that ministers had reason to complain
      that the question had not yet been brought to an issue; but he hinted at
      the same time the opposition would take their own time and day for the
      attack. Lord John Russell said, that if a direct vote of want of
      confidence had been brought forward, ministers might have gained a number
      of votes on the plea of being unfairly treated. They might have said to
      the opposition, "You now preclude us from being heard; you want to condemn
      us without trial; and to reject our reforms before you are able to judge
      of them." He would not expose himself to the chance of receiving such an
      answer; he would wait for the promised measures of reform. The reply sent
      by the king to the house of commons on the 1st of April created great
      dissatisfaction in the minds of the liberal members, and among their
      supporters in the country. It was denounced as another instance of
      "back-stairs government" by many; this phrase was intended to describe the
      influence of the queen, and certain ladies of her suite, in political
      matters. Many of the people, however, absolved the court from all blame,
      and attributed what so much offended them to the despotic opinions and
      dispositions of the cabinet, especially "the duke" and Sir Robert Peel.
      This feeling was chiefly directed against his grace.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF THE APPROPRIATION OF THE SURPLUS OF THE REVENUES OF THE
      IRISH CHURCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of March Sir Henry Hardinge, the secretary for Ireland,
      brought forward, in a committee of the whole house, the ministerial plan
      for settling the Irish tithe question, and moved a resolution to this
      effect:&mdash;"That it is expedient to abolish tithes in Ireland, and to
      authorise a composition in lieu of it, charged upon the land, and payment
      to the tithe-owner; that such rent-charge might be redeemed, and the
      redemption money invested in land or otherwise, for the benefit of the
      persons entitled to such composition; and that the arrears of tithe due in
      the year 1834 should be made up from what remained of the £1.000,000
      advanced by parliament to the clergy of Ireland in 1833." After a
      determined resistance from a large portion of the radical members, the
      motion was carried by a majority of fifteen. This would probably not have
      been the case, had not Lord John Russell given Sir Robert Peel a qualified
      support.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ministers had brought forward everything that could be done practically to
      remove the evils attending the collection of tithes in Ireland; and the
      opposition propounded no measure which would go further in the way of
      securing or arranging the payment of tithe to the Protestant church; they
      even complained that the new government was merely imitating the conduct
      of its predecessors. Their only position now was to maintain that it was
      not enough merely to place on a better and surer foundation the collection
      of tithe for the Protestant church, but that, to some extent at least,
      though to what extent nobody attempted to define, it must cease to exist
      as tithe payable to the Protestant church, and be applied to purposes in
      which Catholics might have an equal interest. This ground was now taken by
      the opposition. On the 30th of March Lord John Russell moved the following
      resolution:&mdash;"That this house resolve itself into a committee of the
      whole house, in order to consider the present state of the church
      establishment in Ireland, with the view of applying any surplus of the
      revenues not required for the spiritual care of its members to the general
      education of all classes of the people, without distinction of religious
      persuasion." Lord John Russell said, that if the house should resolve
      itself into a committee on the motion, and should the resolution be
      carried in a committee of the whole house, he would move an address to the
      crown, embodying that resolution with an humble entreaty to his majesty,
      that he would be pleased to enable the house to carry it into effect&mdash;for
      a measure of this kind should be introduced by a message from the crown.
      The debate which followed was continued by adjournment up to the 2nd of
      April. Sir Edward Knatchbull, who followed Lord John Russell, objected to
      the proposition itself, he said, on the distinct ground that he was not
      prepared to apply church property to other than Protestant church
      purposes. Mr. Ward, whose motion of a similar character had been set aside
      by the appointment of the commission, entered at great length into the
      general question of the right of the state to appropriate church property
      to whatever purposes it thought proper; contending that no member should
      give his vote without remembering the undoubted right which parliament
      possessed of dealing with all corporate property as the welfare of the
      community might require, and of so disposing of it as to accommodate its
      distribution to that state of things which the alterations of time might
      unfold, or the progress of society occasion. Sir James Graham, in opposing
      the motion, showed that the income of the Irish church did not amount to
      so large a sum as represented by opposition; and contended that the evils
      of the proposed appropriation would not be limited to Ireland, but would
      extend to England: the church of England would not only be endangered by
      it, but ultimately destroyed. Lord Howick spoke in favour of the
      resolution, but at the same time disclaimed all participation in any wish
      that it should be the means of turning out the ministry. Messrs Shiei,
      Poulter, and Wood also supported the resolution; and Messrs. Lefroy and
      Gladstone, and Sir R. Inglis spoke against it. Sir William Follett, the
      solicitor-general, followed on the same side as the latter. Mr. O'Connell,
      after reiterating his charge of misrule, said that he would avoid any
      discussion upon tithes, and content himself with laying down the broad
      principle that the emoluments of a church ought not to be raised from a
      people who did not belong to it. Ireland did not ask a Catholic
      establishment; the Irish desired political equality alone; they would not
      accept a shilling for their church. Their church was unpolluted by the
      mammon of unrighteousness; the voluntary principle had answered every
      purpose of the Catholics, and they desired no connexion with the state in
      matters of religion. It was said, he continued, that the number of
      Protestants was on the increase in Ireland; he contended that the reverse
      was the case. It was said, also, that there was danger in giving the
      Catholics ascendancy; they had been in power three times since the
      Reformation, and they had not persecuted the Protestants. The address of
      Mr. O'Connell aided very much in deciding the question against the
      government. His protestations of moderation as to the desires of
      enlightened Roman Catholics, and his disclaimers of any wish for the
      ascendancy of his church, produced an effect favourable to Lord John's
      motion among such liberal members of the house as possessed little
      knowledge of ecclesiastical history. The protestations of Mr. O'Connell
      were as insincere as his statements were historically untrue. His church
      had never been in power without efforts to persecute; and while he made
      the voluntary principle his confession of faith, it was notorious to the
      leading Whigs that his pet measure was the purchase of glebes for the
      Irish priesthood by the funds of the state, and the further endowment of
      Maynooth College on an enlarged scale. After various addresses, especially
      one in a very defiant strain by Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Russell briefly
      replied, and the motion was carried by a majority of three hundred and
      twenty-two against two hundred and eighty-nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next step was to consider the resolution in committee; and Sir Robert
      Peel proposed that the committee should not be taken till the following
      Monday; but the opposition, flushed with victory, would not consent to a
      single day's intermission. They insisted that the committee should be
      taken that very day, which was done; and the debate continued by
      adjournment on the 5th. In the committee, Lord John Russell substituted
      "moral and religious instruction" for "general education." On a division
      in the committee, two hundred and sixty-two voted in favour of the
      resolution, and two hundred and thirty-seven against it. In the meantime
      the opposition had partly changed their intended plan of operation. It had
      been announced by them that the carrying of the resolution would be
      followed up by an address to the crown; but Lord John Russell now gave
      notice that he would interpose another step between the house and the
      throne, by asking the former to pledge itself to this further resolution:&mdash;"That
      it is the opinion of this house that no measure upon the subject of tithes
      in Ireland can lead to a satisfactory and final adjustment, which does not
      embody the principle contained in the foregoing resolution." Sir Robert
      Peel allowed the report to be brought up without a division, but he said
      that he would certainly divide the house on the new resolution. In support
      of it, Lord John Russell treated it as a necessary corollary of what the
      house had already voted; it behoved the house, he said, to continue the
      work which they had begun, and to say that the principle which they had
      declared to be essential to the maintenance of peace and the due
      administration of justice in Ireland, should be carried into effect by
      some legislative measure. The resolution was opposed by Sir Robert Peel
      and Mr. George Sinclair; while Messrs. Spring Rice, Perrin, and Gisborne
      supported it. On a division, the resolution was carried by a majority of
      two hundred and eighty-five against two hundred and fifty-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS, AND RESTORATION OF LORD MELBOURNE'S CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1835&mdash;1836
    </p>
    <p>
      The majorities of the opposition caused the resignation of ministers. On
      the meeting of the house, April 8th, Sir Robert Peel stated that he and
      his colleagues had placed their offices at the disposal of the king. On
      the same evening a similar announcement was made in the lords by the Duke
      of Wellington. After Sir Robert Peel's announcement of his resignation,
      the house of commons met on the 9th for an election ballot, and then
      adjourned till the 13th. On that day the house was informed by Sir Robert
      Peel that he had received an intimation from his majesty that the new
      arrangements were in progress, but were not completed, and the house again
      adjourned till the 16th. On the 16th Sir Robert was under the necessity of
      making a similar communication, and the house adjourned to the 18th, on
      which day the new administration was announced in both houses of
      parliament. The new cabinet was formed as follows:&mdash;Viscount
      Melbourne resumed his place as first lord of the treasury; Mr. Spring-Rice
      became chancellor of the exchequer; Lord Auckland was the first lord of
      the admiralty; Sir John Cam Hob-house, president of the board of control;
      Mr. Poulett Thompson, president of the board of trade; Lord Dun-cannon was
      placed at the head of the woods and forests; Lord John Russell took his
      place in the home department; the colonial office was given to Mr. Charles
      Grant; the seals of the foreign office were again entrusted to Lord
      Palmerston; Viscount Howick was secretary-at-war; Sir Henry Parnell was
      paymaster-general; Mr. Cutlar Ferguson, judge-advocate-general; and Sir
      John Campbell and Mr. Rolfe again became attorney and solicitor-general.
      There was no lord-chancellor appointed; the great seal was put in
      commission, the commissioners being the master of the rolls, the
      vice-chancellor, and Mr. Justice Bosanquet; Lord Mulgrave was made
      lord-lieutenant of Ireland, with Lord Plunkett once more as chancellor,
      and Lord Morpeth as Irish secretary. Mr. Perrin was named
      attorney-general, and Mr. O'Loghlin, solicitor-general. The lord-advocate
      of Scotland was Mr. J. A. Murray; the Marquis of Conyngham was
      postmaster-general; and the Marquis of Welles-ley, lord-chamberlain. After
      the announcement had been made, the house adjourned to the 30th of April,
      but with an understanding that no public business should be undertaken
      till the 12th of May. In the upper house Lord Alvanley asked Lord
      Melbourne how the ministry stood in regard to Mr. O'Connell and his
      followers. He wished to know whether government had or had not secured
      their aid; and if they had, the terms on which that support had been
      obtained. Lord Brougham said that these questions were improper, and
      advised Lord Melbourne not to answer them. Lord Melbourne, however, was
      more courteous. The noble lord had asked him, he said, how far he
      coincided in opinion with Mr. O'Connell? His answer was, "Not at all. As
      for the question as to 'whether I have taken any means to secure the
      assistance of Mr. O'Connell, and if so, on what terms?' I answer that I do
      not know whether I shall have his assistance or not. I have taken no means
      to secure it, nor have I said anything from which any inference could be
      drawn in order to secure that individual's support." As to tithes, Lord
      Melbourne said, that he did not hesitate to say that he considered himself
      pledged to act on the resolution of the other house. After the houses had
      adjourned, the new ministers who belonged to the commons sought to be
      re-elected; but although they were in general successful, they encountered
      some failures. The severest stroke of all occurred in the case of Lord
      John Russell himself: he again presented himself to the electors of the
      southern division of Devonshire; but he was defeated by Mr. Parker, and he
      did not procure a seat till after parliament had reassembled. Colonel Fox,
      member for Stroud, accepted the Chiltern hundreds in his favour, and
      became secretary to the ordnance. By a similar negotiation, Mr. Kennedy,
      member for Tiverton, made room for Lord Palmerston. These failures were
      very discouraging, and gave symptoms of the alarm which had been created
      in the public mind.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MUNICIPAL REFORM AND THE IRISH CHURCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the new ministers explained what they intended to do this session, it
      was found that the only measures which they meant to bring forward were a
      bill for the reform of municipal corporations, and a bill founded on the
      late resolutions of the commons regarding tithes. Changes in the mode of
      electing municipal authorities and in the general government of boroughs
      had become inevitable from, and after the passing of the reform bill. A
      commission had been appointed, in 1833, to inquire into the state of
      corporations in England and Wales; and on more than one occasion his
      majesty had alluded, in his royal speeches, to the objects of the
      commission. The report of the commissioners had not been made when Sir
      Robert Peel went out of office, but soon after they framed a general
      report, besides separate reports on individual corporations. The former,
      and several of the latter, were presented in May, and the general report
      thus concluded:&mdash;"In conclusion, we report to your majesty, that
      there prevails amongst the inhabitants of a great majority of the
      incorporated towns a general, and in our opinion a just, dissatisfaction
      with their municipal institutions; a distrust of the self-elected
      municipal councils, whose powers are subject to no popular control, and
      whose acts and proceedings, being secret, are unchecked by the influence
      of public opinion; a distrust of the municipal magistracy, tainting with
      suspicion the local administration of justice, and often accompanied with
      contempt of the persons by whom the law is administered; a discontent
      under the burdens of local taxation, while revenues that ought to be
      applied for the public advantage are diverted from their legitimate use,
      and are sometimes wastefully bestowed for the benefit of individuals&mdash;sometimes
      squandered for purposes injurious to the character and morals of the
      people. We therefore feel it to be our duty to represent to your majesty
      that the existing municipal corporations of England and Wales neither
      possess nor deserve the confidence or respect of your majesty's subjects,
      and that a thorough reform must be effected before they can become what we
      humbly submit to your majesty they ought to be&mdash;useful and efficient
      instruments of local government." Lord John Russell, proceeding on this
      recommendation, on the 5th of June detailed the plan of municipal
      government which ministers intended to provide for one hundred and
      eighty-three corporations. After detailing the many abuses which existed,
      he said that, instead of the present irregular government of corporations,
      it was proposed that there should be one uniform system of government&mdash;one
      uniform franchise for the purpose of election: and the like description of
      officers, with the exception of some of the larger places, in which it
      might be desirable to have a recorder, or some other magistrates different
      from the other smaller boroughs. In regard to the qualification of
      electors, he said it had been determined not to adhere to the
      parliamentary franchise. By the proposed bill they would be obliged to pay
      the borough rates, and accord to the established practice of the English
      government, and the acknowledged and recognised principles of the British
      constitution. He thought it fair that they should have a voice in the
      election of those by whom the rates were made, and by whom the corporate
      funds were expended. As, however, the electors ought to be the fixed
      inhabitants of the town, known to contribute to the rates, it was proposed
      that they should be persons who had been rated for three years, and had
      regularly paid those rates. Provision was also made in the bill for the
      case of those individuals who might have omitted to pay their rates. In
      regard to the governing body, there was to be one only&mdash;a mayor and
      common-council. The common-council would consist of various numbers,
      generally regulated by the population of the different places; their
      numbers would vary from fifteen in the smallest places to ninety in the
      largest. It was proposed that the largest towns, of which there were only
      twenty, should be divided into wards, and a certain proportion, which
      would be regulated by the schedules to the bill, of common-councillors
      should be chosen in each ward. In all the rest of the boroughs it was
      proposed that the whole common-council should be elected for three years.
      They were to be elected for three years; but one-third were to go out of
      office every year, thus taking care that two-thirds of the common-council
      should have experience in the transaction of town business. The mayor was
      to be elected annually, and he was to be, during the time of his
      mayoralty, a justice of peace for the borough and likewise for the county.
      The town-council was to have the power of appointing a town-clerk and
      treasurer, and it was left to their option whether they would retain their
      present town-clerks in their office. If, however, another was chosen, and
      the dismissal of the present town-clerk was attended with any pecuniary
      loss to the individual, he was to receive compensation. All the old modes
      of acquiring the freedom of a corporation, such as birth and
      apprenticeship, were to be abolished; but all pecuniary rights, such as
      rights of common, exemption from tolls, &amp;c., would be preserved to the
      persons now enjoying them, during their lives; in future, however, no
      person should be a burgess, or admitted into the corporations, except in
      consequence of the permanent occupancy of a house, and the payment of the
      borough rates. All exclusive rights of trade were to be abolished, due
      regard being paid to the pecuniary interests of existing individuals. It
      was proposed, touching the pecuniary affairs of corporations, that
      town-councils should have the power to appoint committees in order to
      manage their financial matters; that their accounts should be regularly
      audited; and that they should no longer be secret accounts, but regularly
      brought before the public. Town-councils were further to become the
      trustees of charitable funds, appointing a committee, if they thought
      proper, to manage them. For the management o? these funds a separate
      secretary and treasurer was to be appointed, and provision was made for
      auditing them in a different manner from the general accounts of the
      borough. The number of persons chosen for the management of these
      charitable estates were not to be less than fifteen, and they were to be
      chosen from among the general body of burgesses. The police, as far as
      regarded the watching of the towns, were to be placed under the control of
      the town-council. The power of granting alehouse licences was also to be
      left to town-councils, or to a committee chosen by them from their own
      numbers, to grant these licences. It was proposed to divide the one
      hundred and eighty-three boroughs into two schedules; the greater part of
      these, one hundred and twenty-nine, were to be placed in schedule A, and
      would have a commission of the peace granted them. The remaining
      fifty-four might also, if they chose, have a commission of the peace on
      application to the crown. With respect to those in schedule A, the
      town-councils were to have the power of recommending to the crown certain
      persons whom they thought proper to receive the commission of the peace
      within the borough; but they were not to have the power of electing
      magistrates in such sense as that the assent of the crown should not be
      necessary to perfect the election. These magistrates were not to have the
      power of sitting in quarter-sessions; but the bill enacted that, on a
      town-council applying to the crown for the establishment of a court of
      quarter-sessions, and stating that they were willing to continue the
      salary paid to the recorder, the recorder should be retained if a
      barrister of five years' standing. With respect to other towns desiring to
      have quarter-sessions, but which either had no recorder, or where the
      recorder was not a barrister of five years' standing, it was intended that
      the crown should in future have the nomination of that officer. Sir Robert
      Peel said that he would present no impediment to the introduction of the
      bill, but would reserve all consideration of its details, every one of
      which deserved a separate discussion, to a future stage of proceedings.
      The bill was read a second time, without debate and without opposition, on
      the 15th of June, and the committee began on tire 22nd of the same month.
      The first disputed point regarded the fixing of the boundaries of those
      boroughs whose limits had not been defined in the act passed for that
      purpose in reference to the reform bill. The bill provided, "That they
      should be, and remain the same as they are now taken to be, until such
      time as his majesty shall have been pleased to issue his letters-patent
      under the great seal, that he may be certified concerning the fit metes
      and bounds to be allotted unto the same respectively, and until such
      further time as it shall please his majesty, by advice of his
      privy-council, upon inspection of the return thereof made by the
      commissioners unto whom such letters-patent shall have been directed, to
      declare fit metes and bounds of the said last-named boroughs, and the
      metes and bounds of the said last-named boroughs thenceforward, for the
      purposes of this act, shall be the same so declared as last aforesaid."
      This was objected to by several members, as placing a dangerous power
      where it ought not to be placed. Sir Robert Peel said, he would consent
      that the boundaries of the existing boroughs should continue as they were
      until they should be otherwise settled by parliament: and Lord Stuart
      Dudley, although a friend of the ministry, moved an amendment to that
      effect. He was supported by Sir James Graham, Mr. Goulburn, and other
      members, who argued, that the clause gave the crown a power which the
      crown ought not to possess, and devolved upon the executive, duties which
      clearly belonged to the legislature. Lord John Russell said, he had no
      objection to add words to the effect that his majesty having appointed a
      commission to settle the boundaries, the report of that commission should
      be laid before parliament at its meeting, and the boundaries therein named
      should be and remain the boundaries of these boroughs, unless parliament
      should otherwise decide. Lord Dudley Stuart, however, pressed his motion
      to a division; but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and fifty-nine
      against one hundred and ninety-two. A more important discussion took place
      on the clause which affected the rights of existing freemen, and the
      future modes of acquiring freedom in corporations. The bill enacted, "That
      after the passing of this act no person shall be elected, admitted, or
      enrolled a citizen, freeman, liveryman, or burgess, of any borough, or by
      any name, a member of any body corporate in respect of any right or title
      other than by occupancy and payment of rates within such borough,
      according to the meaning and provisions of the act." Sir William Follett
      opposed this sacrifice of freemen; and he moved an amendment to the effect
      of preserving their rights without interfering with the municipal
      government of corporate bodies. Government vehemently opposed this
      amendment; but various members accustomed to go with ministers declared
      their intention to vote for it. Sir James Graham thought it would simplify
      the question if the amendments were limited to the rights of freemen under
      the reform bill, because the question of inchoate rights would arise more
      properly under another clause. Sir William Follett acceded to this
      suggestion; but Lord John Russell still maintained that the provision
      contained in the clause was a necessary consequence of adopting this new
      municipal franchise; and, if so, ministers were not proposing it for the
      sake of altering the reform bill, but for the sake of amending the
      municipal corporations. The amendment said that the clause must not affect
      either the rights of property or the privileges to which the freemen were
      at present entitled. Many of these rights and privileges were of a
      description hurtful to the inhabitants of towns generally; many of them
      consisted in a monopoly of trades; and many in an exemption of tolls to
      which the inhabitants generally were liable. Lord Stanley supported the
      amendment: he could not see how the clause came to appear in a bill which
      professed to be a measure to provide for the regulation of the municipal
      corporations in England and Wales. On a division the clause was carried by
      a majority of two hundred and seventy-eight against two hundred and
      thirty-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question, however, was again raised by Mr. Praed, who moved the
      following amendment:&mdash;"Provided always, and be it enacted, that in
      every borough, whether the same be a county of itself or not, where the
      right to vote in the election of members or a member to serve in
      parliament for such borough, is, according to the laws now in force,
      enjoyed by persons entitled to vote in virtue of some corporate right,
      nothing whatsoever in this act contained shall in anywise hinder or
      prevent any person or persons who now enjoy, or who hereafter, according
      to the laws now in force, might have acquired such corporate right, from
      enjoying or acquiring such corporate right for the purpose of voting in
      such elections." In opposing this amendment, Lord John Russell denied that
      he was interfering by this municipal bill with the parliamentary
      franchise: he was not enacting that there should be no freemen; and,
      therefore, though there would no longer be freemen voting for members of
      parliament, that was only an incidental consequence of the principle of
      the bill, which principle was again brought into action, not with a view
      to parliamentary franchise, but solely with a view to municipal
      government. The amendment was lost by a majority of two hundred and
      thirty-four against two hundred and sixty-two. Another amendment, moved by
      Mr. Ponsonby, for the purpose of protecting inchoate rights of freemen,
      was equally unsuccessful, being negatived by a majority of two hundred and
      thirty-four to two hundred and three. The bill arranged all the boroughs
      into two classes, according to their population, the larger boroughs being
      divided into wards. In all these boroughs the bill required no
      qualification in the common-councilmen, except that of being rate-payers.
      Sir Robert Peel moved as an amendment, "Provided such members of council
      who shall be elected in boroughs divided into wards shall, at the time of
      their election, be seized or possessed of personal property of the clear
      value of £1000, or that they shall be rated on a rental of not less than
      £40 a-year: and also, provided that all such members elected in towns not
      divided into wards shall, at the time of their election, be seized or
      possessed of property, real or personal, of the clear value of £500, or be
      rated to the relief of the poor on a rental of not less than £20." Sir
      Robert founded his amendment on what had been the usual practice in
      enactments regarding corporate towns. It was true that, according to
      ancient practice, no pecuniary qualifications were required for members of
      corporations; but the spirit of the charter was, that persons fit for
      their respective offices should be appointed; and he apprehended that,
      even in those self-elected corporations, whatever might be their defects
      in other respects, care was taken to elect persons of wealth and
      respectability. In opposing the amendment, Lord John Russell, Sir J. C.
      Hobhouse, Mr. Blackburne, and other members, argued, that it was in
      contradiction to the spirit of the bill, not agreeable to the provisions
      of the original charters, incapable of being generally and fitly applied,
      and not productive of any practical benefit. It was lost by a majority of
      two hundred and sixty-seven against two hundred and four. On the same day
      Lord Stanley moved an amendment on the clause which fixed the periods of
      election, which he proposed should take place only every second year; but
      this also was lost by a majority of two hundred and twenty against one
      hundred and seventy-six. Mr. Grote attempted to engraft on this part of
      the bill a modification of his favourite measure of vote by ballot; but
      the amendment was withdrawn. A division took place on the clause of the
      bill which declared that the town-clerk should be removable at pleasure;
      but it was retained by a majority of sixty. Sir James Graham was also
      unsuccessful in an amendment on the clause which gave to the set of men
      who should once get into office a formidable instrument for maintaining
      their predominance, by vesting in the council the power of granting or
      refusing all licences within the limits of the borough; the original
      clause was retained by a majority of forty-five. The labours of the
      committee were finished, and the report received on the 17th of July; and
      on the 20th the bill was read a third time without a division, the
      opponents of the bill leaving it to the house of lords to accomplish those
      ameliorations in its enactments which they deemed requisite.
    </p>
    <p>
      The day fixed for the second reading of the municipal bill in the house of
      lords was the 28th of July. On that day petitions were presented against
      it from Coventry, Doncaster, Lancaster, Worcester, Lincoln, and other
      corporations, praying to be heard against the bill by counsel; and from
      Bristol and Liverpool, praying to be heard against it by their respective
      recorders. It was moved, that the petitioners should be heard by counsel,
      which Lord Melbourne opposed. The Duke of Wellington and other peers
      contended that it would be a denial of justice to refuse to hear parties
      against a measure which affected their character as well as their
      interests. Lord Brougham also said that there would be no objection to
      counsel being heard, provided the matter was so arranged as to prevent
      that hearing from becoming interminable. He suggested that two counsel
      should state all that was to be stated for the whole of the corporations.
      In this suggestion Lord Melbourne concurred, and it was agreed to by the
      whole house, after which the bill was read a second time <i>pro forma</i>.
      The hearing of the counsel commenced on the 30th of July, and was
      continued up to the 1st of August. The two gentlemen who appeared for the
      corporations were Sir Charles Wetherell and Mr. Knight, who insisted
      largely on the general character of the bill, as putting an end to all
      rights enjoyed under any corporate charter in the kingdom; and attacked
      the reports made by the commission regarding the different boroughs. They
      claimed a right to tender evidence in order to prove the ignorance and
      partiality with which the corporations had been treated. After the counsel
      had concluded their argument, Lord Melbourne gave notice that he would
      oppose any motion for allowing evidence to be adduced in defence of any
      corporation. Notwithstanding this notice, however, on the 3rd of August,
      after his lordship had moved that the house should go into committee on
      the bill, the Earl of Carnarvon moved, as an amendment, that evidence
      should now be taken at the bar of the house in support of the allegations
      of the several petitions. After a long debate on this counter-motion,
      which was strenuously opposed by the ministers and their party, the house
      determined in its favour by a majority of one hundred and twenty-four to
      fifty-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      Evidence was now heard at the bar, which occupied the house from the 5th
      to the 8th of August. Witnesses were examined in relation to about thirty
      boroughs; and the evidence went to show that the commissioners had acted
      like attorneys employed to get up a case, and with but little prudence,
      since they chiefly derived their information from partizans of their own
      opinions. The evidence having been finished, the house went into committee
      on the bill on the 12th of August, when the Duke of Newcastle proposed the
      rejection of the bill, by moving that the committee should be taken that
      day'six months. He did not, however, press his motion to a division, the
      conservative peers having resolved to pass the bill, in so far as they
      thought it might do good, after stripping it of those provisions which
      seemed to be most operative for evil. Lord Lyndhurst proposed the first
      alteration; He moved a clause preserving to all freemen, to every person
      who might be a freeman but for this measure, and to their widows and
      children, or the husband of their daughters or widows, the same rights in
      the property of the boroughs as would have belonged to them by its laws
      and customs if this act had not been passed. He did not refer, he said, to
      general corporate property, but to individual and specific rights of
      property enjoyed by freemen in many boroughs&mdash;rights of commons and
      others. Lord Melbourne opposed the motion. He would not be disinclined, he
      said, to consider a proposal for extending the period during which these
      rights should be preserved further than it was now fixed by the bill; but
      he could not consent to preserve in perpetuity rights which he believed to
      be prejudicial both to the freemen themselves and to the whole community.
      The Earls of Haddington and Ripon supported the amendment, while Lords
      Plunkett and Brougham, and the Marquis of Lansdowne opposed it, contending
      that the rights to which the bill put an end were not rights of property.
      On a division the amendment was carried by one hundred and thirty against
      thirty-seven; and, thus victorious, Lord Lyndhurst immediately moved
      another, to preserve the freemen their parliamentary franchise as secured
      by the reform bill. Lord Melbourne was hostile to this amendment; but as
      there was no hope of success, he did not call for a division, and it was
      adopted. Another amendment, moved by Lord Lyndhurst, which required a
      certain qualification in the town councillors, after stern opposition from
      the ministers, was carried by a majority of one hundred and twenty to
      thirty-nine. The next alteration proposed by the opposition peers was an
      amendment which provided that a fixed proportion of the town-council
      should hold office for life. This was described by the supporters of the
      bill as being more glaringly inconsistent with the principle of the bill
      than any of those which had been adopted. To agree to it, they said, was
      to lose the bill; but it was carried by one hundred and twenty-six against
      thirty-nine. Further amendments proposed by the conservative peers were
      agreed to without much discussion, and without any division. The
      provisions which declared that persons who were at present justices of the
      peace under borough charters should cease to be so in future, were struck
      out, as were the clauses which took from the county magistrates, and gave
      to the new town-councils the power of granting licenses. The
      ecclesiastical patronage of the town-council was further limited to the
      members of the church of England; and it was decided that town-clerks
      should hold their offices during good behaviour. All towns containing six
      thousand inhabitants instead of twelve thousand were to be divided into
      wards; and the number of councillors allotted to each was to be fixed by a
      compound ratio of members and property. Finally, instead of the power of
      dividing boroughs into wards, and fixing the number of councillors which
      each ward should return, being left to the king in council, who could only
      act through commissioners, it was given to the revising barristers; and
      instead of the determination of the boundaries of the burgal territory
      being left to the government of the new councils, the peers retained it in
      the hands of parliament. The bill, as amended, was passed by the house of
      lords on the 28th of August, and the amendments were brought before the
      commons on the 31st. Lord John Russell in bringing them before the house,
      said that the lords, by their mode of proceeding, had caused their own
      amendments to be viewed in a more unfavourable light than would have
      belonged to them, if they had merely been the result of calm deliberation.
      The question, however, for the house was, whether the bill even as
      altered, might not be moulded into an efficient instrument of good
      municipal government. He would not recommend the adoption of the
      amendments by which town-clerks were made irremovable, and by which
      borough magistrates who were now justices by virtue of their offices,
      should continue to be so. Neither was he favourable to the provision
      inserted by the lords, that a certain number of councillors, under the
      name of aldermen, should be elected for life; he would rather propose that
      the same number of members of the town-council as the lords proposed
      should be elected for life, should be chosen for a period of six years,
      and that one half should always be made at 'the expiration of three years.
      Another amendment, from which he did not intend to dissent altogether,
      regarded the divisions of towns into wards; he proposed that instead of
      six thousand inhabitants there should be nine thousand in any borough so
      divided. As regards the lords' amendment, which gave the crown the power
      of nominating justices, he proposed that the house should not agree with
      the alteration. In most of the other amendments he concurred; but he would
      not ask the house to accede to the provision which limited the exercise of
      ecclesiastical patronage to such members of the town-councils as might
      belong to the church of England, or to that clause which perpetuated the
      exemption from toll enjoyed by freemen in certain boroughs. The radical
      section of the commons blamed ministers for conceding too much, and
      indulged in violent language against the house of lords. Mr. Roebuck asked
      why the real representatives of the people should bear the insults of the
      lords, when they had the power to crush them? He was an advocate for
      democracy, and the sooner they brought the matter to an issue the better.
      It was necessary to stir up the people upon this subject to something like
      a revolution. On the part of the conservative members of the house there
      was, also, a difference of opinion; some thought that the amendments of
      the lords should be preserved in all their integrity, while others were of
      opinion that the modifications proposed by ministers should be adopted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Robert Peel, after entering at length into the merits of the
      amendments adopted by the lords, in which he generally concurred, proposed
      an additional and alternative qualification for voters&mdash;namely, the
      being rated in £30 in the larger, and £15 in the smaller boroughs.
      Ministers acceded to this. But there was a greater difficulty encountered
      in dealing with the exercise of ecclesiastical patronage. Lord John
      Russell proposed the rejection of the amendment of the lords on this
      subject; but Mr. Spring Rice proposed an expedient, which was ultimately
      adopted, to insert a clause directing the ecclesiastical patronage
      belonging to boroughs to be sold, and the price to be invested for the
      purpose of being applied to the public good of the boroughs. The
      amendments of the commons were taken into consideration by the lords on
      the 4th of September, and were agreed to with few exceptions. They still
      retained, however, their original amendments providing that justices
      should be named by the crown, and that the division into wards should
      begin with boroughs containing a population of six thousand. On the 7th of
      September the commons agreed to the bill as it had been returned to them
      from the house of lords, and in that shape it finally passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime, while the lords were occupied in the consideration of the
      municipal bill, the commons were occupied with the Irish church bill. Lord
      Morpeth brought this measure forward on the 26th of June, and in doing so,
      he stated that, in conformity with the bill of last year, and of that
      which the late government had contemplated, he proposed to convert the
      existing composition into an annual rent-charge, payable by the owners of
      the first estate of inheritance, or such other equivalent estate as would
      be defined by the bill, equal to seven-tenths of the amount of
      composition, or £70 for every £100, charging the cost of collection, to
      the amount of sixpence in the pound, on the tithe-owners. He thought it
      advisable to make a distinction not only between existing and future
      clerical incumbents, but also between clergymen and lay impropriators; and
      he proposed that the existing clerical incumbent should receive £73 8s.
      for every £100 of composition, the additional five per cent, being charged
      upon the perpetuity purchase-fund. As the machinery of the bill, he said,
      was similar to that of last year, he did not feel called upon to enter
      into any of the details respecting the real charges payable to the crown,
      and the investments which would be placed under the management of the
      commissioners of land revenue. The bill would authorise a revision and
      revaluation of benefices for the tithe composition; and it was likewise
      proposed to extend the provisions of Lord Tenterden's act for the
      limitation of suits to Ireland, in the same way as it was included in the
      bill of last year. By the report of the commissioners of public
      instruction, the members of the established church amounted to 853,064,
      the presbyterians to 642,356, and other dissenters to 21,808 persons; tire
      number of Roman Catholics was 6,427,712, in other words, the members of
      the established church amounted to 853,064, and the number of those who
      dissented was 7,091,876. The distribution of the members of the
      established church, also, was as disproportionate as their total amount;
      in the diocese of Dromore, there were 264 members for every 1000 acres; in
      the diocese of Glogher 26 to every 1000 acres, and in the diocese of Tuam
      there were only 8 to every 1000 acres. It was proposed, therefore, to
      suspend the presentation to every benefice in Ireland where the number of
      Protestants did not exceed fifty. In the case of a suspended parish, in
      which there was any number of members of the establishment from one to
      fifty, the ecclesiastical commissioners would be empowered, subject to the
      approbation and consent of the lord-lieutenant in council, either to
      assign the cure of souls in that parish to the care of the neighbouring
      minister, or else to appoint a separate curate. It would further be
      enacted, that, in all parishes where there now existed a church and a
      resident officiating minister, a separate curate should be appointed. When
      the cure of souls was committed to a neighbouring minister, the amount of
      stipend to be given was not to be less than £10, or more than £50 per
      annum; and where a separate curate was appointed, the salary was not to
      exceed £75 per annum, with permission to live in the glebe-house, if he
      undertook to keep it in repair. In every parish where the cure of souls
      was committed to a neighbouring minister, or a separate curate, provision
      was to be made for the erection of suitable places of worship, fit to
      accommodate the probable number of the different congregations. These
      places of worship were to be built at a cost not exceeding £100, or rented
      at a cost not exceeding £15 per annum. In making all these provisions the
      archbishop of the province and the bishops of the diocesses were to be
      associated with the ecclesiastical commissioners. With respect to other
      parishes, if it should appear, after deducting thirty per cent, from the
      existing tithe-composition and the payment of that tax on ecclesiastical
      benefices, that the income of any parish should exceed £300 per annum, the
      commissioners would be required to report the circumstance on the voidance
      of the benefice to the lord-lieutenant, who would be empowered to make any
      reduction he might deem proper. The incomes, however, were in no case to
      be reduced below £300 per annum. In cases of livings in the gift of the
      crown and the bishops, he thought that it would be acknowledged there
      should be no delay in carrying these provisions into effect; but power
      would be given to indemnify the owners of lay advowsons, and to charge
      that indemnification on the fund which would be created from the various
      sources which he had mentioned, and which it was proposed to call "the
      reserved fund;" a fund which would be applicable to pay the salaries of
      the neighbouring ministers or separate curates&mdash;to pay all charges
      which might accrue on the suspended parishes, and to pay for the erection
      of places of public worship. These purposes having been satisfied, the
      surplus fund accruing from year to year was to be applied by the
      commissioners of national education in Ireland to the religious and moral
      instruction of all classes of the people, without reference to creeds or
      sects. The total number of parishes, he continued, that would come under
      the operation of the bill, would be eight hundred and sixty. He had
      computed the salaries of the curates at £65 each, and after the existing
      interests were provided for, there would accrue to the reserved fund,
      47,898, to which there was to be added, on account of indemnified
      patronage, £10,178, making the whole amount £58,076. Lord Morpeth added,
      that in the report of the committee on public instruction, it was stated
      that the Protestants of the church of England were on the increase.
      Government was not inattentive to this; and it was proposed that where it
      should appear to the ecclesiastical commissioners that the number of the
      members of the established church in any of the suspended parishes had
      increased to such a degree as to make the provisions of the bill
      inadequate to the religious wants of the place, they would be required to
      report the circumstance to the lord-lieutenant, and to submit a
      proposition to meet the exigency. If the lord-lieutenant approved of it,
      the report and the proposition were to be laid on the tables of both
      houses of parliament; and the ecclesiastical commissioners, after the
      expiration of six months, would be empowered to carry the proposition into
      effect, if parliament should not otherwise direct.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was brought in and read a first time. It contained two distinct
      sets of provisions&mdash;some relating solely to the mode of collecting
      tithe, and others which established a new distribution of the church
      funds, so as to create a surplus to be applied to other purposes. Sir
      Robert Peel gave notice on the 7th of July, that, on the motion for
      committing the bill, he would move an instruction to the committee to
      divide it into two bills, that he might have an opportunity of rejecting
      altogether those parts of the bill which suppressed the Protestant
      churches of eight hundred and sixty parishes, appropriating their revenues
      to purposes not immediately in connection with the interests of the
      established church, and of supporting those provisions in which he could
      concur. The bill was read a second time <i>pro forma</i> on the 13th of
      July, and the motion to commit it was made on the 21st. Sir Robert Peel
      moved the instruction of which he had given notice. Mr. Spring Rice
      answered Sir Robert Peel. The debate was continued by adjournment on the
      22nd and 23rd of July, the leading speakers in support of the motion being
      Sirs R. H. Inglis and J. Graham, Lord Stanley, and Messrs. Lefroy and
      Jackson; while the ministerial side of the question was maintained by
      Lords Howick, Morpeth, and J. Russell, and Messrs. Hume, Shiel, and
      O'Connell. On a division ministers had a majority of three hundred and
      nineteen against two hundred and eighty-two, a majority which secured the
      success of the bill in the commons. It passed, in fact, without any
      further opposition, the minority declining to discuss details which, in
      their opinion, could not be amended except by omitting them. Ministers,
      however, seem to have been convinced that Sir Robert Peel was correct in
      stating that they would have no surplus, for they introduced a clause
      providing that the consolidated fund should immediately begin to make an
      annual payment of £50,000, for the purposes of general education in
      Ireland, on the faith of the anticipated surplus, from which it was to be
      repaid.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill passed the commons on the 12th of August, and the second reading
      took place in the house of lords on the 20th. No opposition was made to
      the second reading; but it was intimated that the opposition intended in
      committee to strike out of the bill all the clauses containing the new
      scheme of appropriation, and the machinery by which it was to be worked.
      The house went into committee on the 24th of August, and agreed to all the
      clauses forming the first part of the measure, with the exception of the
      provisions for opening compositions and for taking a new average, both of
      which were expunged. When the house arrived at the first of the clauses
      which formed the new system of appropriation, the Earl of Haddington moved
      that they should be omitted. The bill was defended by the Marquises of
      Lansdowne, Glarincarde, and Conyngham, and Lords Plunkett, Brougham, and
      Glenelg. Lord Melbourne announced that if the motion were carried he would
      abandon the bill; he would not be a party to sending it back to the house
      of commons in a shape, both as to form and principle, which would compel
      that house to reject it entirely. On a division, the motion to omit all
      the appropriation clauses was carried by one hundred and thirty-eight
      against forty-one. Ministers now abandoned the bill, being in such a
      position, by the Catholic majority in the commons, as rendered honourable
      retreat impossible. On the 29th of August the chancellor of the exchequer
      brought in a bill empowering the government, on application from the
      clergy, and on satisfactory proof being given that the parties were not in
      a condition to pay, to suspend the claim for the instalment which was due
      from the Irish clergy to the 5th of April, 1846. This bill passed both
      houses without opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1835&mdash;1836
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th of May the Marquis of Chandos again brought forward the
      subject of agricultural distress. The object of his present motion was to
      give relief by diminishing the pressure of the local burdens to which land
      was subject. The farmer, he said, severely felt the heavy pressure of the
      maintenance of prisoners in gaol, and building and repairing county
      bridges. He was likewise compelled to perform statute labour on the
      highway. He thought all this should be thrown on the general taxation of
      the country. He thought also that the duty on windows in farm-houses, and
      on horses used in husbandry, should be taken off entirely. Lord Althorp
      had made some reductions; but the benefit would be increased by total
      relief from these burdens. He moved:&mdash;"That an humble address be
      presented to his majesty, expressing the deep regret this house feels at
      the continuing distressed state of the agricultural interest of this
      country, to which the attention of parliament was called by his majesty's
      most gracious speeches from the throne at the commencement of the
      preceding and of the present session of parliament; and humbly to
      represent the anxious desire of this house that the attention of his
      majesty's government may be directed without delay to this subject, with a
      view to the immediate removal of some portion of those burdens to which
      the land is subject through the pressure of general and local taxation."
      The motion was seconded by the Earl of Darlington. Government opposed it
      on the ground that what was proposed would give no relief, and that the
      suggestions at which it pointed required deliberate consideration. The
      home-secretary moved an amendment to the effect, that "the house would
      direct its early attention to the recommendations of a committee which sat
      last session of parliament upon the subject of county-rates, with a view
      to the utmost practical alleviation of those burdens to which the land was
      subject through the pressure of local taxation." Sir Robert Peel supported
      the amendment, because the resolution pledged the house to objects which
      must excite expectations on the part of the agriculturists which could
      not, consistently with public credit, be fulfilled. The Marquis of
      Chandos, however, pressed his motion to a division, which was lost by a
      majority of two hundred and eleven against one hundred and fifty. In the
      course of the debate on this subject, some members urged that all the evil
      had arisen from the resumption of cash payments, and that it could only be
      cured by some alteration of the currency. On the 1st of June, Mr. Cayley
      moved the appointment of "a select committee, to inquire if there be not
      effectual means within the reach of parliament to afford substantial
      relief to the agriculture of the United Kingdom, and especially to
      recommend to the attention of such committee the subject of a silver
      standard, or conjoined standard of silver and gold." Sir Robert Peel and
      Mr. P. Thompson opposed the motion; and Sir C. Burrell and Messrs.
      Wodehouse, Bennett, and O'Connell supported it; but on a division it was
      lost by a majority of two hundred and sixteen against one hundred and
      twenty-six.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSION REGARDING ORANGE SOCIETIES IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session a series of parliamentary attacks were directed
      against the Orange lodges. On the 6th of March, Mr. Shiel moved for the
      production of addresses presented to the king from certain Orange
      societies, and the answers which had been returned to them. These papers
      were granted; but this did not prevent a discussion on the subject, which
      was distinguished chiefly by the abuse which the Irish opposition poured
      upon the Orangemen. The subject was again brought forward on the 23rd of
      March by Mr. Finn, who moved that "a select committee be appointed to
      inquire into the nature, character, extent, and tendency of Orange lodges,
      associations, or societies in Ireland, and to report their opinion thereon
      to the house." Mr. Maxwell, himself an Orangeman, seconded this motion; he
      courted the fullest inquiry, with a hope that the committee would be
      constituted in the most impartial manner. The committee was appointed, and
      was still proceeding with its inquiries when, on the 4th of August, Mr.
      Hume brought part of them before the house. He had seen in newspapers
      portions of the evidence, real or fictitious, taken before the committee,
      by which it appeared that Orange lodges had been introduced into the army,
      and existed in thirty or forty regiments of the line. These institutions
      were in direct violation of general orders issued by the
      commander-in-chief in 1828 and 1829, which strongly reprobated the
      practice of holding Orange lodges in regiments. The lodges, he said, had
      been formed under warrants granted for that purpose by the Duke of
      Cumberland, who was the grand-master of the Orange body, and a
      field-marshal. It was true the wan-ants had not the name of his royal
      highness upon them; but he found it difficult to imagine that he was
      ignorant of the existence of Orange lodges in the army. Mr. Hume moved a
      string of eleven resolutions upon this subject. Mr. Patten, the chairman
      of the committee to which the house had referred the inquiry, complained
      of the manner in which the subject had been introduced; it was a farce, he
      said, to appoint a committee to inquire into a subject, if, when a portion
      of the evidence was printed, and the inquiry was still pending, a member
      was to be permitted to bring the subject forward in such a manner as must
      necessarily prejudge the whole question, and at the same time attack the
      character of individuals. He moved, as an amendment, "That a humble
      address be presented to his majesty, praying that he will be graciously
      pleased to direct his royal attention to the nature and extent of the
      Orange lodges in the army, in contravention of the general orders issued
      by the commander-in-chief in 1822 and 1829, which strongly prohibit the
      holding of Orange lodges in regiments: and that his majesty will be
      graciously pleased to direct an investigation to take place with respect
      to other secret societies in the army." In the debate which followed, it
      was generally admitted that the establishment of lodges in the army was
      pregnant with mischief and indefensible; but it was maintained, that any
      use which had been made in this way of warrants for creating lodges had
      taken place without the knowledge and authority of the grand-master, or
      the other superior officers of the association. From statements made by
      the members for Sligo and Cavan, it appeared that noncommissioned officers
      received warrants signed by those gentlemen and by the Duke of Cumberland,
      none of whom knew a word about the matter. Colonel Perceval, the member
      for Sligo, who held the office of grand-treasurer of the grand-lodge,
      stated that ever since he had held that office it had been his duty to
      sign warrants in blank, after they had been signed by the grand-secretary,
      the member for Cavan. In this way, he said, numbers had been sent in
      parcels to his royal highness, the Duke of Cumberland, who, on seeing his
      signature and that of the grand-secretary, had appended his own, with the
      understanding that the warrants were to be applied to purposes conformable
      to the rules of the association. Lord John Russell condemned this
      practice, and observed that he could not conceive that the Duke of
      Cumberland would hesitate, when convinced of the use which had been made
      of the blank warrants bearing Iris signature, to retire from the
      association; and he could not conceive otherwise than that he would feel
      it inconsistent with his duty as a prince of the blood, and filling a high
      rank in the army, to continue any longer in the situation which in this
      society he now filled. Lord John Russell suggested that the resolution
      should not be adopted without giving notice to his royal highness of the
      debates which had taken place on his conduct as grand-master. This
      suggestion was adopted; and the discussion was adjourned until the 11th of
      August. In the interval the Duke of Cumberland addressed a letter to the
      chairman, in which he denied having issued, or countenanced the issuing,
      of warrants to soldiers, and stated, that when such a proposal had been
      made to him he had declined it, on the ground that it was contrary to the
      orders and regulations of the Horse-guards, and that if any warrants had
      been so used, they would be annulled. His royal highness, however, did not
      intimate his intention of abandoning the Orange institutions. When the
      discussion was resumed on the 11th of August, Mr. Hume withdrew the 5th
      and 6th resolutions, referring to the general interference of Orange
      societies in political matters, thus confining the question to their
      existence in the army. The only disputed matter, indeed, was the last
      resolution, which stated that the Duke of Cumberland "had signed warrants
      in his capacity of grand-master of the grand Orange lodge of Ireland,
      which warrants have been issued for constituting Orange lodges in the
      army." Lord John Russell said, that he did not think the letter of the
      Duke of Cumberland to the chairman of the committee was all that was
      required of his royal highness; but he did not wish to agree to the
      resolution stating that his royal highness, in contravention of an order
      issued from the Horse-guards, had signed warrants, which were issued for
      constituting Orange lodges in the army. He wished such a clause to be
      omitted; and he thought the resolution wrould then satisfy both sides of
      the house. The resolution, thus modified, was carried by one hundred and
      eighty-three to forty; and the other resolutions were agreed to without a
      division.
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    <h2>
      THE VOTE BY BALLOT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, as usual after a general election, the house had to
      deal with a considerable number of election petitions. Among others
      petitions were presented from Great Yarmouth, complaining that bribery had
      been practised at the election for that borough; these petitions were
      referred to a committee. The fact of these petitions being presented,
      encouraged Mr. Grote to make his annual motion in favour of vote by
      ballot. On the 2nd of June he proposed this resolution:&mdash;"That it is
      the opinion of this house that the votes at elections for members of
      parliament should be taken by way of secret ballot." This motion, which
      was supported on the same grounds which had been urged to the house on
      former occasions, was seconded by Sir William Molesworth. Mr. Gisborne met
      it by moving the previous question. Lords Howick, Stanley, and Russell,
      and Sir Robert Peel opposed the motion. Sir Robert Peel expressed his
      surprise that government, in opposing the motion, should allow it to be
      set aside by the previous question, instead of meeting it with a direct
      negative; and Lord John Russell explained that the amendment of the
      previous question had been moved without any arrangement with him; if it
      were withdrawn, he was ready to meet it with a direct negative. After some
      demur, Mr. Gisborne withdrew his amendment; and the motion was directly
      negatived by three hundred and seventeen votes against one hundred and
      forty-four.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The budget was brought forward by the chancellor of the exchequer on the
      14th of August. He calculated the income of the country for the ensuing
      year, ending in July, 1836, at £45,500,000, and the expenditure at
      £44,715,000, leaving a surplus of £835,000. He regretted, however, to add
      that this surplus, calculated on the ordinary expenditure of the country,
      would be found to crumble away before the further statement which it was
      his duty to make. The interest due to the slave-owners, he said, was to be
      provided for from the 1st of August, 1834. The maximum of the charge to
      which the country might be liable from that time was £730,000; and
      supposing that the whole balance of the loan were to be paid up within
      three months on discount, and that the permanent interest on the whole
      amount of the stock were at once incurred, this would subject us to a
      further charge of £250.935, making the total charge for the present year,
      on account of the West Indian loan, nearly £1000. Against this, as a set
      off, there was a surplus of £885,000; but the probability was that the
      amount instead of being £1,000,000 would not exceed a sum between £600,000
      and £700,000, so that the actual surplus which might be expected would be
      from £150,000 to £200,000. The chancellor of the exchequer said, in
      continuation, that though the country was in a prosperous condition, he
      could not under existing circumstances be expected to make any great
      reduction in taxation. There were two or three taxes, however, which he
      thought might be reduced, and he proposed to reduce the duty on licences,
      which would cause a loss to the revenue of about £40,000; and on
      flint-glass, on which there might be a loss of about £70,000. He also
      proposed to relieve Ireland from the stamp-duty on awards, the loss on
      which would not exceed £500 a year. The resolutions of the chancellor of
      the exchequer were agreed to without a division.
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS REGARDING CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, the affairs of Lower Canada were brought before
      parliament. That colony was still distracted by dissensions; the French,
      or democratic party, which had gained a majority in the house of assembly,
      still insisting on all their pretensions, and declaring their
      determination to control both the legislative council and the governor,
      who represented the mother country. Their cause was advocated in the
      British parliament by Mr. Roebuck, who, on the 9th of March presented a
      petition from certain members of the legislative bodies of the province,
      setting forth their alleged grievances. In supporting his motion, Mr.
      Roebuck held out threats, that, if the demands urged in the petition were
      not granted, there would be a rebellion. Lower Canada, he said, would
      inevitably follow the example of the United States. Mr. Spring Rice and
      Lord Stanley deprecated the use of such language as Mr. Roebuck had
      adopted; language like this made matters only worse. So far back as 1828,
      a committee had been appointed to examine into the complaints of the
      Canadians. Another committee was subsequently appointed, which committee
      had come to this general resolution:&mdash;"That the most earnest desire
      has existed on the part of the home government to carry into effect the
      suggestions of the committee of 1823; that the endeavours of the
      government to the ends recommended have been unremitting, and guided by
      the desire, in all cases, to promote the interests of the colonies; and
      that in several important particulars, their endeavours had been entirely
      successful." Mr. Roebuck himself was a member of this committee, and was,
      therefore, a party to this report; but in the face of it he now blamed the
      government. On the other hand, petitions were presented to the commons on
      the 16th of March, and to the lords on the 24th of March, deprecating the
      violence of the democratic party in Canada. In presenting the petition to
      the house of lords, the Earl of Aberdeen stated that it was signed by
      11,000 persons, inhabitants of Montreal and its vicinity, who represented
      a numerous and respectable body in that country of not less than 100,000
      persons.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 10th of September. In his closing speech
      his majesty alluded to the civil contest still raging in the northern
      provinces of Spain; and intimated that he had concluded fresh conventions
      with Denmark, Sardinia, and Sweden, calculated to prevent the traffic in
      African slaves.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year Portugal exhibited a more peaceful and prosperous picture
      than it had done for some time, although it presented likewise the
      contests and intrigues of political parties for power and place. The
      Cortes met on the 2nd of January, and continued in deliberation till the
      22nd of April. The principal objects of their attention were the financial
      state of the country, and the claims for indemnification which had been
      put forward by those who had suffered under the domination of Don Miguel,
      or who had sustained loss in consequence of the measures which had now
      terminated in the establishment of the constitutional system. The bill,
      which received the sanction of the Cortes, provided that where injuries
      had been directly caused by individuals, or at the instigation of any
      individual, such persons were liable for the whole amount, and should be
      called upon to make it good. On the other hand, all unavoidable damages
      done in order to defend or attack towns, as well as injuries done by the
      usurper's government, were to be made good by the nation at large. In the
      course of this year, Prince Augustus of Leuchtenberg, the husband of the
      young queen, arrived in Portugal; but after he had been there little more
      than a month, he died from exposure to cold in taking exercise. The
      chambers justly considered the constitutional system to be greatly
      dependent upon a direct succession to the constitutional throne, and they,
      therefore, presented addresses to her majesty, praying her to enter into a
      new marriage as soon as possible. She replied that she was a queen and a
      Portuguese, and the chamber might be assured that she would make every
      sacrifice for the public interest which was not inconsistent with her
      dignity. Before the end of the year, indeed, the queen's second marriage
      was arranged, the bridegroom being the nephew of the reigning Duke of Saxe
      Coburg, and of the King of the Belgians. In Spain all was confusion and
      revolt. The war between Don Carlos and the queen, or rather the Spanish
      nation, was still continued, and the year closed while they were yet in
      arms. Towards the latter part of the year an army of 6000 men crossed the
      Spanish frontier to assist in the struggle, a convention having been
      signed between Spain and Portugal to that end: these troops, however, bore
      no part in the events of the year. In France an attempt was made to
      assassinate the king, by means of what has been denominated "the infernal
      machine." On the second day of the great political festival in honour of
      the three days of July, 1830, as his majesty was riding along the
      Boulevard du Temple, surrounded by the crowded citizens, and attended by
      his civil and military servants, an explosion like a discharge of musketry
      took place from the window of an adjoining house. The effect was terrific.
      Several officer's of rank were killed on the spot, as well as some
      grenadiers of the national guard of Paris, besides mere lookers on, while
      many were severely wounded. The horse on which the king rode was wounded,
      but he himself escaped unhurt. The assassin was captured, and he turned
      out to be a Corsican, of the name of Fieschi, who had been a noted
      vagabond for many years. The questions in dispute between Belgium and
      Holland remained in the same unsettled state in which the preceding year
      had left them. In Belgium the formation of Sir Robert Peel's ministry
      excited alarm, lest the policy of the great powers should now be less
      favourable to that country, and in particular lest Britain should refuse
      to interfere to compel the Germanic confederation to concede to the
      demands of the Belgians on the duchy of Luxembourg. Communications from
      the English ministry, however, allayed these fears; and finally they were
      relieved from them altogether by the return of the Whigs to office. In the
      autumn of this year the Emperor of Russia met the King of Prussia at
      Kalisah, and the Emperor of Austria at Toplitz; but neither of these
      meetings seemed to have been brought about for the purposes of political
      deliberation. In Greece, on the 10th of June, King Otho having come of
      age, assumed the reins of government, and the regency deposited its
      functions in his hands. The changes which took place gave great umbrage to
      the Greeks, who were already displeased at seeing so many offices in the
      hands of foreigners. Their displeasure was increased at finding there was
      no intention of sending away the Bavarian military. Turkey, during the
      present year, remained unchanged in her relations to the great European
      powers. On her western frontier she was occupied in putting down an
      insurrection which had broken out in Albania. The Porte was likewise under
      the necessity of using its arms against some tribes which had rebelled in
      Kurdistan. These disturbances saved the Pacha of Egypt from any attack by
      the Porte in his new Syrian acquisitions. On his part he showed no
      disposition to proceed further against his sovereign; he occupying himself
      with completing the subjugation of Syria, and attempting to extend his
      conquests in Arabia, which attempt was unsuccessful.
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Meeting of Parliament..... The Question of Orange
     Lodges..... Bill to Reform the Irish Municipal
     Corporations..... Irish Tithe Bill..... Commutation of
     Tithes in England..... Bill for Registration of Births,
     Deaths, and Marriages, &amp;c...... Bill to alter the Revenues
     and Territory of the different Sees..... Bill to abolish the
     secular Jurisdiction of Bishops, &amp;c...... Bill to amend the
     English Municipal Corporation Act..... Bill to Allow Felons
     Counsel to Address the Jury, &amp;c...... Abolition of
     Imprisonment for Debt, &amp;c...... Election  Committees.....
     New Houses  of Parliament..... Motion for the Reduction  of
     Taxation  on behalf of the Agriculturists..... The Budget,
     &amp;c...... Discussions on the Colonies and our Foreign
     Relations..... Prorogation of Parliament..... The Affairs
     of Ireland..... State of the Continent</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1836
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 14th of February. In his speech his majesty
      alluded to disputes between France and the United States, which he was
      endeavouring to allay; and to the civil contests in the northern province
      of Spain, for the termination of which he had also adopted measures which
      he hoped would succeed. His majesty also alluded to a treaty which he had
      concluded with the Queen of Spain for the suppression of the slave-trade.
      He expressed his regret that the agricultural interests in England still
      suffered, and recommended parliament to institute inquiry, with the view
      of ascertaining whether there were any measures which could be adopted for
      its alleviation. He then referred to the various measures affecting the
      united church of England and Ireland, and the state of the poor of
      Ireland. In the lords the address was moved by the Duke of Leinster, and
      seconded by the Earl of Burlington. The only part of it which gave rise to
      a discussion was a passage which repeated the hope, expressed in the
      speech from the throne, that the Irish municipal corporations would be
      subjected to a process of change, "founded upon the same principles as
      those of the acts which had already passed for England and Scotland."
      These words raised a question of importance between the contending
      parties, for, as the municipal acts of England and Scotland established a
      £5 franchise in one country, and a £10 franchise in the other, to
      establish in Ireland a system of municipal government founded on a similar
      basis, was to transfer to the Papists that monopoly of municipal authority
      hitherto enjoyed by the Protestants. The Duke of Wellington objected to
      the house being required, in voting the address, to pledge itself to the
      principles of any measure before the measure itself had come regularly
      before the house. He moved to substitute the following amendment:&mdash;"We
      shall proceed without delay to the consideration of any defects or evils
      that may have been shown to exist in these institutions, for the purpose
      of applying such remedies as may obviate all just causes of complaint, and
      insure the impartial administration of justice." Several peers supported
      this amendment, and the defeat of government was inevitable; but, on
      seeing this, the Marquis of Lansdowne intimated that ministers conceded
      the point as one of no particular moment, and the address was then agreed
      to. In the commons, however, government was stronger, and, therefore, did
      not exhibit the same spirit of concession. Sir Robert Peel moved the same
      amendment which the Duke of Wellington had moved in the lords. Lord John
      Russell defended the clause in the address. Lord Stanley supported the
      amendment. Lords Howick and Palmerston, and Mr. O'Connell spoke in favour
      of the address. Mr. O'Connell gave notice, that if Ireland got less than
      had been granted to England and Scotland, the cry of repeal would
      immediately be resumed. With an air of self-importance he cautioned the
      house to beware; if they excited that cry again, it would be at their
      peril. On a division the address was carried by a majority of two hundred
      and eighty-four against two hundred and forty-three.
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF ORANGE LODGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the reassembling of parliament, Mr. O'Connell and his friends lost no
      time in returning to the attack made last session on Orange lodges. On the
      21st of February Mr. Finn moved this resolution:&mdash;"That Orangeism has
      been productive of the most baneful effects upon the character and
      administration of public justice in Ireland; that its presence in the
      constabulary and peace preservation force and yeomanry corps of that
      country has led individual members, as well as large bodies of the above
      description of force, to the gross neglect and violation of their public
      duty, and to open, daring, and lawless resistance to the authority of the
      magistracy and of the executive government, on various occasions; that the
      systematic and surreptitious introduction of Orangeism into every branch
      of the military service, in almost every part of the empire, in direct
      violation of orders issued in 1822 and 1829 by the commander-in-chief of
      his majesty's forces, and the absolute power and control vested by its
      governing body, the grand Orange lodge of England and Ireland, in his
      royal highness the Duke of Cumberland, together with the rank, station,
      influence, and numbers of that formidable and secret conspiracy, are well
      calculated to excite serious apprehensions in all his majesty's loyal
      subjects, and imperatively call for the most energetic expression on the
      part of the representatives of the people of this empire, to secure the
      safe, peaceable, legal, and rightful succession to the throne of these
      realms." In the speech with which Mr. Finn introduced this resolution, he
      treated the Orange system as one of deadly hostility to the great mass of
      the population, and asserted that it was established by the report of the
      secret committee, that the Orange society set all law, justice, and
      authority at defiance. Mr. E. Buller, who seconded the resolution,
      reiterated these sentiments. As notice had been given for the 23rd of
      February by Colonel Verner, to extend the inquiry to other existing
      societies in Ireland, and as Mr. Hume was to bring forward certain
      resolutions directed to the same object on that day, the house adjourned
      the further consideration of the motion to that day. On the 23rd of
      February Mr. Hume entered at considerable length into the evidence which
      had been given before the select committee of the previous session, which
      included documents laid before it by the office-bearers of the Orange
      association and private correspondence. Most of the evidence, it would
      appear, had indeed been derived from the officers of the institution
      themselves, which was by no means a proof of guilt. Nevertheless, Mr. Hume
      contrived to make out a case against the association from such evidence;
      and when he had laid it before the house, he moved this condemnatory
      resolution:&mdash;"That this house, taking into consideration the evidence
      given before the select committee appointed to inquire into the nature,
      extent, character, and tendency of Orange lodges, associations, or
      societies in Ireland, and of Orange institutions in Great Britain and the
      colonies; and seeing that the existence of Orange societies is highly
      detrimental to the peace of the community, by exciting discord among the
      several classes of his majesty's subjects; and seeing that it is highly
      injurious to the due administration of justice that any judge, sheriff,
      magistrate, juryman, or any other person employed in maintaining the peace
      of the country, should be bound by any secret obligation to, or be in any
      combination with, any association unknown to the laws, and founded on
      principles of religious exclusion, that even if justice were impartially
      administered under such circumstances, which is in itself impossible, yet
      any connection with such societies would create suspicions and jealousies
      detrimental to the peace and good government of this country: that Orange
      societies, and all other political societies which have secret forms of
      initiation and secret signs, and are bound together by any religious
      ceremonies, are particularly deserving of the severest reprobation of the
      house, and should no longer be permitted to continue;&mdash;an humble
      address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously
      pleased to direct measures to be taken to remove from the public service,
      at home and abroad, every judge, privy-councillor, lord-lieutenant, <i>custos
      rotulorum</i>, magistrate, militia officer, inspector, chief-constable of
      the constabulary and peace preservation force, every officer of police in
      Ireland, and every functionary employed in the administration of justice,
      and in maintaining the peace of the country, who shall attend the meeting
      of any Orange lodge, of any riband lodge, or of any other political club,
      institution, or association, whenever or wherever assembled, having secret
      forms of initiation, and being bound together by any religious ceremony,
      and with secret signs, and passwords, for recognition of members of such
      bodies, and who shall not withdraw from such societies or associations, on
      or before the expiration of one month after the publication of any
      proclamation which his majesty may be pleased to direct to be issued
      hereupon, forbidding their continuing to be members of such Orange lodges,
      societies, and associations." This motion was supported by Sir William
      Moles-worth, who endeavoured to prove that the societies against which it
      was directed had already been declared illegal; a position which should
      have simply led to an address to the crown to cause the statutes to be
      enforced. Lord John Russell agreed that it was desirable to suppress these
      institutions, and all similar societies; but he intimated that government
      could not approve of some of the modes of doing so which were now
      proposed. He thought that the effect of these societies, however good
      their motives might be, were injurious: by their existence, whether
      founded upon religion or not, a distinction was made between them and some
      other part of the king's subjects, who formed! themselves into counter
      societies, with other names and distinctions; and thus a perpetual and
      ever-recurring source of disunion, disaffection, quarrels, and bloodshed
      was created. At the same time, though it might be clear that it was
      desirable to get rid of this and all other societies of the like nature,
      whether known as Orange or Riband societies, or by any other name, it was
      by no means so clear how that object was to be attained. The report of
      last year by the committee on Orange lodges, stated that the existing
      statutes, if put in execution, would be adequate for their suppression, as
      well as that of all other societies of the like nature. He had discussed
      this question with the attorney and solicitor-general; and they declared
      that, without looking most carefully into the subject, they could not
      venture absolutely to pronounce an opinion as to their legality or
      illegality. The government, therefore, were of opinion that if the several
      penal statutes already in force did not contain clear enactments against
      this offence, it was not proper for them to seek some meaning in the law,
      which would be construed by others into a straining of the provisions of
      the law, and make it doubtful whether they had not forced the meaning of
      an enactment, in order to procure a condemnation of the societies in
      question. Even if they could have discovered that, although the Orange
      societies had contrived to evade the law in some points, they had yet
      contravened it in others, and could have obtained a conviction against
      them, he thought it would be mischievous to the general liberty of the
      subject to attempt giving a strained interpretation. In 1822, it was held
      by Lord Gifford and other eminent lawyers, that Orange societies were not
      held to come within the meaning of the law; and, therefore, if they came
      at present within the terms of any act, it must be in consequence of some
      recent change in their constitution. He was, therefore, averse to putting
      the question on such narrow grounds. Government also had no thought of
      proposing any new law against them; for, although by such a proceeding the
      secret signs and distinctive marks presently in use might be made to
      disappear, they might be succeeded by some other evasion of the law. He
      thought, also, that a general address to the crown affecting all judges,
      without entering into the case of each individual, would be scarcely
      consistent with the independence of the bench. As to removing every
      magistrate and person in office belonging to the Orange societies&mdash;if
      they should be removed at once by an address of this kind&mdash;without
      any previous declaration either from the house of commons or the crown,
      they would conceive such a stigma affixed to them, that they would still
      remain banded together from a spirit of resentment, and would regard the
      measure only as an unfair and biassed transaction. His colleagues and
      himself thought that it would be better to adopt this course:&mdash;that
      where a person applied for any official situation of trust and
      responsibility under the crown, inquiry should be made whether he were an
      Orangeman, and if he meant to continue in that society, that his
      appointment should not take place. It was not only convenient to adopt
      measures of discouragement in respect to those societies, but he was
      prepared to add to these discouragements that of an address to his majesty
      by this house. In conclusion, his lordship moved:&mdash;"That an humble
      address be presented to his majesty, praying that his majesty would be
      graciously pleased to take such measures as to his majesty seemed
      advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange lodges, and generally
      all political societies excluding persons of different faith, using signs
      and symbols, and acting by associated branches." The Orange societies of
      Ireland were defended by Mr. Maxwell. They refused, he said, to be tried
      by the report of the committee, for its proceedings had been partial and
      biassed, and the investigation had not been complete. Lord Stanley urged
      the omission of the specific mention of Orange lodges in the address,
      inasmuch as they were only part of the secret societies which existed in
      Ireland. Lord John Russell, however, insisted on retaining the words,
      denying that they implied any stigma; there was no opinion pronounced as
      to the legality of these societies, but merely that they, as well as other
      secret societies, should meet the disapprobation of the crown. His motion
      was agreed to without a division; and the address having been presented to
      the king, his majesty, on the 25th of February, returned this answer:&mdash;"I
      willingly assent to the prayer of the address of my faithful commons, that
      I Would be pleased to take such measures as may seem to me advisable for
      the effectual discouragement of Orange lodges, and generally of all
      political societies, excluding persons of a different religious faith,
      using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated
      branches. It is my firm intention to discourage all such societies in my
      dominions, and I rely with confidence on the fidelity of my loyal subjects
      to support me in this determination." The home-secretary transmitted a
      copy of the address and the king's answer to the Duke of Cumberland, as
      the official head of the Orange societies, and his royal highness replied,
      that before receiving the communication, he had recommended the
      dissolution of the Orange institutions in Ireland. The Orange societies
      immediately acquiesced in this recommendation, and from that time they
      were professedly dissolved; but it was soon discovered that the law and
      will of king and commons were only evaded, and that Orange lodges were as
      numerous as ever. The conduct of O'Connell and his Irish adherents in this
      discussion was as faithless as in their professions of the voluntary
      principle. They knew well that ribandism was far more extensively
      prevalent in Ireland than orangeism, and that, whatever might be the
      character of the latter, the objects and spirit of the former were utterly
      atrocious. The riband-men were banded for purposes subversive of all law
      and order&mdash;of all liberty, civil and religious&mdash;and they were
      utterly reckless as to the means by which they promoted their ends.
      Assassination and incendiarism were the common instruments of this
      diabolical association of fanaticism and bigotry. Yet O'Connell and his
      confederates glossed over the evils of this system, or denied their
      existence, while he and they pretended zeal for public justice and liberty
      in the destruction of the Orange confederation. The true policy would have
      been the suppression of all secret political societies.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO REFORM THE IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A commission had been appointed to inquire into the state of the
      corporations in Ireland, and the royal speech had intimated that the
      subject would be brought forward during this session. Acting upon this
      report and intimation, Mr. O'Loghlen, attorney-general for Ireland,
      introduced a bill for the better regulation of Irish municipal
      corporations. In doing so he entered into many details to show the limited
      and exclusive nature of the corporations, and the abuses to which this had
      led. He proposed to remedy the abuses which had crept into the system, by
      a bill similar to those already adopted for England and Scotland. In
      regard to the seven largest towns&mdash;Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny,
      Belfast, Galway, and Water-ford&mdash;it was proposed that every
      inhabitant possessing the £10 franchise under the provisions of the Irish
      reform act, should be entitled to vote in the election of municipal
      offices. As regarded all boroughs containing a population of less than
      20,000 inhabitants, it was farther proposed that every occupier of a £5
      house should be entitled to vote in the election of municipal officers.
      With regard to councillors, the qualification in the seven large boroughs
      was to consist in having property worth £1000, and in the other towns,
      property worth £5000. In the seven large boroughs, and likewise in
      Londonderry, Sligo, Dungannon, and Drogheda, where the population exceeded
      15,000, there would be a division of wards. Aldermen, likewise, were to be
      elected by the inhabitants, and were to consist ©f the councillors who had
      the greatest number of votes at the election. One half of the councillors
      and aldermen were to retire every three years; and in the seven large
      boroughs, the council was to have the power of electing sheriffs, subject
      to the approval of the lord-lieutenant. The bill further declared that a
      commission of the peace might be granted in any large borough if the
      lord-lieutenant thought fit, and in other towns the mayor for the time
      being would be the magistrate of the borough. It was likewise intended to
      preserve to the inhabitants of the Irish corporate towns the right of
      proceeding summarily by petition in cases of misapplication of public
      funds, instead of leaving them to the ordinary tedious process of the law,
      and to retain the courts in the nature of courts of conscience, and the
      right of their suitors to proceed by attachment. It was further proposed
      that government should have the power of obliging the council, if either
      or both the persons first chosen were not approved of, to proceed to the
      election of some other persons, and not, as in the case of Dublin,
      re-elect the same person. All the other provisions were similar to those
      comprised in the English bill. The bill was allowed to be read a second
      time on the 29th of February without opposition; but Sir Robert Peel took
      occasion to state the views taken of this particular mode of reforming
      Irish corporations by himself and the party to which he adhered. He avowed
      that it was not possible to defend the corporation system which existed in
      Ireland; but he contended that the bill would not be a remedy for the
      evils. Although the views of the Conservatives, as explained by Sir Robert
      Peel, did not allow them to oppose the second reading of the bill, yet
      when the motion was made that the house should go into committee, Lord
      Francis Egerton moved that the committee should be empowered to make
      provision for the abolition of corporations in Ireland, and for such
      arrangements as might be necessary on their abolition, for securing the
      efficient and impartial administration of justice, and the peace and good
      government of cities and towns in Ireland. His lordship said, that in
      substituting abolition for the process of restoration proposed by
      ministers, he was not withholding from Ireland any of the benefits
      intended to be conferred on the other parts of the kingdom by their new
      municipal institutions; and lie argued generally that there was much in
      the situation of that country, and in the state of its society, which
      distinguished it from England and other nations, and which might render
      it, in certain cases, an unfit recipient for institutions not essential in
      themselves to good government, and only valuable as being machinery for
      that purpose. His motion was seconded by Mr. Lefroy. The bill was defended
      by Lords John Russell, Morpeth, and Hawick, Mr. O'Connell, and other
      members; and was attacked by Lord Stanley, Mr. Sergeant Jackson, and Sirs
      Henry Hardinge and James Graham. Mr. O'Connell insisted that Ireland must
      have justice; and she would not have it if she was not treated as England
      and Scotland had been treated. Lord Stanley said, that he felt some
      hesitation in receiving Mr. O'Connell as the plenipotentiary of the people
      of Ireland to treat with the British parliament. Lord John Russell closed
      the debate on Lord Francis Egerton's motion. On a division the motion was
      lost by a majority of three hundred and seven against two hundred and
      forty-three. In the committee none of the provisions of the bill underwent
      any important alteration, except the allowing of sheriff's in the large
      boroughs to be chosen by the town-councils. Ministers listened to the
      objections urged against this, and retained the nomination of these
      officers in the power of the crown. The bill was finally passed on the
      28th of March, after another debate, by a majority of two hundred and
      sixty to one hundred and ninety-nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      A harder battle was, however, to be fought in the lords. On the second
      reading Lord Lyndhurst expressed his willingness to go into committee, but
      not with the intention of preserving the bill in all its present features.
      He did not deny that evils existed in the Irish corporations, but he
      wished to see some scheme adopted which would not only remove those evils,
      but prevent the recurrence of others of a similar kind. The present bill,
      however, was a bill to extend the system of exclusion, and to aggravate
      all the violations to which justice was now exposed. The town-councils
      would not consist of persons anxious for the preservation of peace and the
      security of property, but would be filled with men of the anti-church and
      Catholic party, advocates of the repeal of the union, and of the
      separation of British and Irish interests. His lordship argued that the
      five-pound qualification would increase agitation, would aggrandise
      radical interests. If excitement, he said, prevailed in Ireland at the
      election of members of parliament, how far more prevalent would be the
      excitement which would attend the elections of this bill. His lordship
      looked also, with alarm, at the formidable power which the priesthood
      would gain by this bill; and the town-councils, he contended, would be
      confined to a party of inflammatory demagogues: justice itself would be
      poisoned at its source, and corporate property devoted to anything but its
      legitimate purposes. He concluded by sketching a plan similar to that
      which had been proposed in the commons by Sir Robert Peel, and which he,
      or some of those with whom he acted, would propose should be inserted in
      the bill in place of the clauses containing the new corporations. The
      house went into committee on the 26th of April, when Lord Fitzgerald
      moved, as had been done in the commons, "That it be an instruction to the
      committee to make provision for the abolition of such corporations, and
      for such arrangements as may be necessary on their abolition for securing
      the efficient and impartial administration of justice, and the peace and
      good government of cities and towns in Ireland." The lord-chancellor and
      Lords Holland and Melbourne spoke against this motion; and Lords Abinger
      and Lyndhurst supported it.. The motion was carried by a majority of two
      hundred and three against one hundred and nineteen. The committee
      proceeded on the 9th of May, and the first clause, repealing "all acts,
      charters, and customs inconsistent with this act," was agreed to; and the
      existing corporations were thus abolished. Lord Lyndhurst moved certain
      amendments on the second clause, which reserved the rights of freemen; and
      after some debate these were carried by a majority of one hundred and
      seven against fifty-three. Another debate and division took place on the
      22nd clause, which enacted that the boroughs should have a mayor, and a
      certain number of councillors and aldermen, as they were arranged in the
      schedules. This was struck out. And on the third reading of the bill, the
      Duke of Richmond proposed limiting the bill to seven of the largest towns.
      This motion, it was said, was not made by any arrangement or communication
      with the ministry. Government had never intended to preclude itself from
      inquiring to what towns corporate powers should be extended. What they
      were most anxious to preserve was, the corporation principle in Ireland.
      If that were maintained, the Marquis of Lansdowne said, he should not
      argue that corporations ought to be continued in the small towns: if any
      difference was to be made, it ought to be in favour of the large towns,
      because it was there that corporations must be useful if they were good
      for anything. The motion, however, was negatived; and the bill, having
      thus been brought into the form which the minority in the lower house had
      endeavoured to give it, was sent down on the 19th of May to the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      In moving that the lords' amendments should be printed, Lord John Russell
      stated that, however willing he might be to come to some arrangement in
      regard to the constitution of the franchise, he would never consent to
      deprive Ireland of municipal government altogether, thereby stigmatising
      and degrading its people. The Radicals were very violent, boldly
      maintaining that there required an "organic change" in the house of lords.
      The amendments were moved, by Lord John Russell, to be taken into
      consideration on the 9th of June. The bill, he said, as amended, contained
      little or nothing of the bill which had been sent up to the lords. Out of
      one hundred and forty clauses, one hundred and six had been in substance
      omitted, while eighteen others had been introduced. A bill had been put up
      for regulating and renewing corporations in Ireland on the same conditions
      as in England and Scotland; they had received back a bill which abolished
      them entirely, but which preserved to many of the persons who held office
      in these bodies all the power and profit of their situations. In order to
      meet the concurrence of the lords, however, instead of abolishing the
      whole of the corporations, it was proposed that the larger towns,
      originally divided between schedules A and B should be placed in one, and
      that all the clauses for the government of corporate towns should be
      restored to the bill, with the view of applying them to these particular
      towns. These towns would be Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Gal way, Kilkenny,
      Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, Drogheda, Londonderry, Sligo, and
      Carrickfergus. In regard to the other towns, he would not give them
      corporations; but at the same time he would not leave them subject to the
      provisions of the lords' bill. He proposed rather, that the provisions of
      the act of 1828 should be applied immediately to twenty-two of the towns
      in schedule C, and that so soon as the five-pound householders in these
      towns had chosen commissioners, the corporate property, and the right of
      appointing to the necessary offices should vest in the commissioners.
      There would be commissioners elected by the inhabitants, instead of being
      appointed by the lord-lieutenant. In regard to the remaining boroughs of
      schedule C, as they possessed but little property, he would neither
      subject them to the expense of a corporation, nor compel them to elect
      commissioners under the act of 1828; but would leave it to them to have
      recourse to the latter, if they thought fit. The lords had made other
      alterations in other clauses of the bill, regarding the granting of
      quarter-sessions, &amp;c.; but these alterations did not impair the spirit
      of the original bill, and therefore he would not quarrel with them. The
      difference which still remained between them was one of principle&mdash;should
      there be municipal governments or not? He thought that municipal
      government, placed on a popular basis, and under popular control, was
      excellent and useful in itself; and that in Ireland it would tend to
      public tranquillity, by assuaging jealousies, and removing causes of
      discontent. His lordship concluded by moving the rejection of the
      amendment of the lords on the fourth clause, which implied the continuance
      of corporations, and which the peers had therefore expunged. This motion
      led to another debate of two days' duration, in which all the topics
      previously discussed were again brought forward; superadded to which were
      many reflections on the house of lords, and on Lord Lyndhurst in
      particular. On a division, the motion to reject the amendment on the lords
      was carried by three hundred and twenty-four against one hundred and
      twenty-eight; and on the 13th and 14th of June, the bill was brought back
      to the shape proposed by ministers in so far as regarded corporations
      being limited to the twelve towns mentioned by Lord John Russell.
      Subsequently, a committee was appointed to draw up the reasons of the
      house for not agreeing to the amendment of the peers; and the amended bill
      was delivered to the lords at a conference on the 17th of June. On the
      27th, Lord Melbourne moved that the amendments of the commons should be
      agreed to, which motion was met by a direct negative by Lord Lyndhurst.
      The motion was lost by a majority of two hundred and twenty against one
      hundred and twenty-one; and the bill was then sent back to the commons,
      with the reasons of the lords for adhering to their own amendments.
      Finally, on the 30th of June, Lord John Russell moved, and the house
      agreed, that the amendment should be taken into consideration that day
      three months, and thus the bill was dropped.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE IRISH TITHE-BILL.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      Another great party measure was the Irish tithe-bill. Ministers
      reintroduced this measure on the 25th of April. It was brought forward by
      Lord Morpeth, the Irish secretary, who moved this resolution:&mdash;"That
      it is expedient to commute the composition of tithes in Ireland into a
      rent-charge, payable by the owners of the estate, and to make further
      provisions for the better regulation of ecclesiastical dues and revenues."
      In opening the scheme which ministers intended to incorporate in their
      bill, Lord Morpeth announced that the principle of appropriation would
      still be declared and acted on. The bill, he said, would follow the
      uniform precedent of three previous bills, and he believed of four
      successive administrations, in converting the tithe-composition into a
      rent-charge, payable by the owners of the first estate of inheritance, as
      it was termed. The bill would also preserve those terms of commutation
      which, in the bill of last year, had been adopted by both houses of
      parliament, by conferring a deduction of thirty per cent, upon those
      subject to the payment of the tithe-composition. He would not propose any
      contribution from the national funds towards payment of the arrears of
      former years; and, on the other hand, he would abandon all claims for
      repayment of the sums which had been advanced to tithe-owners under the
      million act, and which amounted to £637,000. Ministers proposed, he said,
      to entrust the collection of rent-charges to the board of woods and
      forests for a period of seven years, and thereafter until parliament
      should otherwise determine. The bill would also contain the provisions for
      allowing a revaluation of the present tithe-composition in the cases and
      under the limitations specified in the bill of last year. These were the
      arrangements to be enacted in regard to existing incumbents. As regarded
      the future regulation of the church revenues, government felt that they
      could not abandon those declarations and principles with which they
      entered upon office; that they could not shake off the engagement under
      which they conceived themselves to stand, of doing justice to the Irish
      nation; and the terms of that virtual and most honourable compact they
      conceived to be that if, in the future disposition of the revenues of the
      Irish church, something superfluous for its legitimate and becoming uses
      should arise, they should, after the satisfaction of all existing
      interests, apply that superfluity to the religious and moral education of
      the people. He felt that he might consider the principle as established
      and conceded, that parliament had a right to deal with the revenues of the
      church, if it should think them superfluous for church purposes; so long
      as the resolution adopted by the present parliament stood upon their books
      unrepealed, he had a right to think that that principle was admitted. It
      was now proposed by government, he continued, that on any future vacancy
      of a benefice, providing, as before, compensation for the patronage of
      private individuals in possession of the avowson, the lord-lieutenant
      should direct the board of ecclesiastical commissioners, now sitting in
      Dublin, to submit to the privy-council a report containing all particulars
      concerning such benefice; and a committee of the privy-council would be
      established with a view to this especial purpose, consisting exclusively
      of members of the established church, and named by his majesty. Power
      would be given to this committee to alter the boundaries of vacant
      benefices, subject to such modifications as subsequent vacancies of
      contiguous benefices might render advisable to carry into effect. Since
      the year 1718 the lord-lieutenant and the privy-council had united two
      hundred and eighty-nine parishes, consisting of the union of two or more
      parishes. The committee, after fixing the boundaries, were to apportion
      such income as they might think proper relative to the duties of the
      future incumbents, but within certain limitations. Where the number of the
      members of the established church varied from 500 to 1000, the income
      would be £300; and where the number varied from 1000 to 3000, the income
      would be £400. Where the number of Protestants amounted to 3000 and
      upwards, the income would be raised to £500; but wherever the number was
      below 50, it was proposed to assign to the incumbent an income not
      exceeding £100. After thus providing for the Protestant establishment, his
      lordship said that there would still be a considerable surplus of
      ecclesiastical revenue. The tithes payable to the clergy at present were
      £511,000, which, remitting thirty per cent, left a rent-charge of
      £353,000. The ministers' money might be stated at £10,000, without the
      expenses of collection; the private bounty fund, £5000; glebe-lands, clear
      revenue, £86,500; total, £459,550. There were 1385 benefices in Ireland, a
      considerable number of which were sinecures, not merely from the
      circumstance of having no members of the church of England within their
      locality, but also from the fact that they were in the hands of the
      dignitaries of the church, who performed little or no service in them.
      There were also many which had been suppressed by the church-temporalities
      act, divine service not having been performed in them for three years.
      Perhaps the number necessary to keep up would be about 1250. It was
      intended, indeed, under this bill, to give power to the privy-council to
      constitute new benefices in Ireland, of which they were likely to avail
      themselves to some extent. The whole payment to be made to the clergy of
      the 1250 benefices he calculated at £361,928, thus leaving a surplus of
      £97,612. This was a larger surplus than he had hoped for last year; but as
      the committee of the privy-council would, in certain cases, have the power
      to constitute new benefices, this surplus would be likely to undergo some
      alteration. It would also be remembered that no part of the surplus could
      be expected to be realised for some time to come, from the necessity of
      satisfying vested interests, and of making other important arrangements.
      After satisfying all the charges that must be met, it was proposed to have
      the remainder paid into the consolidated fund, upon which a charge of
      £50,000 per annum was to be fixed, for the purpose of supplying religious
      and moral education to the people of Ireland. The second reading was
      delayed till the 1st of June, when Lord Stanley, who had previously given
      notice of his intention, moved this amendment:&mdash;"That leave be given
      to bring in a bill for the conversion of tithe into a rent-charge, and for
      the redemption thereof, and for the better distribution of ecclesiastical
      revenues in Ireland." In reply, Lord John Eussell reminded the house that
      he had expressed his willingness to allow Lord Stanley to bring in his
      bill as a substantive measure; but when it was moved as an amendment on
      the original motion before them, it was merely a new form of opposing the
      second reading of the government bill, and raising the question on the
      principle of that bill. They had been appealed to as gentlemen, but he
      hoped they were something more; that they were representatives of popular
      feelings and popular interests&mdash;representatives, not of local bodies,
      but of the whole empire, including the six millions of Roman Catholics in
      Ireland. In conclusion, Lord John Russell said that it had been asked,
      whether he meant the income of the glebe-lands generally, or in part, to
      go towards giving glebe to the Roman Catholic church? He gave a distinct
      answer in the negative; government had no intention of providing, out of
      any surplus of glebe-lands in Ireland, glebe-lands for the Roman Catholic
      church. The debate continued by adjournment on the 2nd and 3rd of June,
      the ministerial measure being defended by Lord Morpeth, the chancellor of
      the exchequer, Messrs. O'Connell, Shiel, Ward, and others; and that of
      Lord Stanley being supported by Sergeant Jackson, Sirs James Graham, and
      E. Peel, and Mr. Lefroy, and others. The most remarkable speeches
      delivered in this debate were those of Mr. O'Connell and Sir Robert Peel.
      The debate was closed by the chancellor of the exchequer, who complained
      that the opposition fixed upon ministers all the opinions of those who
      supported the bill. On a division, ministers had a majority of
      thirty-nine; the votes for the second reading being three hundred, and for
      Lord Stanley's amendment, two hundred and sixty-one. A motion was made on
      the 1st of July for going into committee on the bill, on which day the
      ultimate designs and the real wishes of the Papists were disclosed by Mr.
      Crawford, who moved the following resolutions:&mdash;"1. That it is
      expedient that tithes, and all compositions for tithes in Ireland should
      cease, and be for ever extinguished, compensations being first made for
      all existing interests, whether lay or ecclesiastical; and that it is also
      expedient that measures should be adopted to render the revenues of the
      church lands more productive, and more available for the support of the
      working clergy of the establishment; and that all persons not in communion
      with the established church of Ireland should be relieved from all
      assessment for its support. 2. That it is expedient that the moneys
      necessary for the aforesaid compensation (estimated at £2,500,000) should
      be advanced out of the public revenue, and afterwards repaid by
      instalments from the proceeds of a tax to be imposed on profit-rents; such
      tax to cease and determine as soon as the said debt shall be paid." These
      resolutions, however, were rejected by a majority of fifty-one against
      eighteen. In the committee the Irish leader betrayed his conviction that
      it would be impossible either to pass the bill, or to make it the means of
      raising any popular excitement against the house of lords. On the
      discussion of the first clause, he said, that to discuss anything was only
      waste of time; for it was clear that no measure for the pacification of
      Ireland, whether respecting tithes or anything else, was likely to pass.
      Any bill containing solid relief was sure to be destroyed; they were
      legislating in despair. He himself intended to have proposed several
      amendments; but he should not do so, as there could be no doubt the lords
      would throw out the bill. The only debate which took place in the
      committee arose on the question, whether the appropriation clause should
      stand part of the bill. The arguments adopted were a repetition of all
      that had been formerly urged, diversified with a few new illustrations,
      and some acrimony of expression. The clause was retained on a division by
      a majority of two hundred and ninety against two hundred and sixty-four.
      The bill was finally read a third time, and passed on the 15th of July.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading was moved in the lords on the 22nd of July. Lord
      Melbourne briefly explained its provisions, observing that it was not
      necessary for him to go into any lengthened argument on the subject. It
      was read a second time without opposition, the Duke of Wellington
      declaring that he was prepared to consider it in committee, with a view to
      make such amendments as might render it consistent with the interests of
      the church and the people. The house went into committee on the 25th, and
      the bill was passed on the 28th. When passed, however, all the provisions
      for what was called appropriation were struck out, and all the other
      important arrangements in the bill were modified. By the bill the clergy
      were only to receive seventy per cent.; the lords raised it to
      seventy-five; they raised also the minimum stipend to be paid in any
      benefice to £300. In this shape the bill was sent down to the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell brought the amendments of the lords before that house on
      the 2nd of August, when he started a question of privilege, as if the
      lords had interfered with a money-bill, thereby leaving the commons no
      other choice than to reject it, independently of the merits or demerits of
      the alterations which had been introduced. He entered subsequently into
      the merits of the amendments at large; and having explained them, he said,
      it was for the house to say whether, after having solemnly affirmed
      certain principles, it would, because the lords had rejected them, yield
      them up, and then endeavour to agree with the lords in the alterations of
      this bill, or in the provisions of a new measure. For himself, he would
      say, that if the members of the house of commons were to go up to the bar
      of the house of lords in such humble guise, admitting that they had been
      in error, and that the wisdom of the house of lords had taught them a
      lesson of policy they had never learned before, he, for one, would not
      accompany the commons on such a message. Sir Robert Peel, who followed the
      home-secretary, moved as an amendment that the lords' amendments should
      now be taken into consideration; but, after a brief debate, the motion for
      rejecting the bill was carried by a majority of two hundred and sixty
      against two hundred and thirty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMUTATION OF TITHES IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the leading measures of the session, as regarded England, was for
      the commutation of tithes; a measure which was brought forward for the
      relief of the dissenters. The ministerial plan for the commutation of
      tithes was brought before the house of commons by Lord John Russell on the
      9th of February. The subject, he said, consisted of two parts: namely, the
      principles on which the commutation should be made, and the machinery by
      which it was to be carried into execution. The machinery, he confessed,
      would be borrowed from Sir Robert Peel's bill of last year. There would be
      a central board of commissioners, consisting of three persons, for the
      purpose of arranging the question of commutation; and this board would
      have power to appoint assistant-commissioners to a certain extent, and in
      certain cases, in the same manner as the poor-law commissioners. His
      lordship admitted that the selection of the principle on which the
      commutation should proceed was a subject attended with much difficulty. In
      the plan government proposed, their object had been to produce as little
      disturbance as possible in existing interests, not to diminish violently
      or excessively the income now enjoyed by the tithe-owners, and to produce
      some uniformity in the mode of calculating and valuing tithe throughout
      England and Wales. As in the bill of last year, any landowner would be
      allowed to agree with the tithe-owner for a commutation of his tithe; and
      having made such an agreement, he would stand to the tenant in the
      relation not only of landlord, but likewise of tithe-owner. He also
      proposed that it should be competent for the possessor or possessors of
      one-fourth of the value of the tithe to call a meeting of the owners of
      land in the parish, at which parties might be represented as they now were
      under the poor-law act. When three-fourths in value of the owners of tithe
      agreed with three-fourths in value of the owners of land, they would have
      power to make an agreement binding on the whole parish, if no person
      appealed against it within a certain period. If any person appealed, it
      should still be binding against those who did not appeal. The parties
      appealing would be compelled to appear before the assistant-commissioners,
      who, on hearing their statements, would make an award, which award, on the
      ratification of the central board, would become binding on the parish. If,
      at the end of a certain period, he would say six months, no such agreement
      were made between the tithe-owners and the tithe-payers, it would be
      competent for any landowner, or any tithe-owner, to ask the commissioners
      to make such a general award on the tithes of the parish. When such a
      demand was made, an assistant-commissioner would be authorised to examine
      what had been the amount of tithes, and what had been the expense of
      collecting the tithes for the last seven years; he would then declare the
      amount of tithes so paid for the last seven years, and that amount would
      be represented by a certain quantity of wheat, barley, and oats. If any
      person should appeal against this declaration, on the ground that the
      amount fixed for the tithes on the composition did not fairly represent
      their value, the assistant-commissioner would make an estimate of the
      value of the tithes for the seven years previous, and ascertain the actual
      gross value of them for that period. If it should appear that the sum of
      tithes taken in any parish during a period of seven years exceeded
      seventy-five per cent, of the gross value, then it would be competent to
      the commissioners to determine that the commutation should amount to
      seventy-five per cent. of the gross value, and no more, and they would
      reduce the sum accordingly; if, on the contrary, it appeared that the
      amount taken was less than sixty per cent, of the gross value of the
      tithe, the commissioners would be authorised to raise the sum to sixty per
      cent., and to declare that that should be the amount of the future charge.
      If the sum paid was between these two limits, it should be competent to
      the commissioners to make such an award as they thought the circumstances
      and the justice of the case required. In some cases tithes had been taken
      to such an extent as ought not to form the basis of a permanent charge;
      and, on the other hand, there were instances, as had been satisfactorily
      established by undoubted evidence, of clergymen who did not receive more
      than forty or fifty per cent, of the amount to which they were entitled.
      It appeared just to interfere in these cases; and he thought it right to
      fix a sum to be taken hereafter, which should not exceed or fall below a
      certain amount, in proportion to the gross value of the tithe. It was open
      for consideration, whether sixty or seventy-five pounds were the proper
      minimum and maximum: he referred to these sums only as illustrating the
      principle. In certain cases, however, a special regulation would be
      required, as tithes on hops, orchards, and gardens, on which the tithes
      were extremely high. He proposed giving the commissioners the power of
      taking certain hop districts, in order to ascertain the average tithe of
      the last seven years, and fix the amount in future. They would also have
      the power of declaring what the tithe of any particular land or property
      should be, supposing hop cultivation to be abandoned; and it was provided
      that in cases where land should be brought into hop cultivation anew, it
      should be subject to an additional payment of fifteen shillings an acre on
      account of tithe. As regarded orchards and gardens, he had not been able
      to settle a particular provision on the subject, although he admitted
      lands thus cultivated were particularly circumstanced. The tithe thus
      commuted, Lord John Russell continued, would become a rent-charge, payable
      by the landowner according to the value of grain: thus&mdash;the average
      prices for seven years of wheat, barley, and oats would be published at
      certain periods by the comptroller of corn returns; this publication would
      take place every year, and the payment of rent-charge made in lieu of
      tithe would be varied accordingly. The prices of three different kinds of
      grain were taken, for the purpose of ascertaining the value and amount of
      the charge, so that if an individual were chargeable with £300 for tithe,
      one-third would be estimated by the price of wheat, one-third by that of
      barley, and the remaining third by the price of oats, which would be
      giving each a fair proportion in the gross amount. Finally, the intended
      bill did not deal, his lordship said, with the question of redemption of
      the rent-charge; that was an important and difficult subject, and would
      require to be dealt with in a separate measure after the commutations
      should have been made, and the charge ascertained. Sir Robert Peel said
      that he would not object to the measure being introduced, since he thought
      himself entitled to say that it was taken in great part from his bill of
      last year. The whole of its machinery was, in fact, adopted, and to a
      certain extent likewise, its principle of voluntary commutation. The bill
      passed the second reading on the 22nd of February without any division,
      although various objections were stated, both as to its principles and
      details; the former being chiefly directed against the compulsory nature
      of the commutation. When the bill went into committee, ministers made
      several alterations in its provisions. Thus the period during which
      voluntary commutations might be entered into was extended from six months
      to twelve; and the clauses under which a single landholder might compel a
      commutation in regard to his own property, while there was none for the
      rest of the parish, were given up; it was now proposed that a fixed
      proportion of the landowners should have power to enter into a voluntary
      agreement, which, after a certain time, should become binding on the whole
      parish. A great deal of hostility, however, was still expressed against
      the measure, and that even among the ordinary supporters of government.
      Mr. Hume maintained that no good bill could be enacted till the corn-laws
      were repealed, since they had given land and its produce an artificial
      value; and as their repeal was anticipated, this measure would inflict
      great injury on the landowners, unless the value of the tithe was fixed
      much lower than was done by the bill. Great opposition was also manifested
      to the maximum and minimum of seventy-five and sixty pounds, and fixing
      them merely by the average of the preceding seven years, but the clause
      was retained. On the bringing up of the report, however, government
      proposed a modification of the clause, to the effect that the
      commissioners, on receiving a representation that the sum paid was not a
      fair composition, should ascertain the gross value of the tithe, and
      should have power to raise or diminish the sum to be paid in future, but
      not beyond one-fifth of the sum paid during the preceding seven years.
      Some amendments of minor importance were moved subsequently, but were
      rejected; and the bill having gone up to the lords, was read a second time
      without opposition, and was passed on the 22nd, both sides of the house
      approving of its general principles. The Archbishop of Canterbury said, he
      thought the bill would be very beneficial in its effects, relieving the
      land from the pressure of tithes, and doing justice to the clergy, and as
      little liable to objection as any measure that could be framed on a
      subject so difficult and so complicated. With respect to those lands which
      might be brought into cultivation as agriculture improved, and for which
      the bill made no provision, he agreed that to give the clergy a tithe on
      such land would be to prevent the general object of the bill&mdash;the
      expenditure of capital on the land; but when waste lands were enclosed and
      brought into profitable cultivation, he could see no reason why such steps
      should not be taken in favour of the clergy as were usual in other cases,
      and why a portion of the land should not be given to them. His grace
      accordingly moved, in the committee, an amendment to the effect, that when
      waste or common lands should be enclosed, the commissioners should assign
      a certain portion of the land to the tithe-owner instead of his tithe.
      This was objected to on both sides of the house, and the amendment was
      negatived without a division. The bill passed, and the few alterations
      which had been made in the lords were agreed to with one exception. The
      peers had agreed to an amendment giving tithe on cows fed in stalls and
      sheds. This was rejected; and the lords, when the bill returned to them,
      did not insist upon its retention.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 12th of February Lord John Russell brought in bills for relieving
      dissenters from the necessity of celebrating their marriages according to
      the forms of the church of England, and for establishing a system of
      registration of marriages, births, and deaths. His lordship stated that
      the two bills were not connected with each other, but that the
      establishment of a proper system of registration was, in his opinion, an
      indispensable pre-requisite to any measure for removing from the
      dissenters their grievances relative to marriage. It was further, he said,
      an important object, in a national point of view, to have a general scheme
      of registration. At present there were no registry of births, but only of
      baptisms; no registry of marriages, because they were only such marriages
      as were performed by ministers of the church of England; and no registry
      of burials, as the only burials registered were those in which the service
      was performed by clergymen of the establishment. He argued that it was
      necessary we should have a registration, which should comprehend,
      indifferently and impartially, all sects of the people. The late change
      effected in our domestic policy, he continued, seemed to furnish the means
      of attaining this end without any heavy additional expense. By the
      poor-law amendment act there were two hundred and twenty-eight unions
      already in England and Wales; and it might be calculated that, when the
      whole country was divided into unions, there would be more than eight
      hundred. In every union there was a relieving-officer, each union
      consisting of about twenty parishes, and containing from sixteen to twenty
      thousand inhabitants. There was likewise an auditor appointed by the board
      of guardians. Now the government proposed that the poor-law commissioners
      should have the power of appointing the relieving-officer, or any other
      person whom they might think fit, to keep the register of a certain number
      of parishes; and the auditor of the union, or his clerk, or any other
      person appointed by the poor-law commissioners, should superintend the
      register of that part. There would further be a registry-office in each
      county, and a chief office in London, subject, however, to the authority
      of the poor-law commissioners. The superintendent in each union was to
      send the registers to the county office every two months, and copies would
      be transmitted thence to the central office in London. As regarded the
      manner in which the registration was to be made, his lordship said, that
      the bill would require notice to be given by the occupier of the house in
      which the child was born within eight days after that event had taken
      place, and that within fifteen or twenty days the registrar might call
      upon either the father or mother of the child, or upon the occupier of the
      house, to give him certain particulars, in order to fill up accurately the
      register in respect to that child. The person who furnished these
      particulars would also be required to furnish the name of the child; if
      that was declined at the time, and withheld to a future period, it would
      be necessary to postpone it, and the party would be obliged to produce to
      the registrar a certificate of the baptism of the child, and to pay him a
      fee of one shilling for making the entry. In cases of death likewise the
      occupier would have to give an account of the deaths which happened in his
      house&mdash;of the time and circumstances of the event&mdash;in the same
      manner as was provided in the case of birth. The registrar, within a
      certain time, would also call upon the next of kin, or any person living
      in the house, to furnish him with further particulars with respect to the
      death, the age of the deceased, information as to what part of the country
      the deceased belonged to, and all such other information as was usual and
      material in such cases. Persons who gave this information would not be
      required to pay any fees for the entry, or, indeed, for anything; but
      copies or certificates of the entry at any time afterwards supplied would
      have to be paid for. Every registrar would receive two shillings and
      sixpence for each name entered by him within twenty days after birth or
      death, and one shilling extra after that time, and the superintendent of
      the registrar would be paid two-pence on each entry. It was calculated
      that altogether there would be about 812,000 entries made in the course of
      one year, and that the amount paid to the registrars thereon would be
      somewhat more than £40,000. The total expense, including superintendents
      and the register-office in London, would amount to about £80,000 per
      annum. For the present the lords of the treasury would be empowered to pay
      the expenses of the central register-office in London; the future expenses
      would be borne by the parishes, according to the number of entries
      supplied by each. Lord John Russell next proceeded to state the provisions
      of the registration of marriages. He laid it down as a principle that the
      state had no interest in the form of the marriage ceremony, beyond that of
      its being binding on the consciences of the parties. When it was
      ascertained that due notice of the contract had been given, according to
      the form requisite to be followed by all parties, that the contract was
      duly registered, and that the manner in which that contract was entered
      into was binding upon the consciences of the parties to it, then the state
      had learned all that it was essential or necessary for it to know. The law
      of the country, however, as it at present stood, took a very different
      view. By the marriage law of 1754 it was declared that a marriage, in
      order to be valid, must be performed&mdash;after bans published in the
      church, or licence granted by authority&mdash;in the church, within
      certain hours, except under a special licence, and in all cases by a
      clergyman of the church of England. This law he considered as an
      unnecessary violation of conscience, and he proposed to leave the
      marriages of the members of the church of England as they were under the
      present law, and to allow the Protestant dissenters to be married in their
      own chapels, according to the religious form most acceptable to
      themselves. Instead of the publication of bans, he proposed that all
      persons, whether of the church establishment or Protestant dissenters,
      should give notice of their intention to marry to the registrar, and that
      their names should be entered by him in a notice-book, open to inspection
      for twenty-one days prior to the celebration; but that persons intending
      to marry by licence would be required to give only eight days' notice; and
      special licences, issued under the authority of the Archbishop of
      Canterbury, would still be retained. If the parties were unknown to the
      registrar, some person known to him would be required to declare that they
      were the parties they professed themselves to be. After the names had
      remained twenty-one days on the notice, the registrar would have to give
      them a notice to that effect, and the marriage might be celebrated within
      three months from that date. If the parties were members of the church of
      England, the clergyman, on the production of the certificate within the
      period, would be empowered to perform the ceremony without the publication
      of bans; or, if the parties were dissenters, they would be at liberty to
      go to a dissenting chapel with the certificate of notice, and, on its
      production, the ceremony would there be solemnized. The chapel, however,
      must first be duly licensed, on the application of at least twenty
      householders, who must declare that it was a dissenting chapel, used as a
      place of worship, and that they desired it to be licensed for the
      celebration of marriages. It was further proposed that as a dissenting
      minister was not known so well as a clergyman of the church of England,
      and that as he might take upon himself the office and lay it down again,
      the registrar should be present at such marriages, and should afterwards
      enter the names of the parties on the registry. To those who considered
      marriage to be altogether a civil contract, he would give something like
      what had been proposed last year by Sir Robert Peel, with this exception,
      that the parties, instead of going before a magistrate, would go before
      the registrar of marriages for the district in which they resided, who
      would enter the marriage contracted before him in a form of words set out
      in the bill. In respect to the registration of other marriages, the only
      difference between members of the establishment and dissenters would be
      this&mdash;that the established clergyman might enter the certificate of
      marriage in his own register, and send a duplicate copy thereof to the
      superior registrar of the district, to be forwarded by him to London;
      while, in the case of dissenters, it would be required that the ceremony
      should be performed in the presence of the registrar, who would certify
      that the marriage had taken place after a compliance with all the forms.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bills were brought in, and were read a second time on the 15th of
      April without any opposition. The registration bill passed through
      committee without any important alteration; and the house of lords passed
      it on the 15th of August, with several amendments, to which the commons
      agreed. In the committee on the marriage bill, it was proposed to continue
      the publication of bans in rural districts, as a more effective means of
      giving notice to families interested in preventing a clandestine marriage
      than a register, which would require to be daily examined. It was also
      proposed to allow a dissenting chapel to be licensed for marriage purposes
      on the application of ten householders belonging to the congregation,
      instead of twenty, because there were many such chapels which did not
      contain ten householders. Both these propositions were rejected, as was
      also a motion for the rejection of the clause which allowed persons who
      objected to marry in church, or in a registered meeting-house, to marry at
      the office of the registrar. This clause was objected to on the ground
      that it altered the whole marriage law of England, and separated the
      contract of marriage from all religious sanction; but a large majority
      decided in its favour. On the third reading Mr. Goulburn moved the
      insertion of a clause requiring, in all cases where marriages were not
      solemnized in a church or chapel, nor according to the rites of the church
      of England, that the parties should make the following declaration:&mdash;"I
      do solemnly declare that I have conscientious scruples against the
      solemnization of marriage according to the rites and ceremonies of the
      church of England." This motion, however, was rejected by a large
      majority, and another was carried, which went to reject the eighteenth
      clause of the bill, which required persons married before the registrar
      solemnly to declare that their had conscientious scruples against marrying
      in either church or chapel, or with any religious ceremony. Sir Robert
      Peel said, that the bill thus altered had assumed an entirely different
      aspect; while it provided for the relief of the dissenters, it passed a
      gratuitous and most intolerable insult on the feelings and principles of
      the members of the church of England. Lord Lincoln, after making similar
      remarks, moved, as an amendment, that the bill should be read that day six
      months; but the third reading was carried by one hundred and four against
      fifty-four. In the lords the second reading encountered no opposition,
      objections to it being reserved for the committee. In the committee the
      Bishop of Exeter moved, in order to avoid the desecration of the marriage
      contract when the ceremony was not performed in church, that the parties
      should make the following declaration:&mdash;"In the presence of Almighty
      God and these witnesses, I, M., do take thee, N., to be my wedded wife,
      according to God's holy ordinance; and I do here, in the presence of God,
      solemnly promise, before these witnesses, to be to thee a loving and
      faithful husband during life," instead of, as it stood in the bill, "I
      call upon these persons here present to witness that, I, A. B., do take
      thee, C. D., to be my lawful, wedded wife." This amendment was carried;
      but on the bringing up of the report, the bill, on the motion of Lord
      Melbourne, was restored in this respect to what it had formerly been. The
      lords, however, struck out that provision of the bill which abolished the
      proclamation of bans, and they enacted with regard to all marriages of
      members of the established church, that bans should still be proclaimed.
      They likewise enacted that the superintendent of each district should send
      to the clerks of the unions the names of all persons who gave notice of
      their intention to marry, they being Protestant dissenters, and that their
      names should be read weekly, for three successive weeks, at the meetings
      of the guardians of the poor. Finally, in some parts of the bill they
      introduced an oath in place of a declaration, and required the
      interference of the superintendent-registrar, instead of the registrar.
      Some of these amendments were very unfavourably received by the dissenting
      interest in the commons, and an amendment was carried expunging the
      enactment that the names of dissenters intending to marry, should be read
      by the guardians of the poor at their weekly meetings. To all the other
      amendments of the lords, the commons, on the advice of Lord John Russell,
      agreed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO ALTER THE REVENUES AND TERRITORIES OF THE DIFFERENT SEES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      During the administration of Sir Robert Peel, a commission had been
      appointed to inquire what useful changes, if any, could be introduced in
      the ecclesiastical condition of the church of England, so as to remove
      anomalies which might still exist in it, and insure more effective
      pastoral superintendence. This commission had made a first report before
      Sir Robert Peel had resigned, and on the occurrence of that event his
      successors continued it, though its official members were changed. The
      second report was presented to both houses early in the present session,
      when it appeared that the inquiries of the committee had been threefold:
      first, their recommendations referred to the ecclesiastical division of
      territory, and the revenues of the different sees; secondly, to the
      cathedral and collegiate revenues, which it was desirable should be made
      more useful for the church establishment; and, lastly, the residence of
      clergymen on their benefices. During this session Lord John Russell
      introduced into the lower house a bill founded on those recommendations,
      which regarded the new modelling of the episcopal sees in relation to
      territory and income; and at a later period, another measure was brought
      in, providing for the suppression of cathedral and collegiate preferments,
      and sinecure benefices. A third measure was likewise brought into the
      house of lords by the Archbishop of Canterbury, to carry into effect the
      recommendations of the commissioners regarding pluralities and
      non-residence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill concerning the territories and revenues of the diocesses, or the
      established church bill, recited those parts of the reports of the
      commissioners which set forth the proposed alterations among the sees, and
      deductions from their revenues. The first of these reports had recommended
      a different territorial arrangement of diocesses, with the view of making
      them more equal; the suppression of two sees; the erection of two others,
      those of Manchester and Ripon, in their places; and that the revenues of
      the sees&mdash;the two archbishoprics, and the sees of London, Durham, and
      Winchester excepted, should not exceed £5500, nor fall below £4500. The
      second report proposed that the diocess of Bristol, which, according to
      the previous recommendation, was to comprehend part of the diocess of
      Llandaff, should be united, as far as respected Bristol, with the diocess
      of Bath and Wells; and, as far as respected the remaining portion of the
      see, with the bishopric of Gloucester. It was further proposed that the
      Isle of Man should be united with the bishopric of Carlisle. With regard
      to the revenues, the second report recommended that the income of the
      Archbishop of Canterbury should be reduced from £17,000 to £15,000; of the
      see of London, from £12,200 to £10,000; of Durham, from £17,800 to £8000;
      of Winchester, from £10,700 to £7000; of Ely, from £11,000 to £7500; and
      of Worcester, from £6500 to £5000. The excess produced by these deductions
      was to be divided among thirteen sees, so as to make their respective
      revenues range between £5500 and £4500 per annum. It was further suggested
      that some useful measure might be proposed with respect to the mode of
      granting leases; but this was a subject which the commission had found
      extremely difficult in treating with, and therefore they had not agreed
      upon any proposition. After reciting these various parts of the reports of
      the commissioners, Lord John Russell's bill incorporated a board of
      commissioners under the style of "the ecclesiastical commissioners for
      England," which board was composed of spiritual and lay peers, of the
      lord-chancellor, the president of the council, and first lord of the
      treasury, of the chancellor of the exchequer, and such of the secretaries
      of state as his majesty might name for the time being, and of the right
      honourable Henry Hobhouse and Sir Herbert Jenner. The bill further enacted
      that the commissioners from time to time should lay before the king in
      council such schemes as should appear to them to be best adapted for
      carrying into effect the before-cited recommendations, and such measures
      as should appear to them necessary for the proper execution of these
      schemes, with a power of making such modifications and variations in
      matters of detail, as might not be repugnant to the recommendations
      themselves. When any such scheme had been approved of by his majesty, it
      was to be ratified by an order of the king in council, published in the <i>Gazette</i>,
      and recorded by the registrars in the diocesses, and was thereafter to be
      of the same force and effect as if every part of it had been included in
      this act. A clause was inserted, enacting that in future no bishop should
      hold <i>in commendam</i> any ecclesiastical office, dignity, or benefice,
      all such grants being declared null and void; and by another clause the
      commissioners were directed to prepare a scheme for preventing the
      appointment of clergymen not fully conversant with the Welsh language, to
      any benefice in Wales, with the cure of souls, where the majority of the
      inhabitants of the parish did not understand English. On the motion for
      going into the committee on tire bill, the second reading of which had
      encountered no opposition, Lord John Russell entered at considerable
      length into this measure, and likewise the other two bills which were to
      accompany it in reforming the church. It would be mere repetition to
      record his expressions on the first measure; but passing to the
      recommendation of the commissioners for suppressing collegiate and
      cathedral charges, and benefices without the cure of souls, he said, that
      the income which would become available from these sources would be
      £130,000. In making a new application of this revenue, the first regard
      would be given to the wants and circumstances of the parishes from which
      the revenue was derived. The want of church accommodation in many places
      was lamentable. With respect to patronage, Lord John Russell added, it was
      proposed that instead of the large number of livings now in the hands of
      the dean and chapters, for the future they should only have the power
      either of appointing one of their own body, or one of their minor canons
      to benefices; but if they were not accepted, they should, after three
      months, be disposed of by the crown in some cases, and by the bishop of
      the diocess in others. With respect to the patronage of the crown, by
      which the church was connected with the state, he thought it would be a
      great evil to have the church totally independent of the state. Patronage
      was one of the means by which the church was united to the state, and by
      which the latter was bound to promote the interest and welfare of the
      church; and on the other hand the clergy were enlisted in the common cause
      and general policy of the state. He considered also that the patronage in
      the hands of bishops and individuals was useful; and the commissioners had
      proposed that the patronage in the hands of cleans, prebends, and
      residentiaries, should go into the hands of the bishops. On the motion for
      going into committee the bill was inveighed against as a mockery of
      reform, which still left the church too wealthy; merely making a new
      distribution among the bishops, instead of a reduction; not only not
      taking sufficient from the richer bishoprics, but giving what it even did
      take to the other bishops, instead of bestowing it on the poor and working
      clergy. The bill passed through the committee on the 14th; and on the
      bringing up of the report, Mr. Hume moved that it should be considered
      that day three months. This motion was rejected by a majority of more than
      two to one; and Mr. C. Buller then moved a clause, to the effect that,
      until due provision should have been made for the adequate payment of the
      parochial clergy, and for the supply of religious instruction to those
      parts of the country stated in the report of the commissioners to be
      destitute thereof, the Archbishop of Canterbury should receive an income
      of not more than £8000; the Archbishop of York, £7000; the Bishop of
      London, £4500; and each of the other bishops £4000. This proposition was
      rejected by a majority of eighty-two against forty-four; but the
      resistance of ministers seemed only to increase the opposition of their
      radical opponents. On the motion for the third reading, Mr. Hume moved, as
      an amendment, that the bill should be read a third time that day six
      months. It was impossible, he said, that the bill could pass; and if
      ministers thought it would be passed, they would find themselves mistaken,
      and do great injury to the liberal cause which they professed to advocate;
      such a bill was not to be passed while the pledges of the government in
      regard to the church remained unredeemed. Mr. T. Duncombe bitterly
      reproached ministers for their supposed dereliction of principle; they
      might talk as they chose of their Irish tithe-bill and their appropriation
      clause, but English church reform would be the touchstone by which it
      would be tried whether they would retain the confidence of the country. On
      a division, Mr. Hume's amendment was rejected by a majority of one hundred
      and seventy-five against forty-four, ministers being supported by the
      conservatives, and generally by the Irish members. In the meantime the
      lords had been proceeding with the bill regarding pluralities and
      non-residence. On the second reading of that bill, the Bishops of Exeter
      and Hereford expressed strong apprehensions of the consequences of the
      bill, although, as the house was unanimous in its favour, they would not
      occasion any vote. The bill was founded on the recommendations of the
      commissioners previously alluded to. It was proposed that exemptions in
      favour of non-residence should be granted only to chaplains in attendance
      on their majesties, or on bishops, the principals of some schools, and in
      a few other special cases. The law at present allowed incumbents to be
      absent three months; and it was not proposed to shorten the time, as
      circumstances did not permit the clergy generally to take advantage of it,
      and pluralities produced a greater quantity of non-residence than all
      other causes. In regard to pluralities, therefore, the commissioners
      proposed, that no clerygyman should hold two livings if the income of one
      of them exceeded £500, or they were more than ten miles distant from each
      other; and that, in no case, should any clergyman hold more than two
      livings. The bill further enacted, that no person should hold more than
      one benefice, with one cathedral preferment, and that no person should
      hold preferment in more than one cathedral or collegiate church, except
      archdeacons, whose office was very laborious, and in general ill-paid.
      After some remarks made against some of these provisions by the Bishops of
      Exeter and Hereford, the lords agreed to them; and the bill was passed and
      sent down to the commons, but it was dropped for the session. Nothing more
      was heard of the bills which Lord John Russell had successfully carried
      through the commons, regarding the new modelling of episcopal sees, &amp;c.,
      and the suppression of cathedral and collegiate preferments and sinecure
      benefices. With reference to the latter subject, however, a short act was
      passed, in order to prevent the creation of any new vested interests, by
      providing generally that all future appointments to any ecclesiastical
      dignity or office referred to in the recommendations of the ecclesiastical
      commissioners, should be subject to such regulations as might subsequently
      be enacted regarding them; and that no appointment should be made to any
      canonry or prebend of cathedrals and collegiate churches, nor to any
      sinecure benefice not in the patronage of private persons, or of one of
      the universities, that was now vacant, or might become vacant during the
      continuance of the act, which was limited to a year, and to the end of the
      next session of parliament. Various canons and prebends were excepted,
      principally those which were attached to professorships and dignities of
      the universities; but the canonries of York, St. Paul, Carlisle,
      Chichester, and Lincoln, and prebends held by the Bishops of Lincoln,
      Lichfield. Exeter, and Salisbury, in their respective sees, were likewise
      excluded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO ABOLISH THE SECULAR JURISDICTION OF BISHOPS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session an act was passed, by which the secular jurisdiction
      of the county palatine of Durham, with all forfeitures, mines, treasure
      trove, and other rights belonging to that authority, were transferred from
      the bishop of the diocess and vested in the crown. The county-court was
      abolished; and it was likewise declared that the bishop elect, or any
      bishop for the time being, should take and hold the see, subject to such
      provisions as parliament might make regarding it within three years from
      the passing of the act. By another measure, the secular jurisdiction of
      the Archbishop of York over the liberty of Ripon and other places in
      Yorkshire, and the stoke of Southwell, in Nottinghamshire; and the secular
      authority of the Bishop of Ely over the Isle of Ely, were separated from
      the sees, and transferred to the king. A third act was passed, imposing
      restrictions on the renewal of leases by ecclesiastical persons. This bill
      provided, that where a lease had been granted for more than two lives, no
      renewal of it should be given till one or more of those lives had expired;
      and that, even then, the renewal should be only for the surviving lives,
      or for such new lives as, with the survivors, would make up the number of
      lives, not exceeding three, for which the lease had been originally
      granted. Where the lease had been granted for forty, thirty, or twenty-one
      years, it was not to be renewable till fourteen, ten, and seven years
      respectively of the original term had expired; and where it had merely
      been for years, no new lease was to be given for a life or lives. It was
      further required, that all leases should contain a recital, setting forth,
      in the case of a lease for lives, the names of the persons mentioned in
      the original lease as those on whose lives it was granted, and specifying
      such of the lives as were still existing, or had been exchanged for some
      other life. If the lease had been for a term of years, the recital was to
      set forth that term, and how much remained unexpired; and every such
      recital, so far as related to the validity of the lease containing it, was
      to be deemed and taken as conclusive evidence of the matter so recited.
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    <h2>
      BILL TO AMEND THE ENGLISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATION ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      When the bill relative to the reform of municipal corporations came into
      operation, in the end of 1835, it was soon discovered that some of the
      details of its machinery would require amendment. A bill for that purpose
      was brought in early in the present session. In some instances the mayor
      and other corporate officers had been elected, when the person presiding
      at the election was not legally entitled to preside; and the bill enacted
      that, notwithstanding this, all such elections, and all acts done by the
      officers so elected, should be good and valid. The act passed directed
      that elections should be held before the mayor and assessors; but, in some
      instances, there had been elections where there were no assessors: the
      present bill proposed to declare, both for the past and the future, that
      elections held before the election of assessors, but with the mayor or
      council presiding, should be as effectual as if they had been made before
      the mayor and assessors. The act provided, that the councillors who should
      go out of office were to be those who had been elected by the smallest
      number of votes; and if the votes had been equal, the majority of the
      council was to determine who should first go out. This did not provide for
      the case when there was no division of votes, in consequence of there
      being no contest; and the present bill provided for this case, by enacting
      that the majority of the council should select their out-going colleagues.
      The act did not provide for the town-councillors being equally divided in
      the election of mayor or alderman, and instances had occurred of two
      parties in the council dividing against each other till midnight, after
      which no election could take place, as the day named in the act had
      expired: it was proposed by the present bill that, in such a case, the
      councillor who had the greatest number of votes at the election should
      preside, but without any casting vote, and that when the councillors could
      not agree on a mayor or alderman, the election should be referred to the
      constituent body. The act had abolished various corporate officers,
      without observing that, by their charter, their presence was necessary at
      the sessions. Serious doubts had arisen from this as to the legality of
      the proceedings at the sessions, before the new officers entered upon
      their duties under the act of parliament. The present bill declared that
      any court held since the passing of the act of last session, or before the
      1st of May, 1836, in presence of the recorder, or any two persons who, at
      the date of that act, were entitled to act as justices for the borough,
      had been well and lawfully held. Many of the municipal elections having
      been questioned by proceedings in the King's Bench, as being illegally and
      invalidly made, it was proposed by the bill that these causes should be
      decided in favour of one of the parties by act of parliament; that the
      proceedings should be quashed, and suits prohibited, by enacting that the
      defendants should have the right of getting them discontinued on making
      payment of costs. This bill passed the commons; and when it came to be
      read a second time in the house of lords, the Duke of Wellington and Lord
      Lyndhurst pointed out the grave consideration and the careful examination
      which many of its enactments would require. Lord Lyndhurst especially
      called the attention of the house to the tendency of those provisions
      which had a retrospective operation. After the bill, therefore, had been
      read a second time, it was referred, with the acquiescence of ministers,
      to a select committee, which committee made various amendments upon the
      bill, all of which were agreed to by the house and adopted into the bill.
      The commons, on receiving the bill back again, agreed to all the
      amendments except two. The first of these was an amendment on the
      provision, that when the town-council was equally divided in the election
      of mayor or alderman, these officers should be chosen directly by the
      constituent body. The lords had altered this into a provision that, in
      case of equality, the town-council should first of all name by lot one of
      this number to preside at the meeting, and that their presiding councillor
      should have a casting vote. The second amendment consisted in the
      insertion of a clause to continue for another year the arrangement
      contained in the municipal act for the management of charitable trusts. No
      portion of these new institutions had produced greater jealousy between
      parties; the popular party were eager to get hold of them, while the other
      insisted on some arrangement which would prevent the funds of charities
      from being prostituted to party and political purposes. This jealousy was
      not set aside by the municipal bill, which left those charitable trusts in
      the hands of the persons then administering them, till the 1st of August,
      1837, unless parliament in the meantime should otherwise provide, and if
      it did not, then the lord-chancellor was to appoint new trustees. Previous
      to this Mr. Smith had brought in a bill to administer these trusts by a
      system of popular election. The town-council of each borough was to fix
      the number of trustees, and then the trustees were to be chosen by the
      municipal electors, each elector voting for only half of the number, in
      the idea that this would give both parties an equal chance. The trustees
      were to be elected every three years. This bill had not passed when the
      municipal bill was sent up to the lords; and it proceeded upon a system
      which their lordships were not likely to approve of. The lords, therefore,
      had inserted in the municipal bill a clause continuing for another year
      that administration of these charitable trusts which had been admitted
      into the original corporation act. The attorney-general moved that the
      commons should not agree to this amendment, as Mr. Smith's bill would soon
      pass; and he further moved that they should not agree to the amendment
      regarding the election of mayor and aldermen when the town-council were
      equally divided, on the ground, that it left to chance, and not to the
      voice of the people, which should be the predominating party in the
      corporation. This motion was agreed to; and the reasons of the commons for
      disagreeing with these amendments were communicated to the lords in a
      conference. The lords, however, still adhered to their amendments, the
      Duke of Wellington contending that the rejection of them was a departure
      from the principle on which he and his friends had waived all opposition
      to the decision of the select committee, and had consented to adopt the
      amendments as that committee had framed them. The decision of the lords to
      adhere to their amendments took place on the 1st of July, and on the 28th
      Mr. Smith's bill for administering the charities by popular election
      passed the commons. The second reading was moved in the lords on the 4th
      of August, when it was opposed by the Duke of Wellington, who deemed it as
      unreasonable in the circumstances and bad in itself. On a division the
      second reading of the bill was negatived by a majority of thirty-nine to
      twenty-two. The commons still refused to agree to the clause which the
      lords had inserted in the bill on this subject, and there seemed to be no
      alternative but to drop the bill. The lower house, however, resolved to
      adopt the only course open to them, namely, that of a free conference, at
      which the matter in dispute might be debated between the managers <i>viva
      voce</i>. This course was pursued; but the two houses could not come to
      any agreement on these clauses, and finally Lord John Russell moved that
      the further consideration of the amendments should be postponed till that
      day three months, which motion was agreed to. Certain bills were
      subsequently brought in and passed, to supply those parts of the dropped
      bill, in which both houses were agreed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL TO ALLOW FELONS' COUNSEL TO ADDRESS THE JURY, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Several attempts had been made to obtain an act for allowing prisoners on
      trial for felony the benefit of counsel to address the jury on their
      behalf. Hitherto these attempts had been unsuccessful; but notwithstanding
      this, the subject was again brought before the commons at the commencement
      of the present session. The bill was introduced by Mr. Ewart, and it
      passed the commons by a great majority. The second reading of the bill in
      the house of lords was moved by Lord Lyndhurst, who descanted at large on
      the justice and reasonableness of the bill in its principle, although he
      did not approve of all its details. Lords Denman and Wynford also spoke in
      favour of the principles of the bill, and it was accordingly read a second
      time without opposition. In the committee, however, several amendments and
      alterations were made upon the bill, none of which were of great practical
      importance except one, and all of which, except that one, were agreed to
      by the commons. It frequently happened that persons were tried for felony
      where no counsel were present, and by this bill the privileges of the
      counsel were extended to attornies. The bill, as it came up from the
      commons, contained a clause entitling the accused to copies of the
      depositions upon which he had been committed. This clause was struck out,
      on the ground that the rights of a prisoner in this respect were already
      settled by law; but, to prevent all doubt upon the subject, a clause
      declaratory of the right was again introduced, before the bill finally
      passed the lords. A more important matter, however, regarded the right of
      the prisoner to have the last word. As the bill passed the commons, this
      right was established; but the clause enacting that he should possess that
      right was struck out, and the effect of the alteration was to make the
      practice the same as in cases of misdemeanour, and in criminal cases,
      giving the last word to the prisoner, only in the event of his adducing no
      evidence. The bill now consisted of this simple enactment:&mdash;"That all
      persons tried for felony shall be admitted, after the close of the case
      for the prosecution, to make full answer and defence thereto by counsel
      learned in the law, or by attorney in courts, where attornies practise as
      counsel." When the bill as amended by the lords came to be taken into
      consideration by the commons, its supporters argued that, as it now stood,
      it conferred no real advantage, and that it would be better to leave to
      prisoners the benefit of the commiseration which the state of the law,
      such as it was at present, induced, than to deprive them of it without
      giving them anything substantive in return. It was resolved that the
      lords' amendments should be referred to a select committee, and that
      committee reported in favour of the other amendments; but they decided
      that any arrangement which would deprive the prisoner of the last word
      would be injurious to his interests, and to the ends of justice. The
      attorney-general urged the house to accept the bill as it stood; but the
      amendment was rejected, and its rejection immediately communicated to the
      other house. The lords, however, still resolved to adhere to the
      amendment, and a conference was held, at which their reasons for adhering
      to it were communicated to the commons. The amendment was finally adopted
      by the lower house, and the bill passed&mdash;Lord John Russell stating
      that the matter in dispute would form a subject of future deliberation,
      and Mr. Ewart assuring the house that he would not fail still to press
      upon it the principle which he now sacrificed, rather than reject the
      bill, which still retained a great deal of good.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another act passed during this session had reference to the execution of
      those convicted of murder. By the existing law a person convicted of
      murder was directed to be executed the next day but one after that on
      which he was convicted, unless it should happen on a Sunday, in which case
      the execution was to take place on the following Monday. The law further
      required that after conviction such persons should be fed only on bread
      and water, except in case of sickness, and that no other person than the
      gaoler, surgeon, and chaplain, should have access to them, unless by the
      permission of the sheriff or the judge who had presided on the trial.
      During the present session an act was passed repealing these provisions,
      enacting that "sentence of death maybe pronounced after conviction for
      murder in the same manner, and the judge shall have the same power in all
      respects, as after conviction for other capital offences."
    </p>
    <p>
      A third act passed this session related to medical attendance on inquests.
      This was an act to provide that when medical men were called from their
      ordinary duties to serve the public by giving evidence on coroners'
      inquests, and going through the anatomical and chemical processes which
      these examinations sometimes required, they should receive a proper
      remuneration. This bill, which was brought in by Mr. Wakley, enacted that
      not only the coroner should have power to summon medical witnesses, but
      "that if the jury were not satisfied with such medical evidence, the
      coroner should be bound to summon another gentleman of the same
      profession; and every medical witness so summoned was subjected, in case
      of non-attendance, to a penalty of £5, to be recovered summarily before
      the justices." On the other hand, every medical man attending to give
      evidence was entitled to the fee of one guinea; and if he had performed a
      post-mortem examination, his fee was to be two guineas. The fees were made
      payable out of the poors'-rates.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ABOLITION OF IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      In the preceding session a bill for the abolition of imprisonment for debt
      had passed the commons; but from the lateness of the session it was not
      possible for the lords when they received it to take it into
      consideration. The lord-chancellor took up the subject himself in this
      session, and a bill similar to that passed by the commons was read a first
      time in the lords on the 30th of June. It is unnecessary to give the
      details of the measure as it was not permitted to pass. Indeed the house
      of lords seemed determined to avenge itself upon the ministry which
      carried the reform bill, by rejecting every measure it introduced, except
      where the feeling of the country was too strongly in favour of such
      measure. On the second reading, the Duke of Wellington objected to taking
      up at that late stage of the session a measure involving such extensive
      interests, and introducing a new system of law. His grace moved, that the
      bill should be read a second time that day three months; and his motion
      was supported by Lords Abinger and Wynford, who considered it not as
      rejecting any measure founded on the principle of the bill, but only as
      postponing the subject till they could give it due consideration. Lord
      Melbourne agreed that the weight of business pressing on the house was
      great; but he did not see anything in it to deter them from proceeding
      with the bill. The proposed delay, he said, would only carry them to the
      1st of August; and there was no probability that parliament would be
      prorogued by that time. On a division, however, the amendment was carried;
      and, although the session continued till the 20th of August, the subject
      was not again brought forward.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his speech from the throne the king had recommended to parliament "to
      consider whether better provision may not be made for the speedy and
      satisfactory administration of justice in some of the departments of law,
      and more particularly in the court of chancery." These words had been used
      in reference to an intention entertained by government of dividing the
      office of lord-high-chancellor, distributing his functions between two
      judges, one of whom should be devoted to legal duties, and be irremovable;
      while the other should retain the patronage and political functions of the
      office, and should be liable to be dismissed with the ministry who
      appointed him. On the 28th of April, the lord-chancellor brought forward
      the measures by which this great change was to be effected; and he founded
      the necessity of such measures on the increase of business which had taken
      place in the court of chancery, both in its original and appellate
      jurisdictions. On the second reading, Lord Lyndhurst objected to these
      bills in point of principle. The necessary effect of the measure would be,
      he said, to divide the office of chancellor, and to disqualify him from
      exercising that very appellate jurisdiction to which he was devoted. This
      separation was most mischievous; and he, therefore, moved that the bill
      should be read that day six months. On the other hand, Lord Langdale did
      not consider that the bill went far enough. He held it, he said, to be
      indispensable that the judicial functions of the chancellor should be
      separated from those which were not judicial: and that the appellate
      jurisdiction of the house of lords ought to be placed under the
      superintendence of a judge having no connexion with politics. Lord Abinger
      and the Duke of Wellington supported the amendment; the latter remarking
      that it was important that the most eminent lawyer in the country should
      occupy such a position in the councils of his majesty as would give those
      councils substantial benefit from his assistance. Lord Melbourne contended
      that the house could do no wrong in going into committee on the bill; but
      on a division the amendment was carried by a majority of ninety-four to
      twenty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ELECTION COMMITTEES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the session Mr. C. Buller brought the subject of the constitution
      of election committees before the house of commons, by moving "that a
      select committee be appointed to consider the laws relating to the
      determination of the right of voting, and the trial of controverted
      elections." In accordance with this motion a select committee was
      appointed; but its labours did not produce any fruit during the session.
      In the preceding sessions bills had passed the commons to disfranchise the
      borough of Stafford; but none of them had passed both houses. A new bill
      was passed by the commons, and sent up to the lords in the beginning of
      April. The second reading of the bill, however, in the house of lords was
      negatived by thirty-eight against twenty-two. On the 11th of June Mr. Hume
      moved in the house of commons, that the issuing of the writ for the
      borough of Stafford should be suspended till ten days after the next
      meeting of parliament. This motion was carried by a great majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another question touching parliamentary purity attracted still greater
      attention. In May, 1835, the election of Colonel Bruen and Mr. Cavanagh
      for the county of Carlow had been declared void by a committee. Messrs.
      Vigors and Raphael were elected in their stead, by the interest of Mr.
      O'Connell. Upon a petition, however, these members were likewise unseated;
      and Mr. Raphael, who resided in London, believing that Mr. O'Connell had
      broken faith with him, published an account of the bargain by which he had
      secured his influence. It appeared that Mr. Raphael had begun to negociate
      with the agitator while the petition against Colonel Bruen and Mr.
      Cavanagh was still pending, and that the pecuniary treaty was concluded on
      that petition having terminated unfavourably for these gentlemen. Its
      terms were contained in the following letter, dated the 1st of June:&mdash;"My
      dear sir, you have acceded to the terms proposed to you for the election
      of the county of Carlow, viz., you are to pay before nomination £1,000&mdash;say
      £1,000, and a like sum after being returned; the first to be paid
      absolutely and entirely for being nominated; the second to be paid only in
      the event of your having been returned, I hereby undertake to guarantee
      and save you harmless from any and every other expense whatever, whether
      of agents, carriages, counsel, petition against the return, or of any
      other description; and I make this guarantee in the fullest sense of the
      honourable engagement that you should not possibly be required to pay one
      shilling more in any event or upon any contingency whatever." Mr.
      O'Connell wrote to the electors on behalf of Mr. Raphael; and, on the 10th
      of June, Mr. O'Connell received through his son, likewise a member of
      parliament, the first sum of £1,000. On the 21st he was returned; and, Mr.
      O'Connell, apparently in the prospect of a petition, wrote thus to his
      protégé:&mdash;"I am glad to tell you our prospects of success are, I do
      believe, quite conclusive. If only one liberal is to be returned, you are
      to be the man.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have made all the pecuniary arrangements.... I send you Vigors' letter
      to me. You see how secure we are. Return me this letter, as it vouches
      £800 for me; with that you have nothing to do, as, of course, I stand
      between you and everybody." A petition was presented against the return;
      and Mr. Raphael considered himself safe from any further expense except
      the sum of £1,000, and that Mr. O'Connell was bound by the express terms
      of his bargain to defend the return. He paid the second moiety of the
      £2,000 on the 28th of July; on the same day the election committee was
      ballotted. Mr. John O'Connell, who had received the money for his father,
      was himself one of that committee; and the inquiry before the committee
      having resolved into a scrutiny, Mr. Raphael soon discovered that it was
      in vain to look for the defence of his seat to his patron. He called upon
      Mr. O'Connell to fulfil his engagement "by fighting the battle so long as
      a bad vote for the petitioners remained on the poll, or, at all events, to
      the end of the session." Mr. O'Connell, however, either could not, or
      would not defend him; and Mr. Raphael was unseated along with his
      colleague, on which he published the whole transaction to the world. Mr.
      O'Connell felt himself called upon to answer the charges brought against
      him; and in doing so, he began by abusing his antagonist. He had been put
      on his guard, he said, against Mr. Raphael, by "honest and experienced
      men," who described him as "a faithless creature, who never observed any
      contract, and with whom no person ever had a dealing without being sorry
      for it." He admitted the terms of the bargain; but he insisted that he
      only acted as the agent of Mr. Vigors, who was to pay all additional
      expenses of opposing the petition. The first sum of £1,000 which Mr.
      Raphael had paid was expended on the five days' poll; and he urged that
      that gentleman had made an excellent bargain in having all the expenses of
      nomination and of a five days' poll covered by a £1,000. As for the other
      £1,000, he said, that had been expended in opposing the petition; and he
      maintained that there was no obligation to continue that opposition after
      it had been spent. He averred that he himself had no pecuniary interest in
      the matter: he had made the bargain as acting for Mr. Vigors; for Mr.
      Vigors he had received the money; and to him he had paid it over. The most
      important part of his statement consisted in the admission of the purpose
      to which the money was to be applied in the event of the return not being
      petitioned against. He remarked:&mdash;"If there should be no petition, I
      agreed, on the part of Mr. Vigors, that the greater part of the second
      £1,000, more than one-half of it, whatever might be the amount of the
      election expenses, should be applied to commence the formation of a fund
      to indemnify the voters, and their friends and relations, from that
      persecution which the Carlow landlords then threatened, and have since
      exercised." The subject was brought before parliament on the 11th of
      February, by a petition, setting forth the transaction in all its
      bearings. The petition likewise stated "that the ballot for a committee to
      try the validity of the said return took place on the same afternoon on
      which the said second sum of £1,000 had been so received, in respect of
      such return, by the said John O'Connell, for the use of his father, the
      said Daniel O'Connell; and the said John O'Connell and Daniel O'Connell
      both attended the ballot for the committee; and the said John O'Connell
      was, in fact, balloted as a member to serve on the said committee, and
      suffered to remain on the list of the committee as finally reduced." The
      petition prayed the house to inquire into the circumstances; and if the
      charge was proved, to adopt proper proceedings against the offenders. A
      similar petition was presented from Bath by Mr. Hardy, member for
      Bradford; and it was proposed that both petitions should be taken into
      consideration on Monday, the 15th. Mr. O'Connell wished the discussion to
      be postponed till the following day, which was agreed to. On the 16th,
      therefore, Mr. Hardy moved&mdash;"That a select committee be appointed to
      inquire into the circumstances attending the traffic and agreement alleged
      to have taken place between Mr. Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Alexander
      Raphael, as one of the representatives for the county of Carlow, at the
      last election, and to report the minutes of evidence taken before them,
      with their observations thereon." Mr. Hardy said, that it was impossible
      to consider Mr. O'Connell in the light of an agent, as he had argued: who
      had ever heard of an agent becoming responsible to such an amount? The
      terms of agreement were:&mdash;"I hereby undertake to guarantee and save
      you harmless from any and every other expense whatsoever, whether of
      agents, carriages, counsel, petition against the return, or of any other
      description." He thought that Mr. Vigors was the agent of Mr. O'Connell at
      Carlow, rather than that Mr. O'Connell was the agent of Mr. Vigors in
      London. At all events, the consequence of the bargain was, that the member
      for Dublin, whether as agent or principal, put in two members for Carlow&mdash;Mr.
      Vigors, his old friend <i>ex animo</i>; and Mr. Raphael, his friend <i>ex
      contracta</i>. It was of little consequence what sort of representatives
      the people of Carlow obtained. They had never seen or heard Mr. Raphael,
      and they knew nothing about his physical or intellectual abilities; all
      they knew was his address, and there was nothing of him even in that but
      his name. In his reply, Mr. O'Connell was violent and abusive. He
      contended that it was not on account of anything connected with the Carlow
      election that this charge was brought forward, but because he had
      contributed to put down Toryism, and had thrown his weight into the scale
      of government to accomplish that object. He demanded that the inquiry
      should be extensive and searching, comprehending the whole of the late
      general election. He had neither been guilty of pecuniary corruption by
      pocketing money, nor of personal corruption by gratifying his ambition by
      the improper expenditure of the money on the part of other persons. He
      entered into a long explanation of the circumstances connected with the
      transaction, making it appear that he was guiltless in the matter. In
      conclusion, he demanded that the committee should not be a packed one, but
      a committee of "honourable gentlemen," by which he meant gentlemen who
      would be inclined to take a favourable view of the matter. Mr. Warburton
      thought that the motion did not make the object of the committee
      sufficiently extensive; and he moved the addition of words, authorising
      them to inquire likewise into "the application of the money said to have
      been received, together with the circumstances under which it was received
      and expended." This amendment was agreed to and the committee named, its
      members being taken equally from both sides of the house. Two nominees
      were likewise appointed, to assist in conducting the evidence; Mr.
      Sergeant Wilde on the part of Mr. O'Connell, and Sir Frederick Pollock on
      the part of his opponents. The report of the committee was made to the
      house by Mr. Colborne, their chairman, on the 11th of March. It read thus:&mdash;"It
      appears to your committee that the subject may be arranged under two heads&mdash;the
      first as relating to any traffic or agreement between Mr. Raphael and Mr.
      O'Connell for a seat in parliament, and the second as to the application
      of the sum said to have been given. It does not appear to your committee
      to be necessary for them to enter upon any detailed summary of the
      evidence, but they feel it their duty to draw the attention of the house
      very briefly to the main points as they bear upon the question. It appears
      that Mr. O'Connell addressed a letter, bearing date, 1st of June, 1835, in
      which the agreement for Mr. Raphael's return for the county of Carlow for
      £2,000 was concluded; the committee cannot help observing that the whole
      tone and tenour of this letter was calculated to excite much suspicion and
      grave animadversion; but they must add that, upon a very careful
      investigation, it appeared that previous conferences and communications
      had taken place between Mr. Raphael, Mr. Vigors, and other persons
      connected with the county of Carlow, and that Mr. O'Connell was acting on
      this occasion at the express direction of Mr. Raphael, and was the only
      medium between Mr. Raphael and Mr. Vigors and the Political Club at
      Carlow. It appears that the money was placed to Mr. O'Connell's general
      account at his bankers in London. It was, however, advanced the moment it
      was called for to Mr. Vigors; and though some of it was paid in bills, the
      discount was allowed; the amount, therefore, was available whenever
      wanted, and no charge of pecuniary interest can be attached to Mr.
      O'Connell. It appears also that this money had been expended under the
      immediate direction of Mr. Vigors and others connected with the county of
      Carlow, in what may be called legal expenses, or so unavoidable that your
      committee see no reason to question their legality; and that the balance
      was absorbed in defending the return of Mr. Raphael and Mr. Vigors before
      the committee appointed to investigate on the 21st of July, 1835." In
      moving that this report and the evidence given should be printed, Mr.
      Colborne stated, that the committee had agreed unanimously in the
      conclusion at which they arrived, and that he had no doubt that the house
      would join in the same opinion, if the evidence were considered without
      any reference to party feeling. To a large party in the house, however, it
      appeared that the committee had overlooked some important branches of the
      inquiry, and that matter had come out in the evidence before the committee
      which rendered the whole transaction more deserving of animadversion. On
      the 21st of April Mr. Hardy again brought the subject forward, by moving a
      series of resolutions, which declared that in the transactions regarding
      this seat, a breach of privilege had been committed. The committee itself
      had found it proved, he said, that the £2,000 had been paid and received;
      and if the circumstances under which the payment and receipt were made did
      not constitute a breach of privilege, he had yet to learn what did. He
      entered at length into the transaction, and concluded by asserting that
      there could not be a grosser case in all its bearings. There had been a
      contract to sell a seat in parliament for £2,000. which money was to be
      appropriated in a corrupt manner in every respect. From the evidence
      respecting the Carlow club, and the £1,000 to be applied to county
      purposes, nothing could be clearer than this, that any tenant who fell
      into arrear of rent from want of prudence or honesty, had only to say to
      the club, "My landlord is against you: if you expect my vote, you must pay
      my arrears of rent." What a system was this! If this were to pass
      unnoticed, who could object to the formation of Conservative clubs which
      would say to those shopkeepers, before whose doors the priests threatened
      the grass should grow, we will indemnify you. Better be without the
      reform-bill than see it leading to consequences like these. In former days
      they had to complain of boroughs being sold: now they had to complain of
      the sale of whole counties. Mr. O'Connell applauded the conduct of the
      members, of the committee: he would take this stand on their report. The
      agitator was defended by Lord Francis Egerton; not that he would wish to
      imitate his conduct in many respects, but he thought that he stood
      acquitted of pecuniary corruption: that charge was removed, and he did not
      feel inclined to go upon the minor questions arising out of the case,
      because he wished to be indulgent as well as just. The transaction did not
      meet with his approbation, but he looked upon it as part, at least, of the
      extensive system now carried on in Ireland; and however strongly he might
      deprecate that system, he doubted whether it would be just or expedient to
      bring the member for Dublin, or the other parties concerned in the
      transaction, within the resolutions of the house. He was not one of those
      who felt a desire to bring any man within the scope of a breach of their
      privileges. His own hands were as clean as those of most men; but if
      everything that he had done in violation of those privileges was to be
      brought against him, if a king's evidence could be found in every
      instance, he scarcely knew whether he might not himself be brought under
      the grasp of a tribunal. Messrs. Warburton and Barneby also stood up in
      the defence of Mr. O'Connell. Lord John Russell likewise expressed his
      hostility to any further inquiry or proceeding: the report of the
      committee, he said, ought not to be touched, unless the house saw some
      very strong reasons to doubt the opinions, or to distrust the integrity,
      of the gentlemen who had given judgment. He moved as an amendment a series
      of resolutions which embodied the report verbatim, making them the
      resolutions of the house, instead of the opinions of the committee. This
      amendment, after Lord Stanley, Sir Robert Peel, and others had spoken in
      favour of the original motion, and other members had stood up in defence
      of Mr. O'Connell, was carried by a majority of two hundred and forty-three
      against one hundred and sixty-nine. Lord Stanley then brought the question
      still more to the point by moving, "That it appears to this house that
      there was between the contracting parties a distinct understanding, that,
      if any surplus should remain, after providing for the legal expenses of
      the election of Mr. Raphael, that surplus should be applied in the first
      place to the defraying of the expenses of the petition against the former
      elections, and in the next place to the funds of the Carlow Liberal Club:
      and such understanding calls for the notice of the house, as liable to
      serious abuse, as a dangerous precedent, and as tending to subvert the
      purity and freedom of election." Lord John, in reply, said he would not
      enter into the matter of fact, or go into anything beyond the report of
      the committee; if the committee had agreed on these facts, and had thought
      them material, they would have been reported to the house.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. O'Connell's troubles, however, were not yet over. His return, with
      that of his colleague, Mr. Ruthven, for the city of Dublin at the last
      election had been petitioned against, and the petition had been referred
      to an election committee in the usual manner. This committee made their
      report on the 16th of May, when Messrs. O'Connell and Ruthven were
      declared not duly elected, and they were accordingly unseated. Their
      opponents at the election, Messrs. Hamilton and West, took their seats,
      after having been excluded from them for the whole of one session and the
      half of another: the committee being appointed in 1835, and not making
      their report before 1836. Mr. O'Connell appears to have expected the
      result of the inquiry, for he had provided himself with another seat by
      making one of his underlings accept the Chiltern Hundreds: he appeared
      during the session as the member for Kilkenny. Subsequently, Mr. O'Connell
      presented a petition from certain electors of Dublin, praying that Messrs.
      Hamilton and West should not be allowed to retain their seats, on the
      ground that they had been connected with bribery; but the report of the
      committee had stated that they were neither directly nor indirectly
      implicated in such practices, and after reading this report the house
      ordered the petition to be withdrawn. Mr. O'Connell maintained that the
      petition must be received, because the matter to which it referred had not
      come under the consideration of the committee; but the attorney-general
      declared his opinion that it was one which could not be received, and the
      speaker having given an opinion to the same effect, it was withdrawn
      accordingly.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the destruction of the two houses of parliament by fire
      in October, 1834, a select committee had been appointed by the commons, to
      consider all matters connected with the rebuilding of these edifices. On
      their report an address had been presented to the crown to appoint
      commissioners to receive plans, from which they were to select not fewer
      than three nor more than five, to be submitted to the committee. More than
      ninety plans had been sent in, and the commissioners had selected four out
      of that number. On the 9th of February the committee was renewed for the
      purpose of determining which of these four ought to be adopted. This was
      followed by a motion of Mr. Hume's, that it should be an instruction to
      the committee to consider the propriety of removing the houses of
      parliament to another site. Mr. Hume, however, only found forty-four
      members to vote for his motion, while one hundred and forty-three voted
      against it. The committee thus re-appointed made their report on the 16th
      of March. On that day they recommended that an address should be presented
      to his majesty, praying him to institute inquiries as to what would be the
      probable expense of executing the plan which had been sent in by Mr.
      Barry, the architect. The committee had not selected Mr. Barry's plan as
      the best, but they thought that they could not safely recommend the
      adoption of any plan till the expense had been ascertained. The
      proceeding, was, however, a plain intimation that the plan in question was
      the one which had been adopted by the commissioners and the committee; and
      a committee also, in the house of lords had arrived at the same
      conclusion. The manner of proceeding gave great offence to the other
      competitors, and they brought their complaints before the house of commons
      on the 21st of June, in a petition which was presented by Mr. Hume. In
      this petition they stated that they had, in framing their plans, taken the
      probable expense into account, as an important consideration to which it
      was their duty to attend; whereas the commissioners declared that they had
      come to a decision wholly independent of the question of expense, as not
      an object for their consideration. They further stated that they had given
      their best attention to the elaborate instructions given by the committee,
      as regarded the number and dimensions of the offices and apartments, while
      the commissioners had been guided in the choice by the "superiority of the
      elevation." They further stated, that, as well by the general
      instructions, as by a report of the committee of the house on sound and
      ventilation, of which committee one of the commissioners was a member,
      they had constructed their plans with reference to these objects; but the
      commissioners had declared that they did not allow that subject to have
      weight in determining their preference. Finally, they arraigned the
      preference which had been given to the four selected plans, and prayed the
      house would either hear them by counsel at the bar, or appoint competent
      persons to examine the grounds of the report of the commissioners before
      finally adopting any of the plans. This matter was allowed to lie over
      till the evidence which had been taken before the select committee, by
      whom the commissioners themselves had been examined, should be laid on the
      table. The whole subject was brought forward by Mr. Hume on the 21st of
      July, who, after descanting at length on the conduct of the commissioners,
      moved for an address to the crown, to direct a new competition of designs,
      without limits as to the style of architecture, but not to exceed a
      certain fixed sum as the cost of erection, and that such designs should be
      examined and reported on by commissioners to be afterwards appointed. The
      motion was supported by Messrs. Estcourt and Hawes, and opposed by Mr.
      Tracy and Sir Robert Peel. The latter said, that if the house agreed to
      this motion, they would strike a fatal blow at the principles of
      competition, and teach the most eminent of living architects to rue the
      day when, in compliance with an invitation of the house of commons, they
      sent in plans which had the misfortune to be found entitled to preference.
      The question raised was, not whether they should finally resolve to adopt
      Mr. Barry's plan, but whether they would declare all the proceedings that
      had been taken to be null. There was not even an implied engagement with
      Mr. Barry; there was only a <i>prima facie</i> presumption that his plan
      was entitled to a preference. Mr. Hume, on seeing the general feeling of
      the house was against his proposition, withdrew it; at the same time he
      considered that his arguments had not only been unanswered, but that they
      were unanswerable.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of May Mr. Grantley Berkeley renewed his proposition for
      admitting ladies to the debates, by moving a resolution, "that it is the
      opinion of this house that the resolution of the select committee
      appointed in 1835 to consider the means of admitting ladies to a portion
      of the stranger's gallery, together with the plan of Sir R. Smirke, should
      be adopted, and that means should be taken to carry it into effect with as
      little delay as possible." This resolution was carried by a majority of
      one hundred and thirty-two against ninety. The chancellor of the exchequer
      accordingly proposed among the miscellaneous estimates, a grant of £400 to
      defray the expenses of fitting up an adequate portion of the gallery; but
      after a few words from the Earl of Lincoln against the motion and Lord
      Palmerston in favour of it, the grant was refused by a majority of
      forty-two against twenty-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE REDUCTION OF TAXATION ON BEHALF OF THE AGRICULTURISTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The complaints of the agricultural class of the community still continued.
      On the 8th of February Lord John Russell proposed the appointment of a
      select committee, in order to inquire into the distress complained of. His
      lordship said, that whenever any great branch of national industry was
      materially depressed, it was the duty of parliament to give a favourable
      consideration to the complaints of those engaged in it, to ascertain the
      facts of the case, and, if possible, to devise a remedy: the proposition
      arose more from this feeling than from any hope that the distress of the
      agriculturists would be removed by legislative interference. The low price
      of wheat was stated to be the main cause of it: the price of wheat was
      certainly low, but there had not been an equal fall in the other
      descriptions of grain. The committee would, therefore, have to consider
      not only the price of wheat, but likewise the alterations which had taken
      place in the prices of different kinds of grain, and of other articles of
      agricultural produce. They would likewise have to ascertain and to weigh
      the changes already produced, and likely to be produced, by the new system
      of poor-laws. This committee was appointed, and a similar committee was
      appointed on the 18th of February by the house of lords. These committees,
      however, ended in doing nothing. On the 21st of July the chairman of the
      committee stated to the house of commons that they had resolved merely to
      report the evidence, without giving any opinion. A draft of a report had
      been drawn up by the chairman; but so much of it was objected to by those
      who advocated the agricultural interest, that no report was made.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime the Marquis of Chandos had brought forward the distresses
      of the agriculturists. On the 27th of April he moved a resolution, "That
      in the application of any surplus revenue towards the relief of the
      burdens of the country, either by the remission of taxation or otherwise,
      due regard should be had to the necessity of a portion thereof being
      applied to the relief of the agricultural interests." Lord John Russell
      objected to the motion, both on its merits and because he thought it
      premature to entertain such a question, before the agricultural committee,
      then sitting, had made its report. On a division it was lost by a majority
      of two hundred and eight against one hundred and seventy-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      By an act of the 4th and 5th of William IV. an additional duty of fifty
      per cent, had been imposed on spirit licenses. On the 10th of March Mr.
      Divett moved that the house should resolve itself into committee, for the
      purpose of considering the propriety of repealing this impost. The
      chancellor of the exchequer resisted this motion, opposing it principally
      on account of the circumstances under which it was brought forward.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various proposals had been made at different times for the reduction or
      purification of the pension list. This list had been, in truth, as much a
      matter of political principle and of party feeling as of mere finance. In
      the preceding session government had consented that it should be printed;
      and on April 19th, Mr. Whittle Harvey moved this resolution on the
      subject:&mdash;"That a select committee be appointed to revise each
      pension specified in the return ordered to be printed on the 28th of June,
      1836, with a view to ascertain whether the continued payment thereof is
      justified by the circumstances of the original grant, or the condition of
      the parties now receiving the same, and to report thereon to the house."
      After stating that there were 1303 persons on the pension list, who
      received amongst them about £150,000 a year, Mr. Harvey went into a
      history of the restrictions which had been laid on the granting of
      pensions out of the civil list, from the original bill of Mr. Burke, down
      to the accession of his present majesty. The motion was opposed by Lord
      John Russell, on the ground that it contained a proposition against which
      parliament had already decided, and as being inconsistent with the
      practice which had been uniformly folio wed. Mr. Harvey's views were
      enforced by Mr. Hume; but the motion was negatived by a majority of two
      hundred and sixty-eight against one hundred and forty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      The chancellor of the exchequer opened his budget on the 6th of May. He
      first explained that the receipts of the last year had exceeded the
      estimate by the sum of £338,000; while, on the other hand, the expenditure
      had somewhat exceeded the estimates. The income of last year, he said, had
      been £46,381,000, and he calculated that it would amount during the
      present year to £46,980,000. The total expenditure would be £45,205,807
      leaving a surplus of £1,774,193. But out of this surplus payment would
      fall to be made, on account of the West Indian compensation during the
      year, to the amount of £1,118,633, leaving, as the utmost disposable
      surplus with which parliament had to deal, a sum of £662,000. Had it not
      been for the sums payable to the West-India planters, there would have
      been a surplus of £2,000,000. In applying what surplus there was, he
      continued, to the reduction of taxation, he preferred selecting those
      taxes the repeal of which extinguished a source of fraud to those which
      merely afford relief. The duties he proposed to reduce were those on
      paper, plain and stained, on newspapers, and on farming buildings; and he
      proposed to give up those on taxed carts, and the additional fifty per
      cent, on spirit licenses. The amount of all the taxes which he proposed to
      remit would be £351,000 this year, though when the proposed reductions
      came into full operation it would amount to £568,000. At the same time,
      when the increased consumption of paper was taken into account, the money
      collected from the penny stamp, and the increase of duty from
      advertisements, he thought he might say that government would not lose
      £530,000 a year. The reduction of the stamp on newspapers was from
      fourpence to one penny, and this was deemed by many as being a sacrifice
      to the demands of a political party, and not a concession to principles of
      political economy or fiscal regulations. There were many other articles,
      it was contended, a reduction of the duties on which would contribute much
      more to the comfort of the community, and especially of those classes to
      which it was proposed to give cheap newspapers and cheap spirits. Sir C.
      Knightley moved, that instead of diminishing the duty on newspapers, the
      duty on soap should be reduced. This he represented as a duty which
      pressed not only severely on the lower classes, but unequally in
      comparison with the more wealthy&mdash;the soap of the poor man being
      taxed at seventy-five per cent., and that of the rich man only at thirty
      per cent. This motion was seconded by Mr. C. Barclay, who showed that the
      revenue would not sustain a greater loss from the reduction of this tax
      than would arise from the diminution in newspaper stamp duties. The
      chancellor of the exchequer, however, preferred a reduction of the stamp
      duties to those on soap; and on a division the motion was negatived by a
      majority of two hundred and forty-one against two hundred and eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the law stood, there was no distinction between newspapers in regard of
      duty on account of their size, all differences of this nature having been
      removed in 1828. By the new bill, however, this distinction was restored,
      an additional duty being imposed on every newspaper containing more than a
      certain number of square inches of surface. Government was accused of
      having so selected the particular number of inches, as to impose the
      additional duty on some of the most influential journals opposed to them,
      while it did not apply to their supporters. This imputation was repelled
      by the chancellor of the exchequer; but it was still maintained that such
      must have been its effect. It was finally proposed and acceded to by the
      chancellor of the exchequer, that 1530 square inches, of which the paper
      might consist without any additional duty, should be limited to the
      printed part of the sheet, excluding the margin, which would meet the size
      of every paper in the metropolis. If the sheet exceeded 1530 square
      inches, but did not exceed 2295, an additional duty of one halfpenny was
      to be paid; and if it exceeded the latter quantity, an additional duty of
      one penny. Supplements were likewise to pay a penny additional. Mr. Grote
      subsequently moved that every newspaper should be stamped with a die
      peculiar to itself&mdash;an enactment which was introduced into the bill.
      The bill enacted that two proprietors of a newspaper should be registered
      along with the printer and publisher. The Radicals contended that every
      proprietor should be registered at the stamp-office, and on the third
      reading a clause to this effect was carried, the chancellor of the
      exchequer himself agreeing to it, he conceiving that it might establish a
      salutary system of restraint. When the bill went up to the lords this was
      the only clause which encountered opposition; and Lord Lyndhurst moved
      that it should be omitted, on the ground that the regulations contained in
      it were arbitrary, inquisitorial, unjust, and unnecessary. It was defended
      by the lord-chancellor and Lord Melbourne; but the motion was carried by a
      majority of sixty-one against forty. The bill was returned to the commons
      without any other alteration; but on the motion of the chancellor of the
      exchequer it was laid aside, on the principle that the privileges of the
      members of the house of commons did not permit them to entertain an
      amended money-bill. The chancellor of the exchequer, however, immediately
      brought in a bill which was an exact copy of the one laid aside, except
      that the provisions in dispute were omitted, and this bill passed both
      houses without delay.
    </p>
    <p>
      The speech from the throne on the opening of the session had recommended
      an addition of five thousand men to the navy. This increase was explained
      during the session to be necessary for the protection of British merchants
      in various parts of the globe&mdash;in the Pacific, at Lima, Mexico,
      Valparaiso, the coast of Peru, the northern coasts of the Brazils, the
      West Indies, Newfoundland, and the East India and the African stations.
      Demands had been made in all these quarters, and it was impossible to
      comply with them without withdrawing the British naval force from Spain
      and Portugal, where their presence was necessary. On these grounds
      government proposed this additional force, which was granted without a
      division. Mr. Hume, however, endeavoured to make a compensating saving, by
      moving a reduction of five thousand men in the army estimates; and when
      this motion was negatived, he moved a proposition which was directed
      against the foot-guards as being costly troops, maintained rather for show
      than use, and enjoying, for the sake of the aristocracy, prerogatives
      which were degrading to the rest of the army: this motion was also
      negatived.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS ON THE COLONIES, AND ON OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period unfortunate differences prevailed in the Mauritius between
      a part of the inhabitants and the government authorities, and between one
      part of the population and another. They were said to have originated in
      the desire of the white population to evade some requirements of the law
      for the emancipation of the negroes, and were believed to have been
      aggravated on the one side by indiscretion, and on the other by the honest
      determination of the colonial judges. More than one judge had been
      recalled; and the consequence was, that their successors, who did not
      pursue the same course, and the governors of the island were denounced as
      being guilty of abusing their powers to prevent the due execution of the
      emancipation act. Mr. Roebuck took the discontented inhabitants of the
      Mauritius under his protection. On the 15th of February he moved, that a
      select committee should be appointed to inquire into the administration of
      justice in that colony. In supporting his motion, he said, that the mother
      country had declared slave-trading to be a felony, and that an order in
      council was passed, in consequence of a resolution of that house, to the
      effect that no governor, judge, or registrar of slaves, should hold any
      species of slave property, either directly, in trust, or mortgage. He
      charged the whole body of these functionaries with holding slave property.
      He also charged Sir C. Colville, the late governor, with speculating and
      creating debts in slave property; and Chief-justice Blackburne, the
      officers of the supreme court, and nearly all the functionaries of the
      island, with the same gross violation of that order in council. Proof of
      the fact, he said, was to be found in the despatches of government; and he
      entered into a long statement of mal-administration in that colony. His
      statements, on the other hand, were represented by Sir George Grey, on the
      part of government, as being mere repetitions of charges which had been
      abandoned by those who had made them. The motion was supported by Dr.
      Lushington and Mr. Fowell Buxton, the latter of whom said, that few
      persons residing in that colony knew its affairs better than himself: the
      slave-trade prevailed in the Mauritius to such an extent, that no man
      could live for a single week as governor of the island and not behold it
      under his own eyes; yet not one of the persons engaged in the traffic had
      ever been brought to justice. The reason assigned for this impunity was
      this&mdash;that no court would authorise a conviction, and that no public
      functionary would countenance the man who dared to interfere with their
      trade. If a case arose in which it was necessary that the prosecution
      should be placed upon record, the accused was, on the first opportunity,
      set at liberty. The motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and
      twenty-nine against seventy-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been recorded in previous pages that political discontents
      prevailed in Canada. A large portion of the population, French in its
      origin, democratic and intemperate in its views, led on by demagogues,
      insisted on demands equally inconsistent with a monarchical government,
      and with the supremacy of the mother country. Democratical as were their
      views, however, they had their supporters in the British parliament. On
      the 16th of May, Mr. Roebuck brought forward a proposition for the reform
      of the Canadian constitution, which was to consist in nothing less than in
      making both branches of the colonial legislature elective. By the statute
      81 George III., c. 81, a constitution was given to the province of Quebec,
      which was thereby divided into Lower and Upper Canada. The constitution so
      conferred was professedly a copy of the constitution of England, the
      governor being as the king, the legislative council as the house of lords,
      and the house of assembly as the house of commons. The object, Mr. Roebuck
      said, which he had in view, was to amend the legislative council, which
      was no more like the house of lords at home than the governor of the
      colony was like the king of these realms. The members of the legislative
      council, unlike the house of lords, were poor, having no tenants, and
      consequently no influence over the people; they were a <i>clique</i>
      holding power for their own purposes. On the explanation of ministers, Mr.
      Hume advised Mr. Roebuck to withdraw his motion, to which he conceded,
      stating at the same time that he did not believe government were prepared
      to say, that a measure for remedying the evils complained of was delayed
      only till the report of the commissioners was received.
    </p>
    <p>
      Civil war was still raging in Spain, and at this time Great Britain had
      interfered in it&mdash;an interference which seemed to be becoming more
      direct as the situation of the queen became more critical, and the arms of
      the Carlists more successful. This subject occupied the attention of
      parliament. On the 26th of February Mr. Maclean directed the attention of
      the house of commons to the policy of this interference. Lord Palmerston
      said that the interference of this country had consisted, first, in
      executing the quadruple treaty; and, secondly, in the order of council
      which, by suspending the foreign enlistment act, had enabled the British
      legion to be formed which was now serving in Spain. The treaty was now a
      new one; it did not raise any new question&mdash;no motion had ever been
      made to disapprove of it&mdash;and its execution was admitted to be
      imperative.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the beginning of tin's year a body of Austrian, Russian, and Prussian
      troops took possession of Cracow, under the plea that it contained the
      elements of dangerous conspiracies against the neighbouring governments.
      This subject was brought before the commons on the 18th of March, by Sir
      Stratford Canning, from whose statement it appeared that the three powers
      had addressed a joint note to the senate of Cracow, requesting them to
      send away, within eight days, all Polish refugees and other dangerous
      persons; that the senate had remonstrated against so sweeping a
      denunciation of individuals, many of whom had resided there for years; and
      that military possession had, notwithstanding, been taken on the expiry of
      eight days. It appeared further that four hundred persons had been given
      up to the commander of the occupying force, while others had been required
      to find security for their good behaviour; and that the president of the
      republic had resigned, and his place been supplied by the direct
      nomination of the residents of the three powers. He contended that by the
      treaty of Vienna, the establishment of Cracow as an independent state was
      provided for by definite articles, being placed under the protection of
      the three powers now in possession of it. He further contended that Great
      Britain was an immediate party to this treaty; that its provisions were
      parcel of our solemn engagements; and that when circumstances so
      extraordinary occurred as that a state, recognised as free and
      independent, was occupied by foreign powers, we were called on to look
      narrowly at these events, and see whether or not any violation of the
      engagement in which we were interested had or had not taken place. Lord
      Palmerston found himself embarrassed in consequence of neither the facts
      of the military occupation nor its causes having been communicated to him
      officially by the three powers. Doubtless the demand made by the three
      powers appeared contrary to the letter of the treaty, for they had not
      required that the persons referred to should be given up by the powers to
      which they might belong, but that they should be within eight days removed
      from the territory of Cracow. At the same time, if statements made were
      true, as a justification of the measure, it might be considered as falling
      within the spirit of the treaty. It was alleged that a number of person,
      natives of Poland, assembled in the state of Cracow, and inspired by
      feelings which, perhaps, in their peculiar circumstances were natural, had
      established a communication with the inhabitants of some of the Russian
      and other parts of Poland, calculated to disturb the tranquillity of the
      neighbouring states. But, although the three powers might be justified in
      requesting such persons to depart, it did not follow that they were
      justified in going to the extreme of military occupation because their
      demand was not immediately conceded. As yet no sufficient reason had been
      given either for the entrance of the troops, or the shortness of the
      interval which had been allowed between the demand and the entrance which
      had been effected. All friendly means should have been exhausted before
      any such measures were resorted to; and, under all circumstances, as Great
      Britain had been a party to the treaty of Vienna, it was the duty of those
      powers when they made the demand, and before they had recourse to
      occupation, to have communicated to the government of this country the
      grounds on which they thought themselves entitled to act, and the
      intentions they were about to put into execution. Messrs. O'Connell and
      Hume were violent against the three powers. They advised, that if any part
      of the Russian Dutch loan due by this country was not yet paid, payment
      should be refused till satisfaction was made to Cracow. Lord John Russell
      deprecated the language used by Messrs. O'Connell and Hume, the more
      particularly as the honour of Great Britain was not committed in the
      transaction. Lord Dudley Stuart, however, contended that the honour of
      Great Britain had been violated. Was it, he asked, no affront for these
      three powers to tell a great country like this, that the treaty which
      settled the possession of all the powers of Europe, and to which it was a
      party, should be infringed and violated at their pleasure? By the
      violation of the neutrality of Cracow a serious blow had been inflicted on
      our national reputation, and on the security of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session a lengthened discussion took place regarding the
      dangers to which Europe was exposed from the systematic encroachments of
      Russia. The subject was introduced by Lord Dudley Stuart, who moved an
      address for the production of the treaty of Constantinople between Russia
      and the Porte, the treaty of St. Petersburg, the correspondence between
      the British government and the governments of Russia and Turkey relative
      to these treaties, and the correspondence between the courts of London and
      St. Petersburg regarding the remonstrances made by this country against
      the conduct of Russia towards Poland. In reply, Lord Palmerston said, that
      he had no objection to produce the treaty of Constantinople, or Hoonkiar
      Skelessi; but he would not concede the production of others. Government,
      in fact, was not officially possessed of the treaty of St. Petersburg, and
      therefore it could not be supplied. The correspondence, again, between
      this country, Russia, and Turkey, relative to these treaties could not be
      produced without inconvenience to the public service, and would not answer
      any object which could be contemplated by the motion. With respect to the
      correspondence which had taken place on the subject of Poland, he thought
      its production would not serve any useful purpose. No good could arise
      from publishing to the world, after an interval of three years, all the
      correspondence which might have passed between two governments on a
      subject respecting which their opinion differed, especially as nothing had
      occurred to make the publication of this correspondence necessary. Lord
      Dudley Stuart expressed himself satisfied with the papers which the
      foreign secretary had expressed himself willing to give. Mr. P. M.
      Stewart, however, thought that Lord Palmerston was either too blind as
      regarded Russia, or too confiding. He referred to his lordship's
      predictions in 1832 regarding Poland. He had said, "As to the idea which
      is entertained by some honourable gentlemen of its being the intention of
      Russia to exterminate a large kingdom like Poland, either morally or
      politically, it is so utterly impracticable that there need be no
      apprehension of its ever being attempted." Since these words had been
      spoken, Poland had been politically exterminated, and every exertion had
      been made to exterminate her morally. On the 20th of April Mr. P. M.
    </p>
    <p>
      Stewart brought this subject again before the house, justifying himself
      for renewing the discussion on the ground that, since the last debate,
      Russia had actually interfered with our commerce on the Danube. In direct
      violation of treaties, he said, which declared that the navigation of the
      Danube should be free to ships of all nations, Russia had extorted tribute
      from British vessels passing down that river; and she was putting a stop
      to the trade not merely of England, but of the whole of central Europe on
      that magnificent stream, by wilful neglect to cleanse its channel, which
      would soon be so filled up that a Thames punt would not be able to cross
      it. Mr. Stewart moved&mdash;"That an address should be presented to his
      majesty, praying him to adopt such measures as might seem best fitted to
      protect and extend the commercial interests of Great Britain in Turkey and
      the Euxine, and likewise to send a diplomatic agent forthwith to the free
      and independent state of Cracow." This motion was seconded by Sir Edward
      Codrington, who urged the necessity of immediately arming, as an expedient
      which had uniformly been successful iii checking aggression. In reply,
      Lord Palmerston informed the house that government had already sent a
      consular agent to Cracow, so that this part of the proposed address was
      unnecessary. Government, he continued, concurred in the importance of
      maintaining and extending the commercial relations of Great Britain with
      Turkey, Persia, and the neighbouring countries; but, in his opinion,
      nothing had happened to confine or check them. There could be no doubt
      that, by the treaty of Vienna, the navigation of the Danube was free to
      the commerce of all countries in Europe. We had, however, suffered no
      wrong as yet; and in dealing with foreign nations, it was not prudent to
      anticipate injuries at their hands: it was enough to deal with events when
      they had occurred. Members of all parties expressed similar opinions; and
      Mr. Stewart finally withdrew his resolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the establishment of the kingdom of Greece, Great Britain, France, and
      Russia, had agreed by treaty to guarantee a loan of 60,000,000 of francs
      for the use of the new monarchy. Two instalments of 20,000,000 each had
      been paid. Greece, on the other hand, had undertaken certain obligations
      in relation to her revenue and its application; and Russia, on the ground
      that these obligations had not been fulfilled, refused to concur in
      raising the third instalment. Under these circumstances ministers found it
      necessary to introduce a bill for authorising the advance of the money by
      this country alone. Lord Palmerston made the proposal, and it encountered
      considerable opposition even from the ordinary supporters of government.
      The resolution, however, moved by Lord Palmerston, authorising his majesty
      to guarantee the portion to which this country was liable of the third and
      last instalment of the loan to be advanced to the King of Greece, was
      carried by a majority of eighty-one against forty. The bill founded on the
      resolution encountered the same objections which had been raised to the
      resolution itself; but it passed without any determined opposition. In the
      house of lords the Duke of Wellington said, that while he admitted the
      measure was necessary, he thought that the necessity was an unfortunate
      one, and might have been avoided. It did not appear to him that proper
      measures had been taken to obtain the concurrence of Russia. The first
      demand made by Greece was for 3,000,000 francs; why was not an effort made
      to obtain the consent of Russia to advance her share of this sum? Why was
      Russia left out of that part of the negotiation? If Russia had been called
      on for her portion, it would have amounted to nearly the sum which this
      country was about to advance under existing circumstances; and the
      consequence would have been this&mdash;that the three powers would now be
      placed on the same footing. But how would it be hereafter? Great Britain
      would be a creditor of Greece to the amount of 20,000,000 francs, with a
      claim on the resources of Greece, which must and would be pressed, for the
      interest and sinking-fund of that amount of debt. On the other side,
      Russia would have in hand the third part of 20,000,000 francs to issue to
      Greece whenever, and under whatever circumstances she thought proper.
      France was placed in a similar situation; and both these countries would,
      therefore, stand in a more desirable relation towards Greece, having
      always the power of conferring a benefit, than that which would be
      occupied by this country, who could only be a creditor pressing for
      payment of a debt.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the proposal for removing the civil disabilities of
      the Jews was brought forward by the chancellor of the exchequer himself,
      and was carried through the commons, but was rejected by the lords. Mr.
      Rippon also renewed a proposal he had made in 1834, for the expulsion of
      the bishops from the house of lords; but his motion was lost by an
      overwhelming majority. Mr. O'Connell moved for leave to bring in a bill to
      reform the whole house of lords, by making that body elective, a motion
      which gave rise only to laughter. Mr. Grote also brought forward his
      annual motion for vote by ballot; but it was lost by a majority of one
      hundred and thirty-nine against fifty-one. Parliament was prorogued on the
      20th of August, by the king in person.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The royal speech had announced that tranquillity prevailed in Ireland; but
      yet that country was not in a state of quiescence. Agitation was still at
      work: societies and combinations were being formed, and the angry passions
      of the multitude lashed almost into fury. At this time the authorities
      were enforcing the payment of tithe; and this excited the wrath of the
      leaders of the Popish party. This wrath was aggravated by the refusal of
      the house of lords to create, by passing the ministerial municipal bill
      for Ireland, a mass of Catholic corporations, of which there was every
      reason to apprehend that, while they would not have any useful duties to
      discharge as machines for municipal government, they would become powerful
      and legalized engines for working out the great aim of the Papists&mdash;the
      destruction of the Protestant church. The clauses which went to
      reconstruct the Irish corporations were struck out by the lords on the
      17th of May; and on the following day Mr. O'Connell put forth a letter "to
      the people of England," the object of which was to rouse them to show
      their gratitude to Ireland for the aid which she had lent them in carrying
      the Reform Act, by destroying the character and rights of the house of
      lords. This epistle, however, was addressed to deaf ears; his sentiments
      rather tended to call forth expressions of opinion that the lords should
      fearlessly exercise their constitutional rights. In his letter, he had
      threatened to reorganize agitation; and finding his exertions to that end
      useless in England, he resolved to cany out his threat in Ireland. The
      course which it was wished that the people of Ireland should adopt, was
      explained by Mr. Shiel in clear terms. It was wished that a strenuous and
      simultaneous movement of the popular masses should take place; that the
      millions of Ireland should be roused; and that the might which slumbered
      in her arm might be developed; above all, that "the active system of
      organization should again be strenuously applied, with its weekly
      meetings, its appeals to the people, its enthusiasm, and exciting
      eloquence." Doubts were expressed by some persons of the prudence of
      forming a permanent association at present. Mr. Pigott, a barrister,
      however, suggested an expedient, by which all the advantages of
      association might be secured without its name. He recommended that the
      requisitionists, who had called a public meeting in Dublin for the 23rd of
      May, should constitute themselves an open committee, with power to add to
      their numbers, which should meet from time to time as occasion might
      require, and should arrange communications with the most active
      inhabitants of the different towns and districts who might be disposed to
      second their object, in order to obtain petitions from all parts of the
      country. This plan was adopted; and the objects of the new agitation were
      declared to be municipal institutions, founded on the same principles of
      popular election and control which had been adopted in England, and the
      speedy settlement of the tithe question. This committee dispatched
      circulars all over Ireland, urging the people to hold public meetings for
      the purpose of voting petitions to parliament on these two questions, and
      directing the petitioners how to draw up their petitions. It was soon
      found, however, that this plan was not effective, and that, therefore, a
      revival of the machinery of the Catholic association would be necessary,
      in order to exercise the required influence over the public mind, and to
      raise funds for the support of agitation. The "petition committee," as it
      was called, complained in a meeting, held on the 1st of July, that
      petitions came in slowly, and that the people of Ireland were dormant and
      dead to what ought to be now their feelings, of nationality. Under these
      circumstances it was deemed prudent to "recreate the active system of
      organization devised by Mr. O'Connell, with its weekly meetings," and
      other appliances. A "general association" was now formed on the model of
      the Catholic association, using the same species of influence, but bearing
      another name and professing different objects. The two declared objects of
      the association were to obtain the abolition of tithes and municipal
      corporations; to these were added a minute attention to the approaching
      registrations, in order to increase the democratic party in the house of
      commons. These and the other purposes of the association required money;
      and accordingly the "justice rent" was established. The association was to
      meet once a week in the corn-exchange; Mr. O'Connell presented to it the
      chair of the Catholic association, which had been left in his possession;
      and the walls of its place of meeting displayed in large characters these
      words:&mdash;"Scotland has municipal reform; England has municipal reform;
      Ireland has been declared unworthy of municipal reform." After Mr.
      O'Connell's arrival, in August, the association was put into full
      operation. From him proceeded addresses to the people of England and
      Ireland, the complete organization of the justice rent, the appointment of
      committees, and of a reporter on the election registry of every county,
      city, and town of Ireland. It was resolved that officers, called
      pacificators, should be appointed in every parish in Ireland. Each parish
      was to contain two pacificators; one named by the clergyman of the
      majority of the parish, and the other by the inhabitants themselves. There
      was, therefore, the general association sitting in Dublin, holding its
      weekly meetings, with its registry inspectors, and its agitating
      pacificators scattered all over the country. It was to maintain this
      system that justice money was required; and in general the business of
      each weekly meeting consisted in announcing the amount of "rent" collected
      during the preceding week, or in receiving more. There was talking at
      these meetings, it is true, but the term business can scarcely be applied
      to the verbose and unmeaning speeches in which the orators indulged. The
      usual topics were the greatness and determination of Ireland; the demand
      for justice by getting new corporations and abolishing tithes; the
      flattery of every one who sent money to the association; and the abuse of
      those who differed from the agitators in opinion. Yet Mr. O'Connell and
      his party did not fail to stir up the evil passions of the deluded
      multitude. These "thundering resolutions" were put forth by the
      association:&mdash;"Resolved&mdash;That it is incompatible with the
      principles of religious liberty that any man should be compelled to pay
      for the ordinances of a church with which he is not joined in communion.
      That, as under the present appropriation of tithe-composition, a tribute
      is levied from the whole nation for the uses of the church of only the
      one-tenth portion of the community, the people of Ireland are, therefore,
      justified in demanding the total extinction of an assessment so applied.
      That no settlement of the tithe question can give satisfaction to the
      people of Ireland which is not founded on the foregoing principle. That
      the people of Ireland be called upon not to desist from all legal and
      constitutional means of redress, till they have obtained full and complete
      relief from an impost equally oppressive and degrading. That, in carrying
      out these resolutions, the representatives of the Irish people should
      always keep in mind the adopting such a prudent and wise course as shall
      enable them to realise for the Irish nation the greatest possible quantity
      of good, and as shall also enable them to support and sustain in office,
      without any violation of principle, the first and only true and honest
      government that has ever been known in Ireland." This call upon the
      peasantry not to desist from seeking the abolition of tithes "by all legal
      and constitutional means of address," by no means tending to diminish the
      resistance still shown to every attempt to enforce the steps necessary to
      the recovery of tithes, where a protecting force did not attend. The
      process-server was still hunted; mobs still attempted to set aside sales
      of distrained cattle; and now that the efficacy of the exchequer-process,
      by merely posting notices instead of service, had been felt, the writs of
      that court would have been equally set at defiance by brute force, but for
      the power which they possessed of compelling police and military aid. A
      scene of bloodshed occurred at Dunkerrin, in the county of Tipperary. A
      mob attacked a commissioner of the exchequer and his party, in the act of
      serving a writ, and the bailiff was murdered on the spot, while one of the
      murderers was killed by a shot from the police. Mr. O'Connell and the
      association demanded justice for the death of the latter; but not a word
      was said on the heinousness of his crime, or a syllable of regret was
      uttered concerning the death of the bailiff.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      The whole Spanish Peninsula was torn with political dissensions.
      Revolutions and counter revolutions disturbed British relations with
      Portugal especially, and prevented the execution of a treaty of commerce
      which was looked for in England, as a benefit to both nations. England
      sympathised too much with the faithless queens of both the governments of
      the Iberian Peninsula, which had the effect of protracting the
      disturbances which prevailed, and of exciting angry feelings against
      England. The gallant men who as British subjects volunteered to serve the
      queen 'of Portugal were refused their pay, and treated with contumely and
      injury, just as the British legion in Spain had been used.
    </p>
    <p>
      The relation of the Sublime Porte to England was also a source of
      embarrassment, especially to the former country. On the one hand, the
      pressure of Russia, jealous of her predominating influence, and on the
      other, the efforts of Britain and France to counteract the exclusive
      character which that influence was assuming, imposed on the divan the
      necessity of giving satisfaction to all the competitors for favour. During
      this year an English merchant of Constantinople, of the name of Churchill,
      while shooting in the neighbourhood of Scutari, accidentally wounded a
      Turkish boy. He was dragged to the guardhouse of Scutari, where the
      officer on duty ordered him first to be bastinadoed, and then sent to the
      governor of Scutari. The governor declined interfering, and caused him to
      be conveyed to the office of the reis effendi, or foreign minister, by
      whom he was thrown into prison. Mr. Churchill immediately addressed a
      letter to the British consul, acquainting him with the accident that had
      occurred, and the manner in which he had been treated, claiming, as a
      British subject, the interference in his behalf. The consul sent a
      dragoman to the Porte to reclaim his countryman, promising to keep him in
      custody till the accusation brought against him had been inquired into.
      This application was rejected; and the British ambassador then sent his
      interpreter to the reis effendi, who promised that the prisoner should be
      delivered over to his own authorities. Instead of this promise, however,
      being observed, Mr. Churchill was thrown into the Bagnio, and fettered in
      iron chains, by virtue of an order granted by the sultan. The British
      interpreter again waited on the reis effendi, and expressed to him the
      surprise Lord Ponsonby had experienced on witnessing so direct and
      intentional an infringement of the treaties existing between the king of
      England and the sultan; committed, too, by the very individual appointed
      by the Porte to preside over their strict and scrupulous observance. The
      reis effendi now desired one of his officers to proceed with the English
      interpreter to the Bagnio, and cause the detained merchant to be given up;
      but the governor of the Bagnio refused to comply with the request,
      pretending that since the prisoner had been placed under his care in
      virtue of a firman, he could not release him without a written order from
      the Porte. Lord Ponsonby now addressed an official note, stating that, as
      the minister of foreign affairs had violated one of the most important
      stipulations of the treaties existing between Great Britain and Turkey, he
      was obliged to declare to the government that he would not any longer hold
      official communication with his excellency, and to submit to the Sublime
      Porte, and emphatically to declare to the sultan himself, his just
      complaint against a minister who had dared to violate the laws of his own
      sovereign, and insult the British nation. This step procured the
      liberation of Mr. Churchill; but Lord Ponsonby refused to consider this
      alone as any reparation of the breach of the treaties securing to British
      subjects the right of being tried and punished only through the agency of
      their own official representatives. His lordship insisted that the reis
      effendi should be dismissed from his office. He insisted upon this the
      more strenuously on account of the predominating influence of Russia; for
      if the injured party had been a Russian subject, the Turkish government
      would have hastened to make humble apologies, and would have consented to
      give any satisfaction which the offended dignity of the czar might have
      required. The Porte endeavoured to mitigate the demand lay negociation;
      but Lord Ponsonby refused to accept of any satisfaction which did not
      include the dismissal of the minister. As the Porte seemed to think it
      below its dignity to grant such a request when merely made by an
      ambassador, he said he would refer the matter to his government at home.
      The British merchants, likewise, resident at Constantinople, transmitted
      an address to Viscount Palmerston, representing the necessity of
      supporting the demand made by the ambassador. They remarked:&mdash;"We
      will concede that the first outrage was committed by subordinate local
      authorities, whose acts might admit of excuse or explanation; but the
      subsequent imprisonment was deliberately ordered by a high public
      functionary, the official depositary-, in fact, of the treaties existing
      between the two countries, one who could not be ignorant of the privileges
      they guaranteed, and who was not ignorant that in the instance in question
      he was grossly and intentionally violating them. Considering, therefore,
      that the present is not the only instance, although the most flagrant one,
      of personal violence offered to British subjects, we cannot but see in
      their repeated occurrence, more especially of late, an intentional
      infraction of the treaties, and, indeed, the existence of some fixed
      design on the part of the Turkish government to assume to itself a power
      of control in such matters which it would be dangerous ever to concede."
      Before the determination of the British cabinet could be known, the divan
      of Constantinople had resolved to yield: the reis effendi was dismissed,
      with a monthly pension of 10,000 piastres; but it was on the pretence that
      bad health disabled him from regularly attending to the duties of his
      office. It was said afterwards, that the British ministry viewed the
      matter in a less serious light than that in which it had been viewed by
      Lord Ponsonby; and that they were not inclined to consider the demand he
      had made as one on which it was necessary to insist. It is certain,
      indeed, that the dispatches of the Turkish envoy ill London, subsequent to
      the dismissal of the reis effendi, assured the divan of the readiness of
      the British ministry to settle the controversy on conditions much milder
      than those on which Lord Ponsonby had stated to be the only terms which
      his majesty's government could consider proper reparation for the insult
      offered to its dignity. It is also certain that the credit of the British
      ambassador, whose successful firmness was neutralised by his government,
      was greatly diminished at the Porte.
    </p>
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    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     <i>Meeting  of  Parliament..... Consideration of the State of
     Ireland..... Irish Municipal Corporations  Bill.....
     Question of Establishing a System of Poor-Law in
     Ireland..... Irish Tithe Question..... Question of Church-
     Rates..... The Church of Scotland..... Notices of Motions
     for Constitutional Changes..... Operation of the  New Poor-
     Laws..... The Affairs of Canada..... State of the Banking
     System, &amp;c...... Consideration  of   the Foreign   Policy of
     England under the Whig Administration..... Motion on the
     State of the Nation..... Illness and Death of the King.....
     Remarks on his Reign, Character, &amp;c.</i>
</pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1837
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 31st of January. The session was opened by
      commission; and the speech of the commissioners referred to the contests
      in Spain, and the recent events in Portugal. The speech also called the
      attention of both houses to the state of Canada, stating that the reports
      of the commissioners appointed to inquire into which, would be laid before
      them. It further recommended to their serious deliberation the provisions
      which would be submitted to them for the improvement of the law and the
      administration of justice, and conveyed his majesty's desire that they
      should consult upon such further measures as might give increased
      stability to the established church. The revenues, moreover, formed a
      subject of congratulation in the speech, and an early renewal of inquiries
      into the operation of the act permitting the establishment of joint-stock
      banks. The concluding topic of the speech was Ireland; such measures as
      might improve the condition of that country were recommended to be
      adopted. The present constitution of the municipal corporations of that
      country, the collection of tithes, and the establishment of some legal
      provision for the poor were especially noticed as subjects worthy of their
      attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address in the lords was moved by the Earl of Fingal, and seconded by
      Lord Suffield. In the commons the address was moved by Mr. Sandford, and
      seconded by Mr. Stuart Villiers. The debate that followed was enlivened by
      Mr. Roebuck, who made a violent assault on the whole system of ministerial
      policy. Sir Robert Peel referred to those parts of the speech relating to
      the affairs of Spain and Portugal. His remarks with reference to Spain
      were confined to that passage in the address which expressed the
      satisfaction of the house that his majesty's co-operating force had
      rendered useful assistance to her Catholic majesty. Whatever opinion he
      might hold on the policy of the quadruple alliance, he had always
      considered it our duty to fulfil the treaty so long as we stood pledged to
      it. By that treaty we stipulated to give the assistance of a naval force
      to the arms of the queen of Spain; and he supported the address on the
      understanding that the aid we had given had been strictly of that
      character. The distinction was important. The grant of a military force
      might have supposed an interference with the civil dissensions and party
      conflicts of Spain. Might not the precedent be equally adopted by despotic
      governments claiming a right to support absolute principles among their
      neighbours? where then would be the peace of Europe? The next paragraph in
      the address illustrated the danger of interfering in the civil affairs of
      other countries. We express our regret that "events in Portugal have
      occurred which, for a time, threaten to disturb the internal peace of the
      country." These events are but the corollary of the revolution in that
      country in 1834, and which was then called in the speech from the throne
      "a happy result." A consequence of this "happy result" is that we have now
      six sail of the line in the Tagus. For what purpose? To defend the queen
      of that country from an attack on the part of her own subjects; and to
      protect the lives and property of the English residing there from the
      danger with which they are threatened. In reply, Lord Palmerston remarked,
      that, "when we stated that the effect of the treaty in 1834 was to put an
      end to the civil war in Portugal, we did not take upon ourselves the
      responsibility of the government of that kingdom in all future times, or
      undertake that it should be henceforth free from the civil disturbances to
      which every country was liable." This might be true; but if the last
      revolution in Portugal was the result of the one which we had been
      instrumental in bringing about, then we were in no slight degree
      responsible for its occurrence.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONSIDERATION OF THE STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ireland was still the cardinal point of our domestic politics. At this
      time, in fact, Irish politics had acquired more importance than ever. The
      state of that country was brought before parliament this session, in a
      petition from the Protestants, setting forth the dangers by which they
      were surrounded from the effects of the agitation which everywhere
      prevailed. This petition was presented to the lords by the Marquis of
      Downshire on the 28th of April, and it was the occasion of an interesting
      debate on the state of Ireland. The topics insisted on, however, were for
      the most part identical with those which had for a series of years been
      repeatedly adduced in the commons, so that a repetition of them is
      unnecessary. The debate unfolded one great fact: namely, that the
      Protestant party were not behindhand with the Catholics in the vigour and
      perseverance of their agitation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Government lost no time in bringing the politics of Ireland before
      parliament. On the 7th of April Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring
      in a bill for the amendment of the Irish municipal corporations. The bill
      differed from that of the last year on one material point only. By the
      former measure the town-councils were not allowed to interfere in the
      appointment of sheriffs, which was vested in the crown; but they were now
      authorised to nominate or suggest a certain number of persons for that
      office; the power of selection, rejection, and appointment being given to
      the lord-lieutenant. Sir John Hobhouse made an intimation, that the fate
      of this measure would decide that of the cabinet; he asked of the party
      opposite, if they succeeded in throwing out this bill and so coming into
      office, upon what principle they hoped to govern Ireland? Was it by
      Orange, neckerchiefs and acclamations that they expected to do so? They
      ought to be prepared to give a decided answer to the question. Sir Robert
      Peel said, that he doubted the right of any one to catechise his party on
      the results of a contingency. The motion, which was merely for leave to
      bring in the bill, was not opposed, and the two parties had therefore no
      opportunity of making trial of their strength on a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The order of the day was read for going into committee on the reform of
      municipal corporations on the 20th of February. Lord Francis Egerton moved
      an instruction similar to that which he had brought forward in the last
      session, to the effect that the committee be empowered to make provisions
      for the abolition of corporations in Ireland, and for such arrangements as
      might be necessary on their abolition for securing the efficient and
      impartial administration of justice, and the peace and good government of
      Ireland. A long discussion ensued and was adjourned. On the following day
      Mr. Serjeant Jackson delivered a long speech, which was chiefly directed
      against the government of Lord Mulgrave. Mr. Vesey followed in the same
      track. The bill was supported, on the other hand, by Mr. E. L. Bulwer,
      Lord Howick, and Mr. Roebuck. The latter asked Sir Robert Peel this plain
      question:&mdash;"Can he pretend to carry on the government of Ireland on
      entirely different principles from those of Great Britain? Does he believe
      that, at this period of man's history, and by the side of the most
      enlightened nation of the earth, doctrines of government suited for the
      meridian of St. Petersburg can be carried into actual practice? In a word,
      Does he believe that the system of Protestant supremacy can be continued
      in Ireland without civil war?" On the third night of the debate, Sir James
      Graham delivered a powerful speech in support of Lord Francis Egerton's
      amendment. Mr. Shiel followed, in a speech which was more personal than
      argumentative. Sir Robert Peel deprecated this mode of conducting the
      debate. He had been reproached, he continued, by Lord Howick for not
      having earlier seen the necessity of yielding to the Catholic claims.
      Would the noble lord ask of his noble colleague of the foreign department,
      why he was not an earlier convert than he had proved to reform? Would he
      put the same question to the head of the present administration? If it
      were blindness in him not to foresee in 1825 the necessity of concession
      to the Catholics, was not the blindness of Lord Melbourne as great when,
      in 1826, he even opposed the transfer of representatives from Penryn to
      Manchester? Mr. O'Connell followed, urging his usual topics&mdash;the long
      misgovernment of Ireland, and the necessity of the repeal of the union as
      her only chance of obtaining justice. After a reply from Lord John
      Russell, the house divided; when Lord Francis Egerton's amendment was
      negatived by a majority of three hundred and twenty-two against two
      hundred and forty-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      Little discussion took place on the bill when in committee. The third
      reading was moved on the 10th of April, when Mr. Goulburn opposed the
      measure as pregnant with danger to the church, and tending by its renewed
      agitation to place the two houses of parliament in an undesirable
      situation. Another long debate ensued, in which the bill was defended by
      Colonel Thompson, Lords Morpeth and John Russell, and Messrs. Bulwer,
      Charles Villiers, and O'Connell; and opposed by Lord Stanley, Sir James
      Graham, and Sir Robert Peel. The debate lasted two nights; and on a
      division the bill was carried by a majority of three hundred and two
      against two hundred and forty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was introduced to the house of peers by Lord Melbourne on the
      13th of April; and the second reading was fixed for the 25th of the same
      month. On its introduction the Duke of Wellington gave no opinion on the
      subject of the bill, but contented himself with observing, that it was
      only one of the three measures relating to Ireland which had been
      recommended to the consideration of the house in the speech from the
      throne. He added, that, as he thought it desirable before the house
      decided on the present measure it should have the other two before them,
      he hoped the noble viscount would appoint a more distant day for its
      consideration. Lord Melbourne objected to this, stating at the same time
      that he could not see any necessary connexion between the three measures.
      In moving its second reading, Lord Melbourne dwelt at great length upon
      the good effects which had already resulted from the grant of a similar
      boon to England. On these grounds he called upon the house to accede to
      the measure. It was only a little to give, but a great deal to withhold.
      The Duke of Wellington said, that he would agree to the second reading of
      the bill, on the principle that the existing corporations ought not to be
      continued. He would not, however, pledge himself to consent to the present
      measure, to various details of which he had strong objections. He would
      endeavour to remove these in committee; in the meanwhile he could not but
      express his surprise that Lord Melbourne should have again brought forward
      such a measure. Lord Lyndhurst expressed similar sentiments. In reference
      to the surprise expressed by the Duke of Wellington that the bill should
      have been reintroduced, Lord Melbourne said the case was not a singular
      one; and he reminded the duke that he had introduced and carried a measure
      to which he had been opposed. Lord Brougham regretted that, from the tone
      of the speeches of the Duke of Wellington, he was led to believe that they
      would only throw away some five or six weeks of their time in unprofitable
      discussions on the subject, and be left at the end of this session where
      they were at the close of the last. This proved to be the true
      interpretation of those speeches. On the 5th of May, when the order of the
      day was read for the house to resolve itself into committee on the bill,
      the Duke of Wellington rose, and moved to defer the committal till the 9th
      of June. His reason for asking this delay was, that he was anxious to see
      the result of the deliberations of the other house of parliament on the
      pending measures of Irish tithe and Irish poor-law. Lord Melbourne
      objected to the proposed postponement as inconvenient in itself, and
      dangerous in the motive on which it was grounded. There was no connexion
      between the church and corporation bills; and if the house of commons
      should follow the example of the lords, and refuse to consider one set of
      bills until the lords had passed another to their satisfaction, he
      apprehended their lordships would not have the best of the struggle. As
      for the appropriation clause, he denied, as his grace had intimated, that
      it had been abandoned; it existed in the new bill as strongly as in the
      former one. The Duke of Wellington replied, that though he objected to
      much of the present measure, he was not adverse to the establishment,
      under certain circumstances, of local jurisdictions in Ireland. The Earl
      of Wicklow and Lord Fitzgerald made yet ampler concessions than his grace;
      and the Marquis of Lansdowne argued on this, that they assented to the
      principles of the bill; and that, therefore, no further delay should take
      place in its progress. Lord Brougham said that he drew no happy augury of
      the fate of the bill from the very significant speech of the Duke of
      Wellington. He would not say any sinister motive lurked in his proposition
      for delay; but if he was averse to the present measure, as he appeared to
      be, why did he not throw it out altogether? It was very well to talk of
      amendments; but their lordships would so alter the bill, that the man who
      drew it would not know it again. Although the different sections under the
      duke's command might move by different routes, they would all meet in the
      end. On a division the motion for postponement was carried by a majority
      of one hundred and ninety-two against one hundred and fifteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the postponement decided on was for more than one month, there
      appeared to be little probability that either the tithe or the poor-rate
      bill would be before the lords by the assigned period for resuming the
      municipal corporations bill. Under these circumstances, when the 9th of
      June arrived, Lord Lyndhurst rose to move a further postponement of the
      bill till the 3rd of July next. His lordship took occasion again to state
      his objections to the measure. Lord Melbourne opposed the further
      postponement of the bill; but on a division the motion was carried by a
      majority of two hundred and five against one hundred and nineteen.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUESTION OF ESTABLISHING A SYSTEM OF POOR-LAWS IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A board of commissioners had been for some time busied with the
      consideration of a system of poor-laws in Ireland, and in the last session
      a report containing the result of their inquiries was laid before
      parliament. This report, however, was not satisfactory to government. They
      thought it desirable that some inquiry should be made as to how far it
      might be practicable to introduce into Ireland a system of relief based
      upon the principles of the new English poor-law. For this purpose, Mr.
      Nicholls, one of the commissioners, was sent to Ireland to prosecute the
      matter by personal investigation. The report of Mr. Nicholls was very
      able, and on it government grounded the measure which they intended to
      bring forward on the subject. This measure was introduced in the commons
      by Lord John Russell on the 13th of February. In introducing it, his
      lordship called the attention of the house to that part of the king's
      speech at the opening of the session, in which the establishment of some
      legal provision for the poor was recommended. At the same time he laid on
      the table of the house a copy of Mr. Nicholl's report upon the subject. In
      his speech, his lordship first dwelt upon the benefits derivable to a
      country from a well-administered system of poor-laws; upon its tendency to
      preserve peace, prevent vagrancy, diminish crime, and establish harmony
      among all classes of society. Having dwelt on this subject at length, Lord
      John Russell then stated the leading provisions of the bill as recommended
      by the commissioner. With respect to the expense of the system, he said,
      it had been calculated that the whole average charge for each person in
      the English workhouses, including lodging, fuel, clothing, and diet, was
      one shilling and sixpence per week. If, therefore, we take one hundred
      union houses, each containing eight hundred inmates, and suppose them all
      fully occupied, the annual expense for the whole would be £312,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      In order to understand the nature of the bill brought in by Lord John
      Russell, however, it is necessary to give a brief extract of the report
      made by Mr. Nicholls. He stated that he found the people almost
      universally favourable to the introduction of a poor-law. But with respect
      to the question of how far the introduction of the English poor-law was
      practicable in Ireland, two difficulties suggested themselves&mdash;first,
      whether the workhouse system could be relied on as a test of destitution
      in Ireland; and secondly, whether the means and machinery existed there
      for the formation of unions as in England. The great principle of the
      workhouse system is, that the support which is afforded at the public
      charge there should be less desirable than that to be obtained by
      independent exertion. It would be impossible to make the lodging,
      clothing, and diet of the inmates of an Irish workhouse inferior to those
      of the Irish peasantry, and therefore this security would not be found for
      the efficiency of the workhouse-test. On the other hand, it is to be
      remembered that the Irish are naturally or by habit a migratory people,
      fond of change, full of hope, and eager for experiment. They had never
      been tied down to one limited settlement, and consequently confinement of
      any kind would be irksome, and therefore the test of the workhouse is
      likely to prove fully as efficient in Ireland as in England. With respect
      to the' supply of local machinery for the execution of the law, Mr.
      Nicholls considered that by making the unions sufficiently large, there
      would be no difficulty of obtaining boards of guardians of competent
      intelligence and activity. These might, he said, be elected by the
      contributors to the county cess; but Mr. Nicholls thought that, in the
      first instance, large general powers should be vested in some competent
      authority to control and direct the proceedings of the board of guardians,
      and, where necessary, to supersede their functions altogether. He further
      proposed, that the same central authority should be empowered to dispense
      with the election of the first board of guardians, and to appoint such
      persons as it should think proper to act in their stead. It was further
      proposed, that the number of magistrates acting officially as guardians
      should not exceed one-third of the elected members of the board; and that
      no clergyman or minister of any denomination should be eligible to act as
      ex-officio guardian. The enactment of a provision for the destitute at the
      common charge, would give the community a right to interfere with the
      proceedings of individuals, so as to prevent the spread of destitution,
      and enable it to guard itself from loss and damage by the negligence or
      obstinacy of any of its members. With this view, it was recommended that
      the central authority should appoint, or empower the board of guardians to
      appoint, one or more wardens or head-boroughs for every parish, who might
      superintend the affairs of the district. Assuming the general
      practicability and expediency of establishing a system of poor-law in
      Ireland on principles the same with those of the English law, Mr. Nicholls
      proceeded to consider the details of its application in that country. It
      was proposed that all relief out of the workhouse should be absolutely
      refused. Another point to be insisted upon, was, that no individual of a
      family should be admitted unless all its members entered the house. All
      relief was to be given by the orders and direction of the central
      authority. With respect to the formation and regulation of the local
      machinery, the report recommended that, as in England, the appointment of
      guardians should be vested in the rate-payers and owners of property in
      the union. A scale was proposed, by which the number of votes possessed by
      an individual rate-payer might be raised from one to five, as his rating
      increased from five pounds to two hundred. The commissioners had proposed
      that the owner should pay two-thirds of the rate, and that the remainder
      should fall on the tenant: Mr. Nicholls thought that it would be better to
      divide the charge equally between the two parties. It was not recommended
      to establish a parochial settlement in Ireland, as the habits of the
      people were migratory: if a law settlement should be established, it would
      be a union of settlement, making the limits of the union the boundary. The
      simpler the conditions on which this settlement was made to depend, it
      would be the better. They might, it was stated, be limited to two&mdash;birth,
      and actual residence for a term of years; but, on the whole, it would be
      better to dispense with settlement altogether. One great object in the
      establishment of a legal relief for the destitute would be the right it
      afforded to take measures for the suppression of mendicancy. The present
      state of Ireland, and the feelings and habits of the people, threw
      considerable difficulty in the way of an immediate enforcement of such a
      prohibition. The best method, it was stated, would probably be to enact a
      general prohibition, and to cast upon the central authority the
      responsibility of bringing the act into operation in the several unions,
      as the workhouses became fitted for the reception of inmates. With respect
      to emigration, Mr. Nicholls did not think it should be looked to as an
      ordinary resource; the necessity for its adoption would be regarded as an
      indication of disease, which it would be better to prevent than thus to
      relieve. The source, however, would be one which must be employed as a
      means of relief whenever any population became excessive in any district,
      and no opening for migration to other districts could be found. In the
      conclusion of his report, Mr. Nicholls considered the nature and
      appointment of the central authority upon which the whole administration
      of the new system would depend. He was in favour of its being carried into
      effect by the existing English board, inasmuch as the object being to
      carry the English system into Ireland, it could only be done by persons
      practically conversant with its administration.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the principles on which the measure introduced by Lord John
      Russell was founded. On its introduction, Irish members of all parties
      expressed their satisfaction with it. Mr. O'Connell, however, though he
      did not oppose it, expressed himself less sanguine as to its beneficial
      results. The hundred workhouses which it was proposed to erect would
      afford shelter and relief to eighty thousand persons in Ireland only; and
      he asked, what proportion that bore to the mass of destitution in Ireland?
      He objected also to the proposed gradual introduction of the measure. They
      would thereby create a state of transition, during which neither relief
      nor charity would be afforded to the suffering population of the country.
      He disapproved, also, of that part of the plan which confined relief and
      employment to the workhouses. There was no part of Ireland, he said, which
      might not be made ten times more productive than it was, and yet it was
      proposed to feed men in idleness in a workhouse. The system of workhouses
      acted well in England, where a sort of slave labour was adopted in them,
      to force the idle to seek employment elsewhere; but what could be expected
      from it in Ireland where men worked for twopence per day? Many expected
      that a poor-rate in Ireland would prevent the influx of Irish labourers
      into England; there could not be a greater mistake: unmarried men would
      still go to England; and so would the married, leaving their families to
      be maintained in the workhouse. The experiment, he saw, must be made; and,
      notwithstanding his objections, he would certainly give every aid in
      working out its details. Mr. O'Connell urged the necessity of extensive
      emigration on the consideration of government; but Sir Robert Peel said
      that he was not sanguine as to any benefits to be derived therefrom. The
      long sea-voyage would always stand in the way of its adoption to any
      extent. As to public works, to vote money merely to employ people, that
      would only aggravate existing evils by interfering with the natural demand
      for labour. Sir Robert Peel, however, was disposed cordially to support
      the measure in its general objects; as was also Lord Stanley.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading of the bill did not take place till the end of April.
      The interval seems to have confirmed Mr. O'Connell in his hostility to the
      measure. It was not his intention directly to oppose it&mdash;some measure
      of the kind was inevitable; but his deliberate judgment was, that it would
      aggravate, instead of mitigate, the existing evils of the Irish peasantry.
      Those evils he ascribed to English misgovernment: the distinct and direct
      object of the penal laws was to enforce ignorance and poverty by act of
      parliament. For a century, the Irish had had laws requiring the people to
      be ignorant, and punishing them for being industrious. And what, he asked,
      were the natural consequences of this legislation? He entered into a
      variety of statistical details to prove that, with a less fertile soil,
      the quantity of agricultural produce raised in England was as four to one
      compared with that of Ireland; though, according to the number of acres
      under cultivation, it ought not to exceed two to one. He then proceeded to
      read numerous extracts from the reports of the commissioners, descriptive
      of the extreme misery of the Irish peasantry. He described men as lying in
      bed for want of food; turning thieves in order to be sent to jail; lying
      on rotten straw in mud cabins, with scarcely any covering; feeding on
      unripe potatoes and yellow weed, and feigning sickness, in order to get
      into hospitals. He continued:&mdash;"This is the condition of a country
      blest by nature with fertility, but barren from the want of cultivation,
      and whose inhabitants stalk through the land enduring the extremity of
      misery and want. Did we govern ourselves? Who did this? You, Englishmen!&mdash;I
      say, you did it? It is the result of your policy and domination!" With
      respect to the bill before the house, Mr. O'Connell ridiculed the
      proposition of relieving the destitution of 2,300,000 persons by building
      poor-houses to shelter eighty thousand at the expense of £312,000 a year.
      The charities in Dublin alone amounted to half that sum, and the farmers
      gave away in kind from a million to a million and a half yearly. As for
      tranquillizing the country, Mr. O'Connell said that the bill would not
      have any such effect. On the contrary, as all relief was to be given in
      the workhouse, every man who was refused would have a pretext for prædial
      resistance. The man refused would be the very man to resent the refusal;
      he would go to others and induce them to adopt his quarrel, and perhaps to
      avenge what he would consider to be his wrong. In conclusion, Mr.
      O'Connell admitted that he was opposed to a law of settlement, and also to
      a labour-rate: he thought emigration should be tried on a large scale; and
      he was still an advocate for a tax on absentees. However much he
      disapproved of the bill, he would not vote against it: he had not moral
      courage enough to resist a poor-law altogether. A long and angry debate
      ensued, which issued in nothing practical.
    </p>
    <p>
      The only point in the measure in which any serious opposition was raised,
      respected the law of settlement. On the 12th of May, when the order of the
      day was read for the house to go into committee on the bill, Mr. Lucas
      moved,&mdash;"That it be an instruction to the committee to introduce a
      provision for settlement, so as more justly to apportion the pecuniary
      charges to be incurred and levied under the name of poor-rates." Mr. Lucas
      suggested a particular scheme of settlement, by which he conceived most of
      the evils attaching to the system as hitherto practised might be avoided;
      but his statement of its nature and probable operation was not very
      intelligible, and his motion was negatived, after some discussion of the
      subject, by a majority of one hundred and twenty against sixty-eight. The
      bill did not proceed beyond this stage of its progress, in consequence of
      the demise of the crown.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH TITHE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      Another cardinal point of Irish policy remaining to be settled, as pointed
      out to the consideration of parliament in the speech from the throne, was
      the tithe question. This subject was brought forward in the house of
      commons on the 1st of May by Lord Morpeth, who, in introducing it, said,
      that it was the fifth measure which had been brought forward in the last
      three years for the adjustment of Irish tithes. His present plan was this.
      He proposed to deduct thirty per cent, from the tithe composition, so as
      to make a rent-charge on the owner of the first estate of inheritance, in
      the proportion of £70 to every £100 of the tithe. By the bill of last year
      power was given to the commissioners of woods and forests to collect the
      rent-charge; but this was thought to make the clergy too dependant on the
      officers of government, and they were, therefore, now allowed to collect
      it for themselves. The provisions of former bills for the revising or
      reopening of compositions were to be reserved. With respect to the
      regulation of the incomes of the various benefices, Lord Morpeth proposed
      to adopt the scale of last session, as recommended by Lord Stanley, with
      the exception of the minimum of £300, which Lord Stanley had taken as the
      lowest point of reduction to which the clerical income should be liable.
      The most novel provision proposed was that which went to apply a portion
      of the clergyman's income to the purposes of general education. Lord
      Morpeth observed, that by a statute, the 15th of the 28th of Henry III.,
      it was enacted, that "every incumbent in each parish in Ireland should
      keep or cause to be kept within his parish, a school to learn English; and
      that every archbishop, bishop, &amp;c., at the time of his induction
      should take a corporal oath, that, being so admitted or inducted, he shall
      to his best endeavour himself teach the English tongue to all that are
      under his rule and governance." Penalties were laid both on the bishop and
      clergyman for the breach of this statute; and the oath imposed by the act
      was taken by all rectors and vicars. The question was, continued Lord
      Morpeth, had this obligation been complied with? There were 2400 parishes
      in Ireland; and it appeared from the report of the commissioners of
      inquiry into Irish education, there were only seven hundred and eighty-two
      schools, the number of benefices being 1242, and the amount of the
      contributions of the clergy £3299. It appeared from that report, indeed,
      that, though there were many benefices in which there was no school, yet
      the act of Henry VIII. was sufficiently complied with by the annual
      payment of forty-shillings to a schoolmaster. Attempts had been made to
      revise the act in 1767, and again in the year 1806; but these were
      abandoned. Lord Morpeth now proposed to raise a fixed rate of ten per
      cent, upon the ecclesiastical revenues of Ireland, including the incomes
      of the dignitaries of the church as well as of the parochial clergy; to
      take effect not on the present holders, but on their successors. The plan
      of education which he proposed was not to be confined to the teaching of
      the English language only; it was to combine instruction in letters,
      lessons of morality and religion, and that upon a national system,
      comprehending all sects and denominations. Lord Morpeth, however, did not,
      he said, intend to propose resolutions which would call upon the house to
      pledge themselves to the whole of his plan; he contented himself for the
      present with moving, "That it is expedient to commute the tithes of
      Ireland into a rent-charge, payable by the first estate of inheritance,
      and to make further provision for the better regulation of ecclesiastical
      duties." The resolution was adopted without comment from either side of
      the house; but when the bill founded on Lord Morpeth's resolutions was
      read a second time, June 9th, Mr. Sharman Crawford opposed it as wholly
      inadequate to the wants of the people of Ireland. He moved that the bill
      be read a second time that day six months; but on a division his motion
      was rejected by two hundred and twenty-nine against fourteen. The decision
      on the clause for taking livings was deferred, and nothing further was
      done on this question, the death of the king on the 20th of June
      precluding all further consideration of it.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUESTION OF CHURCH-RATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Government had for some time been occupied in framing a scheme for the
      arrangement of the question of church-rates. On the 3rd of March the
      chancellor of the exchequer brought this subject before the house of
      commons, by moving that the house should resolve itself into a committee
      for its discussion. In his speech Mr. Rice first attempted to prove that
      the existing system could not be maintained. He remarked:&mdash;"By the
      law as it stood at present any vestry has the power of refusing its assent
      to a church-rate. Can it then be said there is, in fact, any fixed or
      satisfactory mode of providing for the maintenance of the churches of the
      establishment? Not only have they the power of refusing their assent, but
      this power has been frequently exercised. In consequence of the contests
      that took place in Sheffield on the subject, up to the year 1818, no rate
      has existed there since. In Manchester, in 1833, a poll took place on a
      rate, which was lost by a majority of one out of six or seven thousand
      votes. It is true the majority was set aside on a scrutiny; but it has not
      been ventured to collect the rate. In 1834 and 1835 the same scenes took
      place; large majorities were polled against the rates; those majorities
      were, on a scrutiny, declared to be minorities; but the churchwardens did
      not dare to act on their decision, or levy the rate that had been
      assessed. Can, or ought," asked Mr. Bice, "this state of things to
      continue? If you depend upon the church-rate for the maintenance of the
      church, can you depend upon the present state of the law to enable you to
      enforce that payment? It is not sufficient to assert that the law must be
      strengthened; if you wish to maintain such a proposition, you must carry
      the house of commons with you. Can you do so? I confess I should like to
      see, not the person, but the party, however combined in force or numbers,
      who could come down to this house and ask of parliament to grant
      additional power for enforcing the payment of church-rates. They would
      soon find that they miscalculate the character both of the legislature and
      of the people whom it represents." Having thus stated his grievance, Mr.
      Bice considered the remedy. He expressed his decided objection to the
      voluntary system; when he could be satisfied that the army and navy could
      be supported, or the administration of justice provided for on the
      voluntary principle, then, and not till then, would he apply it to the
      church. He also objected to a distinctive tax on the members of the
      established church, to the raising of a fund from pew-rents, and to a
      graduated impost on the benefices of the clergy. He further objected to
      the proposition brought forward by Lord Althorp; namely, that a sum of
      £250,000 should be voted by parliament, for the purpose of maintaining the
      fabric of the church. His plan would be different from all these
      propositions. He proposed to take the whole property of the bishops,
      deans, and chapters out of the hands of those dignitaries, and to vest
      them in the hands of a commission, under whose improved system of
      management it was calculated that, after paying to their full present
      amount all existing incomes, a sum not less than £250,000 might be saved
      and applied to the purposes of church-rates. He proposed that there should
      be eleven commissioners; five of high ecclesiastical rank; three high
      officers of state; and three paid members of the board. He further
      proposed that in all cases where pew-rents had been received, or where
      they could be justly demanded from the rich, the proceeds should be
      collected, and placed, in the first instance, under the control of a
      parochial committee, who should be required in ordinary cases to apportion
      one-fifth of the whole space in the church to free seats for the poor; in
      the churches built under the church building act, one-third; the surplus
      to be handed over to the commissioners. The sums received by the
      commissioners were to be paid to the ecclesiastical commission, to be
      applied by them to their specific objects. All visitation fees, and fees
      on swearing in churchwardens, were to be abolished; by which regulation it
      was stated a saving of £180,000 a year would be effected. A short and
      desultory conversation took place; in the course of which the liberal
      members expressed themselves satisfied with the proposition, while those
      on the other side of the house intimated their distrust of the principles
      of the measure.
    </p>
    <p>
      The friends of the church soon sounded an alarm upon this subject. Three
      days after Mr. Rice had made his statement, a meeting of fifteen bishops
      took place at Lambeth Palace; and they came to an unanimous resolution in
      disapprobation of the bill. The same evening the Archbishop of Canterbury,
      on presenting some petitions against the abolition of church-rates,
      expressed his feelings on the subject to the house of lords. The principle
      of the bill was so unkind to the church, he said, and so mischievous in
      its effects, that he would never give his assent to its becoming law. This
      protest raised the indignation of Lord Melbourne. He heard this expression
      of opinion on the part of the most reverend prelate with sorrow and
      concern, not less on account of the effect which it would have on the
      success of the measure, than with reference to the interests of the church
      itself. He would put it, he said, to the archbishop, whether there was not
      something of undue haste and precipitation in the course which he had
      adopted; and whether he was not put forward by those who had more guile
      and deeper designs than himself, in order that his expressed opinions
      might affect the decision of the question in another place? He thought it
      would have been more decent if the most reverend prelate had waited for
      the regular time for the discussion of the matter, and not have thus
      precipitately announced his intentions with respect to it. He learned with
      affliction that he should have the most reverend prelate and his brethren
      against him on this measure; but this would not alter his course:
      considering it as just in itself, advantageous to the church, and
      beneficial to the community, he should persevere in urging it upon
      parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house of commons went into committee upon the resolutions of Mr. Rice
      on the 13th March. The discussion was opened by Sir Robert Peel in
      opposition. Lord Howick contented himself with replying on one or two
      points in the financial criticisms of Sir Robert Peel. He was convinced,
      he said, that the property of the church in land and houses was much
      greater than was reported by the bishops and chapters, and was greatly
      improvable under a better management; and he enlarged upon the evils of
      the present system, and the absolute necessity of removing them for the
      sake of the church. A discussion followed which lasted several nights. On
      a division the resolution was carried by a majority of two hundred and
      seventy-three against two hundred and fifty.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was a small majority on a question which involved little more than
      than the taking of the plan into consideration; ministers, indeed, were
      evidently dissatisfied with the reception of their measure, for they did
      not seem inclined to urge it through the house. Nearly two months elapsed
      before the subject was renewed by them: a delay which was made a matter of
      reproach to the government by some of its supporters without doors, as
      implying an acknowledgment of failure on the part of the authors of the
      scheme. The second reading of the resolutions was moved on the 22nd of
      May. An amendment was moved by Mr. A. Johnstone to this effect: "That it
      is the opinion of this house that funds may be derived from an improved
      mode, of management of church lands, and that these funds should be
      applied to religious instruction within the established church, where the
      same may be found deficient, in proportion to the existing population."
      Messrs. Baines, Hardy, Borthwick, and Horace Twiss, all spoke against the
      measure. Sir Francis Burdett expressed his regret that he was compelled to
      act against his former associates in politics, but he could not support
      the measure. Mr. Shiel endeavoured to make the honourable baronet refute
      himself by quoting extracts from his former speeches on the same subject.
      He spoke, however, of the honourable baronet in terms of the highest
      respect, as "a venerable relic of a temple dedicated to freedom, though
      ill-omened birds now built their nests and found shelter in that once
      noble edifice." On the second night of the debate the bill was supported
      by Messrs. Brotherton and Charles Buller. Mr. Johnstone withdrew his
      amendment; and on a division the original resolution was carried by a
      majority of five only, the numbers being two hundred and eighty-seven
      against two hundred and eighty-two. This division was a death-blow to the
      bill: ministers did not even attempt to urge it further in the house of
      commons. They were still disposed, however, to follow up the inquiries
      which had been suggested, into the present method of holding and leasing
      the property belonging to the bishops and chapters. On the 13th of June,
      Lord John Russell moved a committee "to inquire into this subject, with a
      view to ascertain the probable amount of any increased value which might
      be obtained by an improved management, with a due consideration of the
      interests of the established church, and of the present leases of such
      property." This motion was carried by a majority of three hundred and
      nineteen against two hundred and thirty-six, although it was opposed both
      by the church party and by honourable members on the part of dissenters.
      Mr. Coulburn moved a resolution to be added to the original motion,
      pledging the house to a specific appropriation of any increased revenue
      derivable from church lands, to the extension of religious instruction by
      ministers of the establishment. This was lost, but it was only by a
      majority of two hundred and ninety-one against two hundred and sixty-five.
      On the other hand, an amendment moved by Mr. Harvey, for the abolition of
      church-rates altogether, was negatived by an overwhelming majority of four
      hundred and eighty-nine against fifty-eight. These divisions possessed
      some interest, as indicative of the different shades of opinion which
      prevailed in the house on matters relating to the established church.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the opening of the first session of this parliament, Sir Robert Peel
      had made the deficient means of pastoral superintendence in the church of
      Scotland, the matter of a recommendation from the crown to the parliament.
      His government did not exist long enough in power to carry these
      recommendations into effect, and their successors were supposed to be
      adverse to the subject. On being pressed, however, they consented to the
      appointment of a commission, which should make inquiry into the whole of
      it, and report the same to parliament. The first report of this commission
      was not made till February of the present year, and then government
      appeared to take no notice of it. Under these circumstances Sir William
      Rae moved, on the 5th of May, that the "report should be taken into
      immediate consideration, for the purpose of remedying the evils
      acknowledged to exist within the district to which it refers, by extending
      the means of religious instruction and pastoral superintendence furnished
      by the established church of Scotland, and rendering them available to all
      classes of the community." This motion embarrassed government. Lord John
      Russell said that the general assembly of the Scottish church was about to
      assemble within a few days, and no doubt it was desired that they should
      have the ministers' refusal to consent to this motion, to allege as a
      presumption of their indifference to the interests of the establishment.
      He objected to the motion, only on the ground that they had not yet
      sufficient information on the subject to enable them to deal with it
      satisfactorily. The motion was opposed by Messrs. Horsman and Oillon on
      more general grounds; and on a division the order of the day, which was
      moved by Lord John Russell, was carried by two hundred and seventeen
      against one hundred and seventy-six: Sir William Rae's resolutions,
      therefore, were negatived by a majority of forty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Within the first week of this session, the notice-book of the house of
      commons presented the announcement of motions for various "organic
      changes" in our constitution. Mr. Grote gave notice of his annual
      proposition of vote by ballot; Sir William Molesworth announced his
      intention of moving a committee on peerage reform; Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt
      promised to introduce a bill for the repeal of the Septennial Act; Mr.
      Hume gave notice for the extension of the parliamentary suffrage to all
      householders; Mr. Duncombe, of another for the repeal of the rate-paying
      clauses in the reform bill; Mr. Ewart, one of an address to the crown for
      the appointment of a minister of education; Mr. Roebuck, of a bill for the
      establishment of a system of national education; and Mr. Clay, a motion
      for the repeal of the corn-laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      The motion for the ballot took place on the 7th of March. Mr. Grote's
      speech on this occasion contained many specious arguments, and it appears
      to have had a great effect upon the house. His motion was seconded by Mr.
      Hodges, and supported by Dr. Lushington and Mr. Charles Buller. The
      chancellor of the exchequer opposed the motion. He had as much right as
      any man to complain of the effects of undue influence and intimidation at
      his election at Cambridge: but he doubted whether the ballot would prove a
      remedy for the evil. He thought the only way was to let in public opinion
      upon the acts and conduct of individuals abusing their power. On a
      division, the motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and
      sixty-seven against one hundred and fifty-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another motion, referring to the exercise or regulation of the
      parliamentary franchise, was that of Sir William Molesworth, for leave to
      bring in a bill to abolish the property qualification of members of
      parliament, which, after a brief discussion, was negatived. The other
      notice which Sir William had given for a committee on peerage reform was
      not followed up. The only motion relating to this subject was introduced
      by Mr. Charles Lushington, who, on the 16th February, moved for leave to
      bring in a bill for the expulsion of bishops from the house of peers, on
      the ground that the sitting of bishops in parliament was unfavourable in
      its operation to the general interests of the Christian religion in this
      country, and tended to alienate the affections of the people from the
      established church. This motion was decidedly opposed by Lord John
      Russell, as introducing a change into one of the most ancient portions of
      the British constitution. It was a motion not to amend, but to destroy a
      part of our institutions. And where would such changes stop? The
      conservative party seemed content to leave this question to be debated
      between the two parties of their opponents; but when Mr. Buller made some
      remarks on their silence, Sir Robert Peel declared that if any
      unpopularity attended resistance to the motion, he was willing to put in a
      distinct claim for his share. He feared he should not benefit Lord John
      Russell by his compliments; but he would say that he had never heard a
      speech delivered in a more manly tone than the noble lord's, or one that
      did more credit to his judgment and abilities. On a division, the motion
      was lost by a majority of one hundred and ninety-seven against ninety-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another motion connected with the reform of the house of lords was brought
      forward on the 9th of May, by Mr. Thomas Duncombe. He moved by way of
      resolution, "That the practice of any deliberative assembly deciding by
      proxy upon the rejection or adoption of legislative enactments is so
      incompatible with every principle of justice and reason, that its
      continuance is daily becoming a source of serious and well-founded
      complaint among all classes of his majesty's subjects." This resolution
      went, therefore, to abolish the right of peers to vote by proxy. Mr.
      Duncombe observed, that after the house should have affirmed that
      resolution, he would move, "That a message be sent to the house of lords,
      requesting a conference, at which the foregoing resolution might be
      communicated. Lord Stanley and Sir Robert Peel met Mr. Duncombe's
      arguments on the subject, by endeavouring to show that if voting by proxy
      was absurd, the custom of pairing off in the commons, or of coming in to
      vote at the division without having heard a syllable of the debate, was
      open to the same objection." Sir Robert went so for as to parody Mr.
      Duncombe's resolution, by drawing up a similar one against the practice of
      pairing; and he concluded by recommending that they should take the mote
      out of their own eye before they made any attempt to extract the mote out
      of that of another. On a division, the motion was negatived by one hundred
      and twenty-nine against eighty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Thomas Duncombe's motion on the subject of the rate-paying clauses of
      the reform bill was disposed of in a similar manner. He brought this
      forward on the 9th of March, by moving for leave to bring in a bill for
      the repeal of those clauses. Mr. Duncombe made no prefatory observations;
      on which, the chancellor of the exchequer remarked, that on so grave a
      motion he thought it much better that argument should precede rather than
      follow the introduction of the bill. Mr. Duncombe then said, that it was
      his conviction that the clauses in question operated materially to
      diminish the number of voters throughout the country. It was promised that
      the reform act should add half a million to the amount of electors,
      whereas it did not give more than three hundred thousand. The great reason
      for this was the want of punctuality in the payment of rates and taxes,
      and the partiality shown by collectors. The chancellor of the exchequer
      replied, that the principle on which the clause was founded was one of the
      oldest in the constitution; namely, that no man should enjoy civil rights
      who did not discharge his civil obligations. If there was any unfairness
      in collectors it should be inquired into; they were not appointed by the
      crown. After a few words from Mr. Wakley in support of the motion, and
      from Mr. Pease, who opposed it, the motion was carried by forty-nine
      against thirty-eight. On the second reading of the bill, however, Lord
      John Russell moved its postponement for six months, which was carried by
      one hundred and sixty-six against seventy-three, so that Mr. Duncombe's
      success was but transient.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Tennyson D'Eyncourt brought forward his promised motion for the
      shortening of the legal duration of parliaments, on the 8th of May. The
      terms of his motion were confined to a repeal of the septennial act,
      without specifying any particular period to be substituted for the present
      one. The motion was supported by Mr. Hume, on the ground that seven years
      was too long a tenancy of a political trust. He thought three years a
      better term, and one with which, he believed, reformers in general would
      be content. Lord John Russell opposed the motion. In private affairs a man
      would no more be disposed to trust his interests to another, without
      taking account, for three 3^ears than for seven. The septennial act at the
      time of its passing had been considered essential for the security of the
      Hanoverian succession; but the preamble of that measure showed that it was
      not intended merely for a temporary purpose, it stated the object to be to
      diminish the heavy expenses of frequent elections, and to put an end to
      heats and animosities. It was observable, he said, that from the
      Revolution to the passing of the septennial act, the persons who had the
      chief weight and leading authority in the country were peers; since the
      passing of that act almost every person who has possessed a leading
      influence has sat in the house of commons. Mr. Roebuck desired a bill of
      this description, not because it would lesson, but because he thought it
      would increase the stability of the government, particularly if coupled
      with the provision that parliament should not sit for more or less than
      three years. The motion was rejected by a majority of ninety-one against
      eighty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of April Mr. Ewart renewed the motion which he had made in the
      previous session, for leave to bring in a bill, providing that in cases of
      intestacy, or in the absence of any settlement to the contrary, landed
      property be equally divided among the children or nearest relatives of the
      deceased. He quoted Adam Smith, Gibbon, Bentham, &amp;c, in favour of an
      equal partition of property, and insisted that the system of primogeniture
      tended only to foster all the harsh and selfish passions of the human
      heart. The attorney-general opposed the motion. Mr. Ewart's arguments, he
      said, if they went for anything, would bring us to the system of equal
      distribution prevailing in France, which he could not think a desirable
      consummation. The change proposed would create great confusion in our law.
      The motion was lost by a majority of fifty-four against thirty-three. Mr.
      Ewart had given notice of an address to the crown, on the appointment of a
      minister of education; but neither this motion nor those of Messrs. Hume,
      Roebuck, and Clay, noticed at the opening of this article, were brought
      forward this session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATION OF THE NEW POOR-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      From the last report of the commissioners of the poor-laws, which was made
      up to July, 1837, it appeared that up to that period, of 18,433 parishes
      or townships in England, 12,132 had been united under the provisions of
      the poor-law act. These parishes or townships contained a population of
      above ten millions and a half; while the number of those not yet included
      contained a population of two millions and a half. In Wales, of 1049
      parishes, twenty-eight only remained not yet united. Those which were not
      yet brought under the new system chiefly consisted of extensive and
      populous parishes, administering relief to the poor under local acts; a
      few others united for rating and settlement; while others were included in
      the unions established under Gilbert's act. The report stated that the
      progress of the new poor-law had been made in the face of much resistance,
      and under the pressure of difficult circumstances. These obstacles,
      however, had not been so considerable as might have been supposed. The
      opponents of the law had acted on the principle of agitation; but they had
      failed to accomplish that which they desired. The report further gave a
      very favourable account of the practical operation of the law in the
      habits of the poor. It did appear, in truth, that the new system had so
      far operated as to induce the farmers to give permanent employment to a
      much greater extent than formerly. On the working of the new poor-laws,
      however, there were differences of opinion, differences which were
      illustrated during this session on an occasion of a motion made by Mr.
      Walter, to inquire into the operation of the act. On introducing this
      subject, he brought forward a great many cases of individual hardship
      under its operation. The terms of his motion were, "That a select
      committee be appointed to inquire into the operation of the poor-law
      amendment act, and to report their opinion on it to the house;" but he
      disclaimed any intention to repeal the bill. Mr. Fielden, the seconder of
      the motion, was more explicit. His object was, he said, to obtain the
      total defeat of the obnoxious measure; he had voted against it on every
      division at the time it was passing; he had attended meetings of the
      people preparatory to resistance of its introduction into the county of
      Lancashire; and he had openly declared that if it were attempted to
      establish its operation in his own peaceable valley of Todmorden, it would
      be met with opposition, of which he would be the leader. Lord John
      Russell, in reply, objected to the inquiry; and he moved, as an amendment,
      "That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the administration
      of the relief of the poor, under the orders and regulations issued by the
      commissioners appointed under the provisions of the poor-law amendment
      act." On the second night of the debate, Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. Robinson,
      and other members spoke against the measure; while Sir Robert Peel, Sir
      James Graham, and the chancellor of the exchequer defended it. The latter
      said, in conclusion, that the intention of government in proposing the
      amendment was not to exclude any one topic of inquiry which was not
      directly opposed to the principle of the bill; on which Mr. Walter
      consented to withdraw his motion, and the amendment was then carried and
      the committee appointed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The committee began its inquiries immediately, and continued them almost
      daily. Such, however, were the minuteness of examination to which the
      witnesses were subjected, and the mass of conflicting evidence brought
      forward on both sides, that the progress of the inquiry was but slow. Mr.
      Harvey had been one of the members of this committee, but had retired from
      it, "because it was all a delusion in its consequences, if not in its
      intention." Before he retired, he adopted the course of printing the
      evidence before it was reported, in a paper called the <i>True Sun</i>, of
      which he was the proprietor and editor, by way of appealing to the
      judgment of the public against the prepossessions of his colleagues in the
      committee. This was made a question of breach of privilege, and as such
      brought before the house on the 21st of April, by Lord John Russell. The
      speaker had informed Mr. Harvey that it was a violation of the privileges
      of the house, and the chairman of the committee had given him due warning
      that unless he desisted from the practice he should be reported. Lord John
      Russell, in bringing the subject forward, pointed out the obvious injury
      to the public which would result from allowing such a discretion to every
      member of a committee. Mr. Harvey defended his conduct upon grounds
      peculiar to the object of the poor-law committee. He asked, "Who were the
      parties composing that committee? On the one hand, there was all the
      property of the country, in every variety and form, aggregated to support
      a measure peculiarly framed for its interest and protection. Who was the
      other party? All that was pitiable and miserable in the land, sunken alike
      by ignorance and destitution. How, again, were the respective causes of
      these parties conducted? On the one side was one of the most active and
      vigilant bodies of men, the poor-law commissioners and their assistants;
      but who was there on the other to advocate the rights of the unprotected
      and oppressed millions? How was the working man, chained as he was to the
      soil upon which he dragged out a miserable being, to become acquainted
      with what took place except through the newspapers? Such publicity was the
      more necessary, when it was recollected that the advocates of the law in
      the committee were as a majority of twenty-two to four." Mr. Harvey's
      reasoning would have been sound if the committee had been compelled to
      make a daily report&mdash;a course which they subsequently adopted of
      themselves; but there could be no doubt that it rested only with the
      committee or the house to determine that point. Lord John Russell's motion
      was simply declaratory of the privileges of the house in this matter which
      was carried without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      Commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the ground of the
      complaints which for some years had been alleged by the prevailing party
      in the legislature of Canada, and by their friends and agents in the
      British parliament. Early in this session the report of these
      commissioners was laid before both houses, and on the 6th of March the
      subject was brought before the commons by Lord John Russell. His lordship
      declared at the outset that lie did not intend to cast any censure upon
      the conduct of the house of assembly in Lower Canada. He considered their
      course to be so much the same with that which other popular assemblies had
      followed in similar circumstances, that instead of an act of self-will, or
      caprice, or presumption, it seemed to be rather the obligation of a
      general law which affects all these disputes between a popular assembly on
      the one hand, and the executive government on the other. The course of
      these controversies, he said, seemed to impress this general lesson&mdash;that
      popular assemblies are hardly ever wrong in the beginning, and as seldom
      right in the conclusion of such struggles. They began with the assertion
      of right, and ended with the establishment of wrong. His lordship
      proceeded to state what were the demands of the leading party in the house
      of assembly. The first was, that the legislative council, which had
      hitherto been appointed by the crown, should for the future be an elective
      assembly. The second was, that the executive council should be responsible
      in the same way that the cabinet was in this country. By a third, it was
      exacted that the law of tenures should be changed, without respect to the
      rights obtained under a British act of parliament. Fourthly, it was
      demanded that the land company should be abolished, with a similar
      disregard of the rights required under the same act. Having stated the
      difficulties of the case, Lord John Russell proceeded to propose his
      remedies. It was now four years and a half, he said, since the judges had
      received their salaries, and it was high time for parliament to interfere
      on their behalf. He proposed to apply a certain portion of the revenue of
      Canada to such payments as in their rejected supply bill of 1833 the
      assembly had under certain conditions agreed to. The total amount of these
      would be £148,000, and in so applying them they would simply be applying
      the revenue of the colony for its own benefit. His lordship next proposed
      to adopt the recommendation of the commissioners which had been sent out
      in 1855, and exclude the judges from the legislative council; and to
      provide that in future the members of that body should not be chosen so
      exclusively from persons of the English race, but that alternately one of
      French and one of British extraction should be selected. With respect to
      the executive council, it was proposed that there should not be more than
      two or three official persons among its members, and that the rest should
      be selected by the legislative council, and from the house of assembly.
      The privileges of the North American Loan Company were to be preserved
      inviolate; a provision might easily be framed to prevent any abuse of
      them. As the complaints made against the Canada tenures act were in some
      degree well founded, it was proposed to repeal that act, care being taken
      that the lights of individuals vested under it should be respected.
      Complaints had been likewise made of the commercial relations between
      Upper and Lower Canada: the upper province, by the act of 1791, was
      allowed no communication with the sea, except on the payment of heavy
      duties; while the lower province put various impediments in the way of its
      commercial progress. It was proposed that, with the assent of the
      legislatures of the two provinces, a joint committee should sit at
      Montreal, composed of four members of the legislative council and eight of
      the representative assemblies of each, making twenty-four persons in all,
      who should have power to prepare laws and regulations upon all matters of
      reciprocal intercourse. These propositions were embodied in a series of
      ten resolutions, of the first of which, relating to the payment of the
      judges, &amp;c, Lord John Russell then moved the adoption. These
      resolutions met with violent opposition on the part of the Radical section
      of the house of commons. Mr. Leader called the measure a coercion bill,
      and reminded the noble mover of the rule of unlimited concession in
      government whicli his lordship had a few nights before quoted from Mr.
      Fox, and desired him to apply it not merely to Ireland, but to Canada. He
      moved as an amendment on the fourth resolution, "That it is advisable to
      make the legislative council of Lower Canada an elective council." Mr.
      Robinson said that the whole of Mr. Leader's argument was founded on the
      modest assumption that the government, and commissioners, and legislative
      council had been wrong, and Mr. Papineau and the house of assembly as
      uniformly right in everything that had been done. Mr. O'Connell warmly
      advocated the cause of the Papineau party, whose sole object was,
      separation from this country. He called for "justice to Canada." He
      remarked:&mdash;"Give them a legislative council elected by themselves;
      place them in possession of all the rights and privileges which as British
      subjects they could reasonably demand; and then if they persevered in
      their opposition to the home government, it would be time enough to think
      of adopting some such measures as were now proposed." The Canadas, he
      urged, ought not to be governed with reference merely to British
      interests: Great Britain did not want Canadian revenues. Sir William
      Molesworth, Colonel Thompson, and Mr. Roebuck followed on the same side of
      the question. The speech of the latter was more violent than any of his
      party. Like all the orators on his side of the house, he dwelt much on the
      example of the American revolution, and on the sympathy and assistance the
      United States would give to the Canadians if they should resist. He asked,
      "What is the evil, and what is the remedy? You say, Great merit exists
      among the public servants. But do you propose to prevent the recurrence of
      that difficulty? Not at all. You pay the arrears. But who will pay the
      servants next year? Do you believe that the house of assembly will do so?
      You know as well as I do that the supplies will again be stopped; the same
      outcries will be raised, and then, I suppose we shall have another special
      commission, another delay of three years, another evasion of the
      difficulty, another breach of faith. Distrust will continue; exasperation
      will increase; their powers of resistance will increase also; one effort
      will be made, and you and your shuffling policy, your degraded government,
      your unworthy peculating and mischievous officials, will be dismissed with
      ignominy and hatred. I hear eternal talk of the evil consequences of
      stopping the supplies to those official servants, and hear nothing in
      reproof of the legislative council, who shut up last year all the primary
      schools in the country, and left 60,000 children without instruction. All
      your regards are turned the wrong way. You sought to make out a case of
      hardship to the servants of the people, but turned a deaf ear to the
      complaints of the people themselves. But I would ask his majesty's
      ministers, Have they well weighed the policy of this measure, and do they
      know its inevitable result? If not, I will tell them. The direct effect on
      the minds of the Canadian population will be a determination as soon as
      possible to get rid of a dominion which entails on them results so
      mischievous and degrading. Every year will hereafter strengthen the
      feeling, and lasting enmity and discord will thus be entailed on the
      mother country and the colony&mdash;discord that will cease only when the
      colony shall become a great, powerful, and independent community. The
      immediate effects of this feeling will not be seen in open and violent
      revolt, but in a silent though effective warfare against your trade.
      Non-intercourse will become the religion of the people: they will refuse
      your manufactures, and they will smuggle from the States. The long line of
      frontier will render all your attempts to prevent this smuggling
      unavailing. The people will refuse your West India produce, and they will
      view with hatred your schools of unprotected emigrants. Impatiently will
      they wait for the moment in which they shall obtain their freedom, and
      become part of that happy, and, for our interests, already too powerful
      republic. A war will be waged through an unrestricted press upon your
      government and your people. In America you will be held up as the
      oppressors of mankind, and millions will daily pray for your signal and
      immediate defeat. The fatal moment will at length arrive; the standard of
      independence will be raised; thousands of Americans will cross the
      frontier, and the history of Texas will tell the tale of the Canadian
      revolt."
    </p>
    <p>
      In reply to Mr. Roebuck's declamation, Sir G. Grey, the colonial
      under-secretary, appealed to all the papers on the table, to all the
      instructions which had been sent out to the local government, and to every
      act which had been done in pursuance of these institutions, and he asked
      if anything had been done of which a free and independent people had the
      slightest right to complain? Every grievance which had arisen out of
      former misgovernment had been redressed: and now the house of assembly
      took their stand on another ground, and declared that if the constitution
      were not altered they would stop the supplies. The cry was raised by the
      house of assembly in Lower Canada alone; the people of Upper Canada
      disclaimed any share in it. The debate was adjourned to another day, when
      it was opened by Mr. Hume, who, in a speech of three hours' duration,
      impugned the whole conduct and policy of the government towards Canada.
      Finally, the three first resolutions being simply declaratory, were agreed
      to without division. The fourth, also, was carried on a division by a
      majority of three hundred and eighteen against fifty-six. This resolution
      was to the effect, "That in the existing state of Lower Canada, it is
      unadvisable to make the legislative council of that province an elective
      body; but that it is expedient that measures be adopted for securing to
      that branch of the legislature a greater degree of public confidence."
    </p>
    <p>
      After this decision ministers expressed a hope that the opponents of the
      resolutions would not throw any obstacle in the way of government. Delay,
      however, was the object of the Canadian party, apparently in the hope of
      giving time for a demonstration of popular feeling on the other side of
      the Atlantic. The committee was not resumed till the 14th of April, and
      then the fifth resolution came under consideration. This was to the
      effect, "That while it is expedient to improve the composition of the
      executive council in Lower Canada, it is unadvisable to subject it to the
      responsibility demanded by the house of assembly of that province." On
      this occasion Mr. Roebuck again opposed government, and intimated that the
      loss of the colony would be the certain eventual consequence of their
      adoption. At the same time he disclaimed all interest in, or desire to
      accelerate this consummation. Mr. Roebuck broached a plan of his own for
      the settlement of the dispute. Since the house would not make the
      legislative council elective, he proposed to abolish it altogether. The
      only useful power at present exercised by the legislative council was that
      of proposing amendments on the bills passed by the house of assembly. This
      office he proposed to transfer to an executive council of twelve persons,
      to be named by the governor, who might amend any measure sent up from the
      assembly, but not to have the power of rejecting it; that would rest with
      the governor. The great object of this scheme was, he said, to concentrate
      responsibility, and to bring it to bear on known individuals; but it was
      plain that the effect of it would be to bring the executive in constant
      and direct collision with the popular branch of the legislature by doing
      away every intermediate power. The other principal feature of Mr.
      Roebuck's scheme was, the establishment of a general assembly at Montreal,
      composed of delegates chosen by the houses of assembly of each of our
      North American colonies, and clothed with certain judicial and legislative
      powers. In its judicial capacity this assembly was to constitute the
      tribunal before which the judges of the various provinces might be
      impeached; and, moreover, might act as a court of appeal, and exercise the
      functions now performed by our privy-council. Its legislative offices
      would relate to all matters of dispute or communication between two or
      more provinces. Lord John Russell remarked, in reply, that whatever might
      be the merits of Mr. Roebuck's propositions, he had no authority from the
      colony to make them, and therefore parliament could not think of making
      them the basis of pacification, As for the threat that the people of Lower
      Canada would, if their demands were rejected, throw themselves into the
      arms of their republican neighbours, his lordship contented himself with
      saying, that it would not be their interest to act thus; nor did he think
      that the United States would be anxious to seek a quarrel on this
      question. Mr. Robinson supported and Mr. Charles Buller opposed the
      resolution. Mr. Roebuck again spoke in reply, and complained that Lord
      John Russell was doing all in his power to insult and vilify the people of
      Canada. He doubted, if Sir Robert Peel was in power, that with his wary
      prudence and caution, he would carry out these resolutions. The right
      honourable baronet and his friends, he said, were silent on certain
      questions; they no doubt acted so that they might come into office with
      clean hands. Sir Robert Peel said that he did not desire to withhold his
      sentiments on this subject. In his speech, the right honourable baronet
      took the same view of the policy of the government that had been expressed
      by Lord Stanley. He observed, that if no other, interests but those of the
      French Canadians were involved in the question, and if the continuation of
      British connexion were unpalatable to them, he would say, "God forbid that
      we should force it upon them." In that case he should think it more for
      our interest than theirs that the connexion should be dissolved. But
      he-doubted, if he were to make the people of Lower Canada an offer of
      establishing their own government, that they would be disposed to accept
      it. At any rate the question could only be considered in reference to the
      French Canadians: there was a British population in the province, which
      had a right to look up to this country for a continuance of the connexion
      and protection on the faith of which they had established themselves in
      it. On a division the resolution was carried by a majority of two hundred
      and sixty-nine against forty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st of April Mr. Leader moved the postponement of the further
      consideration of the resolutions, in order to give time to the Canadian
      people to state whether or not they agreed to Mr. Roebuck's scheme for the
      settlement of the existing differences between the province and the mother
      country. This motion was negatived by a large majority; and the house then
      went into committee on the sixth resolution, which declared the necessity
      of maintaining inviolate the privileges conferred by an act of parliament
      on the North American Loan Company. Mr. Roebuck moved as an amendment,
      deferring all resolutions on the subject of the land company "until an
      inquiry shall have been instituted into the circumstances under which the
      land held by that company had been obtained." The company found supporters
      in Lord Stanley, Sir George Grey, and Mr. Robinson; and even Mr. Grote,
      and others of the radical section, declined voting for the amendment. On a
      division the resolution was carried by one hundred and sixty-six against
      six; and this closed the discussion on this subject in the house of
      commons. On the 1st of May the resolutions were communicated to the house
      of lords in a conference.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject was brought before the house of lords by Lord Glenelg on the
      9th of May, in a speech of considerable length, but which contained the
      same arguments which had been so frequently urged in favour of the
      resolutions in the house of commons. The resolutions were supported by
      Lord Ripon, although he objected to the wording of the fourth resolution,
      in which it was declared that "in the existing state" of Lower Canada, it
      was not advisable to introduce the elective principle into the formation
      of the legislative council. The inference from this mode of expression
      was, that a state of things might arise when it would be considered
      advisable to do so; but he could not acquiesce in the principle under any
      circumstances. The only opposition to the resolutions came from Lord
      Brougham, who objected to them entirely, as well to the principles as to
      the policy of them. His lordship chiefly dwelt upon the violation of the
      Canadian constitution by the advance of moneys, without the consent of the
      house of assembly. Under the eighth resolution it was intended to replace
      the £30,000 advanced out of the military chest, to provide the means of
      defraying colonial expenses. Lord Aberdeen remarked that Lord Brougham,
      who seemed so shocked at the idea of interfering with the rights of the
      assembly, had himself been a member of that government which made this
      advance; and the house of assembly had designated it as a monstrous, and
      unconstitutional interference, and had prayed that an impeachment might be
      instituted against the noble and learned lord, and his late colleagues,
      for committing it. The resolutions were agreed to without a division, Lord
      Brougham alone saying, "Not content."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time there was a general impression that there was something in
      the constitution of the joint-stock banks, that imperatively called for
      legislative interference. This, indeed, was one of the subjects
      immediately pressed upon the investigation of parliament, by the speech of
      the lords commissioners at the opening of the session. In the preceding
      session a select committee had been appointed to consider the state of the
      law in reference to this subject. This committee began its inquiries in
      the month of May, and continued them till the close of the session. In
      their report to the house, they stated that they saw so many difficulties
      in the way of immediate legislation, and so many objections to imperfect
      legislation, that they would content themselves with merely recommending
      that the committee should be revived in the following session. On the 6th
      of February the chancellor of the exchequer made a motion to that effect,
      on which occasion he observed that he did not mean in any way to
      anticipate the decision of the committee; but he should be greatly
      misconceived, if it were supposed that his motion was made in hostility to
      the general principle of joint-stock banks. It had been suggested, he
      said, that the range of inquiry should be extended; but he considered the
      subjects already before them were sufficiently complicated and difficult,
      without the committee embarrassing themselves with other and still more
      delicate matters of investigation. He should, however, propose the
      extension of the committee's inquiries to Ireland; and with that view
      would move the addition to its number of four Irish members, two from each
      side of the house. Mr. Hume expressed himself satisfied that the source of
      the difficulty lay, not in the conduct of the joint-stock banks, but in
      that of the Bank of England; and he was therefore anxious that the
      inquiries of the committee should be extended to the proceedings of that
      establishment, and generally to the banking system of the country. The
      conduct of the Bank of England, he contended, should form a principal
      object of investigation; and he moved as an amendment, "that there be an
      inquiry into the state of banking, and the causes for the changes of the
      circulation since the year 1833." Mr. Williams seconded the amendment, and
      urged that the Bank of England had displayed a more reckless disregard of
      the interests of the country than had ever been shown by any public body
      intrusted with the management of its financial resources. On the 28th of
      December, 1833, the issues of the Bank were £32,600,000, and their stock
      £10,000,000. On the 28th of March, 1835, a reduction appeared on those
      issues of no less than four millions and a half. Nine months afterwards of
      the same year, there appeared an increased issue of nearly nine millions,
      being more than one-fourth of their circulation. What was the consequence?
      Such an advance in prices, that in September last the cost of every
      article of import was raised from forty to one hundred per cent. This
      caused a falling off of trade. Then again in January last the circulation
      of the Bank of England was £31,000,000, and they had four millions to pay
      that amount, being little more than half-a-crown in the pound to meet
      their engagements. The directors professed to have discovered that the
      true principle for regulating their issues was to keep gold to the amount
      of one-third of those issues; in so doing they would be safe. But had they
      acted upon that principle? At that moment, instead of having one-third,
      they had only about one-seventh or one-eighth of their issues in gold. Mr.
      Gisborne took a similar view of the conduct of the Bank of England, and
      urged the necessity of an inquiry into it by the committee, if, at least,
      any inquiry into the banking system was at all necessary. For his own part
      he did not think it was; it would only lead to expectations which it would
      be impossible to satisfy. The debate was closed by the chancellor of the
      exchequer, who objected to an extended inquiry, and on a division, the
      original motion was carried by one hundred and twenty-one to forty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONSIDERATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF ENGLAND UNDER THE WHIG
      ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There was no part of the conduct of the Whig administration which had been
      made the subject of more incessant attack than that which related to their
      foreign policy. This session the line of policy followed by Lord
      Palmerston in reference to Spain afforded a subject for declamation
      against him and his coadjutors in the government. At this time British
      soldiers were fighting in that country without the protection of the
      British flag, exposed to all the shame and hardships of a disastrous and
      disgraceful war. In the midst of the public anxiety on this subject, it
      was brought forward in the house of commons by Lord Mahon, who had been
      under-secretary for foreign affairs during Sir Robert Peel's
      administration. His lordship began by expressing a want of confidence in
      government, and especially in Lord Palmerston: the country, he said, had
      too long reposed a confidence in his exertions, to which he was neither
      entitled by prudence nor success. He complained that the public had been
      kept in a state of ignorance as to whether they were in peace or at war:
      in his opinion it was a peace without tranquillity, and a war without
      honour. The object of the quadruple alliance had been to appease the civil
      dissensions in Portugal; not to sanction the intervention of France and
      England in Spain. He did not object to this, but he lamented the policy
      which led to the additional articles signed in 1834, which stipulated for
      a certain degree of interference. The Duke of Wellington, during the four
      months he had been in office, had acted up to the spirit of those
      articles, as he was bound to do; but Lord Palmerston had thought proper to
      proceed still further, in suspending the foreign enlistment act, and
      allowing twelve thousand Englishmen to enlist under the banners of the
      queen. Lord Mahon went on to contrast our position throughout the
      peninsular campaign. The great object had then been to drive the French
      out of the Peninsula, an object which had been sanctioned by all our
      greatest statesmen for more than a century and a half. Lord Palmerston
      had, however, departed from this line of policy. Count Mole, the prime
      minister of France, said in the chamber of deputies that "Lord Palmerston
      considered that circumstances justified the co-operation of France; and
      that in March, 1836, he notified to General Sebastiani, that it was his
      intention to land a certain force of marines on the coast of Spain, and
      invited France to join in that co-operation." At the same time he had
      offered France the occupation of the port of Passages, and left to her own
      option the mode and extent of co-operation. M. Thiers had, however,
      declined the invitation. Next came the revolution of La Grunja, and soon
      after that event, an increased force was sent to relieve 'Bilboa. More
      than £540,000 had already been expended in the war, and all the accounts
      were not as yet sent in. In Lord Mahon's opinion, the influence of Great
      Britain in Spain had not been augmented by these measures; and in proof of
      it, he quoted a memorial presented by the British merchants of Alicant,
      complaining that their interests had been neglected; and that while
      England carried away three-fourths of the produce of Spain, that country
      took very little in return. To illustrate still further the decline of our
      influence with the court of Madrid, Lord Mali on alluded to a tax imposed
      on British subjects. "For the liberation of the king," originally levied
      during the captivity of King Ferdinand. This impost had been kept up
      though the king was now dead. There were other grievances of a similar
      kind: the only one redressed was a tax on military quarters, which had
      been ceded to the English residents. Lord Mahon concluded by calling Lord
      Palmerston's attention to the provinces of Biscay and Navarre, which had
      been deprived of their legal rights and privileges; and by stating that in
      bringing the subject forward, he was not actuated by any partiality for
      the character of Don Carlos, or any desire of advocating his claims on the
      crown of Spain. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, while he admired the moderate and
      gentlemanly tone of Lord Mahon's speech, yet differed from his views. He
      defended the alteration which Ferdinand had made in the succession, and
      which had been approved of by the Cortes, while they looked upon Don
      Carlos as a pretender. The question for the house was whether this country
      was not justified in abiding by the terms of the quadripartite treaty. We
      had done no more, he said, till Don Carlos had published the edict of
      Durango: after that infamous act an important article had been appended to
      the treaty, stipulating that arms and stores should be supplied for the
      maintenance of the war, and, if necessary, a naval force. Mr. Gaily Knight
      also dissented from Mr. Fergusson's views; while Mr. Fenton expressed his
      disapprobation of Lord Palmerston's policy. Lord Francis Egerton said that
      in his opinion we were not the proper judges of the value of those rights
      and privileges for which the Basques were contending; if they themselves
      held them dear, every Englishman must feel a sympathy in their cause. Mr.
      Fergusson had admitted, that could we have foreseen the failure of the
      Spanish generals, it would have altered the question as to the policy of
      suspending the foreign enlistment act: were not ministers culpable for
      such a want of foresight? Surely Lord Palmerston and his colleagues might
      have distinguished between Spain in the sixteenth century, when her troops
      were the first in Europe, and Spain during the peninsular war. Had not
      Lord Palmerston been in office during the war of independence? And had not
      its records taught him something of Spanish generals and Spanish promises?
      At any rate, a glance at the pages of a Napier, or a word from the Duke of
      Wellington would have enlightened him on the subject. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson
      explained, and Mr. Poulter protested against the doctrine which
      stigmatized the conduct of government as intervention. Mr. Grove Price
      defended the character of Don Carlos from the aspersions which had been
      cast upon it, but he did not attempt to contradict or justify the fact
      that the Don had issued the edict of Durango; and that, in virtue of the
      same, some English soldiers had already been executed. He concluded with a
      tribute to his virtue and magnanimity: so far was he from desiring to
      establish the Inquisition, that his prime-minister, the Bishop of Leon,
      had spent his whole life in writing against it, and had obtained a decree
      from his sovereign for its abolition. This was denied by Mr. O'Connell,
      whom Mr. Grove Price allowed to be a competent judge, because he was
      acquainted with the Bishop of Leon. He added, "If it were supposed that
      Don Carlos admitted Mr. O'Connell to his councils, then no English
      Protestant gentleman would for a moment countenance the pretensions of
      that sovereign."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston ably defended the policy of government. He added, if he
      could contribute to the establishment of the same happy things in Spain as
      existed in Belgium and Portugal, he should esteem it a proud satisfaction
      to the latest hour of his life. Sir Robert Peel complained of the line of
      argument which had been adopted by Lord Palmerston. He, for one, he said,
      openly disavowed all participation in the principles, or sympathy with the
      cause of Don Carlos. He would not say that the objects of British policy
      would be advanced by the success of that prince; and he begged most
      distinctly to state that he wished to see Spain in the settled enjoyment
      of a free and enlightened form of civil government. His belief was,
      however, that the course adopted by ministers was defeating its professed
      objects; it was obstructing the cause of improvement, and was calculated
      neither to raise our own character as a nation, nor to gain the affections
      of Spain. Mr. O'Connell spoke against Don Carlos, dwelling at length upon
      the atrocities which had been committed by his partisans.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Mahon did not press any motion on the house, he being satisfied with
      the expression of opinion that had taken place. Within a fortnight after
      the debate the news of the defeat at Hernani arrived; and the political
      opponents of government eagerly embraced this opportunity of renewing the
      discussion. Immediately after the Easter recess, Sir Henry Hardinge gave
      notice of a motion on the subject, which motion he brought forward on the
      18th of April. He moved an address to the king, "praying his majesty not
      to renew the order in council of the 10th of June, 1835, granting
      permission to British subjects to enlist in the service of the Queen of
      Spain, which order in council would expire on the 10th of June next
      following; and praying also that directions be given that his majesty's
      marine forces shall not be employed in the civil contests now prevailing
      in Spain, otherwise than in that naval co-operation which his majesty has
      engaged to afford, if necessary, under the stipulations of the treaty."
      The motion was seconded by Sir Stratford Canning, who argued that the
      terms of the quadruple treaty did not justify the interference which
      government had sanctioned. On the other hand Lord Leveson contended that
      government had gained great credit on the continent by the part they had
      taken in the affairs of the Peninsula. Mr. Charles Wood defended
      ministers: it was not uncommon, he said, for British officers to enter
      into the service of foreign powers. Mr. O'Connell remarked on the
      eagerness with which the recent disasters of the legion had been seized
      upon by gentlemen on the opposite side. The actions in which they had
      clone honour to the British name were forgotten: nothing was said of their
      victories; but not a moment was lost in bringing forward their defeat. On
      the second night of the debate, Sir Robert Inglis adverted to the
      imputation which had been cast against his party&mdash;that they were the
      enemies of the church of Rome in their own country, but its friends in
      every other&mdash;from its association with despotism. He disclaimed any
      such feeling on their part. Mr. Ward considered that opposition tried this
      question merely by the test of success. Why did not Sir Henry Hardinge
      bring forward his motion soon after the victory at Bilboa? This was the
      first time that he had heard in the house of commons the misfortunes of an
      ally urged as a reason for abandoning him. No doubt the legion had
      suffered a defeat; but not such as to disable their continuance of the
      contest. General Evans had admitted his losses; yet it was at this moment
      that an old brother officer in arms had chosen to aggravate his
      difficulties, and to cast against him the weight of his authority in
      military matters. In reply to the imputation as to the motives in bringing
      forward the motion at this particular time, Lord Mahon contended that he
      and his friends had hitherto exercised the utmost forbearance on the
      subject. He contended, further, that the country had a right to know
      whether there was any limit to the expense which we might be called upon
      to incur: twenty millions might be required by Spain; and did the treaty
      oblige us to furnish that sum? Dr. Lushington followed, and endeavoured to
      show that the naval co-operation which we had afforded was precisely that
      contemplated by the treaty. It could not be supposed that the British
      fleet was to encounter that of Don Carlos, and drive it off the seas; the
      only object could be a naval warfare along the coast. He considered the
      existence of the present government depended on this motion: if the
      reformed parliament of Great Britain should now abandon those principles
      of liberty and independence which they had hitherto advocated, the news
      would be hailed at St. Petersburg by bonfires. Mr. Grove Price supported
      the motion, and Mr. Shiel opposed it. The latter argued that the
      government had put a right construction on the stipulations of the
      quadruple treaty; and he entered into a long apology for the ill success
      of General Evans, and for the excesses and insubordination of his troops.
      With respect to the naval co-operation of the mariners, he referred to
      their motto, <i>Per mare 'per terras</i>, as of itself setting that
      question at rest. He continued:&mdash;"But it is alleged that the measures
      of the government have not produced any good result. I ask if those
      measures had not been adopted, what would have befallen the Spanish
      people? Would not Bilboa have been taken by assault, and the standard of
      Don Carlos at this moment have been floating from the castle of St
      Sebastian? Or try the allegation by another test. Let me suppose this
      motion carried. The courier that will convey the intelligence will carry
      tidings of great joy to St. Petersburg, to Vienna, to Berlin; and he will
      convey tidings of great dismay wherever men value the possession of
      liberty, or pant for its enjoyment. It will palsy the arm of freedom in
      Spain&mdash;a terrible revulsion will be produced: from Calpe to the
      Pyrenees the cry, 'We are betrayed by England!' will be heard; and over
      that nation which you indeed have betrayed, Don Carlos will march without
      an obstacle to Madrid." In conclusion, Mr. Shiel said:&mdash;"I have heard
      it asked whether it be befitting that in Spain, the theatre of so many of
      their best exploits, British soldiers should give way before bands of
      mountain peasants? I feel the force of that question; but there is another
      which I venture to put to every man who hears me, and, above all, to the
      gallant officer by whom the motion has been brought forward: I invoke the
      same recollections; I appeal to the same glorious remembrances, and in the
      name of those scenes, of which he was not only an eye-witness, but a
      sharer, I ask, whether it be befitting that in that land, consecrated as
      it is in the annals of England's glory, a terrible, remorseless,
      relentless despotism should be established; and that the throne which
      England saved should be filled by the tyrant by whom your own countrymen,
      after the heat of battle, have been savagely and deliberately murdered?
      Never! the people of this country are averse, indeed, to wanton and
      unnecessary war; but where the honour of England is at stake, there is no
      consequence which they are not prepared to meet&mdash;no hazard which they
      will not be prompt to encounter." The debate was protracted by another
      adjournment to a third night.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston, who had been repeatedly called upon in the course of the
      debates, at length arose to defend government from the imputations of
      their opponents. The manner, he said, in which the question had been dealt
      with by opposition was not fitted to impress other people with a notion
      that their own convictions were very strong in respect to it. Having made
      a few observations on the conduct of General Evans, on the sufferings of
      the British soldiers, and on the atrocities which had been committed, he
      came to the question of the quadruple treaty. Every one knew, he said,
      under what circumstances, and for what purpose it was concluded. The most
      superficial observer must have perceived that the change that had been
      made in the accession to the Spanish throne, though accompanied by every
      circumstance cf legality and regularity, yet laid the foundation for a
      great revolution in that country. It was not merely the substitution of an
      infant female for a grown man; out of that change must spring a great
      alteration in the internal constitutions of Spain, and a change too in the
      tendencies of its external policy. What happened on the death of
      Ferdinand? A Spanish minister came to London to request of the English
      government a force to assist in expelling Don Miguel from Portugal. This
      was refused; but we said:&mdash;"Though we will not give you an army, we
      will give you a treaty." Accordingly, we joined with the three "great
      powers" of the west of Europe in one alliance. This was the quadruple
      treaty; and such was its effect, that even before the ratifications were
      exchanged, Don Miguel's army of twelve thousand men laid down their arms,
      and the two pretenders abandoned Portugal. Then came the escape of Don
      Carlos, and his placing himself at the head of the insurgents in the
      Basque provinces. The four contracting parties considered the treaty to be
      fully in force, and that it was only necessary to prepare new articles in
      order to provide for the altered circumstances of the war, which articles,
      however, should be considered merely as complementary of the original
      treaty. The noble lord proceeded to defend the manner in which those
      articles had been carried into execution; and, in conclusion, he observed,
      that however skilfully the question before them might be disguised, it
      involved no less than, whether England should continue to fulfil her
      engagement with the Queen of Spain, or should disgracefully abandon an
      ally whom she had pledged herself to succour. But this was far short of
      the real and ultimate tendency of the motion. The contest now waging in
      Spain was but a portion of that great conflict which was going on
      elsewhere throughout the world. The house had to decide that night between
      two opposite systems of foreign policy. Even these were not isolated
      principles, which might be taken or neglected by themselves: they were
      intimately connected with, and affected also our domestic interests. The
      object of the one party was to support Don Carlos and despotism; the other
      to uphold Isabella and the constitution. Sir Robert Peel replied to Lord
      Palmerston, reproducing the arguments and facts already urged; and the
      discussion was closed by Lord John Russell, who defended the existing
      state of our foreign relations, by contrasting it with that in which they
      had been left by the right honourable baronet and his friends in 1830,
      when they quitted office. On a division Sir Henry Hardinge's motion was
      rejected by two hundred and seventy-eight against two hundred and
      forty-two. The same subject was brought under the consideration of the
      lords, April 21st, by Lord Alvanley, in a motion for the dispatches of
      Lord John Hay relative to the affair at Hernani.
    </p>
    <p>
      A circumstance occurred which brought the state of our relations with
      Russia under the attention of parliament. A mercantile house, Messrs.
      Bell, of London, had fitted out a vessel laden with goods for the coast of
      Circassia. On attempting to land her cargo she was seized by a Russian
      man-of-war and confiscated, first, on the ground of the violation of the
      blockade, to which the Russian government had subjected the whole of the
      Circassian coast; and, secondly, for an alleged violation of the
      custom-house regulations established by the same authority in the ports of
      that country. This proceeding of the Russian government was generally
      denounced as unjustifiable; and the subject was brought before parliament
      on the 17th of March by Mr. Roebuck, who moved for copies of all the
      correspondence which had taken place between the British and Russian
      government on this transaction. Lord Palmerston entered into a lengthy
      statement of the occurrence; but the papers were refused, on the ground
      that the question was still under negotiation. Mr. Roebuck repeated his
      inquiries on the subject, when Lord Palmerston stated that, upon a full
      consideration of all the circumstances of the case, the government had
      come to the conclusion that there was no room for making any further
      demand upon the Russian government. Another matter, in which our relations
      with Russia were concerned, was brought before the house of commons on the
      22nd of March by Lord Dudley, who inquired of Lord Palmerston whether any
      consular agent had been appointed to the state of Cracow. Lord Dudley
      Stuart said, that in the preceding session a motion had been made by the
      member for Lancaster for an address to the king, praying that his majesty
      would appoint a consul to reside in that city; and that the noble
      secretary for foreign affairs had stated that it was the intention of
      government to make such appointment, on which the motion for an address
      was withdrawn. *Lord Palmerston admitted the correctness of this
      statement. It had been his intention, he said, to send a consular agent to
      Cracow; but he had since been induced to depart from his purpose, finding
      that greater difficulties would attend it than he had anticipated. His
      lordship did not state what those difficulties were, and the house seems
      not to have thought it expedient to press the government further upon the
      subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      A more important point of our foreign policy considered this session was
      the situation of the province of Texas. On the 9th of March, Mr. Barlow
      Hay moved for "copies of all correspondence which had taken place between
      our government and those of Mexico and of the United States on this
      subject;" stating at the same time his sense of its importance, and the
      suspicions he entertained of the ambitious project of the American
      government in respect to it. Lord Palmerston admitted the importance of
      the subject, and its claim on the anxious attention both of the government
      and the public; but he resisted the production of the papers moved for,
      and on a division the motion was rejected by a majority of forty-one to
      twenty-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      WILLIAM IV. 1836&mdash;1837
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time the state of public affairs was such as to induce Mr. Roebuck
      to bring the subject before parliament. On the 9th of June, when the order
      of the day had been moved for the second reading of the Irish tithe bill,
      Mr. Roebuck moved an amendment that the house should resolve itself into a
      committee for considering the state of the nation. He made some
      observations upon the extraordinary position in which the representatives
      of the people were placed. Two bills had been sent to the other house of
      parliament, but they were told that the house of lords would not take them
      into consideration until something had been done by that house to please
      them. He contended that there was no government in the country: ministers
      were no longer in the position in which they were at the beginning of the
      session. They stated then that they would place their existence as
      ministers on the fate of the Irish corporation bill. What had become of
      that bill? It was laid on the shelf till the lords knew what that house
      was about. The other house virtually said, "If you do not what we like, we
      will not pass your bill." What good could be got from playing over the
      farce of discussing the Irish tithe bill? Did they not know that if it
      passed that house, defeat awaited it elsewhere. Ministers, in fact, were
      useless for good purposes; and as far as the people were concerned, they
      were mischievous. Mr. Roebuck's motion was seconded by Colonel Thompson,
      who said that ministers had started with a large stock of popular energy
      in their favour; but, in their fear of the boiler bursting, they had let
      the fire go out. Like Spanish generals, they had always one eye in their
      own camp, and the other in the enemy's; and all their efforts were
      paralysed by their fear of being too successful. Their situation had
      become desperate: if any event in the chapter of human accidents should
      fall out to give them a reprieve, the only consequences would be, that as
      they had dwindled, dwindled before, they would dwindle, dwindle again.
      There was no stock of good luck which such conduct would not run out. It
      was clear what was coming: the Tories must return to power. How long they
      would stay there was another question; but their return was a phasis, a
      phenomenon which ministers had rendered it inevitable to go through. Mr.
      O'Connell eschewed the doctrines of Mr. Roebuck and Colonel Thompson. It
      was his duty, he said, in the name of the people of Ireland, to protest
      against his majesty's government being blamed for not doing more.
      Government had the confidence and the affections of the people; and
      whatever might be the opinions of others, he, for one, hoped that they
      would long continue to occupy their present situations. Lord John Russell,
      in reply, disclaimed any community of sentiment with Mr. Roebuck in the
      constitutional views he had broached, either in reference to church or
      state. He was decidedly opposed to the voluntary system, and to the
      abolition of the house of lords. As for the doctrine of the honourable
      member for Bath, that men of moderation and compromise never succeed in
      establishing anything good or useful, his lordship said it was, on the
      contrary, his decided conviction that to the moderation and mediation
      between violent or extreme opinions on both sides, which had been
      exercised by Lord Somers, and the great Whig leaders at the Revolution,
      the country was indebted for all her subsequent prosperity. In reference
      to Mr. Roebuck's reproach against ministers for not having conciliated the
      dissenters and popular favour generally by adopting the voluntary
      principle in church matters, his lordship said that such a course would
      not have that effect: his own opinion was not in favour of the voluntary
      system, and he believed that the people of this country were, like
      himself, still attached to the established church. The opposition,
      properly so called, took no part in this discussion, and Mr. Roebuck's
      motion was negatived without a division. The discussion proved one great
      fact, namely, that between the extremes of opposition, the Whigs might for
      a long period maintain their places on the treasury benches; but at the
      same time they could not but feel embarrassment in a position which left
      them dependent on their opponents, now on the Radicals and now on the
      Tories. Had it been possible for the two to have united on any great
      question, the Whig ministry would soon have been no more; but oil and
      water might almost as soon have commingled, as the Tories and the Radicals
      agree.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ILLNESS AND DEATH OF THE KING&mdash;REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Ever since his accession to the throne, the king's health had in general
      been good. In the course of the present spring, however, symptoms of
      decline began to show themselves; and they increased so rapidly, that by
      the beginning of June his situation became one of serious alarm to his
      family. His majesty continued to transact business, but it was under such
      oppressive weakness, that it was clear to his medical attendants that his
      end was approaching. There was no active disease, indeed, but a general
      languor and weakness, which foretokened dissolution. His last days were
      spent in preparing for eternity; nothing seemed to give him greater
      pleasure than the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who attended
      him, and from whose hands he received the sacrament. His deportment at
      this solemn ceremony, as related by a church dignitary, was fully
      edifying. He says:&mdash;"His majesty had already experienced the blessed
      consolations of religion, and removed the doubts his anxious attendants
      were entertaining, by eagerly desiring the queen to send for the
      archbishop, seeming, as it were, anxious to ratify the discharge of his
      earthly by the performance of his spiritual duties. His grace promptly
      attended, attired in his robes, and at a quarter to eleven administered
      the sacrament to his majesty and the queen, Lady Mary Fox communicating at
      the same time. The king was very calm and collected; his faculties were
      quite clear, and he paid the greatest attention to the service, following
      it in the prayer-book, which lay on the table before him. His voice indeed
      failed, but his humble demeanour and uplifted eyes gave expression to the
      feeling of devotion and of gratitude to the Almighty which his faltering
      lips refused to utter. The performance of this act of religion, and this
      public attestation of his communion with that church, for the welfare and
      prosperity of which he had more than once during his illness ejaculated
      short but fervent prayers, was the source of great and manifest comfort to
      his majesty. Though the shorter form had been adopted by the archbishop,
      his majesty was nevertheless rather exhausted by the duration and
      solemnity of the ceremony; but as his grace retired, the king said, with
      that peculiar kindness of manner by which he was so much distinguished,
      and at the same time gently moving his hand and inclining his head, 'God
      bless you! a thousand, thousand thanks!' There cannot be more certain
      evidence of the inward strength and satisfaction which the king derived
      from this office of religion than that, in spite of great physical
      exertion, his majesty, after the lapse of an hour, again requested the
      attendance of the archbishop, who, in compliance with the wishes of the
      queen, read the prayer for the evening service, with the happiest effect
      on the king's spirits. This being done, the archbishop, naturally fearing
      the consequences of so much mental exertion on his majesty's debilitated
      frame, was about to retire, when the king motioned him to sit down at the
      table, on the opposite side of which he himself was seated. His majesty
      was too weak to hold any conversation, but his spirits seemed soothed and
      comforted by the presence of the archbishop, on whose venerable, benign
      countenance his majesty's eye reposed with real pleasure. The king at this
      interview stretched his hand across the table, and taking that of the
      archbishop, pressed it fervently, saying in a tone of voice which was only
      audible to the queen, who was seated near his majesty, 'I am sure the
      archbishop is one of those persons who pray for me.' The afternoon of this
      day witnessed a still further diminution of his majesty's strength; but in
      proportion to the decay of his bodily power, was the increase of his
      spiritual hope and consolation. At nine o'clock in the evening the
      archbishop was again summoned by his majesty's desire. The king was now
      still less able to converse than on the last occasion; but his grace
      remained more than three quarters of an hour, supplying by his presence
      the same comfort to the king, and receiving from his majesty the same
      silent though expressive proof of his satisfaction and gratitude. At
      length, on the suggestion of the queen that it was already late, and the
      archbishop might become fatigued, the king immediately signified his
      assent that he should retire; and crossing his hands upon his breast, and
      inclining his head, said, as his grace left the room, 'God bless thee,
      dear, excellent, worthy man! a thousand, thousand thanks!'" This was on
      Sunday, the 18th of June, the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo, which
      the king remembered, expressing his desire that the Duke of Wellington
      should hold his usual banquet on the morrow. That was the day on which his
      majesty breathed his last. He had spent a tranquil night, but no
      corresponding effect was produced upon his health. Decaying nature could
      no longer be recruited by ordinary sources of strength and sustenance. His
      majesty rose at seven o'clock, for during his illness he had not been
      wholly confined to his bed, but there was much in his language and manner
      which bespoke his sense of approaching death. "I shall get up once more,"
      he said to the queen, "to do the business of the country." After joining
      in the service for the visitation of the sick, performed by the Archbishop
      of Canterbury, in which his majesty's demeanour was characterised by the
      most genuine spirit of devotion. Sir Herbert Taylor was summoned, and was
      directed to get all things ready. As it was Monday, however, there were no
      papers, and consequently there was no business to transact. In the evening
      the archbishop visited his majesty for the last time: at half-past ten the
      king was seized with a fainting fit, on which he was removed into his bed,
      and from this time his voice was not heard, except to pronounce the name
      of his valet. In less than an hour death reigned in the palace of the
      English monarchs. His majesty expired without a struggle, and without a
      groan, the queen kneeling at the bedside and still affectionately holding
      his hand, unwilling to believe the reality of the sad event. "Thus
      expired, in the seventy-third year of his age, in firm reliance on the
      merits of his Redeemer, King William IV., a just and upright king, a
      forgiving enemy, a sincere friend, and a most gracious and indulgent
      master."
    </p>
    <p>
      Few monarchs, indeed, have possessed the love of their subjects in a
      greater degree than King William IV. By the common consent of all parties
      he had the welfare of his country truly at heart. There was but one
      opinion of his character, and that was expressive of his kindness and
      amiability. He does not appear to have had a personal enemy in the world,
      although he sanctioned measures to which a large section of the community
      were inimical: this is praise as singular as it is high when applied to a
      king. His intellectual faculties may not have been of a superior order;
      but he had what more than counterbalanced this defect&mdash;a heart which
      beat high with love for his country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1837&mdash;1838
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     The Accession of Queen Victoria..... The Queen's Message to
     both Houses: Eulogies of the late Sovereign in both Houses
     of Parliament..... Bill for providing the Succession to the
     Crown..... The Budget, &amp;c...... Alterations in the Criminal
     Law, &amp;c...... Prorogation of Parliament..... State of
     Parties and Elections..... City Banquet to the Queen.....
     Opening of the New Parliament..... The Subject of the Civil
     List debated..... The Subject of the Pension List.....
     Intelligence from Canada:   Discussion on the Subject.....
     Adjournment of the House..... State of the Continent
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1837
    </p>
    <p>
      On the arrival of the news in town of the death of King William, orders
      were immediately issued for summoning a privy-council, which was assembled
      before noon on Tuesday, at the palace of Kensington. At this council
      directions were given for proclaiming Queen Victoria, and the act of
      allegiance was signed by all present, the first name on the list being
      that of "Ernest, King of Hanover." When the ceremony of signing the act of
      allegiance had been performed, the queen made the following declaration to
      the country:&mdash;"The severe and afflicting loss which the nation has
      sustained by the death of his majesty, my beloved uncle, has devolved upon
      me the duty of administering the government of this empire. This awful
      responsibility is imposed upon me so suddenly, and at so early a period of
      my life, that I should feel myself utterly oppressed by the burden, were I
      not sustained by the hope that Divine Providence, which has called me to
      this work, will give me strength for the performance of it: and that I
      shall find in the purity of my intentions, and in my zeal for the public
      welfare, that support and those resources which usually belong to a more
      mature age, and to long experience. I place my firm reliance on the wisdom
      of parliament, and upon the loyalty and affection of my people. I esteem
      it also a peculiar advantage, that I succeed to a sovereign whose constant
      regards for the rights and liberties of his subjects, and whose desire to
      promote the amelioration of the laws and institutions of the country, have
      rendered his name the object of general attachment and veneration.
      Educated in England, under the tender and enlightened care of a most
      affectionate mother, I have learned from my infancy to respect and love
      the constitution of my native country. It will be my unceasing study to
      maintain the reformed religion as by law established, securing at the same
      time to all the full enjoyment of religious liberty. And I shall steadily
      protect the rights, and promote to the utmost of my power the happiness
      and welfare of all classes of my subjects." On this occasion her majesty
      is described as displaying extraordinary self-possession: the dignified
      composure and firmness of voice with which she pronounced the above
      declaration were indeed a theme of admiration with those who were present
      at the scene. Thus commenced the reign of Queen Victoria over the United
      Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      One effect of the descent of the crown to a female was the separation from
      it of Hanover, after an union which had lasted for nearly a century and a
      quarter. This abscission of territory, however, was scarcely noticed; it
      hardly called forth an observation in the newspapers, much less an
      expression of regret&mdash;a proof of the little value attached in this
      country to foreign dominion as a source of wealth or strength.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES&mdash;EULOGIES OF THE LATE SOVEREIGN IN
      BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the news of the death of the king both houses of parliament were
      immediately summoned to meet. On that and the following day, however, the
      administration of the oath of allegiance to the members, formed the only
      business transacted. On Thursday, the 22nd, Lord Melbourne brought the
      following message from the queen to the house of lords:&mdash;"Victoria
      Regina. The queen entertains the fullest confidence that the house of
      lords will participate in the deep affliction which her majesty feels in
      the death of the late king, whose constant desire to promote the
      interests, to maintain the liberties, and to improve the laws and
      institutions of the country, must ensure for his name and memory the
      dutiful and affectionate respect of all her majesty's subjects. The
      present state of public business, and the period of the session, when
      considered in connection with the law which imposes on her majesty the
      duty of summoning a new parliament within a limited time, renders it
      inexpedient in the judgment of her majesty, that any new measures should
      be recommended for your adoption, with the exception of such as may be
      requisite for carrying on the public service from the close of the present
      session to the meeting of the new parliament." Upon this occasion the
      leaders of all parties in parliament expressed their strong sense of the
      sterling and amiable qualities of the departed monarch. Lord Melbourne
      lamented the loss of a most gracious master, and said that the world had
      lost a man of the best intentions, the most uncompromising honour, and the
      strictest integrity. After adverting to the naval education of the late
      king, to the part which he had occasionally taken in the debates of that
      house, Lord Melbourne moved an address of condolence to her majesty upon
      the death of the late king, and of congratulation upon her accession to
      the throne. This was carried unanimously. Another proposition also was
      carried with unanimity, to the effect that an address of condolence be
      sent to her majesty the queen dowager, assuring her majesty of the
      sympathy which the house entertained for her loss. Lord John Russell
      brought the same message to the commons, moving a similar address in
      reply.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR PROVIDING THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A bill for providing for the contingency of another demise of the crown
      was brought into the upper house by the lord chancellor on the 3rd of
      July. Its object was to make provision for the carrying on of the
      executive government, in such an event, during the possible absence of the
      heir presumptive from the country. The bill provided that certain great
      officers of state, namely, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
      lord-chancellor, the lord-treasurer, the president of the council, the
      lord privy seal, the lord high admiral, and the chief-justice of the
      Queen's Bench at the time being respectively, should act as
      lords-justices, to exercise all the powers and authorities of the
      successor of the crown, as a king would exercise them at present, until
      his arrival in the kingdom, or until he should otherwise order. The bill
      also provided that the heir presumptive to the throne might at any time
      deposit a list&mdash;which list was revocable at pleasure&mdash;of such
      persons as he might appoint to act with such justices, and to be
      considered as part of them; and the persons named in that list were to
      exercise, in common with the lords already named, the functions of
      royalty, until the successor to the throne should otherwise determine. By
      another provision in the bill, however, the powers of the lords-justices
      were restricted to those only which were necessary to carry on the
      government of the country. They were not to have the power of dissolving
      parliament; nor of creating peers; nor of giving the royal assent to any
      bill altering the succession to the throne; or for changing the
      established religion of England, Scotland, or Ireland. The bill passed
      almost unanimously through both houses of parliament, Lord Brougham only
      urging an objection against the omission of any portion of the royal
      family in the lists of lords-justices named in the bill. His lordship even
      made this omission the subject of a protest entered in the journals of the
      house. His lordship began at this time to display an obstructive
      disposition towards the government with which he had so long acted. He had
      proved that his exaltation to the office of lord-chancellor had inflated
      his vanity, and made him so self-willed and crotchetty as to render
      co-operation with him either in the government of the country, or in
      conducting bills through the legislature, next to impossible.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of June the chancellor of the exchequer made his yearly
      financial statement. After adverting to the embarrassments which had beset
      the commerce of the country since the close of the preceding session, he
      proceeded to state the actual income and expenditure of the country, as
      compared with the estimate he had formed of its probable amount in the
      course of the last session. He had calculated, he said, that the customs
      would produce £20,540,000; the actual receipt was £21,445,000; the excise
      he had taken at £14,150,000; the actual income was, £14,439,000: the
      stamps he had calculated at £7,000,000; the receipts were £7,100,000: the
      assessed taxes he estimated at £3,575,000; they produced £3,681,000: the
      post-office revenue he had reckoned at £1,450,000; it amounted to
      £1,618,000. On the whole the income, which on the data then before him he
      had calculated at £46,980,000, produced £48,453,000. Mr. Rice then
      proceeded to state the expenditure, with reference to which he had
      fortunately, he said, rather under than over-estimated the probable income
      for the present year, as otherwise government would have become
      embarrassed. He had taken the interest on the funded debt at £28,528,000;
      the actual payment was £28,537,000: other charges upon the consolidated
      fund, exclusive of the West India slave-compensation, he took at
      £2,092,000; the actual charge was £2,183,000. With respect to the army,
      navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous estimates of the year, he had taken them
      at £14,585, but that estimate was taken before all the supplies of the
      year were voted: the sum actually required was £14,652,000. The estimated
      expenditure for the whole year, exclusive of the West India
      slave-compensation fund, was £45,205,000; the actual expenditure was
      £45,372,000. With respect to the West India loan, Mr. Rice said that he
      had reckoned we might be called upon to pay annually a sum of £1,111,000;
      but the call had on that score amounted to £1,448,342. The chancellor of
      the exchequer next proceeded to make several statements illustrative of
      the financial and commercial state of the country. He dwelt especially on
      the excess of the amount of tea duty in the last year over that received
      in former years, and observed that it was apparent that without any change
      of duty, the consumption of that article was increasing. Mr. Rice took the
      estimates for the year as follows:&mdash;the army, navy, ordnance, and
      miscellaneous, £14,895,000; and the charges upon the consolidated fund,
      and the interest upon the funded and unfunded debt which it was necessary
      to provide for the current year, £30,890,000. Thus the total expenditure
      for the current year was calculated at £45,786,000; but that was exclusive
      of the West India compensation, the amount of which would be £845,000.
      With respect to the probable amount of the income, Mr. Rice calculated it
      might amount in the whole to £47,240,000, which would leave a surplus of
      £1,454,000. When the interest of the West Indian loan, however, was
      deducted, the surplus would be diminished to £608,585; and that sum would
      be reduced by the payment necessary to be made to meet various
      deficiencies of former years; in fact, all the net surplus upon which they
      could calculate was £384,673. In conclusion, Mr. Rice made some
      observations on the increased interest now payable on the unfunded debt of
      the country, and on the general prospects of the nation. On the latter
      subject, he observed, that he had before him the means of showing that
      within the last two or three weeks the elements of improvement had been
      developing themselves in various parts, and that many of the most
      depressed branches of trade and manufactures were rapidly reviving. As a
      natural consequence of this the receipts of the revenue were improving,
      and the condition of the country was such as to inspire him with
      confidence. A reduction of taxation, he said, would materially assist that
      revival. He inferred this from the experiment he had made of lowering the
      duty on various articles of consumption, especially in the instances of
      glass and paper. The trade in these articles was now rapidly increasing;
      but with the present small balance of income on hand, it was impossible
      for him to propose any speculative reduction of taxation. A conversation
      followed this statement of the chancellor of the exchequer, and several
      members proposed various economical nostrums for the benefit of the
      country, but none of them met with the approbation of the house.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ALTERATIONS IN THE CRIMINAL LAW, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In 1833, a royal commission had been issued for the purpose of inquiring
      how far it might be expedient to reduce the written and unwritten law of
      the country into one digest, and to report on the best manner of doing it.
      A report was made on this subject in 1834; and while the commissioners
      were occupied in carrying, in some degree, their own recommendations in
      respect of it into effect, they were further called upon by government to
      state their opinions on the subject of the employment of counsel by
      prisoners, and on the punishment of death. In their second report, which
      was made in 1836, at great length, this was done, and one result was the
      bill which was passed in the preceding session, for allowing the
      assistance of counsel to prisoners in criminal cases. A more important
      result, however, was the introduction in the present session of a series
      of bills, having for their object the abolition in many instances of
      capital punishment. This subject had been brought before the house of
      commons on the 23rd of March by Lord John Russell, who argued that, if it
      were thought right that a change should take place in the law of the land
      on this head, it should be delayed as little as possible. Lord John
      Russell began by discussing the general doctrines advanced by Paley on the
      use of severity in criminal punishments, after which he gave some
      statistical details of capital condemnations in former years. He argued
      from these details that such a state of things gave a character of great
      uncertainty to the operation of the law, and rendered it less calculated
      to inspire that salutary dread in offenders which was the object of
      criminal punishment. His lordship proceeded to contend that there was no
      reason to apprehend an increase of crime from the abolition of the
      punishment of death in certain offences. He instanced the crime of
      forgery, which, with the exception of the cases of the forgery of powers
      of attorney and of bills, was now only punishable by transportation. The
      number of persons committed for this offence in the three years previous
      to 1833, was one hundred and fifty-five; and in the three following years
      two hundred and ten. In the first instance only fifty-eight per cent, were
      convicted; in the latter period the number convicted was seventy-one per
      cent. From this it appeared that there was no great increase in the number
      of offences, while the number of convictions was materially increased. The
      reason of this last effect of the present, criminal law was to be ascribed
      to the diminished reluctance to prosecute now that the offence was no
      longer capital. His lordship here stated that in a recent case a man had
      been tried and convicted of forging a power of attorney. That offence was
      yet capital; but previously to the case coming before the king in council,
      the secretary of state received a communication from the bankers of
      London, expressing their objections to capital punishment: and also
      another from the governor of the Bank of England, stating, though the Bank
      directors did not think it their duty to interfere, they had no wish to
      press for capital punishment. His lordship considered this to be an
      encouragement to proceed in their course of mitigating the punishment, and
      particularly for doing away with it in the two reserved cases in forgery.
      The principle as suggested by the commissioners on which his lordship
      proposed to proceed was, that capital punishment should be confined to
      high treason, and, with some exceptions, to offences which consist in or
      are aggravated by acts of violence to the person, or which tend directly
      to endanger life. It was proposed that capital offences should be reduced
      to&mdash;1st, high treason; 2nd, murder; 3rd, attempt to murder; 4th,
      burnings of buildings or ships; 5th, piracy; 6th, burglary; 7th, robbery;
      8th, rape. Arson, piracy, burglary, and robbery were to be capital
      offences only when committed under circumstances or accompanied by acts
      directly calculated to endanger life. The setting fire to stacks would be
      no longer a capital offence: the crime, his lordship said, was no doubt a
      heinous one; but the severity of the punishment had the effect of
      deterring prosecutions. On the secondary punishments which were to be
      substituted for capital condemnation, Lord John Russell expressed
      considerable doubt as to whether the present system of transportation
      ought to be continued. In theory it seemed desirable to remove an offender
      to a great distance from the scene of his crime; but the accounts of the
      practical working of the system were unsatisfactory. The four or five
      thousand persons annually sent to New South Wales were not absorbed by the
      population, but continued to form a large and separate vicious mass. Crime
      and vice were consequently on the increase in the settlement; and the
      continual importation of fresh cargoes of criminals threatened to
      aggravate the evils indefinitely. The punishment operated unequally on the
      convicts; it depended on the humour or temper of the masters whether their
      situation should be one of indulgence, or one of intolerable hardship.
      Moreover, there was no merit in the system on the score of economy, it
      cost the country from £350,000 to £400,000 annually. His lordship
      proposed, therefore, to abridge the number of cases of transportation, but
      to aggravate its operation in those which continued subject to it. No
      person should be transported for less than ten years, it having been found
      that the effect of a shorter period was to make the criminals insolent and
      unruly. The next period was to be for fifteen years, and the last for
      life. A certain hour of labour in the chain gangs was to be allotted to
      all the prisoners, and indulgences afforded them according to their good
      conduct. But these were merely suggestions; he did not in the present
      session intend to bring in any general measure with a view of carrying
      them into effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      No opposition was given to the passing of the bills in the commons. They
      were brought into the upper house by Lord Denman, and the second reading
      was fixed for the 4th of July. The propositions were moved by Lord Denman,
      who alleged in their support similar facts and arguments to those urged in
      the commons by Lord John Russell. Lord Lyndhurst gave his full support to
      the principle and object of the bills; but he pointed out certain
      inconsistencies and anomalies of detail, which were subsequently
      rectified. The measures were likewise warmly advocated by Lord Brougham,
      who looked with confidence towards a general and effectual mitigation of
      the criminal code. Among the amendments which were made by the lords was
      one changing the term of imprisonment from five to three years, limiting
      the term of solitary confinement to a month at one time, and to not more
      than three months in a year, and the taking away the capital punishment
      for offences against the riot act. Thus amended, the bill passed the
      lords, and the amendments were afterwards agreed to unanimously by the
      commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      An important alteration was made in this session, also, in the civil law
      of the country in respect of the forms to be observed in the execution of
      wills. This subject was introduced in the house of peers on the 23rd of
      February, by Lord Langdale, the master of the rolls. His lordship said
      that the general object of the measure was to collect the provisions of
      several statutes relating to wills into one act of parliament; and to make
      at the same time such modifications of these provisions as should afford
      additional securities for the prevention of spurious wills, and additional
      facilities for making genuine ones. His lordship proposed to allow the
      owner of copyholds and customary freeholds to dispose of them by will,
      which could not now be done. As the law stood, a person could only
      bequeath such real property as he was possessed of at the time of making
      his will; but his lordship said he would enable the testator to dispose of
      any he might acquire subsequently to the execution of the will. At present
      no person under the age of twenty-one could make a will: his lordship
      proposed to give the power of disposing of personal property to those who
      were beyond the age of seventeen. With respect to witnesses the bill would
      enact that in all cases the execution of the will must be attested by two,
      whether the property were real or personal. An executor would be admitted
      to give evidence of the validity of a will, which he could not do at
      present. Under the existing law it was not necessary that both the
      witnesses should be present at the same time; but the bill provided that
      the signature of the testator or his acknowledgment should be made in the
      presence of two witnesses, who should then attest it themselves. With
      respect to the revocation of wills, no alteration was proposed in the rule
      whereby a woman's will is set aside, by marriage; but it was proposed to
      alter the rule adopted from the ecclesiastical courts in modern times,
      whereby a man's will is considered as revoked by a subsequent marriage and
      the birth of a child. The bill finally provided for the due construction
      and effect of certain words. His lordship said that a legislative
      construction of words had been objected to; but, he argued, that when a
      rule of construction which plainly violated the lawful intention of
      testators had been established in the courts of law, there was no way of
      correcting it but by legislative interposition. The bill was warmly
      approved of by the leading law authorities in the upper house, and passed
      almost without discussion. In the commons, also, it met with general
      approbation; the only opposition came from Sir Robert Inglis, who objected
      to it chiefly on the ground of the expense which the mode of execution
      there enjoined would entail on the humbler class of testators. By
      abolishing holograph wills, and rendering two witnesses necessary, a
      resort to professional advice would become indispensable. The bill,
      however, was ably defended by the attorney-general; and it passed into
      law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The queen went in state to the house of lords, for the purpose of closing
      the session, on the 17th of July. On this occasion the speaker delivered
      an address to her majesty, in which, on behalf of the house of commons, he
      assured her of their cordial participation in "that strong and universal
      feeling of dutiful and affectionate attachment which prevailed among the
      free and loyal people of which they were the representatives, and
      expressed their trust that this feeling would be strengthened by a long
      course of constitutional, beneficent, and wise government." In recording
      the results of the session, the speaker expressly mentioned the acts for
      the abolition of capital punishments, &amp;c.; and he expressed a hope
      that the important measures which had been recommended to parliament, and
      which had not yet been perfected, might be eventually adopted. The royal
      assent was then given to a number of public and private bills; after which
      her majesty thus addressed both houses of parliament:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "My lords and gentlemen, I have been anxious to seize the first
      opportunity of meeting you, in order that I might repeat in person my
      cordial thanks for your condolence upon the death of his late majesty, and
      for the expression of attachment and affection with which you
      congratulated me upon my accession to the throne. I am very desirous of
      renewing the assurances of my determination to maintain the Protestant
      religion as established by law; to secure to all the free exercise of the
      rights of conscience; to protect the liberties, and to promote the welfare
      of all classes of the community. I rejoice that in ascending the throne I
      find the country in amity with all foreign powers; and while I faithfully
      perform the engagements of the crown, and carefully watch over the
      interests of my subjects, it will be the constant object of my solicitude
      to maintain the blessings of peace." Her majesty next thanked the house of
      commons for the liberal supplies which they had granted for the service of
      the year, as well as for the provision which they had made to meet the
      usual payments chargeable on the civil list. Addressing both houses again,
      the queen thanked them for the zeal and assiduity with which they had
      applied themselves to the public business of the country. Notwithstanding
      the melancholy interruption that had taken place in their labours, she
      trusted they would have the beneficial effect of advancing the progress of
      legislation in the new parliament. Her majesty expressed much pleasure in
      the mitigation of the severity of the criminal code; she hailed it as an
      auspicious commencement of her reign. In conclusion, her majesty said&mdash;"I
      ascend the throne with a deep sense of the responsibility which is imposed
      upon me; but I am supported by the consciousness of my own right
      intentions, and by my dependence upon the protection of Almighty God. It
      will be my care to strengthen our institutions, civil and ecclesiastical,
      by discreet improvement, wherever improvement is required, and to do all
      in my power to compose and allay animosity and discord. Acting upon these
      principles, I shall on all occasions look with confidence to the wisdom of
      parliament and the affections of my people, which form, the true support
      of the dignity of the crown, and ensure the stability of the
      constitution." The age and sex of the youthful sovereign gave a singular
      and touching interest to this scene, and the manner in which her majesty
      delivered the speech heightened its effect. It was read in a clear and
      unfaltering tone, indicating great presence of mind and firmness of
      character. The appearance and manners of her majesty, indeed, enlisted in
      her favour all the best feelings of the august assembly she addressed&mdash;all
      wished that her reign might be long and prosperous.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES AND ELECTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Queen Victoria ascended the throne at a period of perfect tranquillity.
      The popularity of the ministers was, indeed, declining, and they were
      surrounded with difficulties, partly from their own mismanagement of
      affairs, and partly from the position into which their eagerness for power
      had placed them. On the other hand the spirit of party was subsiding in
      the country: calm and impartial thinkers began to embrace a wider circle,
      yet it seemed clear that the administration could not have long existed
      had the late king lived a few months longer. His majesty had taken them
      back to his service with reluctance, and he was supposed to be on the
      watch for the first favourable opportunity of dismissing them. His demise,
      however, promised an increased stability to their power. Under their new
      sovereign they looked for a new order of things. She was believed to have
      been educated by her mother in principles and predilections favourable to
      their rule, and her countenance and support was expected to give not
      merely security, but popularity to their government. Nor did they fail to
      turn the event to good account. When pressed by their democratic allies to
      introduce organic measures for which they had no predilection themselves,
      it had been their practice to allege the king's reluctance to proceed, as
      a reason for not falling in with their views. When, however, Queen
      Victoria ascended the throne, they eagerly declared their emancipation
      from the thraldom of an hostile court, and they proclaimed that the young
      queen had entered warmly into their views, and had espoused their
      political creed without reservation. Another considerable resource of
      popular appeal to the ministerial candidates was the alleged misdeeds of
      the new King of Hanover. Immediately upon his accession to the throne of
      that kingdom, his majesty had issued an ordinance, by which the then
      existing constitution was suspended; and it was thought this conduct of
      one who was an acknowledged leader of the Tories, might be represented to
      the disadvantage of that party. These, and other topics, were not without
      their weight with the multitude. Yet, with their assistance, the ministers
      had sufficient to do to maintain their previous position. By the end of
      July the elections for English cities and boroughs were nearly over, and
      the relative strength of parties was little changed as regarded the Whigs.
      In the county elections they underwent, indeed, a serious defalcation of
      strength; besides losing twenty-three seats, they failed in fifteen
      counties out of sixteen in which they endeavoured to substitute members of
      their own party for Conservatives. As for the Radicals, public opinion was
      still less in their favour: even Mr. Hume failed in being returned for
      Middlesex, and was driven to the necessity of appearing in the house as
      Mr. O'Connell's nominee for Kilkenny. The Radicals, it is true, did not
      suffer numerically; but the absence of many of their leaders from the
      representation of important towns which they had hitherto represented, was
      significant of the waning popularity of extreme opinions. The loss,
      however, which ministers sustained in the English representation, was
      somewhat compensated by the returns of Scotland and Ireland. But while
      their numbers were not on the whole diminished, there was an evident
      falling off in quality. Their friends were not the representatives of such
      an extensive part of the population as they had been in the last
      parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CITY BANQUET TO THE QUEEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this autumn the great corporation of the city of London
      distinguished itself by a striking demonstration of its loyalty to the
      crown, in a magnificent entertainment which was given to the queen in
      Guildhall, on the 9th of November. On this occasion the utmost enthusiasm
      prevailed, and her majesty's reception, both in her progress to the city
      and at the banquet, must have been highly gratifying to her feelings.
      Along the entire route, in going to and returning from the city, she was
      greeted with enthusiastic cheers, and in the evening a brilliant
      illumination appeared along the whole line of her passage. Nothing was
      wanting, indeed, to give the utmost possible splendour to the pageant. The
      event showed that the "liberal" common-council of the city of London still
      fostered a substantial respect for loyalty&mdash;a circumstance of great
      political interest.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of November the queen went in state to the house of lords to
      open the new parliament. Having read and signed the usual declaration, her
      majesty read the speech in a clear and audible voice. The speech expressed
      satisfaction at the friendly assurances of all foreign powers; regretted
      that civil war still afflicted the kingdom of Spain; stated that
      directions had been given for a treaty of commerce, recently concluded
      with the united republic of Peru and Bolivia, to be laid before
      parliament; recommended to their serious consideration the state of the
      province of Lower Canada; and stated that the demise of the crown rendered
      it necessary that a new provision should be made for the civil list. On
      this latter subject the queen remarked, that she placed unreservedly at
      the disposal of the house of commons, those hereditary revenues which were
      transferred to the public by her immediate predecessor, and that she had
      commanded such papers as might be necessary for the full examination of
      the subject to be laid before them. Her majesty's speech concluded thus:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "My lords and gentlemen&mdash;The external peace and domestic tranquillity
      which at present happily prevail, are very favourable for the
      consideration of such measures of reformation and amendment as may be
      necessary or expedient, and your attention will naturally be directed to
      that course of legislation which was interrupted by the necessary
      dissolution of the last parliament. The result of the inquiries which have
      been made into the condition of the poor in Ireland has been already laid
      before parliament. And it will be your duty to consult whether it may not
      be wise and safe to establish by law some well-regulated means of relief
      for the destitute in that country. The municipal government of the cities
      and towns in Ireland calls for better regulation. The laws which govern
      the collection of the tithe-composition in Ireland require revision and
      amendment. Convinced that the better and more effectual administration of
      justice is amongst the first duties of a sovereign, I request your
      attention to those measures which will be submitted to you for the
      improvement of the law. You cannot but be sensible of the deep importance
      of these questions which I have submitted to you, and of the necessity of
      treating them in that spirit of impartiality and justice which affords the
      best hope of bringing them to a happy and useful termination. In meeting
      this parliament, the first that has been elected under my authority, I am
      anxious to declare my confidence in your loyalty and wisdom. The early age
      at which I am called to the sovereignty of this kingdom renders it a more
      imperative duty, that, under Divine Providence, I should place my reliance
      upon your cordial cooperation, and upon the love and affection of my
      people."
    </p>
    <p>
      The address was moved in the house of lords by the Duke of Sussex, who, in
      the several topics of his speech, avoided every allusion or expression
      capable of giving offence to any member of the house. His royal highness
      referred with much satisfaction to the declaration of the Duke of
      Wellington at the close of the last session, namely, that he would assist
      in the settlement of the Irish questions, and also to the approbation he
      had avowed of the new poor-law. His royal highness further expressed his
      pleasure at the affectionate reception which the queen had met with in her
      late visit to the city, and adverted to the peculiar interest with which
      he regarded a sovereign whose birth he had been one of the first to
      witness. The address was seconded by Lord Portman, and fully assented to
      by the Duke of Wellington, who said he would follow the example which had
      been set him of abstaining from every remark that could awaken party
      feeling. The address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented with
      the usual forms.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons the address was moved by Lord Leveson, and seconded by Mr.
      Craig. A discussion followed, in which Mr. Wakley took the lead. After
      hearing the speech from the throne, Mr. Wakley said he rose to remind
      ministers that they had some radical supporters in the house, a
      circumstance which they appeared to have forgotten. After hearing the
      speech from the throne, he could not avoid asking to what purpose they had
      been so anxious, in 1835, to eject Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives?
      It was complained of the speech from the throne framed by Sir Robert in
      that year, that it was vague and unsatisfactory: he, Mr. Wakley, had never
      read a speech from any sovereign of this country more open to the same
      reproach than the present one. He thought that at the commencement of a
      new reign, with a young queen educated as ours had been, the people had a
      right to expect a more explicit acknowledgment of their grievances, and
      some indication of the means of redress. They were now fresh from the
      hustings, where they had all been liberal in promises: even the Tories had
      professed themselves the friends of the people, and declared their delight
      in seeing the operatives come forward, and take a share in politics. In
      order to test the sincerity of both parties, he would move an amendment,
      in general terms, in favour of an extension of the suffrage. Mr. Wakley
      concluded his speech by moving three amendments, which he said he would
      put to the house separately, in order that members might have no excuse
      for avoiding to vote on any particular proposition. The first amendment
      was to the effect, "That this house embraces the earliest opportunity of
      respectfully assuring her majesty, that it will in the present session of
      parliament take into consideration the state of the representation of the
      people in this branch of the legislature, with a view to ensure by law an
      equitable extension of the elective franchise." This amendment was
      seconded by Sir W. Molesworth, and supported by Messrs. Hume and Grote. On
      the other hand it was opposed by Mr. Liddell, Colonel Perceval, and Lord
      John Russell. The latter admitted the reproach&mdash;if reproach it were&mdash;of
      having framed the speech with a view to preclude discussion. It was
      desirable that the queen should receive from her first parliament an
      unanimous address. In allusion to Mr. Wakley's amendment, his lordship
      observed that the hon. member had put his powders into three separate
      papers, as portions of what he considered the same medicine. Without
      entering into any general discussion of the questions involved in those
      amendments. He thought it necessary shortly to state his opinion of the
      present operation of the reform bill, and of his own position with respect
      to it. He admitted the disadvantages and injuries to which the reform act
      was subject; corruption and intimidation had prevailed at the late
      elections to a great extent. With respect to the registration of voters
      great amendments had been made. These were points on which it behoved
      parliament to be always attentive, to see that the act suffered no
      essential injury, and to remedy any error in the details which experience
      of its actual working might suggest. But these, his lordship continued,
      were questions widely different from those now brought forward, such as
      the ballot, the extension of the suffrage, and triennial parliaments,
      which were, in his estimation, a repeal of the reform act, and placed the
      representation on a totally different footing. He was not prepared to go
      thus far. With respect to registration, Lord John Russell said that the
      attorney-general was about to bring forward the bill of last session in an
      amended form, and he himself would re-introduce the measure respecting the
      payment of rates. But as to a second reform of the representation, having
      only five years ago placed it on a new basis, it would be a most unwise
      and unsound experiment, now to begin anew the process of reconstruction;
      he, for one, at least, would decline taking any share in such a measure.
      Sir Robert Peel congratulated the house upon the noble lord's aversion to
      Mr. Wakley's physic. The member for Finsbury called for a change, in order
      to recover for himself and his party the predominance they had lost; but
      he was confident that if he were to give Mr. Wakley a <i>carte blanche</i>
      to cut and carve the constituency as he pleased, he and his party would
      still be in a minority. Mr. Ward, on the other hand, warned Lord John
      Russell that by his declaration against the ballot, he had signed his own
      death-warrant, and chalked out his political grave. On a division, Mr.
      Wakley's amendment was negatived by five hundred and nine against twenty;
      and his two other amendments, pledging the house to the vote by ballot and
      the repeal of the septennial act, were then put, and negatived without a
      division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question having been again put on the address, Mr. Harvey proposed an
      amendment to this effect:&mdash;"That whilst this house is desirous of
      making the most liberal provision for the support of the becoming
      splendour and just dignity of the crown, they feel that the same ought to
      be derived from obvious and direct sources; and that to such end every
      branch of the hereditary revenues of the crown ought to be placed, without
      reservation, and without exception, under the control of parliament, as
      the surest means of protecting the crown against exaggerated impressions
      of their amount, and as a security against their misapplication." The
      amendment further set forth, that in the arrangement of the civil list,
      the house confidently relied upon the ready co-operation of her majesty,
      in promoting all needful inquiry into the claims of persons to be
      continued as recipients of state provision. In moving this amendment, Mr.
      Harvey observed that the former part of it was in substance the same with
      the proposition ministers had themselves made on the subject when in
      opposition. He pressed the second part of his amendment, on the ground
      that a strong feeling existed in the public mind against it as it now
      stood, which feeling was materially strengthened by the late alteration in
      the poor-law system. He assured ministers that they had not a
      superabundance of popularity, and he predicted that Lord John Russell's
      declaration of that night would operate fatally to his government. In
      reply, Lord John Russell contented himself with stating that an account of
      the actual and average receipts from the duties in question would be laid
      before the committees; and that with respect to the pension list, the
      precedent of 1831 would be strictly followed. Ministers agreed in thinking
      it far wiser to provide against abuses for the future, than to take away
      pensions already granted. If the revision proposed by the hon. member
      should be adopted by parliament, ministers would claim the right of
      further consideration, before they decided whether or not they should give
      it their support. After a few words from Mr. Harvey in rejoinder, his
      amendment was put and negatived without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell's determination to resist any further movement in the
      way of constitutional innovation, was made the subject of indignant
      comment on the part of the radical organs, both in parliament and
      throughout the country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUBJECT OF THE CIVIL LIST DEBATED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The subject first brought before the attention of parliament by ministers
      was the arrangement of the civil list. On the 23rd of November the
      chancellor of the exchequer moved that the passage in the queen's speech
      relating thereto should be referred to a select committee. He observed
      that former sovereigns had inherited considerable personal property from
      their predecessors, while Queen Victoria had derived nothing from that
      source, and would further be deprived of the revenues of Hanover, now a
      separate kingdom. Her establishment must also so far exceed that of a king
      or of a queen-consort, as being composed of ladies as well as gentlemen.
      Under those circumstances Mr. Rice submitted that the charges of the
      establishment of the late king were proper for Queen Victoria, These
      charges were:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                       William IV.    The Queen.

     First class, privy purse........   £110,000       £60,600

     Second class, salaries..........    130,000       130,000

     Third class, bills  ............    171,500       172,000

     Fourth class, special service...     23,000        23,200

     Unappropriated money............                    9,000

                                 Total  £510,000       £470,000
</i></pre>
    <p>
      In conclusion, Mr. Rice touched upon the decrease in the amount of the
      pension list, and said he should be prepared to prove that the pensions
      granted by Earl Grey and Lord Melbourne had been awarded in strict
      conformity with a resolution of the house passed in February, 1834, which
      recommended the granting of pensions to such persons only as by their
      services to the crown, or the public, or by useful discoveries in science
      or art, had a just claim on the benevolence of the crown or the gratitude
      of the nation. The papers with reference to the civil list were referred
      to a select committee, consisting of twenty-one members. The result of
      their labours was a report in favour of the minister's proposition, which
      was presented on the 16th of December, when a bill carrying out his views
      was brought in. The bill was read a third time on the 19th of December,
      after which Mr. Hume moved that the sum granted to the queen should be
      reduced from £385,000 to £335,000; and this motion having been negatived,
      Mr. Grote proposed as an amendment the entire removal of the sum allotted
      to pensions from the civil list. This amendment was seconded by Mr. Hume,
      and opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, who contended that in a
      monarchical government, the power of conferring honour and rewards should
      be inseparably attached to the crown. The principle advocated by the
      honourable member struck at the very root of monarchy. Mr. Rice proceeded
      to deny that politics had influenced ministers in their grant of pensions
      to literary and scientific men, as had been asserted by Mr. Grote, and
      expressed his belief that were any government disposed so to prostitute
      its power, there was a spirit in literature and science which would save
      talent from the disgrace of such political profligacy. Mr. Grote's motion
      was further opposed by Mr. Charles Buller, albeit he was his friend. He
      differed from him both as to tire policy of granting pensions at all, and
      in respect to the quarter in which the power of according them should be
      placed. He thought that it was desirable that men of letters should be
      fostered by the government, when labouring for the public good, and
      without the support of popular favour. Scarcely a great name in English
      literature could be produced which had not been supported by regal or
      individual generosity. At the present day, men of letters would not brook
      to receive the bounty of private individuals: men like Hobbes or Locke,
      could no longer consent to depend on the liberality of an Earl of
      Devonshire, or an Earl of Shaftesbury. On a division Mr. Grote's amendment
      was rejected by a majority of one hundred and twenty-five to twenty-three.
      An amendment was then moved by Sir Robert Peel, to the effect that if the
      sum of £1200 were not granted in pensions in any one year, the difference
      might be applied in any subsequent year. No opposition was made to this
      amendment on the part of ministers; but the Radicals divided against them,
      and it was carried by a majority of one hundred and fourteen to
      twenty-six. Another and last protest was made against the bill by Mr.
      Hume, but the bill passed without further division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was taken to the lords and read a first time on the same evening.
      Lord Melbourne moved the second reading on the 20th, and in doing so
      entered into a full explanation of the details of the bill, and
      emphatically called upon the peers to support it, as they valued the
      preservation of the monarchy, laws, and liberties of England. He would not
      say that monarchy was the best form of government that ever existed, but
      an attempt to alter it in this country would be the height of insanity and
      crime. The only opposition to the measure in the house of lords came from
      Lord Brougham, who contended that due consideration had not been employed
      either in the framing or passing of this bill. The wisdom of making a
      definite arrangement for the life of a sovereign who might be expected to
      reign for the next half century was questionable; and yet this was to be
      done, and a civil list voted which exceeded that of lier majesty's
      predecessors, while parliament was left in the dark as to those very
      important revenues possessed by the crown, the incomes of the duchies of
      Cornwall and Lancaster. After a few words from the Duke of Wellington, who
      expressed his apprehensions that the bill did not contain a sufficient
      provision for pensions, the bill went through the committee, and was
      afterwards read a third time and passed without a division. It was
      customary that the royal assent should be given to bills of this nature in
      person, and the queen went in state to the house of lords on the 23rd of
      December for that purpose. On presenting the bill, the speaker observed,
      that it had been framed in "a liberal and confiding spirit," on which the
      queen bowed her acknowledgment, and after the royal assent had been given
      to that and other bills, her majesty left the house.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of December, a message was brought from the queen to both
      houses, recommending to the consideration of parliament the provision made
      by law for the support of her royal highness the Duchess of Kent, and
      expressing her majesty's reliance on their zeal and loyalty to adopt such
      measures for the future provision of the duchess as her rank and station,
      and increased proximity to the throne might require. On the following day
      this message was taken into consideration by a committee of the house of
      commons, when an additional grant of £8000 a year, raising the annual
      income of the duchess to £30,000, passed without much discussion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUBJECT OF THE PENSION LIST.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The chancellor of the exchequer redeemed a pledge which he had given in
      the debate on the civil list, by moving "for a select committee to inquire
      how far pensions granted in virtue of the first of William IV. c. 24, and
      charged on the civil list, and in virtue of second and third William IV.
      c. 116, charged on the consolidated fund, ought to be continued, having
      due regard to the just claims of the parties, and to economy in the public
      expenditure." Mr. Spring Rice, on this occasion, gave a brief history of
      the pension list. Sir Robert Peel opposed the motion, and moved a series
      of resolutions, declaring it advisable to make such provision as should
      enable the crown to continue all such pensions as had existed at the
      accession of the late king, or had been granted by him during his reign.
      This amendment was seconded by Lord Elliot, and supported by several
      Conservative members. Mr. Harvey took the lead in opposing it. Mr. Spring
      Rice closed the debate by endeavouring to vindicate himself from the
      charge of inconsistency; and on a division the motion for a committee was
      carried by a majority of two hundred and ninety-five against two hundred
      and thirty-three.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INTELLIGENCE FROM CANADA&mdash;DISCUSSION ON THE SUBJECT&mdash;ADJOURNMENT
      OF THE HOUSE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The settlement of the civil list left ministers at liberty to move the
      immediate adjournment of the house. Before they separated, however, news
      arrived of a revolt in Canada. On the 22nd of December, Lord John Russell
      rose to move the order of the day, for the house to resolve itself into a
      committee of supply, and at the same time took occasion to state that,
      although no measures could be taken by the house with regard to Canada, he
      nevertheless did not consider himself justified, in the actual condition
      of that province, to move the adjournment of the house beyond the 16th of
      January. The present state of affairs was this: the assembly having been
      convened to consider the resolutions passed in parliament, had been
      adjourned on their refusal to entertain the supplies, or to proceed to
      business. Despatches, subsequently received from Lord Gosford, showed that
      the intention was not to seek redress by means of that assembly, but to
      extort it by violence from her majesty's government. In this state of
      things Lord Gosford had tendered his resignation, which had been accepted,
      and the administration of affairs entrusted to Sir John Colborne, in whose
      judgment and abilities government felt the highest confidence. They had
      declared to that officer that, though they were reluctant to resort to
      means of extreme severity, yet, nevertheless, if he found it necessary to
      proclaim martial law in the province, they would take upon themselves the
      responsibility. Accounts of open disturbance had been recently received;
      and there was reason to believe that a collision had taken place between
      her majesty's troops and persons in arms for treasonable purposes. He
      thought that government had done their duty in the measures they had
      taken. On the morrow he purposed to produce such details from Lord
      Gosford's despatches as might be communicated without injury to the public
      service, and would call upon parliament, in January, for such measures as
      the exigency of the case might demand. Mr. Leader applauded the resort of
      the Canadians to arms, and derided as desperate every effort of the
      government to put them down; their cause was considered a common one by
      all our North American colonies. Sir William Molesworth and Messrs. Grote
      and Warburton all expressed their sympathy for the Canadian insurgents,
      and augured their success. A discussion ensued, in which the Radical
      leaders denounced the mother country in terms as strong as any employed by
      the leaders of the Canadian insurgents. Mr. Warburton advocated the
      separation of the colony from the empire. Mr. Gladstone maintained a just
      view of the dispute between the colony and the mother country, but so
      mystified his arguments by useless subtleties and verbosity, that the
      speech failed to produce an effect corresponding to its substantial
      merits. Mr. Leader boldly expressed his complacency in the dismemberment
      of the empire, and the speech of the hon. member was denounced by Mr.
      George F. Young as disloyal. Sir George Grey made a sensible speech,
      expository of the true condition of Canadian affairs. Mr. Maclean exposed
      and denounced the conduct of Mr. Papineau, the leader of the French
      Canadian insurgent party. Lord John Russell delivered a speech sound and
      statesman-like, which completely "carried the house with the government."
      As usual when ministers were at issue with their Radical supporters, the
      Conservative party took no prominent share in the debate. On the following
      day both houses of parliament adjourned to the 16th of January.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      War still continued in Spain. At the close of the last year the troops of
      the queen had succeeded in the relief of Bilboa, an event which had the
      effect of giving rise to dissensions among the Carlists. After this event,
      many weeks were spent by the Christino commanders in concerting a combined
      movement upon the Carlist lines in Guipuscoa. An attack was made upon them
      by General Evans on the 15th of March. His forces were collected at
      Loyola, the right of the line being composed of Spaniards, and the left of
      the British legion, which amounted to between four and five thousand men.
      The attack was at first successful: the Carlists, having maintained a
      furious fire, after a five hours' conflict abandoned their last defence,
      and fell back to Hernani. On the following day, however, matters took a
      different turn: while the victorious troops were preparing to descend upon
      Hernani, on a sudden solid masses of infantry appeared behind the town,
      under the command of Don Sebastian. These troops consisted of ten fresh
      battalions; and their charge was so impetuous, that the British legion and
      the Spanish troops were obliged to give way. From this time the army of
      Don Carlos gained courage, and province after province was invaded by his
      guerilla chiefs. Still no decisive event favoured his design upon the
      Spanish throne. In one grand point he, however, succeeded, that of
      annihilating or dispersing the British legion. Unsupported by the people
      for whom they fought, many of them were slain in various engagements of
      desultory warfare; and at length those who remained laid clown their arms,
      and the British auxiliary legion ceased to exist. Before this event
      General Evans had returned to England, disheartened by the want of
      co-operation in the Spanish generals. But the year closed, and the
      Carlists and Christinos were still arrayed in arms against each other.
      People of the same nation and the same blood were seeking each other's
      destruction with a deadly animosity.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Portugal, also, there were strifes and divisions, and rumours of
      intended insurrections. In that country, moreover, the British who had
      defended the cause of the queen were ill treated. The unpopularity of the
      English increased daily, and the ambition and selfishness of Great Britain
      were the constant themes of the popular press. So odious were our
      countrymen that the English admiral in the Tagus thought it necessary to
      issue the following general order to his captains:&mdash;"The unsettled
      state of the country, and the differences known lately to have existed
      between her most faithful majesty and her present ministers, as well as
      the difficult position in which his royal highness Prince Ferdinand is
      placed with regard to the Portuguese people, and the great suspicion with
      which all foreigners he brought here into his service are viewed, renders
      it necessary that the utmost caution, should be observed by the English
      residing in Portugal with respect to private interviews either with her
      most faithful majesty or her august consort, that neither the government
      nor the people may have a pretext for entertaining any undue impressions
      of the intentions of England. It is therefore my most positive orders that
      you do not yourself call at the palace, nor permit any officer to do so
      without my previous sanction." The British ambassador sought, though in
      vain, to obtain justice for the officers and soldiers who had been in Don
      Pedro's service, and whose claims upon the Portuguese government remained
      unliquidated. A royal order appeared, indeed, informing "the foreigners
      lately in the service of her most faithful majesty," that if they were
      dissatisfied with the decision of the commissioners to whom their claims
      stood referred, "the law was open to them." This was most unsatisfactory,
      as the Portuguese courts of law are notorious for corruption. The
      privileges of the British, indeed, ceased to be respected in Portugal, and
      their claims were set aside. They were restrained from carrying on retail
      trades, which they had hitherto done by virtue of early treaties, and as
      they were entitled to do by law. At the same time, disputes were
      constantly taking place on the Tagus between the crews of British vessels
      and the custom-house officers.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XLIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1838&mdash;1839
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Parliament reassembles: Debates on Canada; Address to the
     Throne moved by Lord John Russell; Bill for suspending; the
     Lower Canadian Constitution..... The Question of Election
     Committees..... Motion for the Ballot..... Parliamentary
     Qualification Bill..... Personal Attacks..... Revival of
     Anti-slavery Agitation..... Debates on the Irish Poor-law
     Bill: the Bill carried in the Commons..... Motion for the
     Repeal of the Appropriation Clause..... Ministerial Plan for
     settling the Tithe Question..... Committee of the House of
     Commons upon the Irish Municipal Bill; the Bill
     rejected..... The Coronation..... Debates in the House of
     Commons on the Irish Tithe  Question..... The Irish Poor
     Law Bill carried in   the Lords..... Projected Formation
     of a  Colony in New Zealand..... Financial  Statements.....
     Motion for Repeal of the Corn Laws..... Various Improvements
     in the Law..... A Select Committee to inquire into the
     Operation of the Poor Laws..... Combinations in England and
     Ireland..... Debates in Parliament on John Thorn, alias Sir
     William   Courtenay..... Committee on Church Lands..... Act
     for abolishing Pluralities..... The Subject of Education
     discussed in both Houses..... The Question of Canada
     renewed..... Queen Prorogues Parliament..... Disaffection
     among the Working Classes..... Proposed Reduction of the
     Rates of Postage..... The State of Ireland..... The Affairs
     of Canada..... The State of the Continent.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT REASSEMBLES&mdash;DEBATES ON CANADA&mdash;ADDRESS TO THE THRONE
    </h2>
    <p>
      MOVED BY LORD JOHN RUSSELL&mdash;BILL FOR SUSPENDING THE LOWER CANADIAN
      CONSTITUTION.
    </p>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1838
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 16th of January. The first subject brought
      under notice was the affairs of Canada. This subject was introduced by
      Lord John Russell, who, after recapitulating the principal events that had
      occurred since the connexion of that colony with Great Britain down to the
      report of the Committee in 1828, took up his ground on that report, which
      the assembly of Lower Canada had characterised as "an imperishable
      monument to the justice and profound wisdom of the committee, an authentic
      testimonial of the reality of their grievances and of the justice of their
      complaints, faithfully interpreting their wishes and their wants." It
      might have been supposed, said his lordship, that after the people and the
      government of this country had proved themselves anxious to perform all
      that was asked for, and that was indicated by the reports of the
      committee, the Canadians would have been not only satisfied, but willing
      to express their cordiality towards the British government. The case,
      however, was the very reverse of this. On the 6th of December, 1828, the
      house of assembly resolved, "That on the permanent settlement before
      mentioned being effected, it would be expedient to render the governor,
      lieutenant-governor, or person administering the government for the time
      being, the judges and executive councillors, independent of the annual
      vote of that house, to the extent of their present salaries." Having
      adverted to other resolutions indicative of the growing dissatisfaction of
      the Canadians, Lord John Russell proceeded to state what had been done in
      order to remedy the grievances set forth in those resolutions. The
      independence of the judges was demanded; and Lord Ripon, then
      colonial-secretary, had fully concurred in its reasonableness, and had
      suggested a method for carrying it into effect. The house of assembly,
      however, instead of following out that suggestion, tacked to the law by
      which the independence of the judges was to be secured, certain provisions
      relating to the hereditary revenues of the crown, and to the establishment
      of a court of impeachment for the judges. Then as regarded the subject on
      which the widest difference between the assembly and the imperial
      government had existed, no opposition had been offered to the terms of the
      assembly's resolutions. The judges were informed, instantly, that, with
      the exception of the chief-justice, it was no longer desirable that they
      should sit in the legislative council; and a number of persons were added
      to that body totally independent of the crown, and giving a great majority
      in the council to those who were unconnected with the government. Of the
      forty members in the council, indeed, not less than eighteen were French
      Canadians: many of the members of English origin had quitted the province,
      and but seven remained in official connexion with the government. Another
      grievance related to the crown and clergy reserves; and Lord Ripon had
      declared it was time to put an end to the old system; and only differed
      from the assembly in wishing to prevent an undue facility from being
      afforded to poor and improvident purchasers of waste lands. Concessions
      had also been made with reference to the property of the Jesuits, which
      had been ordered to be applied to educational purposes; and on the
      much-contested, question of the duties collected under the earlier acts,
      and which the crown had, according to law, the right of appropriating. The
      Canadians, however, made but a poor return for these concessions. In 1833,
      a supply-bill, containing the most unusual conditions, passed the house of
      assembly; and in the following year the assembly adopted a course which
      had led to the present difficulties. It passed ninety-two resolutions,
      some of grievance, some of eulogy, and some of vituperation, and amounting
      in the whole to a long and vehement remonstrance; and after spending an
      entire session in framing it, it separated without having passed any bill
      of supply. Since that time no supplies had been voted. The demeanour of
      the house of assembly in the following years remained unaltered. At the
      commencement of his speech, Lord John Russell proposed a bill to suspend
      for a certain time the existing constitution of Lower Canada; and at the
      same time moved an address pledging the house to assist her majesty in
      restoring tranquillity to her Canadian dominions, His lordship in the
      course of his speech gave an outline of the intended bill. Mr. Hume
      entered at considerable length into a recapitulation of the past and
      present grievances of the Canadians. He laid the blame of all that had
      passed upon the government; and said that "it was not the man who shed
      blood, but the man who stimulated him to shed it, who was the guilty
      party." Mr. Grote likewise opposed the proposed address. He threw the
      responsibility of the failure of the measure which had been taken to
      adjust the financial disputes, upon Lord Ripon. Not content, he said, with
      advancing a claim to the appropriation of the casual and territorial
      revenues to the purposes of civil government without the consent of the
      house of assembly, that noble lord had thought fit to propose to make them
      over to the clergy; a step which was at once novel and preposterous, and
      only embroiled matters still further. Sir Robert Peel promised his cordial
      assent to the address, because this country had acted with justice and
      liberality towards Canada. He thought that the military force in the
      colony should have been immediately increased. In reply, Lord Howick
      endeavoured to show that the government was not culpable in omitting to
      back their resolutions of the last year with a military force. He argued
      that regiments were not necessary to put down meetings: they could not
      stop speeches, prevent resolutions, or obtain juries to convict men for
      seditious practices. An additional regiment introduced into Halifax had,
      in fact, served greatly to increase the existing discontents. Mr. Charles
      Buller supported the address: the law should be vindicated, and the
      insurgents put down without parley, unless we were prepared to consent to
      a separation, and leave Canada to itself. There was no ground for
      separation, nor could we with any regard to the interests of the colony
      consent to abandon it; but we ought to comply without delay with all the
      just demands of the Canadians. Mr. Leader complained of being taken by
      surprise; and wished the house to adjourn for the purpose of giving
      himself and his friends time to consider what course they should take, and
      an opportunity of refuting the "fallacies contained in the noble lord's
      speech." This was opposed by Lord John Russell; and on a division the
      motion for an address was carried by one hundred and eighty-eight against
      twenty-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following day Lord John Russell brought in his proposed bill for
      the suspension of the existing constitution of Canada. Its leading object
      was to enable the governor-general and council, on the motion of the
      governor, to pass any laws which might be considered necessary, during the
      present suspension of the legislature of the province. In addition to the
      means for suppressing the insurrection, the bill would authorise the
      governor-general to grant a general amnesty. With respect to the future
      government of Canada, his lordship said, that it was the intention of
      ministers that the governor-general should be invested with power to
      convene a certain number of persons; namely, three from the legislative
      councils of each of the two provinces, and ten "representatives" from
      each, to form a council to concert with the governor-general as to the
      measures which might be deemed advisable for the adjustment of the affairs
      of the province. The persons to be named would be chosen by the
      governor-general, while those who were to be convened, having a
      "representative character," might of course be taken from the legislative
      assembly. But as in Lower Canada it was almost impossible that the assembly
      would be brought to act beneficially, it would be competent to the
      governor-general, both in the upper and lower province, to hold elections
      for persons, amounting to twenty in the whole, to concert with him upon
      the general state of affairs. Sir Hussey Vivian said that Mr. Hume had
      constantly stated in that house that he anticipated a revolt. No man had a
      greater right to foretell such an event. The man Martin had recently
      foretold the destruction of Yorkminster; and he had set it on fire to
      fulfil his prediction. In that same manner Mr. Hume had taken measures for
      the fulfilment of his prophecy. Sir George Grey, the under-secretary for
      the colonial department, in reply to some doubts which had been raised by
      Mr. Hume, with respect to the loyalty of the other North American
      colonies, cited facts to prove that the best possible spirit existed in
      Nova Scotia and New-Brunswick. Mr. Grote presented a petition from Mr.
      Roebuck, praying that he might be heard at the bar in defence of the house
      of assembly of Lower Canada, and in opposition to the ministerial bill.
      Lord John Russell thought that the house should be allowed time to
      consider precedents; and after some further conversation Mr. Grote gave
      notice that he should call the attention of the house to the subject on
      the 22nd instant.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of Canada was brought before the lords on the 18th by Lord
      Glenelg, who moved an appropriate address to the queen. After adverting to
      the disturbances in that province, he made reference to the intended bill.
      With respect to ulterior arrangements his lordship saw great difficulties
      in the way of a legislative union between the two provinces, but thought
      that considerable advantage might be made of a federal union. In
      conclusion, his lordship defended the conduct of government in not having
      provided more troops for the suppression of the insurrection. Lord
      Brougham ridiculed Lord Glenelg's despatches, to which that noble lord had
      referred in his speech. The despatches were certainly the products of a
      mind inadequately furnished with the experience and knowledge necessary
      for the task imposed upon it, but the honest intentions of the writer were
      equally apparent, and might have protected him from the kind of invective
      to which the noble logomachist subjected him. The whole speech of Lord
      Brougham was as damaging to himself as to the government which he
      assailed. He pursued the government with his irony and abuse, not because
      they fell beneath him in point of honour or principle, but because they
      refused him their confidence as Lord Chancellor, when his indiscretions
      and bullying rendered him alike odious to the court and unendurable to the
      cabinet. His lordship might fairly be considered as much the "standing
      counsel" for the rebellious Canadians in the lords, as Mr. Roebuck was in
      the commons. Nevertheless, the denunciations of the government by the
      eccentric peer were in the main grounded upon their errors and
      vacillation, and these vices in their administration were depicted with a
      scathing eloquence, and a malignant spirit. Lord Brougham played the part
      of a mere partisan, and was set down by the country for such. The
      patriotic prestige associated with his name passed away. Lord Melbourne,
      in reply, characterized Lord Brougham's speech as "a laboured and extreme
      concentration of bitterness." Concerning the charge against ministers of
      neglect in not providing against the possibility of an outbreak, his
      lordship said, that it was a difficult question which they had at the time
      to decide. By not re-enforcing the troops they ran the hazard of what had
      in fact occurred; but, on the other hand, had a considerable force been
      sent out, there would have been an end to all chance of an amicable
      termination of the disputes. It would have been instantly said, that we
      were filling Canada with troops, and thus manifesting a fixed intention of
      putting down public opinion by the force of arms. The Duke of Wellington
      thought that the proceeding's should have originated in a message from the
      throne. With reference to the military force, he said, that he must do
      ministers the justice to say that he could not blame them for not having
      taken more active measures. He knew several officers in Canada; and the
      opinions of these officers, as communicated to him, were, that there was
      not the smallest reason to apprehend anything like insurrection in Lower
      Canada. At the same time his grace said, that he could not understand,
      when ministers had found it expedient to move troops from Nova Scotia and
      New Brunswick into Canada, they did not despatch fresh troops to supply
      the vacancy thereby occasioned. After a few words from Lord Ripon, who
      condemned the conduct of government, the Marquess of Lansdowne applauded
      the candid terms in which the Duke of Wellington had expressed his opinion
      on the military part of the question. The Earl of Durham, who was about to
      go to Canada as governor, said, that it was impossible for words to
      express the reluctance with which he had undertaken the arduous task, and
      incurred the awful responsibility which must await him in his endeavours
      to execute the objects of his mission. Nothing but the most determined
      devotion to her majesty's service, and the welfare of his country, could
      have induced him to place himself in a situation in which he feared he
      should neither answer the expectations of his friends nor of the nation.
      Having noticed the various tasks which would devolve upon him, his
      lordship said, with an apparent foreboding of what was to ensue, that he
      could not perform them without the cordial and energetic support of her
      majesty's cabinet, and the co-operation of the imperial parliament. Lord
      Glenelg closed the debate by retaliating on Lord Brougham for his fierce
      denunciations, and by contrasting his conduct with that of the Duke of
      Wellington, whose candour and magnanimity he warmly applauded. The address
      was agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      According to notice, Mr. Grote, on the 22nd, moved that Mr. Roebuck be
      heard at the bar on behalf of the assembly of Lower Canada. Mr. Roebuck
      relied on his title to be heard as general agent for Canada, but Mr.
      Gladstone said that he was not aware of any constitutional right or
      privilege of colonies to appoint agents with powers of this general
      description. If allowed in practice, it must lead to interminable
      confusion. Lords John Russell and Stanley also expressed their aversion to
      hearing Mr. Roebuck as an agent of Canada; but the motion was nevertheless
      acceded to. On the motion of Lord John Russell, the bill for suspending
      the constitution of Lower Canada was read a second time; after which Mr.
      Roebuck proceeded to address the house from the bar. His speech was by no
      means conciliatory; on the contrary, his care seems to have been to select
      such topics as were most likely to prove generally offensive to its temper
      and prejudices. In one passage he remarked:&mdash;"Talk to me of being
      frightened at being called a traitor&mdash;at being told that my life is
      forfeited&mdash;at the newspapers setting forth that I am to be sent to
      the Tower! Do you think that I am to be frightened by such petty warfare?
      If I be guilty, why are there not some who dare accuse me lawfully? My
      papers have been seized: let them be produced. I have not run away;
      because I know that there is a jury in England who will render justice to
      the accused." On Mr. Roebuck's withdrawal, Mr. Hume moved the postponement
      of the committal to that day six months. This motion was opposed by Sir
      George Grey, who replied to Mr. Roebuck's speech in a very able harangue.
      The subject was renewed on the 23rd by Sir William Molesworth. Mr. E. L.
      Bulwer gave ministers his cordial support. He thanked them for their
      determination to uphold the integrity of the empire, and the maintenance
      of the laws; and he thanked them as a friend to a liberal and popular
      policy, for their declared resolution to redress the grievances of Canada.
      He would ask Mr. Warburton and his friends, whether they were aware that
      till within the last seventy years printing-presses were forbidden in
      Canada; that at the present day the vast majority of the electors could
      neither read nor write; and that it often happened that the foreman of a
      jury could not give in the verdict because of his inability to read it?
      Was this a colony fit for independence? If it were a republic to-morrow,
      it would be a monster in legislation&mdash;half-jacobinism,
      half-feudalism. Mr. Bulwer designated Mr. Warburton and his friends, in
      the course of his speech, by the term "philosophical Radicals." Mr. Grote,
      in reply, said that the designation was quite as respectable as that of
      "literary Whig." The debate was closed by Lord John Russell. On a division
      the motion for going into committee was carried by a majority of two
      hundred and sixty-two against sixteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th Lord John Russell, in moving that "the speaker leave the
      chair," informed the house that in looking over the bill he had discovered
      a number of verbal amendments to be necessary, and as it was desirable
      that these should be introduced before the discussion was resumed, he
      moved that the house should go into committee <i>pro forma</i>, in order
      to afford an opportunity for making the requisite alterations. Upon the
      question being put that the speaker leave the chair, Mr. Warburton rose
      and made a long speech in opposition, which was utterly devoid of any
      practicable suggestions. A long and rambling debate followed, without any
      result.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house finally went into committee on the bill, and proceeded to
      consider its several clauses and the amendments proposed. The bill was
      read a third time, and passed on the 29th of January, by a majority of one
      hundred and ten against eight; the few non-contents being Radicals.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill came before the house of lords on the 2nd of February, when it
      was opposed by Lord Brougham, in a speech of great length, and in an
      acrimonious spirit. Lord Aberdeen also, though he supported the measure,
      expressed his contempt of the conduct of the government. Lord Melbourne
      had quietly endured the repeated attacks which had been made upon
      ministers; but on this occasion he retorted upon Lord Brougham's censures
      with effect, convicting him of a change of principles. Lord Brougham,
      however, denied that he had changed his principles: it was the changed
      conduct of others that had compelled him to oppose them. The Duke of
      Wellington reproduced many of the objections that had been urged in the
      other house; and Lord Wharncliffe, after censuring the conduct of
      ministers, gave a reluctant assent to the bill. On the 5th of February,
      Mr. Roebuck, on the motion of Lord Brougham, was heard by the house as
      agent of the house of assembly of Lower Canada; but his speech could not
      arrest the progress of the bill. It was passed on the 8th of February;
      Lords Ellenborough, Fitzwilliam, and Brougham entering their protest
      against it on the journals of the house, though on different grounds.
    </p>
    <p>
      The more important provisions of this bill were that the constitution of
      Lower Canada was suspended till November, 1840; that her majesty in
      council was empowered to constitute a special council, and to appoint, or
      authorize the governor to appoint, such and so many special councillors as
      she might think proper; that, until November, 1840, it should be lawful
      for the governor, with the advice and consent of the majority of the said
      councillors convened for the purpose, to make such laws or ordinances for
      the peace, welfare, and good government of Lower Canada, as the
      legislature of that province, at the time of passing the act, was
      empowered; and that all laws or ordinances so made, subject to the
      provisions thereinafter contained for disallowance thereof by her majesty,
      should have the like force and effect as laws passed by the legislative
      bodies. The governor was further to have the initiative of all measures
      proposed in the council, five of whom were required for a quorum. Certain
      restrictive provisoes followed these provisions; and it was directed that
      a copy of every such law or ordinance "be transmitted to the home
      government;" and her majesty was empowered, by an order in council, to
      disallow the same at any time within two years of its receipt.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF ELECTION COMMITTEES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The necessity of an alteration in the mode of trying controverted
      elections under the Grenville act had been for some time recognised. A
      committee had been appointed to examine into this subject in 1837; and Mr.
      Charles Buller, who had been chairman of that committee, had, on the 21st
      of November last, obtained leave to bring in a bill similar in its
      provisions to one which had been in the hands of members in the preceding
      session, though it had not been discussed. This bill, in its original
      shape, provided that three assessors, barristers of seven years' standing,
      should be appointed by the speaker to act as chairmen of election
      committees for the session only, and as a court of appeal from the
      revising barristers on matters of law. Subsequently, when this bill was in
      progress, it was thought better that the first assessors should be named
      in the act, and that the future appointments should be placed at the
      disposal of the speaker, subject to the confirmation of the house. On the
      same day Mr. O'Connell said that he also had devised a plan, which he was
      anxious to submit to the consideration of the house; and he likewise
      obtained leave to bring in a bill for a similar purpose. Mr. Buller's bill
      came on for the second reading on the 27th of November, when it was
      opposed by Lord Stanley, who moved that the second reading be postponed
      till the 12th of May, in order that the question might receive a fuller
      consideration. Mr. Williams Wynn approved of the bill; and Mr. O'Connell
      abandoned his own in its favour. Lord John Russell recommended that the
      bill should be read a second time, thinking that it at least provided some
      remedy for the evils complained of. On a division the second reading was
      carried by a majority of two hundred and fourteen against one hundred and
      sixty. Nothing further was done, however, before Christmas, except that
      there was much discussion on the subject of election committees.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house of commons was again occupied with the subject of controverted
      elections on the 2nd of April. On the motion for the recommittal of Mr. C.
      Buller's bill, Sir Robert Peel rose for the purpose of bringing the
      subject generally before the house, and of submitting to their
      consideration a proposition of his own. Sir Robert's scheme was, that the
      speaker should nominate a committee, which should be called "a general
      committee for elections," and which should consist of four or six, or some
      such limited number. To this committee he would leave the duty of
      appointing select committees, by whom election petitions were to be tried.
      These last committees might consist of seven or nine members, and each was
      to have the aid of an assessor who should be its chairman, and in all
      respects on an equal footing with the members of the committee. These
      persons were not to be permanent, but employed as occasion might demand.
      There was to be no attendance of members at a ballot and the operation of
      chance was entirely excluded. Mr. O'Connell still thought it would be
      advisable to take the adjudication of these contests out of the present
      hands, and to transfer it to the judges. He moved as an amendment, that
      Mr. Buller's bill should be referred to a select committee, who might
      report on the subject at large. Lord Stanley moved that Mr. Buller's bill
      be considered that day six months; and proposed that a committee should be
      appointed to examine the conflicting cases, and to report on a mode of
      giving uniformity to the law. Mr. Shiel approved of Sir Robert Peel's
      plan; but he thought that party spirit would stand in the way of their
      obtaining a declaratory act, since on some questions the two parties in
      parliament were systematically opposed to each other. Mr. O'Connell's
      proposition was negatived, and Mr. Buller consented to withdraw his
      measure. On the 10th of May, therefore, Sir Robert Peel moved for leave to
      bring in his bill, dropping that part of his scheme, however, which
      established assessors. Leave was given to bring in the bill; but the
      attorney-general thought that all that was necessary was to repeal the
      Grenville act. They might then go on making one experiment after another,
      until they arrived at some plan that would give universal satisfaction.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the Christmas recess, the freemen and parliamentary electors' bill,
      which had been dropped in the preceding session, had been re-introduced.
      The two grand objects of this bill were to relieve householders entitled
      to the elective franchise, by extending the time fixed by the reform bill
      for payment of rates and taxes; and to remove the stamp-duty payable by
      freemen on their admission. The former part of the bill met with much
      opposition; and Mr. T. Duncombe moved an amendment, tending altogether to
      repeal the rate-paying clause of the reform act. This amendment, however,
      was rejected, and the original clause carried by a large majority. The
      third reading of the bill came on on the 19th of February, when it was
      condemned by Sir Robert Peel as involving a serious infraction of the
      great principle understood to be settled when the reform bill was passed.
      The bill was finally passed by the commons, by a majority of one hundred
      and eighty-nine against one hundred and seventy-two; but it was rejected
      in the house of lords on the second reading, on the 8th of March. The
      house of commons passed another bill, conceding tire desired relief to
      freemen alone; but the session closed before the lords were called upon to
      take it into consideration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE BALLOT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of February Mr. Grote made his annual motion for the ballot.
      The debate at this time was expected with considerable interest, because
      it was generally understood to be a question which was becoming an element
      of disunion in the camp of the reformers. The motion was seconded by Mr.
      Ward, and supported by Mr. E. L. Bulwer. Mr. Ward, in seconding the
      motion, intimated that after Lord John Russell's declaration respecting
      the ballot, the extension of the suffrage, and the duration of
      parliaments, the people were anxious to see how far the other members of
      the administration were prepared to identify their opinions with those of
      the noble lord. He represented the constituents of Sir John Hobhouse, Mr.
      Poulett Thomson, Sir Hussey Vivian, and Sir Henry Parnell as especially
      watching their conduct in this matter, and concluded by expressing his
      conviction that anything like a government opposition to the measure would
      "have for its effect the production of a new combination most important to
      the country and to that house." Lord John Russell again manfully stated
      his general objections to the change; and Sir Robert Peel, in a speech of
      considerable power, attacked the system of secret voting with effect. On a
      division, the motion was lost by a majority of three hundred and fifteen
      against one hundred and ninety-eight.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY QUALIFICATION BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session a bill was introduced and passed, which had for its
      object the extension to personal property of the privilege hitherto
      confined to real property, as regarded a qualification for parliament. By
      this act, an estate for life, or for the life of another; or a term of
      years of which thirteen shall be unexpired at the time of election, or
      personal estate and effects of any description within the United Kingdom,
      or the interest or dividends of such, may constitute either the whole or
      part of the sum required to qualify a member. By another clause, every
      member before he takes his seat is required to deliver to the clerk, while
      the house is sitting, a paper signed by himself, containing a statement of
      the real or personal property whereby he makes out his qualification. By
      the same clause he is also called upon to subscribe a declaration, that to
      the best of his belief he is duly qualified to be elected a member of the
      house. To make a false declaration is declared to be a misdeameanour, and
      the election becomes void if the member sits or votes without complying
      with the provisions of the acts. This statute, however, does not extend to
      the members for the universities, to the eldest sons of peers, or to
      persons qualified to be knight of the shire.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PERSONAL ATTACKS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of March Sir William Molesworth, with a view of bringing the
      whole colonial administration of the empire before the consideration of
      the house of commons, moved that an address be presented to her majesty,
      respectfully expressing the opinion of the house, that in the present
      critical state of many of her majesty's foreign possessions, the colonial
      minister should be a person in whose diligence, activity, and firmness the
      house and the public may be able to place reliance; and declaring that her
      majesty's present secretary of state for the colonies does not enjoy the
      confidence of the house or the country. The right honourable baronet
      prefaced his motion by a speech of two hours' duration. His speech was
      very moderate, although it might have appeared that he was guided by some
      acrimonious feeling in selecting Lord Glenelg for attack. Mr. Leader
      seconded the motion; and Lord Palmerston undertook the defence of the
      colonial secretary. He would meet the motion by a simple negative. Lord
      Sandon said that he had expected that the affairs of Canada would have
      formed the basis of the present motion. Lord Palmerston was right in
      saying that it should not have been directed against Lord Glenelg alone,
      but against the entire administration. He could not vote with Sir William
      Molesworth; nor could he be content with a simple negative of his motion.
      He considered that the troubles in Canada were attributable to the
      misconduct of ministers; and under these circumstances he should move an
      amendment, in the shape of an address to the queen, in which would be laid
      down his own principles, and those of the party with whom he acted. His
      lordship's address expressed the regret of the house at the treasonable
      movements in Canada, and their determination to aid her in the suppression
      of the revolt, and the establishment of a sound constitution; but
      representing also their opinion, that the present state of things in that
      colony was mainly owing to the want of foresight and energy, and to the
      ambiguous, dilatory, and irresolute course of her majesty's ministers.
      Lord Stanley then addressed the house, and after a speech from Sir Charles
      Grey the house adjourned; and on the following evening the debate was
      renewed, many members expressing their opinions on the subject. In the
      course of his speech Lord John Russell directed some bitter remarks
      against Lord Stanley, and said that in respect of temper and judgment he
      was more comfortable now that Lord Glenelg was his colleague than he was
      when the former nobleman was at the head of the colonial department. His
      lordship demanded to know whether in the event of the resignation of
      ministers, there existed means of forming a better administration, or
      whether the tories could safely appeal to the test of a popular election?
      Lord John Russell concluded by suggesting to Sir William Molesworth the
      expediency of withdrawing his motion, in order that the house might divide
      upon the amendment. The right honourable baronet consented to this; but
      said that, for his own part, he felt precluded from voting on either side
      on the amendment of Lord Sandon. On a division ministers had a majority of
      twenty-nine only; the numbers being, against the amendment, three hundred
      and sixteen; for it, two hundred and eighty-seven.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REVIVAL OF ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period anti-slavery agitation again became the order of the day.
      On the one hand there existed a large class of declaimers and needy
      orators who were interested in the revival of the subject; and on the
      other, there was a powerful body of humane people, to whom the
      contemplation of the sufferings of the negro people had become habitual,
      and who required little inducement to recur to such an exciting theme. But
      there was a cause for this display of philanthropy: the slave was still in
      chains, and was still suffering from the lash of the hard-hearted driver.
      The legislatures also in the colonies were not free from blame; they acted
      in many cases with obstinacy and intemperance; and Jamaica especially
      afforded many instances of systematic violations of the imperial law. The
      apprentice system, in point of fact, was a complete failure: it produced
      on the part of the slaves contumacy; and on the part of the masters
      breaches of the law, cruelty, and violence. From these circumstances there
      was no difficulty in lighting up a flame in England on the subject.
      Meetings were held and petitions got up, with a view of hastening the time
      when the slave should become a man among his fellow-men. The subject of
      slavery was brought before the house of lords, on the 29th of January, by
      Lord Brougham, who, after presenting a petition from Leeds, praying the
      immediate abolition of negro slavery, delivered an eloquent and
      impassioned speech on the enormities still committed in the slave-trade.
      The Duke of Wellington and Lord Glenelg admitted that Lord Brougham's
      statements of the horrors of slavery were substantially correct. In his
      speech his lordship had said, that British officers were induced to allow
      vessels equipped for the slave-trade to escape, in order to secure the
      head-money, and to wait at the mouth of rivers till the cargoes had been
      shipped. Lord Minto, first lord of the admiralty, in reply, said, that he
      would not assert that no single instance of this nature had occurred; but
      he could say that none such had come to his knowledge, and that he did not
      believe a similar case had ever existed. He could assure their lordships
      that the only complaint he had heard against British officers thus
      employed, was, that they were too ready to take these vessels, and too
      little careful of themselves, not attending sufficiently to their own
      security against prosecutions. Every letter he received from those
      officers lamented the difficulties in the way of obtaining the means of
      the capture and conviction of these vessels until the cargo was embarked;
      and they all pressed for the conclusion of further treaties. If those
      treaties could be extended to all nations under whose flag the traffic was
      carrying on, there would be no difficulty in putting it down. The case was
      not the same with respect to Spain as to Portugal. With the former there
      was a treaty which enabled us to capture all slavers under her flag; but
      our cruisers could not capture vessels under Portuguese colours until they
      had taken in their cargoes. Lord Brougham asked, if a reward according to
      the tonnage of the vessel captured could not be substituted for
      head-money? His views were supported by Lords Ellenborough and Ash-burton,
      the latter of whom said strong measures should be taken to compel Portugal
      to desist from the traffic. Lord Glenelg said, that Lord Palmerston was
      engaged in negotiating a treaty with that country, with a view of putting
      a stop to the trade. He thought with Lord Brougham that our interference
      had aggravated the horrors of slavery; but at the same time he contended
      that parliament had no alternative but to act as it had done; and that the
      fear of increasing the evil ought not to have prevented us from taking
      steps to extirpate the practice. The conversation on this subject here
      dropped; but it was renewed again on the 20th of February by Lord
      Brougham, who urged upon the house the propriety of immediately
      emancipating the negro apprentices. His speech on this occasion gained for
      him the golden opinions of the good and the wise. He commenced by painting
      in poetic language the "delicate, calm, and tranquil joy" which pervaded
      the Antilles on the day when slavery ceased to exist. He continued to show
      that the predictions of those who had declared that labour would cease
      when slavery was abolished, had failed. Twice as much sugar was made under
      the new system; and one planter had said, that with twenty free labourers
      he could do the work of a hundred slaves. His lordship next proceeded to
      show that the slave-holders had not kept faith with this country, and that
      the condition of the negroes, instead of being made better, was in many
      respects worse than before. They were, he said, the victims of partial
      tribunals, and of excessive and illegal punishments; and he related the
      case of eleven females having perished from the punishments inflicted upon
      them, but whose deaths were, nevertheless, ascribed by a coroner's jury to
      "the visitation of God." At the conclusion of his speech his lordship,
      after moving that an address be presented to her majesty, beseeching her
      to take steps for the suppression of the slave-trade, laid these
      resolutions on the table:&mdash;"That the practice of paying head-money to
      British cruisers should be discontinued. That letters of marque should be
      issued to private individuals, empowering them to fit out vessels for the
      capture of slavers. That it was expedient that the period of prædial
      apprenticeship should cease on the 1st of August, 1838." The resolutions
      also further indicated certain regulations for the protection of
      apprentices in the meantime. Lord Glenelg, in a powerful speech, objected
      to Lord Brougham's propositions of issuing letters of marque to
      privateers, and the discontinuance of head-money. With respect to the
      condition of the apprentices in the West India colonies, he contended that
      the change had been more advantageous than Lord Brougham had supposed,
      although he allowed that abuses and difficulties of a serious nature did
      exist. Still he did not think that sudden emancipation would be for the
      advantage of the negroes; and he must, therefore, oppose Lord Brougham's
      resolutions. Lord Brougham took the sense of the house on the resolution
      which regarded immediate emancipation; and on a division it was lost by a
      majority of thirty-one against seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after this the vigilance of Lord Brougham brought to light what
      appeared to be a new method of establishing a slave-trade. In the colony
      of British Guiana there had been an old law, which permitted the
      importation of labourers without restriction. In 1836 a law was passed by
      the governor and council of policy of the colony, with a view to regulate
      the relations between the labourers who should come to the colony under
      articles of indenture, and their employers. On being transmitted to
      England for approval, the plan was considered on the whole to be an
      improvement, and therefore it was sanctioned. An order in council was
      issued in March, 1837, giving assent to the act of the colonial
      legislature, but with several important alterations, and especially
      reducing the period of service from seven to three years, and prohibiting
      the introduction of labourers from Africa, or islands peopled chiefly by
      the African race. Shortly after these modifications of the law had been
      promulgated, an application was made for a different regulation, to be
      extended to individuals from the East Indies, who, it was said, could not
      be brought into the colony with any profit, unless the term of service was
      prolonged to five years. This was conceded by Lord Glenelg; and
      arrangements were made for the deportation of a class of Hindoos, called
      "Hill Coolies," or Highland labourers, to British Guiana. This subject was
      brought forward by Lord Brougham on the 6th of March, who moved two
      resolutions in condemnation of the order in council of July. In his speech
      he asserted that twenty-five thousand Africans had been introduced into
      the Mauritius in defiance of the law; and predicted that they were about
      to expose to this infernal traffic the entire Asiatic coast. His lordship
      complained that no precautions had been taken to secure proper ships,
      provision, or accommodation for the labourers on their voyage. Lord
      Glenelg contended that Lord Brougham's alarm was premature; that he had
      exaggerated the danger, and was urging ministers to present a "barrier to
      the circulation of voluntary labour." The Duke of Wellington suggested
      that arrangements should be made for the superintendence of the
      embarkation of labourers by responsible persons; that the nature of the
      bargain made should be fully explained to the labourer; that provision
      should be made for his return, if he wished it, at the expiration of his
      period of service; and that persons should be appointed to go with them
      while on board, and on their landing, to see the due performance of their
      respective bargains by the masters and the workmen. Lord Melbourne said
      that Lord Brougham's ardent imagination rendered him an unsafe guide in
      such matters; but he intimated that the Duke of Wellington's suggestion
      should receive attention. His grace then said that he thought it
      unadvisable to divide upon Lord Brougham's motion; and therefore he would
      move the previous question. On a division the previous question was
      carried by a large majority; and the original motion being put, was
      negatived.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of slavery was introduced on the 29th of March in the house of
      commons, by Sir George Strickland, who moved the immediate abolition of
      negro apprenticeship. The motion was seconded by Mr. Pease, and supported
      by Dr. Lushington and Lord Howick. On the other hand, it was opposed by
      Sir George Grey, Sir Edward Sugden, Lord John Russell, and Mr. W. E.
      Gladstone; and on a division it was negatived by a majority of two hundred
      and sixty-nine to two hundred and five. An attempt was subsequently made
      by Sir Eardley Wilmot to obtain a resolution from the house in favour of
      immediate abolition. He succeeded, his motion being carried by a majority
      of ninety-six against ninety-three. Government, however, still expressed
      aversion to any alteration of the present system; and on the 28th of May
      Sir George Grey proposed and carried a resolution which virtually
      rescinded that of Sir Eardley Wilmot, by declaring that, in the opinion of
      the house, it was not advisable to adopt any proceeding for the purpose of
      giving effect to the resolution of the 26th of that month. Sir George
      Grey's motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and fifty against
      one hundred and seventy-three.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although slavery was still allowed to exist, yet two important bills
      connected with this subject passed the legislature this session. One of
      these was entitled "An act to amend the act for the abolition of slavery;"
      and it contained various provisions, giving further protection to the
      apprentices, and enforcing such regulations of the former act as had been
      disregarded by the planters. The second bill empowered her majesty in
      council to make rules for the government of the prisons in the West
      Indies; to appoint inspectors of prisons; to dismiss or suspend officers;
      and to determine on the fitness or unfitness of any place to be used for
      the purposes of penal confinement.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE IRISH POOR-LAW BILL&mdash;THE BILL CARRIED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It will be remembered that the Irish poor-law bill had arrived at an
      advanced stage, last session, in the committee, and that many of its
      important clauses had been discussed and determined, when the demise of
      the crown put a stop to its further progress. The subject was renewed on
      the 1st of December, when the bill was read a first time. It was proposed
      that the house should go into committee on the 9th of February, on which
      day Mr. O'Connell moved, as an amendment, that it be committed that day
      six months. When the bill was last year before the house, he said he had
      addressed them at considerable length in opposition to it. At the same
      time he had avowed that he had not moral courage to take the course of
      direct opposition to the measure, although perfectly convinced of its
      injurious tendency. Since then he had grown both older and firmer; and he
      was now determined to take the sense of the house on the committal of the
      bill. He was opposed to the introduction of poor-laws into Ireland, at
      least so far as regarded able-bodied persons; it might induce them to
      abandon their habitual industry and economy, and prevent them from
      providing for the wants of age and supervening infirmity. Any such plan
      was calculated to diminish self-reliance, to paralyse industry, to
      decrease economy, and, above all, to damp and extinguish the kindly and
      generous feelings of nature. He further objected to the bill, because it
      taxed the occupiers of lands, and involved many difficulties of
      apportionment between his landlord and himself: it would be a constant
      source of litigation. Besides, he contended that the mode in which the
      poor-law was proposed to be carried into effect, was not calculated to
      benefit Ireland: and he enlarged on the poverty of the people in general,
      in order to show that they ought not to be called upon to endure taxation
      to the amount of another million. Messrs. Shaw, W. S. O'Brien, Lucas, and
      Redington supported the bill, though they all thought that many of its
      details were objectionable. Mr. O. Gore supported Mr. O'Con-nell's
      amendment, he objecting to the workhouse system as prejudicial to the best
      habits and feelings of the Irish. Other members, as Messrs. Barron, Young,
      and Litton, supported the measure; while others, as Mr. J. Gibson and Sir
      F. French, opposed it. On a division the original motion was carried by a
      majority of two hundred and seventy-seven against twenty-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house went into committee on the 12th of February. The third reading
      of the bill came on on the 30th of April, when Mr. O'Connell again
      endeavoured to arrest its progress. His opposition, however, was bootless:
      it passed the house of commons by a majority of two hundred and
      thirty-four against fifty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE APPROPRIATION CLAUSE&mdash;MINISTERIAL PLAN
      FOR SETTLING THE TITHE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 14th of May Sir Thomas Acland moved for the repeal of the
      appropriation clause. Lord John Russell had previously given notice that
      he would bring forward his resolutions concerning Irish tithes; and in
      moving that the speaker should leave the chair, the noble lord said that
      it had been his original intention to refrain from saying a single word,
      and to reserve his remarks to the time when the house should go into
      committee. It had pleased the gentlemen opposite, however, to give notice
      that they meant to interpose another question in order to raise a debate,
      and produce a division, before allowing the resolutions to be considered
      in committee. He should consider the proposition made by Sir Thomas Acland
      in two points of view; with reference to its object of producing discord
      and bitterness of feeling in the house, and how far such a course was
      conformable to the professions made by gentlemen opposite with respect to
      the Irish church. After descanting at considerable length on the subject
      of the alliance of the church and state generally, and the small influence
      which the Irish church exercised over the people, the noble lord went on
      to unfold his scheme. The existing tithe-composition, he said, would be
      converted into a rent-charge at the rate of £70 for every £100; and he
      proposed that the rent-charge should, with a saving of existing interests,
      be redeemed by the government at the rate of sixteen years' purchase on
      the full sum of £100. The money received in redemption of the rent-charge
      he proposed should be invested in land, or in such other way as the
      ecclesiastical commissioners should advise; and the rent-charges
      themselves, when purchased, should go towards a fund, from which £160,000
      should be paid yearly to the constabulary force of Ireland; £20,000 to the
      Dublin police; £70,000 to the expense of criminal informations; and
      £100,000 for the purposes of education, instead of the £50,000 now voted
      annually for that purpose; any surplus was to be applied to charitable
      purposes. After developing his plan, Lord John Russell descanted on the
      obstinacy and exorbitance of the clergy, and then attacked Sir T. Acland's
      motion. He commenced this part of his speech by quoting the Duke of
      Wellington's declared desire to see the Irish questions brought to a
      settlement, contending that the present motion was not in accordance with
      that declaration. With respect to the principle of the appropriation
      resolutions, his opinion was unaltered: it was a wise and just principle,
      and he could not consent to its reversal: it would imply a stigma upon
      ministers which he could not endure. Sir Thomas Acland, however, rose to
      move that the resolutions of the 7th and 8th of April, 1835, should be
      read; and after addressing the house at considerable length, he further
      moved that they should be rescinded. The motion was seconded by Sir
      Eardley Wilmot. After a long speech from Lord Stanley, and a few words
      from Lord Morpeth in defence of government, the house was adjourned till
      the following day, when Mr. Litton renewed the discussion by delivering a
      speech in favour of Sir T. Acland's amendment. Messrs. Young, Laseelles,
      Bennett, and Lord Sandon also supported it; while Messrs. Redington and
      Townley opposed it. Mr. O'Connell remarked that the real question before
      the house was, how should Ireland be governed? This was the question that
      had been under discussion for seven hundred years. Should Ireland, he
      asked, be governed by a section? A loud shout interrupted the speaker, and
      in the midst of continued uproar, he continued thus:&mdash;"I thank you
      for that shriek. Many a shout of insolent domination, despicable and
      contemptible as it is, have I heard against my country."&mdash;[Here the
      speaker interfered]&mdash;"Let them shout; it is a senseless yell&mdash;the
      spirit of a party. Ireland will hear their shrieks. They may want us
      again. What would Waterloo have been if we had not been there? I ask not
      that question for the renowned commander-in-chief, who is himself an
      Irishman, but for the hardy soldiery of Ireland, who fought the battle for
      him. I say again, that is the question." In conclusion, Mr. O'Connell
      admitted that the ministerial plan did not go far enough, but he was ready
      to accede to it for the sake of an amicable arrangement. Sir Robert Peel
      and other members addressed the house, a discussion ensued, when Sir
      Thomas Acland's motion was lost by a majority of three hundred and
      seventeen against two hundred and ninety-eight. On the following day Lord
      John Russell gave the house distinctly to understand that the tithe
      measure would solely consist of a proposition to the effect that the
      composition then existing should be converted into a rent-charge.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS UPON THE IRISH MUNICIPAL BILL&mdash;THE
      BILL REJECTED, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 29th of May Lord John Russell moved that the house should go into
      committee on the Irish municipal corporation bill. Sir Robert Peel then
      rose and stated his views and intentions with respect to the two great
      Irish questions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The consideration of the subject was renewed on the 1st of June, when, the
      house being in committee, Mr. Shaw moved that schedules A and B should be
      consolidated, so that there should be but two schedules instead of three;
      the first to contain the towns to which corporations were to be given with
      an uniform ten-pound franchise; and the second to contain those in which
      the majority of the ten-pound householders might, according to their
      option, be incorporated. Mr. Shaw further proposed that Sir Robert Peel's
      mode of estimating the qualification of electors should be adopted. Lord
      John Russell consented to that part of the proposition which regarded the
      distribution of towns to be incorporated, but at the same time intimated
      that government considered an uniform ten-pound franchise too high a
      qualification. On this point, indeed, the two parties were at issue, for
      Lord John Russell proposed a five-pound assessment as the qualification,
      while Sir Robert Peel advocated the ten-pound assessment. On the 11th of
      June Sir Robert moved to substitute the latter for the former sum; but on
      a division it was negatived by a majority of two hundred and eighty-six
      against two hundred and sixty-six. The bill came on for the third reading
      on the 25th of June, when Lord Francis Egerton moved that it should be
      read that day three months; but on a division the bill passed by a
      majority of one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and
      thirty-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill came under deliberation in the house of lords on the 12th of
      July, and it was read a third time on the 27th of the same month. The
      lords, however, had, on the motion of Lord Lyndhurst, substituted the
      ten-pound for the five-pound franchise, and had also made further
      alterations in the bill at the instigation of the same noble lord. When
      the bill in its amended shape came under the consideration of the house of
      commons on the 2nd of August, Lord John Russell entered into a detailed
      examination of these amendments. In order to settle the question of the
      franchise, he proposed that a rated house of eight pounds rent should
      confer it; and he carried this by a majority of one hundred and sixty-nine
      against one hundred and fifty-four. A variety of alterations were then
      introduced into the other amendments of the lords, and the bill was once
      more sent up to that house. A conference took place, but with no effect,
      and the matter ended by Lord John Russell moving in the house of commons
      that "the lords' amendments should be further considered that day three
      months." The bill, therefore, was again laid aside, and that for the most
      part from a difference of a pound or two in the qualification. The great
      principle of granting popular corporations to the Irish towns was conceded
      by the Conservatives; but they would not overlook the trifling difference
      contested by them and their opponents in the qualification.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORONATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The coronation of Queen Victoria took place on the 28th of June. The
      principal novel feature of this august ceremony consisted in the
      substitution of a procession through the streets of London for the banquet
      in Westminster-hall. The result of this change justified the departure
      from an ancient usage. The people of all ages, sexes, conditions,
      professions, arts, and trades assembled on that day to greet their
      youthful sovereign. The ceremony was conducted with great harmony:
      happiness and cheerful good humour prevailed among the enormous multitude
      which thronged the streets; and courtesy and self-restraint were
      everywhere conspicuous. The coronation was succeeded by a series of fetes
      and banquets, and many weeks elapsed before the metropolis had ceased to
      hold festivals in its remembrance. In a word, the utmost enthusiasm for
      the youthful sovereign prevailed on every hand, and gave promise of a
      happy and glorious reign.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was stated in the house of commons shortly after the coronation that
      the expenses incurred for the coronation of George IV. were £243,000, and
      that the expenses incurred for that of his successor did not exceed
      £50,000. On the present occasion the charges amounted to about £70,000,
      and the chancellor of the exchequer, in explaining the cause of this
      excess, said, that it was in no respect occasioned by any portion of the
      ceremony as regarded the sovereign, but for enabling the people to
      participate in the national festivity. The public, he continued, had
      voluntarily paid for seats commanding a view of the procession not less
      than £200,000; and four hundred thousand persons had visited London for
      the purpose of witnessing the ceremony. He added:&mdash;"Never was there
      given to a sovereign, or to a country, a more exalted proof of good
      conduct and discretion, than was afforded by the assembled multitude on
      this occasion."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE IRISH TITHE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of July the house of commons proceeded to take Lord John
      Russell's tithe resolutions into consideration. On the motion for going
      into committee, Mr. Ward condemned ministers for abandoning the
      appropriation principle, and moved a series of resolutions for the
      appropriation of the surplus revenues of the Irish church to the moral and
      religious education of all classes. Mr. Hawes seconded and Mr. Hume
      supported the motion. Mr. O'Connell, however, opposed it, contending that
      it led to a deception and delusion: it offered to the Irish people
      something as the purchase-money of a tithe bill, which bill they had
      refused unanimously to take. Their determination was not to pay tithe; and
      he required that provision should be made for the established church of
      Ireland out of the consolidated fund, and that the tithe fund should be
      applied to the maintenance of peace in the country. By converting tithes
      into a rent-charge, they would turn landlords into tithe proprietors; and
      would further throw many landlords into the ranks of White-boys. Mr.
      Harvey said that three years ago he was denounced by Mr. O'Connell for not
      supporting the motion which his learned friend was now opposing. On a
      division Mr. Ward's motion was rejected by two hundred and seventy against
      forty-six. On the house going into committee, Mr. Shaw moved, as an
      amendment, that twenty-five instead of thirty per cent, should be
      substituted. This amendment was carried by a majority of one hundred and
      eighty-eight against one hundred and sixty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      In a preceding year one million sterling had been voted by parliament for
      the relief of tithe-owners who had been unable to pay their dues; and out
      of this sum they had by this time actually received £640,000. At the time
      of the grant it was intended that the advances should be repaid as soon as
      the tenants should pay up their arrears. That event was not likely to
      happen; for, since the grant had been made, a new arrear of tithes had
      accrued. It was now generally agreed that repayment of the money advanced
      should not be required; but it became a question how far the fresh arrears
      were to be settled. Sir Robert Peel suggested that a commission should be
      appointed to ascertain the entire amount of the tithe, and the nature of
      each particular case; and that in proportion to that amount, and with due
      regard to individual circumstances, the sum remaining of the million not
      yet advanced should be distributed among the respective tithe-owners in
      purchase of their interests. According to his plan, if a landlord owned
      tithe, he was not to be included in the proposition; but where the debtors
      were occupying tenants, there tithe-owners were to have the option of
      enforcing their claims, or of accepting their proportion of the fund, and
      exonerating their debtors: government was also to have the right of
      proceeding against the tenant at their option. This proposition was
      favourably received; and, on July 16th, Lord John Russell, when the house
      resumed the consideration of the bill in committee, adopted it with some
      slight modifications. On the 26th of July the bill came on for the third
      reading. Mr. D. Browne moved, that the bill be read that day six months;
      in doing which he contended for a total abolition of tithes. On a division
      the bill was carried by a majority of one hundred and forty-eight against
      thirty; and thus terminated the contests concerning "the appropriation
      clause." The adoption of it had assisted the Whigs in their return to
      power; and the sacrifice of it enabled them to maintain office.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Melbourne brought the Irish tithe-bill before the house of lords on
      the 3rd of August. After descanting on the million loan and the arrears,
      his lordship remarked that it was obvious, unless they closed up all
      questions with reference to arrears, they would not be giving the measure
      fair play. This bill directed the lord lieutenant to remit to the clergy
      the instalments due from them in respect of the loan; and the residue of
      the million was to be applied in satisfaction of the arrears, according to
      the claims of the spiritual tithe-owners, which had been accruing during
      the last four years. Nothing was said of the "appropriation clause" by his
      lordship: on which Lord Brougham remarked:&mdash;"I had not looked to see
      the day when appropriation should be given to the winds, as if the thing
      had never been talked of&mdash;as if it never had been the means of
      seating one ministry and unseating another."
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was read a third time on the 9th of August, Lord Clancarty alone
      raising a dissentient voice.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE IRISH POOR-LAW BILL CARRIED IN THE LORDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 21st of May Lord Melbourne moved the second reading of the Irish
      poor-law bill in the lords. The motion was opposed by Earl Fitzwilliam,
      who said that he was opposed to the whole principle of poor-laws. As for
      the present bill, he said, it could never be carried into effect; it was
      not an Irish bill, nor was it a bill desired either by the landed
      interests, the middling gentry, or the poorest classes of Ireland. The
      Marquis of Londonderry also opposed the bill; while the Duke of Wellington
      recommended their lordships to give it a second reading, with a view of
      amending it in committee. Lord Lynd-hurst, having adverted to the
      unpopularity of the bill in Ireland, and cautioned their lordships against
      setting themselves up as better judges than the Irish people themselves of
      what was best calculated to promote the interests of that nation, said he
      should not object to a trial of the bill, provided he thought that they
      would, in the event of failure, return to their original situation. His
      lordship then stated his various objections to the proposed bill; but, in
      conclusion, intimated his intention of voting for the second reading, in
      the hope that it might be brought into a better state in committee. The
      Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Brougham, and the Marquis of Westmeath
      opposed the bill; and Lord Radnor and the Earl of Devon supported it. On a
      division the second reading was carried by a majority of one hundred and
      forty-nine against twenty. In committee, Earl Fitzwilliam moved an am
      end-mend to the forty-first clause, by which he limited the relief under
      the bill to age, bodily infirmity, &amp;c.; and he was supported by Lord
      Fitzgerald and Vesci, who contended that the operations of the bill would
      be mischievous; but it was not carried. On the 31st the latter noble lord
      moved another amendment, empowering the guardians to relieve in
      poor-houses "all destitute persons who are either incurably lame, or
      blind, or sick, or labouring under permanent bodily infirmity;" also all
      orphan children left in a state of destitution. Ministers, however,
      succeeded in carrying the original clause of the bill by a majority of one
      hundred and seven to forty-one. Subsequently some amendments were made in
      the minor details of the bill, and it was read a third time on the 9th of
      July, and carried by a majority of ninety-three against thirty-one. The
      momentous experiment, therefore, of introducing a poor-law into a country
      where the people were everywhere opposed to it was to be tried.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROJECTED FORMATION OF A COLONY IN NEW ZEALAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this period an association had been formed for the purpose of
      colonizing New Zealand, under certain grants of territory which had been
      obtained from the native authorities. During this session an application
      for a parliamentary sanction to the undertaking was made, and Mr. F.
      Baring, on the 23rd of June, moved the second reading of a bill to
      establish the said colony. Sir George Grey opposed the motion. The bill
      was also opposed by Sir Walter James, Lord Sandon, and Messrs. Goulbourn
      and Pease, while Messrs. Hutt and P. Howard pointed out the advantages
      which would accrue to Great Britain from the measure. The bill was
      rejected by a majority of ninety-two against thirty-two.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The navy estimates were presented to the house of commons on the 5th of
      March, when Mr. C. Wood moved a resolution to the effect, that there be
      employed in the fleet for the next thirteen lunar months, ending on the
      31st of March, 1839, 33,665 men including 2,000 boys and 9,000 marines.
      After some opposition, this motion was agreed to; as was another, made by
      Lord Howick, on the 12th of the same month, to the effect that 89,305 men
      should be raised for her majesty's land-forces. The ordnance estimates
      were moved by Sir Hussey Vivian on the 27th of April, and these, likewise,
      were granted. The chancellor of the exchequer presented his financial
      statement on the 18th of May, when it appeared that the past year had been
      one of increased expenditure and diminished receipt. The estimate of
      revenue, he said, had amounted to £47,240,000, while the actual income did
      not exceed £46,090,000. The estimate of expenditure had been £47,873,000,
      and the actual expenditure £47,519,000; so that there existed a deficiency
      of £1,428,000. But, continued Mr. Rice, if the house would compare the
      income and expenditure of the two years 1836 and 1837, they would find a
      surplus of income; and he showed that, taking these two years together,
      and comparing the anticipation with the actual results, there was no
      deficiency. The right honourable gentleman proceeded to say that he
      calculated the income of the next year would be £47,271,803, and the
      expenditure £47,479,000. Here, also, would be a deficiency; and the
      question arose, how was this deficiency to be met? There was no ground for
      considering it permanent; and he should therefore propose to take the
      course adopted by parliament on former similar occasions. In 1827 Mr.
      Canning found himself with a deficiency of £2,900,000, and he met it by a
      resort to a corresponding issue of exchequer-bills. Mr. Spring Rice
      intimated that he should follow the same course, and should ask for a vote
      of credit to the extent of a few hundred thousand pounds only.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 15th of March Mr. Villiers moved for a committee of the whole house
      to consider the act of 9 George IV. c. 60, relating to the importation of
      corn. In his speech he remarked that the purpose and principle of the
      corn-laws were protection to the landed interest. It was alleged that the
      British farmers could not compete with the foreign grower without
      protection. He considered this principle indefinite and unjust. The motion
      was seconded by Sir William Molesworth, who drew a gloomy picture of the
      operation of the corn-laws. Through them, he said, there was an excess of
      farmers without farm, shopkeepers without customers, lawyers without
      briefs, clergymen without cure of souls, doctors without patients, sailors
      and soldiers without employment; besides shoals of architects, painters,
      surveyors, tutors, clerks, and others. All these classes were uneasy, and
      the victims of competition. The corn-laws had further the effect of
      producing great immorality: people either could not marry, or were obliged
      to many late in life, and consequently there was an excess of unmarried
      women! Hence immorality prevailed, and every foreigner who visited the
      land was shocked at the exhibition of profligacy in the streets. Only a
      few members supported the motion, which was consequently lost.
    </p>
    <p>
      On a subsequent evening Colonel Seale proposed that foreign corn in this
      country should, under certain restrictions, be permitted to be ground
      while in bond, and exported, security being given for its exportation. The
      object of this measure was to enable merchants trading to foreign
      countries, and shipowners, to lay in their supplies in the ports of the
      United Kingdom, instead of being compelled to obtain them, as at present,
      from the Baltic. The Marquis of Chandos contended that this measure would
      repeal the corn-laws: extensive frauds would take place, and a great
      alteration ensue in the price of corn. On the other hand, Messrs.
      Warburton and Poulett Thomson argued that the agricultural interest would
      not suffer from it in the least degree. The latter said that no fraud
      could take place, and he entered into details to show that the
      preservation of the whole revenue of the country depended upon the
      security afforded by the bonded warehouses. Corn could not be smuggled out
      of them more easily than sugar and tobacco, &amp;c, on which much higher
      duties were payable. After hearing these statements of Mr. Thomson,
      several members intimated their disposition to make a concession upon so
      immaterial a point. Colonel Seale's motion was carried by a majority of
      one hundred and twenty-seven against ninety-two, but the bill was,
      notwithstanding, thrown out on the second reading, by a majority of two
      hundred and twenty against one hundred and fifty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VARIOUS IMPROVEMENTS IN THE LAW.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An important alteration in the law took place this session, in the
      abolition of imprisonment for debt on mesne process. Public attention had
      been for some time directed to this subject; and during last session a
      bill passed the house of commons with reference to it, but at too late a
      period to admit of its discussion in the upper house. On the 5th of
      December the lord-chancellor brought the subject before the lords, by
      moving the second reading of a similar bill. Many of the details of the
      bill, however, were thought to be so defective, that it was referred to
      the consideration of a select committee. The lord-chancellor again
      presented his bill, as altered and amended by the committee, on the 12th
      of June. In his exposition of the measure, his lordship stated that it
      would empower creditors to get possession of various descriptions of
      property, which were at present exempt from execution. Thus the bill would
      authorize the sheriff to seize cash, bank-notes, and bills of exchange;
      and, under the authority of a judge's order, and with certain
      restrictions, stock in the public funds would be available to the
      creditor. These and similar provisions were framed for the purpose of
      doing justice to the creditor, by enabling him, if possible, to obtain
      payment out of his debtor's property. Having effected this object it
      seemed but right to abolish imprisonment on mesne process. Still, to
      prevent fraud, it was necessary to secure to the creditor the right of
      seizing the debtor's person in certain cases. The bill, moreover, would
      authorize a judge, on the creditor's application, to issue a warrant to
      restrain a fraudulent debtor from leaving the country before he had
      surrendered his property. Lords Brougham and Abingdon commended the
      measure as far as it went; but they still thought it incomplete. The bill
      was read a third time and passed; and after some minor alterations had
      been introduced in it by the commons, it finally became law. Another
      useful act passed during this session was one which facilitated the
      recovery of possession of tenements after the determination of the
      tenancy. This bill empowered any two justices at petty-sessions, in
      certain cases, and after proof given of the determination of the tenancy,
      and of the refusal of the tenant to render possession, to issue their
      warrant to the peace-officers of the place, directing them to enter, by
      force, if needful, upon the premises unlawfully held over, and to give
      possession of the same to the landlord or to his agent; such entry to be
      made not less than twenty, and not more than thirty days from the date of
      the warrant. The provisions of this bill, however, are confined to
      premises held at will, or for less than a term of seven years, and which
      are let for less than £20 per annum, without the reservation of a fine.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the course of this session, a bill for securing to authors, in certain
      cases, the benefit of international copyright passed the legislature, and
      which enabled her majesty in council to direct that the authors of books
      published abroad shall have a copyright here, provided there be a
      reciprocal protection in favour of this country in the state in which such
      publications first make their appearance.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      A SELECT COMMITTEE TO INQUIRE INTO THE OPERATION OF THE POOR-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the past and the present year the New Poor-law was exposed to a
      severe trial. Distress, from a severe winter and the high price of corn,
      abounded on every hand, while in various parts of the country local and
      temporary causes operated unfavourably to the labourer. Under these
      circumstances, the New Poor-law encountered great opposition, and this
      appeared to be becoming progressively formidable. In the northern parts of
      the country, indeed, Tories, Whigs, and Radicals alike arrayed themselves
      against it, all agreeing to seek its entire abolition. The subject had
      been introduced into the commons as early as the 27th of November of the
      past year, when Lord John Russell moved for a select committee to inquire
      into the operation of the New Poor-law. This afforded, however, but little
      satisfaction to the opponents of the measure; and on the 20th of February
      Mr. Fielden moved for a repeal of the act itself. He was seconded by Mr.
      Wakley; and, in the course of the evening, a discussion ensued, in which
      many members took part. Those who spoke generally concurred in the
      impolicy of taking any steps in the question until the committee should
      have made its report. Sir Robert Peel bore testimony to the merits of the
      bill; remarking that, considering the magnitude of the experiment, which
      had been but four years under trial, it was as satisfactory as any man
      could expect. On a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of
      three hundred and nine against seventeen.
    </p>
    <p>
      The commissioners made their report on the 4th of August. It had been
      proposed to authorize the guardians to relieve the families of labourers,
      by taking one or more of their children into the workhouse. The report
      stated, "that in the practical application of this exception, it would be
      difficult to avoid the establishment of a system similar in principle to
      the scale system; i. e. a regular allowance, in addition to the labourer's
      earnings, depending on the number of his children and the rate of wages."
      It had further been proposed to obviate the hardship of obliging a man to
      part with his cottage and furniture, and take up his abode, with his
      family, in the workhouse, by admitting the head of the family only into
      that establishment, and leaving his family at home. The report stated an
      objection to this proposal thus:&mdash;"The small degree of inconvenience
      sustained by the labourer by a temporary sojourn in the workhouse, whilst
      his wife and family remain at home, ceases altogether to have the effect
      upon the employer which is produced by the strict workhouse system;
      namely, the creating a great reluctance, on his part, to lose temporarily
      the services of the labourer, lest he should find it impossible to regain
      them; and a desire so to arrange the work of his farm, as to afford
      employment, during the unfavourable part of the season, to those upon
      whose assistance he must rely for the necessary services during the more
      active periods of the year." The report proceeded to notice other
      particulars of the system, as the migration of families from the southern
      to the northern counties; and the emigration of others to the Australian
      colonies. It remarked, that the most important and characteristic
      circumstance of the last twelve months had been the extreme severity of a
      long winter, and the continuance of the interruption to manufacturing
      industry which had commenced in 1836. From this circumstance the guardians
      of various unions had been induced to give out-door relief to able-bodied
      male paupers, but the commissioners were of opinion that, with few
      exceptions, it might have been safely withheld.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMBINATIONS IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      For some years combinations of workmen for the purpose of regulating the
      rate of wages, and other matters connected with the employment of labour,
      had been permitted by law to exist. At this time, however, these
      confederacies had become formidable. "Strikes" were constantly recurring,
      so that the masters lay at the mercy of the operatives. Thus at Ashton
      fifty-two mills and thirty thousand persons were thrown out of work, by
      the "strike" of three thousand "coarse spinners," who could clear at the
      time about thirty shillings per week; and at Manchester one thousand "fine
      spinners" struck work, because the masters would not pay them more than
      thirty-five shillings per week. At Glasgow, where the cotton-spinners had
      been long noted for the violent and arbitrary proceedings of their
      confederacy, five individuals connected with their body were taken up,
      charged with murder, attempts at arson, and other grave offences of a
      similar character. On their trial, the evidence disclosed some revolting
      details of the practices and formidable organization of the
      cotton-spinners' union of Glasgow; but the jury found the prisoners guilty
      of the minor charges only, and they were transported for seven years.
      There was much in these judicial proceedings that, in the opinion of Lord
      Brougham and Mr. Wakley, required correction, and accordingly they brought
      the subject under the consideration of parliament, each in their
      respective spheres.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject was introduced by Mr. Wakley in the house of commons, by
      moving for a select committee to inquire into the constitution, practices,
      and effects of the association of operative cotton-spinners in Glasgow and
      its neighbourhood. Mr. O'Connell moved, by way of amendment, for a select
      committee to inquire into trades' unions and combinations generally, in
      the United Kingdom. He remarked that there was no tyranny equal to that
      which was exercised by the trades' unionists in Dublin. He had in vain
      wished to convince those people of the wickedness and impolicy of their
      proceedings. Hour after hour had he had interviews with the deputation
      from the various trades, and had seldom met with men of more ability,
      information, or skill, in putting forward their own views. He had also
      challenged discussion, and two assemblies had been held for that purpose;
      but the workmen had concerted interruption, and they could not proceed in
      the business of the day. He could not be heard, and they expressed their
      determination to persist in their system of outrage. Mr. O'Connell
      proceeded to detail some of the more prominent regulations of the
      combination. One of their rules was to limit the number of apprentices;
      another prescribed a minimum rate of wages, so that the best workmen
      received no more than the worst; and by a third the masters were deprived
      of all freedom in their power of selecting workmen. The honourable
      gentleman then proceeded to relate some instances of the prejudicial
      effects of combination on the manufacturing industry of the country; and
      he concluded by adverting to the murders and outrages committed by
      stipendiary assassins acting under the authority of the unions, and by
      asserting that he had no wish to re-enact the old combination laws. Some
      combinations were even meritorious: his aim would be to separate unions of
      this kind from those of a pernicious character. The chancellor of the
      exchequer paid some just compliments to Mr. O'Connell for the course he
      had pursued with respect to this subject, and said that he proposed a
      second amendment, which did not materially differ from that of the member
      for Dublin. He moved for a select committee to inquire into the operation
      of the 6th of George IV., and into the general constitution of trades'
      unions, and also the combinations of workmen and masters in the United
      Kingdom. Mr. Wakley expressed himself satisfied to leave the question in
      the hands of her majesty's ministers, and the chancellor of the
      exchequer's motion was agreed to without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      JOHN THOM. ALIAS SIR WILLIAM COURTENAY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A few years back an individual of the name of John Nicholls Thorn left his
      home in Cornwall, and went into the county of Kent. Here he exchanged his
      name for the more euphonious one of Sir William Courtenay, Knight of
      Malta, and he commenced a practice of parading his naturally commanding
      person before the admiring people, clad in rich costumes, and pouring
      forth streams of exciting and persuasive eloquence. Attracted by his
      romantic appearance, the populace flocked round him with the wildest
      enthusiasm; and even the superior classes of society, furnished him with
      partizans. In 1833 he became a candidate for the representation of the
      city of Canterbury, and he succeeded so far as to poll nine hundred and
      fifty votes. Not long after, however, he was found to be implicated in a
      transaction which resulted in his conviction for perjury, and he was
      sentenced to six years' transportation. Decided symptoms of insanity
      having exhibited themselves, instead of being sent on board the hulks, in
      conformity with the act 9th George IV., he was removed from Maidstone gaol
      to the county lunatic asylum. He remained here four years, and at the
      expiration of that period, Lord John Russell, in virtue of a power
      conferred on him as secretary of state by the same act, delivered him up
      to his friends upon their engaging to take care of him. His friends ill
      discharged their duty; for in 1838 John Thom reappeared in Kent, and this
      time under a higher title than that of baronet: he claimed to be, and the
      people acknowledged his pretensions as, another Messiah. The delusion led
      to the "Canterbury riots," in which a constable was shot by Thom himself,
      and Lieutenant Bennet was killed by some of his enthusiastic followers.
      Thom on his trial was proved to be of unsound mind; and several of his
      followers were sentenced to be transported, some for life, and others for
      longer or shorter periods of time, according to the parts they had acted
      in the tragical scene.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMITTEE ON CHURCH LANDS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen in a former page that a committee had been appointed to
      ascertain the probable amount of any increased value which might be
      obtained by an improved management of church property. On the 3rd of May
      Lord John Russell proposed the reappointment of this committee. He
      estimated the revenue of the church of England at £3,439,767, and he
      calculated this income would admit of considerable increase. With respect
      to the disposal of such additional revenue, when obtained, his lordship
      said that both himself and colleagues held it as a fixed principle that it
      ought to be devoted to a purpose clearly and intimately connected with the
      church. Many honourable members were of opinion that such a fund should be
      applied to the education of the people: government would prefer to
      dedicate it to the repairs of the fabric of the church itself. His
      lordship then entered into details to show that the present system of
      managing church property was improvident and unsatisfactory; and that the
      funds of the church were often disposed of in a way contrary to their
      original purposes, and not desirable for the spiritual interests of the
      country. By proper arrangements he expected that an annual surplus of
      £300,000 might be secured. The motion was opposed by Mr. Liddell, who, in
      moving a direct negative to it, observed that government had been
      stimulated to stir this "mischievous question, and unsettle men's minds
      and properties by the clamour of persons hostile to the church." The
      church of Durham, he said, was the great object of their appetency. It
      certainly had rich possessions, but then its charities were in proportion.
      It had, moreover, crying wants: many of its cures were underpaid, and many
      new churches were requisite, for which there were no adequate means of
      endowment. The honourable gentleman concluded by saying, that should the
      motion for a committee be carried, he would further move the addition to
      it of the following words:&mdash;"with a view of applying such amount to
      the gradual diminution of the evils which flow from the deficiency in the
      means of religious instruction and pastoral superintendence by ministers
      of the established church." The original motion was carried by a majority
      of two hundred and seventy-seven against two hundred and forty-one; and
      Mr. Lid-dell's second amendment was lost by a majority of two hundred and
      sixty-five against two hundred and fifty-four.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ACT FOR ABOLISHING PLURALITIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session an act was passed for "abridging pluralities," and for
      making better provision for the residence of the clergy. This bill enacts
      that no person holding more benefices than one shall accept and hold any
      cathedral preferment or other benefice; and that no person holding
      preferment in one cathedral shall hold any in another, with certain
      exceptions in favour of archdeacons. The bill further enacts that two
      benefices are not to be enjoyed together, unless within ten miles of each
      other, nor if the population of the one exceeds three thousand, or the
      joint revenue £1,000, unless the yearly value of the one fall short of
      £150, while the population exceeds two thousand persons; in which case the
      bishop of the diocese may authorize the two to be held jointly, though at
      the same time it was made necessary to obtain a dispensation from the
      Archbishop of Canterbury. By another clause of the bill any spiritual
      person in the possession of preferment is prohibited from farming more
      than eighty acres of land without the consent of his diocesan, and from
      engaging in any trade, unless in cases where the number of partners exceed
      six, or where the share in a business may devolve upon the individual by
      operation of law; but in no case may such person carry on or manage trade
      personally. The bill finally empowers the bishops to grant dispensations
      to their clergy from residing in the parsonage-houses when unfit to be
      occupied, provided that the residence selected be within a certain
      distance of the cure, and further enumerates a variety of other instances
      in which the bishops may grant licences for non-residence.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session also, in consequence of a recent decision in the court
      of exchequer, that it was unlawful for a clergyman to be a member of a
      joint-stock company, an act was passed, altering the law on that head. In
      1817, an act had been passed prohibiting all spiritual persons from
      engaging in any trade for gain or profit, and imposing a penalty upon
      transgressors of the law. It also declared the acts of any partnership
      into which such spiritual person had been introduced to be null and void.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of February the Earl of Ripon announced to the house of lords
      that the ecclesiastical commissioners had resolved to recommend the
      continuance of the bishopric of Sodor and Man as a separate see, and not
      to unite it with the diocese of Carlisle, as had been proposed. During
      this session, therefore, a bill was passed for continuing the see upon its
      original footing.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION DISCUSSED IN PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of December Lord Brougham brought the subject of national
      education under the consideration of the house of lords. His lordship's
      plan was disclosed in two bills, corresponding with that which he had
      brought forward in the preceding session, and which were only separated
      for the sake of convenience. The measure of Lord Brougham seems to have
      been conceived in an enlightened spirit, and its outline exhibits many
      excellent features; but it was clear that there would be great difficulty
      in carrying out its details. The bill was generally approved of, and was
      read a first time, but it did not come again under the consideration of
      parliament during this session.
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    <h2>
      THE QUESTION OF CANADA RENEWED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While parliament was sitting, Lord Durham sailed for his seat of
      government in Canada; and news arrived of his first acts in that province.
      Before his lordship had sailed, however, attacks were made upon him by the
      opposition, although they had exercised so much forbearance towards him at
      the outset of his mission.
    </p>
    <p>
      The main attack on Lord Durham was opened in the house of lords on the
      30th of July. Of the many important matters which Lord Durham found on his
      arrival in Canada unsettled, the disposal of the state prisoners was "by
      far the most delicate and dangerous." This difficulty was increased by the
      restrictions which the home-government had thought it expedient to impose
      upon the governor-in-chief. These restrictions were contained in a letter
      written by Lord Glenelg, and were to this effect:&mdash;"From the very
      commencement of the late disturbances it has been, as your lordship is
      aware, the earnest desire of the government, that the utmost lenity
      compatible with the public safety should be exercised towards the
      insurgents. This is a principle inculcated in my various despatches to the
      authorities of Lower and Upper Canada, and it is a principle supported by
      considerations, not only of humanity, which cannot be in such cases
      admitted as the exclusive test of right conduct, but also of true policy,
      in reference to the well-being of the Canadas. You will, I am persuaded,
      enter into the views of the government on this subject; and in order to
      enable you to act with promptitude in this respect, you are relieved from
      the restrictions by which your predecessors were prevented, in case of
      treason, from giving an absolute pardon, or granting more than a respite,
      till the royal pleasure should be known. The power thus entrusted to you,
      of granting an amnesty or pardon in all cases, should, in the opinion of
      her majesty's government, be exercised largely, but not entirely without
      exception. Independently of persons committed on charges of murder, to
      whose cases I have referred in my despatch of the 19th of March to Sir J.
      Colborne, as exceptions to the class of cases fit to be included in an
      amnesty, there must probably among the prisoners be some flagrant and
      prominent cases of delinquency, which it would not be just or advisable to
      comprehend in the general lenity. These cases it will be for you to
      select, in order that they may be brought to trial. In the constitution of
      the tribunals before which these prisoners are to be arraigned, and in the
      conduct of these trials, her majesty's government are, after full
      deliberations, satisfied that there should be no further deviation from
      the established mode of legal procedure, than was sanctioned in my
      despatch to Sir J. Colborne. You will, therefore, bring them to trial in
      the usual manner before the courts of justice, as at present constituted
      for the trial of criminal offences. By the verdict of the ordinary juries,
      the fate of the prisoners must be decided.... Except in cases of murder,
      capital punishments should be avoided." In dealing with this difficult
      subject Lord Durham availed himself of the assistance of his special
      council, the members of which were Vice-admiral Sir Charles Paget,
      Major-general Sir James Mac-donnell, Colonel Couper, the governor's
      military secretary, and principal aide-de-camp, Colonel Grey, and Mr.
      Charles Buller. The council met on the 18th of June; but it was not for
      the purposes of consultation that Lord Durham convened his board, for on
      the very day on which they were summoned to meet, appeared the celebrated
      ordinance, by which Lord Brougham not only accomplished his fall, but
      contrived that all the odium of the transaction should attach to the
      ministers themselves The nature of this ordinance will be clearly seen in
      the following debates which took place in both houses of parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the day before mentioned (30th July), when the attack was opened on
      Lord Durham in the upper house, Lord Brougham called the attention of the
      peers to the ordinance which had been passed by the noble governor of
      Canada, asserting that if carried into effect it would involve the crime
      of murder, the whole proceeding being at variance with law. Seven days
      after, Lord Brougham renewed the attack. No power, he said, to inflict
      pains and penalties upon individuals who had not been brought to trial,
      which that ordinance usurped, was conferred upon Lord Durham. He might
      make general laws for the good government of the colony, but subject to an
      exception which restrained him from altering any act of the British
      parliament. The ordinance in question contravened the provisions of the
      act 7th William III. "for the trial of treasonable offences;" and if Lord
      Durham had the power of dispensing with that act, he might condemn in
      every case as traitors men against whom no witnesses had been examined,
      and into whose alleged offences no inquiry had been made. Lord Glenelg
      remarked that Lord Durham had been placed in a situation of extreme
      difficulty: he had been solicited for extreme punishments on the one hand,
      and for a complete amnesty on the other; he had adopted a middle course,
      and when his decision was announced, it gave general satisfaction. Lord
      Brougham replied, that the noble earl might have accomplished all he was
      desirous of doing without a breach of the law. If he had said to parties
      accused or suspected, "I won't bring you to trial, if you conduct
      yourselves properly," he would have acted in a legal manner; but instead
      of doing this, he said, "I shall send you to Bermuda; and if you leave
      that island, I declare you guilty of high-treason."' Lord Melbourne
      deprecated such rigid criticism. He owned that the clause in the ordinance
      which related to Bermuda was an error on the part of Lord Durham, but he
      declared his belief that the whole of the remainder was perfectly legal,
      and warranted by the powers which parliament had committed to the noble
      governor of Canada. On the other hand Lord Ellenborough contended that all
      the penal provisions of the ordinance were illegal, and that the whole
      transaction was alien from the spirit of British jurisprudence. The Duke
      of Wellington said that he did not approve of the constant attacks on Lord
      Durham; but he really thought that steps should be taken to set the
      government of Canada right on proceedings which appeared to be illegal.
      Lord Brougham followed up the course he had taken on the following night
      by introducing a bill "for declaring the true intent and meaning of an act
      passed in the present session of parliament, intituled 'An act to make
      temporary provisions for the government of Lower Canada,' and for
      indemnifying those who have issued or acted under a certain ordinance made
      under colour of the said act." This bill was read a first time in silence,
      but on the second reading on the 9th of August, Lord Brougham, by way of
      preface, propounded certain "canons of policy" by which the administration
      of the government of Lower Canada, during the suspension of the
      constitution ought, in his opinion, to have been directed. The bill
      introduced by Lord Brougham was so loosely framed that it afforded Lord
      Glenelg fair occasion for criticism. He availed himself of this
      opportunity of encountering his adversary with some effect. In conclusion,
      Lord Glenelg observed that the bill before the house was not a mere
      declaratory act, but a new law restricting the powers which the act of
      that session had already conferred upon the governor of Canada. It would
      be inexpedient and extraordinary, if, having invested Lord Durham with
      plenary authority, they were suddenly to abridge the powers which he had
      been led to suppose he possessed. A warm and acrimonious debate was
      maintained by the Earl of Ripon, the Duke of Wellington, and other
      opposition peers on the one hand, and Lord Melbourne and the lord
      chancellor on the other. The two ex-chancellors made themselves very
      remarkable on this occasion, Lord Brougham manifesting the utmost
      excitement, and the most bitter personal hostility to Lord Durham, to
      whose instrumentality he attributed his being overlooked by Lord Melbourne
      in his cabinet arrangements. Lord Lyndhurst did the excellent qualities of
      Lord Durham justice, and displayed a calmness in debate which contrasted
      strikingly with the irritability and personalities of Lord Brougham. The
      debate brought forcibly to light the disposition of Lord Durham to carry
      matters with a high hand in his new government, and his deficiency in that
      wariness and prudence so essential to a chief governor. After a few
      remarks from Lord Brougham, the bill was read a second time by a majority
      of fifty-four against thirty-six. On the following day Lord Melbourne
      informed the house that ministers had resolved to advise the queen to
      disallow of the whole ordinance. It was with the deepest regret and alarm
      that they had taken this course; nor was it without the greatest
      apprehension of the consequences that they had come to this determination.
      His lordship then intimated his approval of the indemnity bill, and that
      he should in a future stage of the proceedings move a clause explanatory
      of Sir William Follett's proviso. Lord Brougham commended ministers for
      their "judicious, wise, politic, and most virtuous resolution." The Duke
      of Wellington was by no means inclined to sanction Lord Melbourne's
      proposed explanation of the proviso: Sir John Colborne had acted under the
      law as it stood, and must have found it sufficient for the purpose. The
      Marquis of Lansdowne remarked, that if the noble lords opposite acquiesced
      in the mode in which Sir John Colborne had exercised his authority; if
      they admitted that he had not exceeded the law, Lord Melbourne's proposed
      clause would be unnecessary. That gentleman had been permitted to pass an
      act of attainder, which had lain unnoticed on the table for six weeks.
      Ministers only claimed for Lord Durham the power which was conceded to his
      predecessor: he desired to know whether Sir John Colborne had acted in
      conformity with the law. Lord Brougham replied, that Lord Durham's powers
      were coextensive with those of Sir John Colborne; but as to whether or not
      that officer had exceeded the limits of his authority, he begged to say
      that he did not feel himself at liberty to answer. It is quite clear,
      indeed, that no noble lord could have answered this question
      satisfactorily; for if Lord Durham had been guilty in passing an act of
      attainder, the same guilt must have attached to Sir John Colborne; and if
      the one had been pronounced innocent, the other must have shared in his
      innocence. This question, which was one of the greatest importance,
      however, was allowed to pass over; and in the course of the evening Lord
      Melbourne moved the insertion of his explanatory clause, which, after
      reciting the proviso, proceeded to declare, that it should not extend to
      prevent the governor and council from passing such laws as might be
      necessary for the safety of the province, or from providing for the
      punishment or detention of persons engaged in conspiracies against the
      government. By the results of this clause, in fact, and the discussions
      which followed, Lord Brougham's bill was stripped of its declaratory
      character, and reduced to a mere act of indemnity to the parties concerned
      in the transportation and detention of the Bermuda prisoners. In this
      mutilated condition Lord Brougham moved the third reading of the bill,
      which he did with evident reluctance, inasmuch as he rightly considered
      that its chief value lay in its declaratory character. "As I have been
      accidentally mixed up with this business," said his lordship, "I have no
      hesitation in moving the third reading of the bill, as it now stands,
      although quite sensible that I am making that motion on the part of her
      majesty's government." On this occasion the lord-chief-justice Denman
      spoke on the question for the first time. His objections to the ordinance
      were directed to a gross violation of the constitution. As to the
      indemnity, he was entirely opposed to it; the passing of such bills was
      one of the most unjustifiable practices of parliament. Publie
      functionaries might be justified by their good intentions in overstepping
      the law; but parliament had no right to say to the parties who had
      suffered by such excess of authority, "You can have no redress against
      those persons who have wronged you, because it is our pleasure to
      indemnify them." "If indeed," he continued, "parliament are of opinion
      that individuals, actuated by a good and upright intention, and only
      zealous for the public service, have broken the laws, let them indemnify
      those individuals out of the public purse, against the consequences of the
      legal proceedings that may be instituted; but let them not leave the
      injured party without a remedy." The bill was finally read a third time,
      and passed in the lords.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Brougham's bill was introduced into the house of commons on the 13th
      of August, and read a first and second time without any discussion. On the
      following day, however, Lord John Russell brought the subject before the
      house. His lordship said it was his intention to submit to the house of
      commons a proposal which he made with extreme reluctance; namely, that
      they should assent to the bill as it came down from the lords without any
      amendment. He presumed that no objection would be made to the indemnity
      which it was the object of the bill to provide; and he then explained in
      what sense he understood the act for governing Canada. The discussion
      which ensued was similar in argument and spirit to the debates in the
      house of lords. The house went into committee on the bill. No amendments
      were introduced; and on the 15th of August Lord John Russell moved the
      third reading, which, after a short debate, was carried without a
      division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUEEN PROROGUES PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The queen prorogued parliament on the 16th of August. Being seated on the
      throne her majesty was addressed by the speaker of the house of commons on
      the subject of the suspension of the constitution of Lower Canada, and the
      Irish poor-law and tithe bills. The queen then gave the royal assent to a
      series of bills, after which she proceeded to read the speech. In the
      speech her majesty lamented that war still continued in Spain; adverted to
      the affairs of Canada; noticed the progress which had been made towards
      the entire abolition of negro-apprenticeship; made some approving
      observations on the attention which had been bestowed upon the amendment
      of the domestic institutions of the country; thanked the commons for
      providing for the expenses of her household, &amp;c.; and expressed her
      satisfaction in having given her assent to a bill for the relief of the
      destitute poor in Ireland. Her majesty concluded thus: "My lords and
      gentlemen,&mdash;The many useful measures which you have been able to
      consider, while the settlement of the civil list and the state of Canada
      demanded so much of your attention, are a satisfactory proof of your zeal
      for the public good. You are so well acquainted with the duties which now
      devolve upon you in your respective counties, that it is unnecessary to
      remind you of them, In the discharge of them you may securely rely upon my
      firm support; and it only remains to express an humble hope that Divine
      Providence may watch over us all, and prosper our united efforts for the
      welfare of our country."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISAFFECTION AMONG THE WORKING CLASSES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the autumn of this year a turbulent spirit displayed itself among
      the working classes in the manufacturing districts. Meetings were held in
      various quarters, and demagogues addressed the assembled multitudes in the
      most inflammatory language. The two-fold cause of this disaffection was
      the poor-laws and the price of bread; and as a remedy for these evils the
      people were taught to ask for universal suffrage. A favourite practice
      with the parties to these transactions was to assemble by torch-light in
      the open air&mdash;a practice which gave a mystery to the meetings well
      calculated to strike the imagination of the vulgar, and which gave those
      whose employment did not admit of their being present in the daytime, an
      opportunity of attending them. The speeches delivered at these meetings
      have been well characterized as "furious nonsense;" but at the same time
      they were calculated to work mischief in the community. Happily, however,
      the Whigs were in office, and for their own interest's sake they
      restrained these ebullitions. Had there been a Conservative government,
      possibly the danger might have been greater.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROPOSED REDUCTION OF THE RATES OF POSTAGE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time the question of an alteration in the rates of postage was
      beginning to occupy attention. A proposal was submitted to the country by
      Mr. Rowland Hill, for substituting a uniform rate of one penny upon every
      half-ounce, without any reference to distance. This scheme was loudly
      applauded by all classes of society; and the subject was referred to a
      committee of the house of commons. The report of this committee was, that
      the high rates of postage then in existence were extremely injurious to
      the community, interfering with moral and social improvement; restricting
      commercial enterprise; impairing general national prosperity; restraining
      the progress of art and science; circumscribing the operations of
      religious societies, and acting as a grievous tax upon the poor. The
      report further stated that the illicit conveyance of letters prevailed to
      a great extent, and was on the increase; that the law was impotent to
      arrest the practice; and that the only mode of effectually suppressing it
      would be to reduce the charges to the standard of the contraband carrier.
      The report recommended that, prior to the establishment of an uniform rate
      of one penny, a similar rate of twopence per half-ounce on inland
      general-post letters should be adopted at the rate of one penny with every
      additional half-ounce, with certain exceptions. It further suggested that
      as soon as the revenue would bear a large temporary reduction, it would be
      expedient to subject all inland letters to a penny postage the half-ounce,
      increasing at the rate of one penny with every additional half-ounce. It
      advised also that payment of postage should be required in advance; and
      for the facilitation of this plan, recommended the adoption of stamped
      covers, which should have the effect of franking the letters enclosed. The
      use of these stamps was to be made compulsory as soon as justified by
      experience. At this time, the report added, it was calculated the number
      of letters, &amp;c, passing through the post-offices of the United Kingdom
      were from 75,000,000 to 80,000,000 annually; of which about 5,700,000 were
      general-post letters. The number of franks was about 7,000,000; and of
      newspapers, 44,000,000.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As usual, Mr. O'Connell devoted his time during the parliamentary recess
      to "agitation." A series of manifestoes issued from his retreat at
      Derrynane Abbey, all well calculated to stir up the evil passions of human
      nature. Nor were these missiles the only instruments of his agitation. On
      the very day of his arrival in Dublin, after parliament was prorogued, he
      convened a meeting of his constituents for the morrow, in order to take
      into consideration "ulterior measures, to procure from the British
      legislature 'full justice for Ireland,' or to provide for the contingency
      of a perseverance in the refusal of that legislature to right the people
      of Ireland." Accordingly, a large concourse of people assembled at the
      Corn-exchange, and were addressed by the demagogue in that braggart style
      which he well knew would win its way to their feelings. In his speech Mr.
      O'Connell intimated his intention of forming a new association, the
      exertions of which were to be directed to obtain for Ireland a greater
      share in the representation of the United Kingdom. He developed his plan
      for accomplishing this design in a series of letters to the people. In
      these letters he founded his allegation, that Ireland had not her fair
      proportion of members of the house of commons, on this data. By the last
      census it appeared that the population of England and Wales was
      13,899,675; of Scotland, 2,365,930; and of Ireland, 7,943,940. Scotland,
      he said, had fifty-three representatives, while Ireland had only one
      hundred and five; so that the Scotch had more than half the number of
      representatives possessed by the Irish; whereas, in order to be on an
      equality, the latter ought to have one hundred and fifty-nine. In order to
      be on an equality with the English, he said, they ought to have one
      hundred and sixty-six; but Mr. O'Connell said that he would be satisfied
      with one hundred and fifty. In order to obtain that number he proposed the
      organization of an association sufficiently numerous to speak the
      sentiments of all Ireland. For this purpose, he said, the "Precursor
      Society" had been established, and was now in progress of enrolment. Mr.
      T. M. Ray was secretary to the "Precursor Society," and to become a member
      it was necessary to pay him one shilling at the enrolment. All the
      population might have the privilege of enrolment&mdash;men, women, and
      children&mdash;for the more shillings that were paid, the better for the
      pockets of the agitators. The operations of the society was to be
      conducted by local boards, corresponding with that over which Mr. Ray
      presided at the Corn-exchange Rooms, Dublin. The duty of the "Precursor
      Society," in every parish, was to procure petitions to parliament for
      "justice to Ireland;" for a corporate reform; for an amendment of the law
      of election, and extension of the suffrage, and an increase of
      representatives. The precursors were also instructed to furnish accurate
      details of the state of the franchise in every parish, and to keep up and
      extend the registry. This was what Mr. O'Connell designated in one of his
      letters as "one great experiment more to obtain justice;" and if this
      failed, then he would have repeal.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen in the parliamentary debates that the affairs of Canada
      were in a very unsettled state; it is now necessary, however, to give a
      brief account of the transactions which had taken place in that province.
    </p>
    <p>
      During several preceding years great dissensions had existed in Lower
      Canada; and in the year 1837 these dissensions broke out into open
      insurrection. The provincial parliament of that province assembled on the
      18th of August; but from its refractory conduct Lord Gosford was compelled
      to prorogue it. He had no other alternative but to dismiss the members,
      since they plainly declared that they suspended all deliberation until the
      consummation of the reforms announced by and in the name of the imperial
      authorities. On the prorogation of the provincial parliament everything
      denoted imminent troubles. The authorities were on the alert; and plans
      were formed for the effective disposition of the small force that the
      local government possessed. Nor were the loyalists inactive: a great
      meeting was held at Montreal, at which resolutions were adopted in support
      of the British government. These resolutions were followed up by the
      formation of regiments of volunteers, thus showing a steady determination
      to carry them out to the utmost. But, notwithstanding all this, the French
      party, or patriots, convened a great meeting in the county of Richelieu,
      which they termed "the meeting of the five counties," at which place
      delegates were collected from the various parishes. The people met in a
      large meadow; and in this meadow was erected a column, surmounted with a
      cap of liberty, and bearing this inscription:&mdash;"To Papineau, by his
      grateful brother patriots." Papineau was there; and after haranguing the
      multitude with other leaders of the faction, and a string of
      insurrectionary resolutions having been passed, the transatlantic
      demagogue was conducted to the foot of the column, where an address was
      delivered to him by one of his brother agitators. The proceedings of the
      day terminated with a procession of young men, who, marching up to the
      pillar, sung a patriotic hymn, and, with their hands placed on the column,
      devoted themselves to their country. Mischief was now fairly afloat. Soon
      after this a collision took place in the streets of Montreal between the
      "loyalists and patriots," in which the latter were defeated. The troops in
      Lower Canada were reinforced by two regiments sent from Halifax; and Sir
      Francis Head placed the whole of the troops stationed in Upper Canada at
      the disposal of the Lower, although there were symptoms of disaffection
      within his jurisdiction. Still rebellion continued. Every day displayed a
      new manifestation of an intended rising: on the one side men assembled in
      arms, using threatening language; and on the other the magistrates issued
      proclamations and warrants, which the military were called on to enforce.
      On one occasion a party of volunteer cavalry, who composed the escort of
      some prisoners, was waylaid by an overpowering assemblage of insurgents,
      who, receiving them with a galling fire, put them to the rout, and rescued
      the prisoners. Before the close of the last year many of the leaders of
      the faction were in prison, and more of them, among whom was M. Papineau,
      had withdrawn to a place of safety.
    </p>
    <p>
      The insurrection in Lower Canada rendered it necessary for the British
      government to appoint a species of dictatorial governor, one who should
      possess the power of making temporary provision for the government of
      Canada. It has been already seen that Lord Durham was selected for this
      important mission, and that he had arrived in the province. Before,
      however, relating the particulars of his government, it is necessary to
      take a retrospective view of events in Upper Canada.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Francis Head at this time was governor of the upper province of
      Canada; and at the period when he arrived there a Mr. Lyon Mackenzie, who
      had originally emigrated from Scotland, was a principal leader of the
      "Reform," or malcontent party in the province. In the year 1832 Mr.
      Mackenzie made his appearance in London, as the agent of his party; and in
      that capacity he was received with every mark of respect. Mr. Mackenzie,
      in fact, was so successful in his mission as to procure the removal of the
      attorney and solicitor-generals from their posts, a penalty which they
      paid for the part they had taken in joining in a vote which had expelled
      their antagonist from the house of assembly. He returned in triumph to
      Upper Canada; and, supported by the approval of the English cabinet,
      succeeded in regaining a seat in the house of assembly. At the ensuing
      election "the reformers" obtained a large majority in that assembly; and
      the result was that a "grievance committee" was appointed, which committee
      made a report that was subsequently transmitted to England. It was to
      redress the grievances therein stated that Sir Francis Head was despatched
      to Canada; and he was hailed on his arrival there as a "tried reformer."
      His appearance under such circumstances naturally excited the distrust of
      the loyalists, who gave indications of their dissatisfaction. Sir Francis
      Head, however, was nothing daunted at this demonstration; he had the
      grievances of Upper Canada to redress, and he had the remedies; and
      whether the Tories liked the medicine or not, he did not care a straw. At
      the same time he soon gave an intimation to the Republican leaders that he
      was not the kind of man they believed him to be. Beyond the grievances
      they had enumerated in the report, they had a variety of others hitherto
      unmentioned; and when this was intimated to him, he gave a distinct
      intimation that he should not take these into consideration. His graphic
      account of his interview will well illustrate the manner in which he
      treated the Republicans. He says,&mdash;"When Mr. Mackenzie, bringing with
      him a letter of introduction from Mr. Hume, called upon me, I thought that
      of course he would be too happy to discuss with me the contents of the
      report; but his mind seemed to nauseate its subjects. Afraid to look me in
      the face, he sat with his feet not-reaching the ground, and with his
      countenance averted from me at an angle of about seventy degrees, while,
      with the eccentricity, the volubility, and, indeed, the appearance of a
      madman, the tiny creature raved in all directions about grievances here,
      and grievances there, which the committee, he said, had not ventured, to
      enumerate. 'Sir,' I exclaimed, 'let us cure what we have got here first!'
      pointing to the report before me. But no; nothing that I could say would
      induce this pedlar to face his own report; and I soon found that it had
      the same effect upon all the members, and that, like the repelling end of
      a magnet, I had only to present it to the Radicals to drive them from the
      very object which his majesty's government expected would have possessed
      attractions." On his arrival Sir Francis Head promulgated his
      instructions; a step which had the effect of precipitating matters in
      Lower Canada. He then proceeded to act, by adding three Reformers to his
      executive council, making the total number six. By this means the
      executive council was brought into unison with the majority of the house
      of assembly. Thus favoured, in furtherance of the views of that body as
      then constituted, the board requested the governor to bestow upon it a
      considerable enlargement of its powers. But this sealed the fate of the
      executive council. Instead of granting their request, Sir Francis, who had
      already become hostile to the Reformers, dismissed the whole of the
      members of which the council was composed. This brought him into collision
      with the house of assembly; the supplies were stopped, and violent and
      condemnatory addresses drawn up. Sir Francis, however, fought them with
      their own weapons; when they stopped the supplies, he refused to assent to
      bills providing for their own contingencies; and in April, 1836, first
      prorogued, and then dissolved his exasperated parliament. The next
      assembly presented a majority of opposite politics to the last, and Sir
      Francis had everything his own way: he "rode on a full tide of
      popularity." Still he was beset with difficulties on every hand; and his
      mode of governing was of so novel and experimental a nature, that it was
      evident he must sooner or later become offensive to his superiors at home.
      Before the close of the year, indeed, he found himself in collision with
      Lord Glenelg. During that period and in the following year he addressed
      several memorandums to the colonial office, in which he gave a description
      of the political state of Canada, and offered his advice as to what
      measures were necessary for its good government. It must be confessed that
      his views were generally of the most eccentric character; and hence they
      were either unnoticed by the government at home, or he was given to
      understand that they were not thought worthy to be included among those
      submitted to the imperial government. The points at issue between Sir
      Francis and his superiors progressively accumulated, until at length the
      lieutenant-governor broke out into insubordination, and thereby made his
      recall a matter of necessity. But before his recall, and while the
      correspondence was passing between Sir Francis and Lord Glenelg, an
      insurrection broke out, which was headed by Mr. Mackenzie: Toronto was
      attacked by him, bearing on his colours the name of "Bidwell," the
      judge-elect for the court of Queen's Bench. This attack failed, and it
      became incumbent on Sir Francis Head's successor, Major-general Sir George
      Arthur, to institute proceedings against some of those engaged in the
      outbreak, who had been taken prisoners. Among these were Samuel Lount, a
      native of the United States, and Peter Mathews, an Upper Canadian, both of
      them men of considerable property. Mathews had headed a party, and
      attacked the city, when Sir Francis Head was shut up in the Town-hall; on
      which occasion a bridge and several houses were set on fire. Being brought
      to trial they pleaded guilty, and were sentenced to death&mdash;a sentence
      that was executed on them. Upon being informed of this event, Lord Glenelg
      wrote to express his regret that these severities should have been deemed
      requisite, and expressed a hope that no similar necessity might recur. No
      more of the offenders suffered capital punishment; but great embarrassment
      was occasioned by the number of prisoners, it being alike inexpedient to
      pardon and inconvenient to punish. Sir Francis Head had instituted a board
      of commissioners, with the vice-chancellor of the province at their head,
      for the purpose of investigating the cases, and classifying the offenders
      according to their guilt. A considerable number were finally discharged on
      bail; others were bound over to keep the peace; some were set at liberty;
      and of the remainder, a few, principally Americans, were banished from the
      province; while the residue, for the most part men of property and
      influence, were sentenced to transportation to the penal colonies. But
      while the government was occupied in the disposal of these prisoners, the
      marauders on the American side of the border were making preparations for
      a renewal of hostilities; and on the 30th of May, 1838, a band of these
      outlaws boarded the Sir Robert Peel British steamer at Well's Island,
      situated in the river St. Lawrence, and belonging to the United States.
      The passengers were robbed of everything, and the vessel was set on fire
      and then abandoned. Lord Durham, who had just arrived, offered £1,000
      reward for the discovery and conviction of the offenders; but the
      marauders set the authorities, British as well as American, at defiance.
      Johnson, their commander, celebrated for his address and courage, became
      the terror of the coast, and executed his schemes of plunder with success
      and impunity. During the summer and autumn the preparations for invasion
      continued to be conducted on the American border without any attempt at
      concealment, and the alarm of the Canadians was naturally proportionate to
      the danger. Sir George Arthur devoted himself with the greatest assiduity
      to the defence of the province upon an extensive scale; but the known
      lenity of Lord Durham had excited a strong feeling of dissatisfaction in
      the upper province, and had created a feeling of lukewarmness, against
      which it was difficult to work. On the other hand, Lord Durham thought
      that the local government had erred on the opposite side of severity. On
      this subject he wrote to the government at home:&mdash;"It cannot be
      doubted that events of the past year have greatly increased the difficulty
      of settling the disorders of Upper Canada. A degree of discontent,
      approaching, if not amounting to disaffection, has gained considerable
      ground. The causes of dissatisfaction continue to act on the minds of the
      reformers; and their hope of redress, under the present order of things,
      has been seriously diminished. The exasperation caused by the conflict
      itself, the suspicions and terrors of that trying period, and the use made
      by the triumphant party of the power thrown into their hands, have
      heightened the passions which existed before. It certainly appeared too
      much as if the rebellion had been purposely invited by the government, and
      the unfortunate men who took part in it, deliberately drawn into a trap by
      those who subsequently inflicted so severe a punishment on them for their
      error."
    </p>
    <p>
      It seemed, too, as if the dominant party made use of the occasion afforded
      by the real guilt of a few desperate and imprudent men, in order to
      persecute or disable the whole body of their political opponents. A great
      number of perfectly innocent individuals were thrown into prison, and
      suffered in person, property, and character. The whole body of reformers
      were subjected to suspicion, and to harassing proceedings, instituted by
      magistrates whose political leanings were notoriously adverse to them.
      Severe laws were passed, under colour of which individuals very generally
      esteemed were punished without any form of trial&mdash;I make no mention
      of the reasons which, in the opinion of the local government, rendered
      those different steps advisable, because my object is not to discuss the
      propriety of its conduct, but to point out the effects which it
      necessarily had in augmenting irritation. The revolt in Lower Canada has
      been noticed at the commencement of this article. After this event Lord
      Gosford was recalled, and during the interval between his departure, and
      the arrival of Lord Durham, the functions of government in that province
      devolved on Sir John Col-borne. The first care of Sir John, after the
      termination of the revolt, concerned the disposal of the prisoners, of
      whom a great number remained in custody. In the whole, about three hundred
      and twenty-six were from time to time liberated, leaving about one hundred
      and sixty in confinement, among whom seventy-two stood charged with being
      among the principal promoters of the insurrection. It was not expected
      that any of these would be convicted if tried by ordinary juries; but Lord
      Glenelg being informed of this, declined to sanction a resort to any other
      species of court, without previously submitting as a practical test the
      anticipations as to the issues of the ordinary tribunals. Sir John
      Colborne was instructed to take steps for reducing the number of prisoners
      still remaining, by allowing some of them after arraignment to plead
      guilty, on the assurance that the judgment recorded against them should
      not be executed, if they would consent to leave the province. From the
      remaining number he was directed to select four or five cases, and bring
      them before the ordinary courts of the province, the juries being convened
      according to the existing practice; but in case this line of proceeding
      should not appear expedient, it was suggested that a law should be passed,
      suspending the <i>habeas corpus</i> act, and that the prisoners should be
      detained until Lord Durham's arrival. Sir John Colborne adopted this
      latter course, being little disposed to try state-prisoners under what he
      considered a certainty of their acquittal. In the meantime, however, the
      news arrived of the new act of parliament, which provisionally invested
      him with the powers which were eventually to devolve on Lord Durham. In
      pursuance of his fresh instructions he proceeded to nominate provisionally
      a special council, consisting of twenty-one members, of whom eleven were
      French Canadians, and two natives of the province. After preparing a
      series of "rules and orders" for the better conduct of their
      deliberations, this council proceeded to pass ordinances for such domestic
      objects as would have come before the local parliaments in the ordinary
      course, and to take necessary measures to meet the peculiar exigencies of
      the time. Among the latter class may be mentioned enactments suspending
      the <i>habeas corpus</i>, and imposing certain restrictions on the
      publishers of newspapers. An ordinance was also passed to continue the
      local act for the transportation of offenders from the province to
      England, and from thence to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land; an act
      which was on the point of expiring. By a second ordinance it was provided
      that, upon the petition of any person charged with high treason committed
      in the province, it should be lawful for the person administering the
      government, before the arraignment of the offender, to grant a pardon upon
      such terms as should seem proper, which pardon should have the same effect
      as an attainder, so far as regarded the forfeiture of the real and
      personal estate of the person therein named; and further, that in case any
      person should be pardoned under that ordinance, upon condition of being
      transported, or of voluntary banishment, either for life or for a shorter
      time, and should afterwards return without lawful excuse, contrary to the
      condition of his pardon, he should be deemed guilty of felony, and forfeit
      his life. By a third ordinance it was enacted that if a person against
      whom an indictment for treason was found by a grand-jury in the province
      would not appear, he might be summoned by proclamation to surrender
      himself by a given day, such day not to be less than three months from the
      date of the proclamation; and in the event of his failing to do so, should
      stand and be adjudged attainted of the crime expressed in the indictment,
      and suffer and forfeit accordingly, and judgment be recorded to that
      effect. After issuing these ordinances, with others of minor importance,
      and after repealing martial-law in the district of Montreal, on the 5th of
      May the council was prorogued. On the 29th of the same month Lord Durham
      arrived at Quebec, and immediately proceeded to the council-chamber at the
      castle, and took possession of the government with the accustomed
      formalities. His first act was to issue a proclamation, assuring the
      people that he appeared among them as a friend and arbitrator, ready at
      all times to listen to them without respect to party, race, or politics.
      On the 31st of May he addressed a circular to the respective members of
      the executive council, dispensing with their services, having previously
      formed another, composed of the secretaries to the general government;
      namely, C. Buller, Esq., M.P., chief secretary; T. E. M. Turton, Esq.,
      secretary; Colonel G. Couper, military secretary; the provincial
      secretary; and the commissary-general. Among the earliest measures of Lord
      Durham was the mission of Colonel Grey to Washington, with instructions to
      expostulate with the American government on the state of things existing
      on its own borders. Colonel Grey obtained the fullest assurances of the
      president that the American government desired to preserve the good
      understanding existing with England, and ample promises of co-operation in
      any measures which Lord Durham might think necessary to adopt for
      restoring the peace of the frontier. A more difficult affair for Lord
      Durham to settle was the disposal of the state prisoners. His lordship
      himself remarked that it was "by far the most delicate and dangerous" of
      all the matters requiring settlement. The manner in which his lordship
      settled this question has already been seen in the record of the recent
      debates in parliament. Having appointed a special council, consisting of
      five members only, he, with the sanction of this council, issued an
      ordinance, which, after reciting that Wolf Nelson, and seven others
      therein named, had acknowledged their participation in high-treason, and
      submitted themselves to her majesty's pleasure, and that Papineau with
      fifteen others had absconded, enacted that it should be lawful for her
      majesty to transport Nelson and his seven associates to Bermuda, during
      pleasure, there to be subjected to such restraints as should be deemed
      fit; and further, that if any person of the above classes should be found
      at large, or within the province without permission, they should be deemed
      guilty of high-treason, and on conviction of coming within the province,
      suffer death. The ordinance further empowered the governor for the time
      being to grant, whenever he should think fit, permission to all, or any,
      of the above-named individuals to return to the province. By a special
      clause two other classes of persons implicated in the murder of Lieutenant
      Weir and one Joseph Chartrand, were excluded from the operation of the
      ordinance, and from the benefit of any amnesty which might be proclaimed.
      The ordinance was accompanied by a proclamation of amnesty, which declared
      that, with the exception of the persons named therein, all persons then in
      custody on a charge of high-treason, or who had withdrawn themselves from
      justice beyond the limits of the province, should, on giving proper
      security, be at liberty to return to their own homes. What views were
      taken in the imperial parliament has been seen. During the debates there,
      Lord Durham applied himself to the consideration of questions connected
      with the management of the crown-lands within his dominion. He formed a
      design for making these lands more subservient to the purpose of
      emigration than they had hitherto been. A commission of inquiry into the
      disposal of the crown-lands to that end was issued by him, and he directed
      similar investigations to be instituted in the other colonies subject to
      his control. Subsequently his lordship commenced a progress through the
      two provinces; and, according to his despatches, he was warmly greeted on
      every hand. He writes:&mdash;"Everywhere, in the most insignificant
      village, as in the most populous town, I have been received with the
      utmost enthusiasm: in fact, in no part of England have I ever been more
      warmly greeted, or received more unequivocal marks of respect from all
      ranks and classes. I announce this fact with much satisfaction, as it is
      an unerring mark of the feelings with which the measures which I have
      adopted for the public good have been regarded by the great majority of
      the inhabitants of the two provinces." It is quite clear, however, that
      Lord Durham had not conciliated the great body of the people. During the
      month of September, those who were charged with the crime of murdering the
      French Canadian, Chartrand, were tried, and although they were arraigned
      before a jury consisting exclusively of French Canadians, and were
      moreover notoriously guilty, they were acquitted. On this subject, in one
      of his reports, Lord Durham says:&mdash;"A perusal of the notes of the
      chief-justice in this case, will satisfy every candid and well-ordered
      mind, that a base and cruel assassination, committed without a single
      circumstance of provocation or palliation, was brought home by evidence,
      which no man ever pretended to doubt, against the prisoners, whom the jury
      nevertheless acquitted. The duty of giving this dishonest verdict had been
      most assiduously inculcated by the French press before the trial came on;
      the jurors are said to have been kept for some time in the hands of
      zealous partizans, whose business it was not only to influence their
      inclination, but to stimulate their courage; the array of the leaders of
      the party who were present at the trial, was supposed to be collected for
      the same purpose; and it is notorious that the acquittal was celebrated at
      public entertainments, to which the jurors were invited, in order that
      they might be thanked for their verdict." This intelligence seems to have
      had the effect of opening the eyes of Lord Glenelg and his colleagues, as
      to the impolicy of the restrictions which had been imposed upon the
      colonial authorities with respect to the trial of political offenders. In
      his reply, Lord Glenelg stated that it was the desire of her majesty's
      government that an ordinance should be passed by the special council of
      Lower Canada, constituting a tribunal for the trial of treason and murder;
      leaving it to Lord Durham's own discretion how such a tribunal should be
      formed. It does not appear, however, that Lord Durham adopted any plan for
      securing the conviction of such offenders as it might be deemed expedient
      to bring to trial. He scarcely, indeed, had an opportunity of making any
      alteration in the criminal law. Soon after Lord Glenelg had given
      directions on that point, he was compelled to communicate the
      determination of ministers to annul his celebrated ordinance. After
      informing him that so much of that edict as related to the Bermudas was
      generally admitted to be invalid, and that in all other respects the
      law-officers of the crown thought its provisions were within the
      competency of the governor and special council; he said that, in
      consequence of the discussions in parliament, and the unpopularity of the
      penal parts of the ordinance, government, though reluctantly, advised her
      majesty to disallow the ordinance. Lord Glenelg then proceeded to direct
      Lord Durham, with à view of preventing the return of the prisoners from
      Bermuda, to pass an ordinance subjecting them to such penalty, short of
      death, as might be thought expedient, in the event of their being
      convicted of returning to the province without permission. With regard to
      those who had previously fled from justice, it was suggested it might be
      sufficient by proclamation to make it known that, should they re-enter the
      province, they would be forthwith arrested, and dealt with according to
      law, on the charge of treason. The expediency of suspending the <i>habeas
      corpus</i> act was pointed out; and the despatch concluded with an
      assurance of the earnest desire of ministers to afford Lord Durham the
      utmost support in the arduous discharge of his duties. Before these
      instructions were received, however, Lord Durham had despatched a letter
      notifying his resolution to resign his office. In this letter he dwelt on
      the incessant persecutions to which he was exposed in the house of lords;
      the backwardness of ministers in his defence; and the injurious effects of
      these circumstances upon the moral authority of his government. "Upon two
      things," said he, "could I chiefly rely for ultimate success: first, the
      great extent of the legal powers conferred upon me; secondly, the
      impression which prevailed throughout the colonies, that I might reckon
      with perfect confidence on the undeviating support and approval of the
      government." Deprived of these by the proceedings in question, he
      proceeded to say, the prestige of his situation was gone for ever, and he
      had resolved to quit his untenable post, Soon after this, Lord Durham
      forwarded to Lord Glenelg a statement of the grounds upon which he was
      prepared to maintain that no part of the ordinance was illegal, however
      imperative it might, and must of necessity be without assistance and
      co-operation at home. In another paper, of the same date, he entered at
      great length into an examination of the conduct of ministers in the late
      proceedings, arraigning them with great severity for deserting him in the
      hour of need. He asked, "in what their opposition to the second reading of
      Lord Brougham's bill consisted? In a concession far more calculated to
      weaken my hands than would have been any vote of the house of lords, in
      which it is notorious that her majesty's government have never commanded a
      majority." His lordship added, "A vote of the house of lords adverse to
      her majesty's government, or merely condemnatory of any proceedings of
      mine, would have been considered almost as a matter of course in the
      present state of parties; and would, if it had been decidedly opposed by
      the ministers, have left my authority untouched, because it would have
      been attributed to the mere party motives of a powerful opposition." After
      remonstrating against the conduct of ministers, Lord Durham proceeded to
      vindicate his policy. As regarded the particular defect of the ordinance,
      his lordship contended that he had power to banish people from the
      province, to keep them in custody during the transit, and to land them at
      Bermuda or elsewhere. At the same time his lordship admitted that his
      jurisdiction did not extend further: once landed in Bermuda, the prisoners
      were subject only to the laws of the island. Lord Durham, after justifying
      his policy, made some remarks on the impossibility of governing the
      country with any effect; and then proceeded to consider Lord Glenelg's
      suggestions of the course which it was advisable to adopt in the present
      emergency. His lordship treated the suggestion of another ordinance,
      banishing from the province the eight persons who had been sent to
      Bermuda, as futile; and stated that he had strong objections to the
      suspension of the <i>habeas corpus</i>. He remarked:&mdash;"Men's notions
      of right and freedom would be more shocked at such an universal violation
      of every man's dearest rights, than by any summary process adopted for the
      punishment of the undeniable guilt of a few. In the event of a general
      outbreak, it might be proper that the government should be armed with the
      power of arresting objects of its suspicion without trial. But there
      existed no such necessity at present; and he did not think it justifiable
      to take away the franchise of a whole people, in order to punish a few
      known and dangerous individuals, or to guard against the misconduct of
      twenty-three men, by enveloping them in a general forfeiture of personal
      liberty." In conclusion Lord Durham intimated his intention of remaining a
      few weeks longer, only in order to complete certain measures then in
      progress. Upon the receipt of Lord Durham's first announcement of his
      intention to throw up his office, Lord Glenelg endeavoured to soothe his
      mind, by acknowledging that he had much reason to complain; and entreated
      him, upon public grounds, to reconsider his decision. His lordship,
      however, remained firm: he retained office only until arrangements had
      been made for some one to assume the reins of government. Before he left
      Canada he proclaimed the act of indemnity, and notified her majesty's
      disallowance of the ordinance. He accompanied the promulgation of these
      acts with a manifesto, in which he forgot alike what was due to the
      country and to himself. The tendency of this manifesto will be seen by
      Lord Glenelg's remarks upon it. He observed:&mdash;"The proclamation of
      the 9th of October, her majesty's confidential advisers regard not merely
      as a deviation from the course which has hitherto been invariably pursued
      by the governors of British possessions abroad, but as a dangerous
      departure from the practice and principles of the constitution. They
      consider as open to a most serious objection an appeal by such an officer
      to the public at large, from measures adopted by the sovereign, with the
      advice and consent of parliament. The terms in which that appeal has been
      made, in this instance, appear to her majesty's ministers calculated to
      impair the reverence due to the royal authority, to derogate from the
      character of the imperial legislature, to excite amongst the disaffected
      hopes of impunity, and to enhance the difficulties with which your
      lordship's successor will have to contend. The ministers of the crown
      having humbly submitted this opinion to the queen, it is my duty to inform
      you that I have received her majesty's commands to signify to your
      lordship her majesty's disapprobation of your proclamation of the 9th of
      October. Under these circumstances, her majesty's government are prepared
      to admit that your continuance in the government of British North America
      could be attended with no beneficial result." Lord Durham's manifesto was
      deservedly condemned by all parties, as unbecoming the office and
      character of the queen's representative: it procured for him, in the <i>Times</i>
      newspaper, the unenviable title of "the lord-high seditioner." In Canada,
      however, it increased the golden opinions entertained of him greatly.
      Public meetings were convened, and addresses expressive of sorrow at his
      resignation poured in upon him from all quarters. At home, also, there
      were those who admired his character and applauded his conduct. His
      lordship sailed from Quebec on the 1st of November, and on the 26th he
      arrived in Plymouth harbour. At Plymouth, Devonport, and Exeter he
      received complimentary addresses, and unfortunately he was betrayed upon
      these occasions into renewed indiscretions, the only excuse for which
      could be that he had received most serious provocation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his reply to the addresses at Devonport and Plymouth, Lord Durham
      boasted that he had "effaced the remains of a disastrous rebellion," and
      "had conciliated the esteem of a great and powerful nation, in which were
      to be found all the elements of danger or security to our North American
      possessions." Before he reached Exeter, however, where another address
      awaited him, he was compelled to say that he had foreseen another event,
      the intelligence of which had just been conveyed from Liverpool&mdash;the
      renewal of the rebellion in Canada.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the departure of Lord Durham, the government again provisionally
      devolved upon Sir John Colborne. It was expected before he set sail that a
      renewal of the rebellion would take place during the winter. On the 20th
      of October, indeed, his lordship had informed Lord Glenelg that the
      indications of mischief were so numerous and urgent that it was no longer
      possible to conceal a consciousness of danger. The indications of
      conspiracy had, in fact, become undeniable. Throughout the French
      population there existed a formidable organization, bound together by
      oaths and secret signs. Knowing this, the loyalists in both provinces
      either took up their abode in the towns, or fled altogether from the
      British dominion. What made their situation the more critical was the
      reluctance of the militia and volunteers to take up arms. This was
      especially the case in Upper Canada, and it seems to have chiefly
      originated in their dissatisfaction with the lenity of the government. No
      sooner had Lord Durham departed than the danger became imminent. Arrests
      took place at Montreal on the following night: domiciliary visits were
      general; guards and pickets were dispersed in all parts of the city, and
      its approaches occupied. It was originally intended by the insurgents that
      the rising should take place at Montreal, on Sunday, the 3rd instant, when
      the troops were unarmed, and at church. The precautions of Sir John
      Colborne, however, defeated this scheme, and Beauharnois was selected for
      the theatre of war. The <i>habitans</i> were now, therefore, once more in
      arms against the British crown. A numerous party attacked the house of Mr.
      Ellice, late private secretary to Lord Durham, and that gentleman with
      three others were carried away by the rebels. On the same day an
      interesting incident occurred at Caughnawaga, an Indian village. While at
      church, the Indians were informed that a large body of armed men were
      secreted in their neighbourhood; and rushing from the sacred walls, they
      hurried home, seized what arms came to hand, raised the war-whoop, fell
      upon the enemy, and captured seventy prisoners, with scarcely a show of
      resistance. The Indians conveyed their prisoners to Montreal, bound with
      their own sashes and garters; and when Sir John Colborne thanked the chief
      of the party, he characteristically offered to bring in the scalp of every
      <i>habitant</i> in the vicinity within twenty-four hours. Sir John
      Colborne, however, did not think it prudent to give him such a commission,
      though use of these warriors was made during the struggle. Every day the
      number of the insurgents increased. Between the 3rd and 6th of November,
      four thousand were concentrated at Napierville, in La Prairie, under the
      command of Dr. Robert Nelson, Dr. Cote, and one Gagnor. Upon this point
      Major-general Sir James Macdonnell was directed to march; but before he
      could arrive the rebels had dispersed, and were beyond pursuit. In their
      route they were twice attacked and defeated by a small party of
      volunteers, losing in the whole sixty men killed, and having about an
      equal number wounded. The loyalist forces now scoured the insurgent
      districts, and it was found impossible to prevent many excesses from
      taking place. The village of Beauharnois was partially destroyed by fire,
      and the houses of disaffected persons in every part shared the same fate.
      But while the war was thus easily suppressed in Lower Canada, their
      American coadjutors were actively engaged on their side. On the evening of
      the 12th they effected a landing at a place called Prescott, in Upper
      Canada, to the number of five hundred men, carrying with them several
      field-pieces. These were, however, defeated by the troops under the
      command of Colonel Dundas, Major McBean, Colonel Young, and Captain
      Sandom. Nearly two hundred of them were taken, and conveyed to Kingston,
      to be tried by court-martial; many were slain, and the rest escaped across
      the river. Another attack was made by the American marauders on the 4th of
      December, near Sandwich, at the western extremity of Upper Canada. A
      steam-boat and the barracks were set on fire, and Dr. Hume, a military
      surgeon, having fallen into their hands, was barbarously murdered. On
      discovering this outrage, the militia, under the command of Colonel Price,
      assembled, and on their approach the enemy fled. Twenty-six of their
      number were slain in their flight, and twenty-five captured.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Sir John Colborne and his special council were busy in the
      exercise of their legislative functions. Ordinances were passed for
      substituting martial law, for suspending the <i>habeas corpus</i>, for the
      attainder of persons against whom the sentence of courts-martial should be
      given, and for preventing, by highly penal provisions, the administering
      of unlawful oaths. It had been suggested by Lord Glenelg to Lord Durham,
      that a special court for the trial of "rebels and murderers" should be
      instituted. Sir John Colborne, however, preferred to resort to
      courts-martial for the disposal of prisoners recently captured. Soon after
      the dispersion of the insurgents, therefore, a general court-martial was
      convened, and twelve prisoners, all of French extraction, were arraigned
      before it. Two of these were acquitted, and the rest were sentenced to
      death; a sentence, however, which was only executed upon two of the most
      notorious&mdash;Cardinal, a notary, and Duguette, a tavern-keeper, who had
      commanded in both insurrections. In Upper Canada, where Sir George Arthur
      provisionally governed, the difficulties attendant upon the disposal of
      the prisoners were greater. The Upper Canadians demanded severity, and
      would not hear of mercy being extended to men whom they deemed robbers and
      murderers. A court-martial was assembled at Kingston for the trial of some
      of the recently captured prisoners; and several of them, as Van Schoultz,
      a Pole, who commanded the brigands, and three of his associates in
      command, Abbey, George, and Woodruff, were executed. Not long afterwards
      five more of the prisoners, three of whom had been engaged in the affair
      near Sandwich, suffered the same fate. At this time, indeed, according to
      Sir George Arthur's report, the feelings of the loyal portion of the
      inhabitants of the upper province, were in the highest degree exasperated.
      He writes:&mdash;"Never was there a task more difficult than to decide
      what course, under the existing circumstances of the country, should be
      pursued, so as to combine the least possible violation of public feeling
      with a sense of justice, preserving withal a due and necessary regard to
      mercy in its administration; mercy not only as regards the prisoners,
      whose fate was yet undecided, but which respectively has reference to the
      lives that may hereafter be sacrificed by the adoption of a present
      injudicious measure."
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be mentioned that while these events were transpiring in Upper and
      Lower Canada, the remainder of the British North American provinces were
      in perfect harmony with the British government. In Newfoundland, indeed,
      there were the elements of discord between the colonial legislature and
      their rulers, superadded to which were religious dissensions; but these
      circumstances gave no cause for alarm. The broils prevailing there owed
      their existence to Roman Catholic agitation; but the Protestant interests
      were too strong to be shaken by them, or the government disturbed.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the whole of this year the war still continued in Spain. The
      Carlists were less successful and less enterprising than in the two
      preceding years; but their cause was not yet hopeless. A body of them was
      defeated at Yebenes, in the province of Toledo, and at Val de Penas in New
      Castile, by Major-general Flinta; but shortly after this latter defeat
      they took possession of Almaden, with its famous quicksilver mines, the
      only element of credit remaining with the queen's government. Basilio
      Garcia, however, failed in his endeavours to destroy the works of the
      mines; and having evacuated the town, retired into the mountains of
      Toledo, whence he harassed the surrounding country, and levied heavy
      contributions. While Basilio Garcia was carrying on war in Castile and
      Grenada, another body of Carlists, under the command of Count Negri, was
      making its way into the interior. He advanced as far as Segovia, but he
      then turned to the northward; and after presenting himself to no purpose
      before the walls of Valladolid, he hastened his retrograde march with all
      possible diligence towards the mountains. In the meantime Basilio Garcia
      had been again defeated at Bejar with great loss; and he hurried with the
      remains of his column into the province of Soria, where he effected a
      junction with Balmaseda. All this time Don Carlos was at Estella; but on
      the 10th of May, the discontent of the Nayarese in his service compelled
      him to withdraw to Tolosa. About this time Espartero, who had been
      elevated to the rank of captain-general of Spain, commenced active
      operations. He advanced to Pampeluna, and Don Carlos then removed to
      Glorrio. A series of conflicts now took place; and the struggle closed
      with the battle of Maella, in which Cabrera, who was the only Carlist
      general who in this year increased his reputation, defeated the Christino
      general, Pardinas, with great loss: out of 4,500 men only 1,500 men are
      said to have escaped: Pardinas himself was slain. But one of the most
      important events that took place during this year in Spain was an
      insurrection at Seville, headed by Cordova and Narvaez; this, however, was
      quelled by the activity of Espartero.
    </p>
    <p>
      The history of Portugal for the year is marked by no very striking event.
      The efforts of the Cortes were chiefly directed to the averting of the
      catastrophe of a national bankruptcy, which was effected by the
      acceptation of a loan, conjointly tendered by the Mercantile Association,
      and the Lisbon bank. Early in March a street riot took place in the
      capital, and threw it into disorder for some few days; but it did not
      produce any result beyond the bloodshed which it occasioned. The Miguelite
      guerillas, however, ravaged Portugal, and especially the southern
      provinces, more this year than they had hitherto done. Remeihido,
      especially, who had been educated for the priesthood, committed many
      daring acts; but in the course of the summer he was attacked in his
      mountain-fastnesses by Colonel Fontoura, and after a sharp conflict his
      band was routed, and himself captured: he was shot at Faro.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of March the king of Holland intimated to the conference at
      London sitting on the Hollando-Belgic question, that "having been
      constantly disappointed in his just expectations of being able to obtain
      by negociation better terms for his beloved subjects, he had become
      convinced that the only pledge which still remained for him to give of his
      regard for their welfare, and the sole means to attain his object,
      consisted in a full and entire assent on his part to the conditions of
      separation which the courts of Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia,
      and Russia, had declared to be unalterable and irrevocable." His majesty,
      therefore, declared his readiness to accept the twenty-four articles which
      had been agreed upon in the year 1831. Belgium, however, now refused to
      accede to the arrangement, by resolving not to cede Luxembourg. But the
      conference insisted peremptorily on its cession; and it was quite apparent
      that Belgium would be compelled to render obedience to its decree.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be mentioned that an important treaty of amity, commerce, and
      navigation, was this year concluded between Great Britain and Austria,
      thus further cementing the ancient and natural alliance between two
      countries, of whom it has been said, "that for one hundred and fifty years
      they have always had the same enemies, though those enemies have not been
      the same."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER L.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1839&mdash;1840
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     State of Parties..... Meeting of Parliament..... The Corn-
     law Question..... The Affairs of Ireland discussed in
     Parliament..... Proceedings in Parliament respecting
     Jamaica..... Resignation of Ministers, and Failure of Sir
     Robert Peel to form a new Administration, &amp;c...... National
     Education..... The Affairs of Canada..... The second Jamaica
     Bill, &amp;c...... Bill for the Suppression of the Portuguese
     Slave trade, &amp;c...... Motion for the Ballot..... Act for the
     better ordering of Prisons..... Motion for a Committee of
     the whole House to consider the National Petition.....
     Birmingham Riots, &amp;c...... The Budget; proposed Reduction of
     Postage Duties, &amp;c...... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     Affairs in the East Indies..... State of the Continent.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1839
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been noticed in a previous page that the relative strength of the
      two great parties in the country continued much the same as they were at
      the commencement of the year 1837. The Whigs, indeed, gained by the change
      which had taken place in the monarchy, inasmuch as by the death of the
      late king they were delivered from an avowed adversary, and by the
      accession of Queen Victoria they gained a known friend to their cause. The
      ministers, indeed, found considerable advantage in her support. Yet in the
      house of commons the number of' their supporters had upon the whole rather
      decreased since their accession to the government; and in the country
      generally their popularity may be said to have continued on the decline.
      One of the principal grounds in this change is to be found in the
      connection of government with the agitator O'Connell. Although that
      gentleman had rendered many services to the cause of reform, yet his
      delinquencies were so many, that he never enjoyed the sympathy of any
      considerable mass of the English people. Moreover, popery, of which he was
      one of the leaders, is still unpopular in this country, and the
      Conservatives sedulously took advantage of the connection of the ministers
      with him to raise apprehensions of Romanist intrigue and encroachment.
      This was, therefore, a great source of embarrassment to the ministry; and
      yet they could not offend this man of the people of Ireland by standing
      aloof from him. Another cause of embarrassment was the movement of the
      people calling themselves Chartists.
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by the queen in person on the 6th of February. The
      speech referred to the discontents in England and Ireland and the
      insurrection in Canada, and recommended improvements in the law, and
      reforms as the remedy for this state of things, while it expressed a
      determination to maintain the authority of the crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      The addresses in the lords and commons were, as usual, the occasion of
      long party debates, in which all the irritating topics of the day were
      made the most of by the opposition. The affairs of Ireland and the East
      occupied the greatest prominence; next to these, Chartism and the general
      distress; while Canada and the Iberian peninsula afforded fertile subjects
      for the opposition speakers, with which to annoy the government.
      Free-trade, and the duties on the importation of corn, became a subject of
      important debate at this juncture. In the commons Sir Robert Peel threw
      himself, acrimoniously, and with all his energy, into this controversy,
      and used all the exploded arguments of the protectionists with the air of
      one who for the first time urged them upon the house. Mr. Villiers
      severely chastised the protectionist champion, showing how unscrupulously
      he played the part of a plagiarist even in the sophisms he employed. Mr.
      Duncombe had the bad taste to move an amendment, which he knew there was
      no hope of carrying, or of finding a tolerable minority to support, thus
      impeding the public business without any counterpoising benefit.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the address was brought up, Mr. O'Connell animadverted in strong
      language upon the transfer of Limbourg and Luxembourg to Holland: it was
      one of the greatest cruelties ever committed that the five powers should
      impose such terms on Belgium. In reply, Lord Palmerston observed that by
      the treaty of Vienna Limbourg was annexed to the Seven United Provinces.
      Luxembourg, by the same treaty, was constituted a separate sovereignty, as
      a grand duchy, to be held by the same individual who should be king of the
      Netherlands; but by a separate title, and transmissible in a separate line
      of succession. The kingdom of the Netherlands went to the heirs general of
      the king, while Luxembourg would descend to the heirs male only: the king
      of the Netherlands in that character was not a member of the Germanic
      confederation, but he was a member as grand duke of Luxembourg; and when
      the grand duchy was formed, it became subject to the federal constitution,
      and to the regulations which bound the members of the confederacy. When
      the revolution broke out it extended to Luxembourg, and the king of the
      Netherlands applied for aid to the five powers. It was ultimately found
      that the only way of arranging the difficulties between Holland and
      Belgium was a separation; but the five powers did not feel themselves
      competent, nor were they competent according to the treaties which
      governed the relations of the states of Europe, to deal with the question
      as regarded Luxembourg. In the progress of the negociation the Belgian
      government expressed a strong desire that a portion of Luxembourg and
      Limbourg should form a part of Belgium; and the five powers had no
      objection to this, provided the consent of the Germanic confederation,
      which had full liberty to re-establish the grand duke in his rights, could
      be obtained. The diet gave permission, on condition that some equivalent
      portion of territory should be ceded by Belgium in return for what was
      detached from the duchy of Luxembourg. To these terms the Belgian
      government consented, and an arrangement was made, by which it was agreed
      that for the incorporation of a part of Luxembourg in the kingdom of
      Belgium an equivalent should be provided by the latter state. This
      arrangement formed part of the twenty-four articles; and it was perfectly
      true that these articles, as Mr. O'Connell had said, were accepted by
      Belgium, and not by Holland. When, however, these articles were
      incorporated into a regular treaty between Belgium and the five powers,
      then that treaty became a binding instrument on the contracting party: the
      five powers were entitled to keep Belgium to the terms of the treaty, and
      Belgium in turn was entitled to claim their observance of it. The Belgian
      government had, indeed, on various occasions appealed to the treaty as the
      charter of its rights; and it was preposterous that, after so regarding it
      for eight years, they should finally declare to all Europe, because it
      suited their convenience, that the fundamental articles of the treaty were
      of no obligation to them. His lordship concluded by saying that, so far
      from its being an injustice in the five powers to refuse to add Luxembourg
      to Belgium, it would have been an act of the grossest oppression if they
      had consented to make a violent seizure of that territory for the purpose
      of transferring it: all that was done was to leave the matter as it was
      settled at the congress of Vienna.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAW QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time a great many petitions had been presented to both houses of
      parliament on the subject of the corn-laws. On the 18th of February Lord
      Brougham moved that these petitions should "be referred to a committee of
      the whole house, and that evidence be heard at the bar." The Dukes of
      Buckingham and Richmond and Earl Stanhope opposed the motion; and Lord
      Melbourne thought that the plan proposed would have no other result than
      the obstruction of the business of the house, and to perplex and embarrass
      the question itself. The Duke of Wellington said that the proposed mode of
      inquiry was without a precedent, and contended that without protection
      agriculture could not prosper. The reduction of the duty even a trifle too
      much might involve the country in the utmost difficulty, by rendering the
      cultivation of the soil impossible, and thereby ruining a large class of
      industrious and at present happy people. The motion was negatived without
      a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of the corn-laws was debated in the house of commons on the
      following day. Mr. Villiers moved, "that certain persons be heard at the
      bar of the house by their agents, witnesses, or counsel, in support of the
      allegations of the petition presented to the house on the 15th instant,
      complaining of the operation of the corn-laws." In support of this motion,
      Mr. Villiers considered at great length the effect of the corn-laws upon
      the manufactures and commerce of the country. Sir Francis Burdett objected
      to the course proposed; but, at the same time, he stated that it was his
      conviction that the landed interest, in which he was himself concerned,
      was under erroneous impressions on the subject. The debate which followed
      brought out speeches from many of the men who afterwards took so prominent
      a part in promoting or opposing the repeal of the corn-laws&mdash;such as
      Mr. Mark Philips (member for Manchester), Lord Stanley, Lord Howick, and
      Sir Robert Peel. The first-named made a useful and practical speech; Lord
      Stanley an absurd one; Lord Howick was as capricious and crotchetty as on
      most other occasions; Sir Robert Peel repeated himself and other hack
      orators on the side of the protectionists. Mr. Villiers made a calm and
      effective reply, in which he especially directed his skill as a debater to
      the exposure of the fallacies of Sir Robert Peel, whose ignorance or
      partizanship he handled with a calm and dignified severity. On a division
      the motion was rejected by three hundred and sixty-one against one hundred
      and seventy-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND DISCUSSED IN PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of January an Irish nobleman, Lord Norbury, was savagely
      murdered. His lordship was shot within sight of his own house, in clear
      daylight, with many people at hand, and yet the assassin escaped with
      impunity. The occurrence was the more shocking, because the deceased
      nobleman was a most exemplary character both as a man and as a landlord.
      His lordship expired on the 3rd of January, after forty-three hours of
      suffering; and on the same day a notification to the magistrates was
      issued by the lord-lieutenant of the county, requesting their attendance
      on the 10th instant, to consider the measures necessary to be taken in
      consequence of the late outrage. This meeting was held, under the auspices
      of Lord Osmantown, at Tullamore, and in the course of it resolutions to
      the following effect were unanimously adopted:&mdash;"That it appears to
      this meeting, that property had its duties as well as its rights; that the
      answer conveyed to the magistrates of Tipperary by Mr. under-secretary
      Drummond has had the effect of increasing the animosities entertained
      against the owners of the soil, and has emboldened the disturbers of the
      public peace. That finding from the circumstances mentioned in the former
      resolutions that there is little room to hope for a successful appeal to
      the Irish executive, we feel it a duty to apply to the people of England,
      the legislature, and the throne, for protection. That the magistrates
      assembled are determined to co-operate with the government in any manner
      pointed out by her majesty's ministers which may give the slightest hope
      of restoring tranquillity in this distracted country." In the meantime the
      opposite party made efforts of counteraction. Mr. O'Connell was
      indefatigable in stirring up his Precursor Society and other similar
      machines of agitation. Festivals were even held in honour of the
      demagogue; and at one of these Mr. O'Connell actually asserted that the
      assassin of Lord Norbury had left on the soil where he had posted himself,
      not the print of a rustic brogue, but the impress of a well-made Dublin
      boot. By this and other insinuations, indeed, the arch-agitator directed
      the minds of the audience to the conclusion that the earl had met his
      death at the hands of one bound to him by the nearest of natural ties&mdash;his
      son.
    </p>
    <p>
      The state of Ireland being such, it naturally became a subject for
      discussion in parliament. On the 7th of March Mr. Shaw moved for returns
      of the number of committals, convictions, inquests, rewards, and
      advertisements for the discovery of offenders in Ireland, from 1835 to
      1839, in order to enable the house to form a judgment with regard to the
      actual amount and increase of crime in that country. Lord Morpeth
      expressed his satisfaction at the course Mr. Shaw had taken; instead of
      appealing to parliament for a verdict of censure upon government, he had
      simply moved for papers. There could be no objection to the issue of any
      information respecting Lord Normanby's administration: he might, indeed,
      move for returns applicable to a period beyond the last four years, in the
      confidence that the late lord-lieutenant would have nothing to fear from
      the comparison. Mr. Colquhoun endeavoured to show, from a long enumeration
      of cases, that crime had been gaining ground under the system of agitation
      which prevailed, and which was connived at by the present government.
      Colonel Conolly, and Messrs. Villiers, Stuart, Litton, and Emerson
      Tennent, all urged the same serious charge against the Irish
      administration which had been made by preceding speakers, Mr. O'Connell,
      after delivering a violent speech, in which he was constantly interrupted,
      and in which he charged several members with coming to parliament for the
      sole purpose of villifying their native land, moved that after the word
      "Ireland" there be added the words, "also similar returns for England,
      Wales, and Scotland." The last speaker on this evening was Serjeant
      Jackson, who maintained that by almost every single exercise of patronage,
      and especially by the appointment of Lord Ebrington to the viceroyalty,
      government had favoured the cause of agitation. The debate was resumed on
      the 11th of March, when the house was addressed by Messrs. Lefroy, French,
      and Sir Charles Styles. As the latter gentleman was speaking the house was
      counted out, and the discussion, which had little reference to the motion,
      therefore dropped. The subject of the state of Ireland was introduced in
      the upper house on the 21st of March by Lord Roden, who moved for a select
      committee of inquiry into the state of Ireland since 1835, with respect to
      the commission of crime. His lordship, indeed, adopted the most
      inculpatory view of the question, and every circumstance in his
      delineation of the matter&mdash;the deeply-rooted ribbon conspiracy; the
      unredressed grievances of the persecuted Protestants at Achill, and the
      general insecurity of life and property, were, in his opinion, either
      created by the conduct of Lord Normanby, or had acquired an aggravated
      character under his auspices. In reply Lord Normanby vindicated his
      administration with very great ability. Lord Melbourne also ably defended
      the noble marquis. The Duke of Wellington and Lord Brougham offered an
      earnest and eloquent support to Lord Roden's motion. The two noble lords
      spoke as if they had had a previous concert and arrangement. This alliance
      of Lord Brougham with the Duke of Wellington did not silence Lord
      Plunkett. He begged to know what course Lord Brougham would pursue in the
      event of the motion being carried. Had he any measure of his own to
      propose, or was he willing to adopt the propositions of others? Was he
      willing to commit all the friends with whom he had hitherto acted, and to
      surrender all the principles and opinions which he had advocated
      throughout life? On a division, Lord Boden's motion was carried by a
      majority of sixty-three against fifty-eight: a result which gave great
      dissatisfaction to the ministers. On the day following, indeed, Lord John
      Russell gave notice of his intention to take the opinion of the house of
      commons on the government of Ireland in late years in the very first week
      after the Easter recess.
    </p>
    <p>
      The vote of the house of lords also alarmed and gave umbrage to Ireland's
      agitators. Incensed by it, Mr. O'Con-nell crossed St. George's Channel as
      soon as the houses had arisen, in order to increase the turbulence of his
      country. Day after day was he to be seen on the corn exchange haranguing
      the multitude; on Sundays, after mass, he attended parochial meetings; and
      the columns of the newspapers were filled with the exercitations of his
      pen. On the 11th of April a grand meeting was held in the theatre-royal,
      to prepare petitions to the queen and the house of commons, declaratory of
      their confidence in the actual administration of Ireland. On this occasion
      Mr. O'Connell exerted all his eloquence to rouse the passions of his
      hearers, and their shouts told that he was but too successful. "Shout!" he
      exclaimed at the close of his harangue. The shout that that day emanated
      from that theatre would be heard in St. Stephen's, and it would cheer the
      heart of the queen at St. James's.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the house of commons, resumed its sittings on the 8th of April, Lord
      John Russell gave notice of his intention on the 15th to propose the
      following resolution:&mdash;"That it is the opinion of this house that it
      is expedient to persevere in those principles which have guided the
      executive government of Ireland of late years, and which have tended to
      the effectual administration of the laws and the general improvement of
      that part of the United Kingdom." On the following day Sir Robert Peel
      gave notice that he should move an amendment on this resolution, and on
      the 12th the right honourable baronet brought forward the draught of his
      resolutions. They read thus:&mdash;"Resolved, that on the 13th day of
      March last, a motion was made in this house for the production of various
      documents connected with the state of Ireland, in respect to crime and
      outrage; including communications made to the Irish government relating to
      offences connected with ribbonism, and all memorials, resolutions, and
      addresses, forwarded to the Irish government by magistrates, or other
      official persons, in respect of crimes and outrages committed in Ireland,
      and the answers thereto. That the period included within the returns so
      called for extends from the commencement of the year 1835 to the present
      time; and that the motion made for the production of them was assented to
      by this house, no opposition to it having been offered to it on the part
      of her majesty's government. That on the 21st day of March last, the house
      of lords appointed a select committee to inquire into the state of Ireland
      since the year 1835, in respect to crime and outrage, which have rendered
      life and property insecure in that part of the empire. That, in
      consequence of the appointment of such committee by the house of lords, it
      has been proposed that this house should resolve, 'That it is the opinion
      of this house that it is expedient to persevere in those principles which
      have guided the executive government of late years, and which have tended
      to the effectual administration of the law, and the general improvement of
      that part of the United Kingdom.' Resolved, that it appears to this house,
      that the appointment of a committee of inquiry by the house of lords,
      under the circumstances, and for the purposes above-mentioned, does not
      justify her majesty's ministers in calling upon this house, without
      previous inquiry, or even the production of the information which this
      house has required, to make a declaration of opinion with respect to one
      branch of the public policy of the executive government, still less a
      declaration of opinions, which is neither explicit as to the principles
      which it professes to approve, nor definite as to the period to which it
      refers; and that it is not fitting that this house should adopt a
      proceeding which has the appearance of calling in question the undoubted
      right of the house of lords to inquire into the state of Ireland in
      respect to crime and outrage, more especially when the exercise of that
      right by the house of lords does not interfere with any previous
      proceeding or resolution of the house of commons, nor with the progress of
      any legislative measure assented to by the house of commons, or at present
      under its consideration." The adroitness with which these resolutions were
      framed are apparent, and needs no comment; they completely evaded all the
      difficulties of the case. The situation of the ministers was also rendered
      more difficult by the conduct of the radical section of the house, whose
      tactics were called into play on this occasion. They felt themselves
      bound, indeed, to support Lord John Russell's motion, but then they wished
      him to go further. No sooner had Sir Robert Peel sat down, indeed, than
      Mr. Duncombe stated that in the event of the noble lord's resolution
      being-carried, it was in his contemplation to move an addition to it in
      the following terms:&mdash;"And that it is expedient also to effect such
      further reforms in the representation of the people in parliament as would
      conduce to their contentment, and to the security and welfare of the
      kingdom at large."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of April Lord John Russell moved his long-announced resolution
      of confidence on the part of the house in the executive government of
      Ireland. His lordship dwelt at great length on the constitutional right of
      the lords to make inquiry into the state of Ireland and the conduct of its
      government. He did not deny that right; but considering such a measure
      under all its circumstances, the indiscriminate vehemence of the
      inculpations allowed to circulate, the limitation of time, the very name
      of the mover, he could not but feel that he was called upon to demand from
      the house of commons a definite opinion upon the conduct of the Irish
      administration. Sir Robert Peel contended that the noble lord's resolution
      was partial and unintelligible. Mr. Spring Rice, in reply, contended that
      the vote of the house of lords was a vote of censure upon government; and
      he remonstrated against the unfairness of making the existence of crime in
      Ireland a charge against the present government, when nobody ever thought
      of censuring preceding administrations on account of turbulence and
      outrages in Ireland. At the close of Mr. Spring Rice's speech the debate
      was adjourned, and subsequently two adjournments took place. In the course
      of the debate ministers were supported by Messrs. Smith O'Brien, Bellew,
      Henry Grattan, Grote, Edward Lytton Bulwer, Hume, the O'Connor Don, Sir
      William Somerville, and others, and opposed by Messrs. Lascelles, Sidney
      Herbert, Lucas, Shaw, Colonel Conolly, Sir James Graham, and others. Mr.
      Shiel delivered a long and eloquent speech in defence of Lord Normanby.
      The debate was closed by Mr. O'Connell, whose statements, as usual, were
      more distinguished for their animated delivery than their accuracy. On a
      division Sir Robert Peel's amendment was negatived by three hundred and
      eighteen against two hundred and ninety-six; and Mr. Duncombe's rider by
      two hundred and ninety-nine against eighty-one.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 16th of February Lord Morpeth again moved for leave to bring in a
      bill for the regulation of municipal corporations in Ireland. It has been
      seen that the main point of dispute on this subject between the two houses
      was the amount of the franchise; the house of lords contending that it
      should be acquired by the occupation for twelve months of a tenement of
      the value of ten pounds, to be made up of the sum at which it was rated to
      the relief of the poor; and the house of commons, that the occupation of a
      tenement rated at the net annual value of eight pounds for six months
      should confer the qualification in question. It was proposed to retain
      this last franchise in the present measure; and the only material
      difference between the present and the former bill consisted in a
      provision which was now made for the eventual adoption of the English
      franchise. Lord Morpeth proposed that in whatever town, otherwise
      competent to receive such institutions, the poor-law act should have been
      in operation for three years, all persons resident for that period, and
      rated to any amount, should be entitled to vote for the election of
      municipal officers. The whole of schedule A, containing the towns in which
      corporations were to be established, remained the same; but with regard to
      schedule B, which enumerated those towns to which municipal institutions
      might be granted on petition of the inhabitants, it was proposed that,
      without the signatures of an absolute majority, the crown might establish
      corporations in those places as well as in any other town of three
      thousand inhabitants, in which there might be a number of persons
      occupying premises at not less than £4 per annum, sufficient to make up a
      constituency. On the second reading of the bill it met with a stern
      opposition of the conservative party; but it was eventually carried
      through by the small majority of twenty-six. The bill was committed <i>pro-formâ</i>
      on the 19th of April; but many delays took place in order that thirty-four
      clauses, which should have made part of the original measure, should be
      included. On the 4th of July, however, the house went into committee upon
      clause twenty, which referred to the value of the franchise. An attempt
      was made by Mr. Shaw to introduce a £10 qualification, which had been the
      ultimatum of the Conservatives in the last session: but after a short
      debate the original question was carried by one hundred and fifty-four
      against fifty-four. Some other minor amendments were subsequently
      proposed, but they were negatived; and the bill was finally carried in the
      commons by a majority of ninety-seven against seventy-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of July, the Irish Municipal Corporations bill was read a
      second time in the house of lords. On the 25th of July, before the house
      went into committee, Lord Lyndhurst gave notice of the amendments which he
      intended to move in the course of the evening, and of his intention to
      vote against the third reading, if the bill should come unaltered out of
      the committee. The only amendment of the noble lord which gave rise to any
      discussion after their lordships went into committee was for raising the
      qualification from £8 to £10. This was objected to by Lord Melbourne, who
      said, that he could not but think that their lordships were acting no very
      worthy part, in raising difficulties in the way of what they all
      considered desirable&mdash;the settlement of the question. The Duke of
      Wellington administered a severe rebuke to his lordship for uttering such
      a sentiment; and on a division the amendment was carried by a majority of
      ninety-three against forty-three. A number of minor amendments were also
      made in conformity with Lord Lyndhurst's suggestions; and on the 5th of
      August the bill was read a third time, and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell moved the order of the day, for the consideration of the
      lords' amendments, on the 12th of August; on which occasion he stated that
      it was not advisable, in his opinion, to take objection to the bill on the
      question of privilege, on account of certain clauses transferring certain
      fiscal powers from the grand-juries to the new town-councils, which had
      been struck out in the other house, and to send it back to the lords. The
      only course to pursue would be to bring in a new bill either now or at the
      beginning of the next session. He moved, therefore, that the amendments be
      taken into consideration that day three months, in the hope that he might
      be able finally to adjust the question. This motion was agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 6th of August Lord Brougham brought forward several resolutions on
      the administration of justice in Ireland under the Marquis of Normanby.
      His lordship's remarks were chiefly confined to Lord Normanby's public
      measures; and the debate in general was conducted in a tone friendly to
      the noble marquis, even by the opposite party. At the same time the
      resolutions were carried by a majority of eighty-six against fifty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT RESPECTING JAMAICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen that in the earlier part of the preceding year the
      agitation on the subject of West India slavery had become general
      throughout the kingdom, and that it gave rise to discussion in parliament.
      An important bill was passed, entitled "An act to amend the act for the
      abolition of slavery." Many salutary provisions were made in this
      instrument for the further protection of the apprentices; and in order to
      serve the execution of such regulations of the former enactment as had
      been disregarded by the planters. This act was promulgated in Jamaica by
      the governor on the 1st of June; and on the 5th of the same month he
      convened the legislature of that colony. In his speech Sir Lionel Smith
      informed the assembly that he had called the house together to take into
      consideration the state of the island, and to recommend the early and
      equal abolition of apprenticeship for all parties. The assembly entered a
      warm remonstrance against the abolition amendment act; but nevertheless on
      the 16th of June the governor gave the royal assent to an act for the
      entire abolition of prædial apprenticeship from the 1st of August, 1838.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the arrival in England of the news of this voluntary abandonment on the
      part of the planters of the remaining term of apprenticeship. Lord
      Melbourne presented to the house of lords an important bill, founded on
      the report of Captain Pringle, empowering her majesty in council to make
      rules for the government of the West India prisons, to appoint inspectors,
      and regulate other matters of necessary discipline. This bill was sent out
      and promulgated by the governor in a proclamation affixed to the doors of
      their house about six weeks before the meeting of the assembly. That
      meeting took place on the 30th of October, and their very first procedure
      was to pass four resolutions condemnatory of Lord Melbourne's bill;
      complaining of the violation of their rights by the parliament of Great
      Britain; asserting that as a body they (the assembly) had ceased to exist
      for any useful purpose to the people whom they represented; and that
      therefore they would abstain from the exercise of any legislative
      function, excepting such as might be necessary to preserve inviolate the
      faith of the island with the public creditor, until her majesty's pleasure
      should be known, whether her subjects of Jamaica, now in a state of
      freedom, should henceforth be treated as subjects, with the power of
      making laws for their own government, or as a conquered colony. Sir Lionel
      now prorogued the assembly for a few days; but when they again met they
      asserted their determination to adhere to their resolutions, and the
      result of their contumacy was the final prorogation of their house.
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of these transactions, on the 9th of April Mr. Labouchere
      introduced a bill to suspend the existing constitution for five years. In
      the meantime it was proposed to make provision for the government of that
      colony by investing it <i>pro tempore</i> in the hands of a governor, and
      a council augmented by the accession of three persons, who would be sent
      from England as commissioners, especially qualified by experience to
      assist in the consideration of some of the more important topics to which
      their early attention would be directed, as the improvement of the
      negroes, the poor-laws, and prison discipline. This interval, it was said,
      would give time for the enactment of such laws as were called for by the
      transition state of the colony, and the government afterwards proposed to
      restore the ancient constitution, subject to the requisite modifications.
      The introduction of this measure was not opposed by the Conservatives. The
      bill arrived at the second reading on the 23rd of April, when Sir Robert
      Peel stated that he would again allow it to be read <i>pro formâ</i>.
      Counsel would then be heard at the bar against the measure: he was even
      content to have the bill committed, and take the discussion on the
      question that the speaker do now leave the chair. At the same time, before
      they proceeded to suspend the constitution of Jamaica for five years, and
      to vest so great an authority of taxation in an unpopular government, he
      could wish to give to the assembly the power of reconsidering their
      course, and returning to their duties. If the house of assembly should
      still adhere to their refractory courses, he was disposed to confide to
      ministers the power of carrying on the government for a time, until
      parliament should decide otherwise; or if it could be further shown that
      public business would be prejudiced by such delay, he would, make no more
      opposition to the bill. Counsel were then heard; the cause of the colony
      being pleaded by Sergeant Mereweather and Mr. Burge, the accredited agent
      of the colonies. The debate on the question was opened on the 3rd of May,
      when Sir Robert Peel expressed his disappointment that it had not been
      found practicable to come to some arrangement with regard to the
      government of Jamaica without any party conflict, or even any serious
      division on the course to be pursued. He thought that the temporary
      abrogation of a popular form of government was by no means desirable. Mr.
      Labouchere maintained that the result of the great experiment of
      emancipation would depend on the fate of this bill. The only chance of
      securing the investment of English capital, and ensuring success to the
      experiments to be tried of cultivating the estates by free labour, lay in
      the timely introduction of proper regulations. It would be vexatious if,
      after all, the negroes should take to squatting, and pass their lives in
      indolence; but half of the good work would have been achieved until the
      black was raised to the condition of a free and laborious citizen. As
      matters stood, the negroes refused to enter into contracts; the only
      method for obtaining from the black population the continuous labour which
      was notoriously indispensable for the cultivation of sugar, was to induce
      them to enter into an agreement to work uninterruptedly for a stipulated
      sum of money. So arbitrary and partial, however, was the power assigned by
      the present law of contract, that the negro was reluctant to engage on
      such conditions. This called for alteration; and so likewise did the law
      relating to the militia, as well as the vagrancy law and the constitution
      of the courts of justice. It would also be advisable to introduce some
      measure of relief for the poor; but nothing could be effected in the
      present discontinuance of all legislation. Mr. Labouchere added, that the
      present measure, though avowedly an arbitrary one, would, after all, only
      place Jamaica on the same footing with the other crown colonies, who were
      administered by a governor and council. He concluded by proposing two
      years and a half instead of five as the shortest interval within which the
      measures in contemplation could be prepared. Mr. Godson opposed the
      measure; and Mr. Charles Buller delivered a clever speech in its support.
      Mr. Hume expressed his reluctance to separate himself from the government
      on this question; but he could not vote in favour of such injustice. Sir
      George Grey vindicated the measure, noticing a variety of instances in
      which the assembly had eluded the recommendations of government in favour
      of the negroes, and referring, in proof of his assertion, to several
      conservative authorities.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house then adjourned; and the debate was opened on the following
      Monday by Mr. Maclean. The bill on this night was supported by Sir Eardley
      Wilmot, and Messrs. Warburton and O'Connell; and opposed by Messrs. Grote,
      Gaily Knight, Goulburn, Gladstone, and Lord Stanley. The debate was closed
      by Lord John Russell, who enumerated a short summary of the arguments for
      the bill, and declaimed against those of his usual supporters who were
      about to desert him. On a division the measure was carried by a majority
      of five only, the numbers being, in favour of the bill, two hundred and
      ninety-four; against it, two hundred and eighty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS, AND FAILURE OF SIR ROBERT PEEL TO FORM A NEW
      ADMINISTRATION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The result of the debate on the Jamaica suspension bill was followed by
      the resignation of the ministers. On the 7th of May the leading members of
      the administration in both houses declared their inability to carry on the
      government with advantage to the public service, and that they had in
      consequence tendered their resignations, which her majesty had graciously
      accepted. After the lapse of a week the house of commons again met, when
      Lord John Russell stated, that since he last addressed them Sir Robert
      Peel had received authority from her majesty to form a new administration;
      and that the attempt of the right honourable baronet having failed, her
      majesty had been graciously pleased to permit that gentleman to state the
      circumstances which had led to that failure. In explanation, Sir Robert
      Peel said that her majesty had invited the Duke of Wellington to assist
      her in the formation of a new government; and that his grace had informed
      her that, in his opinion, the chief difficulties a government would have
      to encounter would be in the house of commons; and for that and other
      reasons the noble duke had advised her majesty to send for him as the
      person best qualified to undertake the duties of prime minister. Her
      majesty accordingly sent for him, and when he waited on her, he stated his
      sense of the difficulties a new government would have to encounter; but
      that, having been a party to the vote of the house which led to those
      difficulties, nothing should prevent him from tendering to her majesty
      every assistance in his power. Subsequently he submitted the following
      list of names to her majesty for approval in the formation of the new
      cabinet:&mdash;The Duke of Wellington, Lords Lyndhurst, Aberdeen,
      Ellenborough, and Stanley; Sirs James Graham, and Henry Hardinge, and Mr.
      Goulburn. Sir Robert proceeded to state that no difficulties arose to lead
      to his relinquishing to form a new administration until Thursday; and that
      difficulty arose, he said, exclusively from that portion of the household
      which is filled by the ladies in her majesty's service. On the Wednesday
      night previous to this event, he had stated to those whom he proposed to
      submit to her majesty as ministers, the course he intended to pursue with
      respect to the household. He had little considered the subject; and with
      regard to the female part of it, he scarcely knew of whom it consisted. He
      took the red book in his hand, however, and there saw the different
      appointments. He then stated that with reference to all the subordinate
      appointments below the rank of a lady of the bedchamber, he should propose
      no change to her majesty; and that with respect to the superior class he
      took for granted they would relieve him from any difficulty, by at once
      relinquishing their offices. If such offices, however, should not be
      voluntarily relinquished, he gave it as his opinion that they should be
      subject to some change, although in some instances the absence of all
      political feeling might render any such change unnecessary. On the
      Thursday he saw her majesty, when he made a verbal communication to such
      an effect. He would not enter into the precise nature of this
      communication, but simply read two letters which had subsequently passed:
      one, conveying her majesty's impressions, and the other his own. These
      letters read thus:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Buckingham Palace, May 10th</i>, 1839.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The queen having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir
      Robert Peel, to remove the ladies of her bedchamber, cannot consent to
      adopt a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is
      repugnant to her feelings."
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Whitehall, May 10th</i>, 1839.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your majesty, and has had the
      honour of receiving your majesty's note of this morning. In respectfully
      submitting to your majesty's pleasure, and humbly returning into your
      majesty's hands the important trust which your majesty had been graciously
      pleased to transmit to him, Sir Robert Peel trusts that your majesty will
      permit him to state to your majesty, his impression with respect to the
      circumstances which have led to the termination of his attempt to form an
      administration for the conduct of your majesty's service. In the interview
      with which your majesty honoured Sir Robert Peel yesterday morning, after
      he had submitted to your majesty the names of those whom he proposed to
      recommend to the principal executive appointments, he mentioned to your
      majesty his earnest wish, to be enabled by your majesty's sanction, so to
      constitute your majesty's household that your majesty's confidential
      servants might have the advantage of a public demonstration of your
      majesty's full support and confidence; and that at the same time, as far
      as possible consistently with that demonstration, each individual
      appointment in the household should be entirely acceptable to your
      majesty's personal feelings. On your majesty expressing a desire that the
      Earl of Liverpool should hold an office in the household, Sir Robert Peel
      requested your majesty's permission at once to offer to Lord Liverpool the
      office of lord-steward, or any other which he might prefer. Sir Robert
      Peel then observed, that he should have every wish to apply a similar
      principle to the chief appointments which are filled by the ladies of your
      majesty's household: upon which your majesty was pleased to remark that
      you must reserve the whole of these appointments, and that it was your
      majesty's pleasure the whole should continue, as at present, without
      change. The Duke of Wellington, in the interview to which your majesty
      subsequently admitted him, understood that this was your majesty's
      determination, and concurred with Sir Robert Peel in opinion, that,
      considering the great difficulties of the present crisis, and the
      expediency of making every effort in the first instance to conduct the
      public business of the country with the aid of the present parliament, it
      was essential to the success of the commission with which your majesty had
      honoured Sir Robert Peel, that he should have that public proof of your
      majesty's entire support and confidence, which would be afforded by the
      permission to make some changes in that part of your majesty's household,
      which your majesty resolved on maintaining entirely without change. Having
      had the opportunity, through your majesty's gracious consideration, of
      reflecting upon this point, he humbly submits to your majesty that he is
      reluctantly compelled, by a sense of public duty and of the interest of
      your majesty's service, to adhere to the opinion which he expressed to
      your majesty. He trusts he may be permitted at the same time to express to
      your majesty his grateful acknowledgments for the distinction which your
      majesty conferred upon him, by requiring his advice and assistance in the
      formation of an administration, and his earnest prayers that whatever
      arrangements your majesty may be enabled to make for that purpose, may be
      most conducive to your majesty's personal comfort and happiness, and to
      the promotion of the public welfare."
    </p>
    <p>
      After reading these letters, Sir Robert Peel proceeded to notice certain
      misrepresentations with regard to his conduct in this affair, and to
      vindicate his policy in requiring the change alluded to in those letters.
      Lord John Russell replied at great length, and in reference to the point
      which proved a stumblingblock to Sir Robert Peel in his efforts to form an
      administration, said, that her majesty, after relating all the
      circumstances, was pleased to ask him whether he thought she was justified
      in making the refusal of a change in her household to the required extent?
      His lordship said, he replied that he thought her majesty was justified;
      and then she was pleased to observe, that as in the exercise of the powers
      of the crown she had hitherto given her support to the administration, she
      hoped I would consider myself bound now to support her majesty in return.
      His lordship then proceeded to state that on the next day a cabinet was
      held in Downing-street, at which her majesty's confidential servants
      having taken into consideration the letter addressed by her majesty to Sir
      Robert Peel, and the reply of the right honourable baronet, were of
      opinion that for the purpose of giving to the administration that
      character of efficiency and stability, and those marks of the
      constitutional support of the crown, which are required to enable it to
      act usefully to the public service, it is reasonable that the great
      officers of the court, and situations held in the household by members of
      parliament, should be included in the political arrangements made in a
      change of the administration; but they were not of opinion that a similar
      principle should be applied or extended to the offices held by ladies in
      her majesty's household. Lord John Russell concluded by saying that he
      conceived that those who thought her majesty justified in what she had
      done, should not refuse to assume the responsibility which belongs to
      their opinion; and that they should neither conceal nor evade the avowal
      of it, but should trust to the opinion of parliament, and of the country
      as to the result. In reply Sir Robert Peel said that Lord John Russell had
      relieved him from the greatest load of anxiety he had ever suffered under
      during his whole life; and as there was no important difference in their
      explanations, he thought it would be more respectful to her majesty to let
      the matter rest where it was. On the following evening a supplementary
      explanation of these matters was given in the lords; but as it would be
      mere repetition, it is not necessary to detail any portion of the speeches
      delivered. In the end the cabinet was reconstructed, and the first act of
      the house of commons, when it again met, was to elect Mr. Shaw Lefevre to
      the office of speaker, in the room of Mr. Abercrombie, who had three weeks
      previously declared his intention of resigning. Mr. Goulburn was nominated
      by the Conservatives in opposition to Mr. Shaw Lefevre; but the latter
      gentleman was elected by a majority of three hundred and seventeen against
      two hundred and ninety-nine. Mr. Shaw Lefevre took the chair accordingly.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NATIONAL EDUCATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Since the year 1833 parliament had granted annually the sum of £20,000 for
      the purposes of education. This money had been equally divided between the
      National Society and the British and Foreign Bible Society. Government,
      however, were not satisfied with merely asking an increase; they required
      liberty to change entirely the mode of its distribution. Their views on
      this subject were first made known to the house on the 12th of February,
      when Lord John Russell, in presenting certain papers connected with
      education, gave an outline of his views upon it, and stated the
      determination of himself and colleagues respecting it. His lordship
      proposed that the president of the council, and other privy-councillors,
      not exceeding five, should form a board for the consideration of the
      manner in which the grants made by parliament should be distributed. He
      further stated that the first object of such a board should be the
      establishment of a good normal school; and, in order to make that as
      perfect as possible, attention should be mainly directed to four objects&mdash;religious
      instruction; general education; moral training; and habits of industry,
      applied in learning some trade or profession. This brief outline was
      regarded with various feelings by the house and the public. Sir Robert
      Inglis confessed the noble lord had proposed to do less evil than he
      expected; while Mr. Wyse complained that he proposed much less good than
      was hoped for. The manner in which this step was followed up by the
      government subsequently was unfolded in a minute of the privy-council.
      This minute recommended that the sum of £10,000 granted by parliament in
      1835 towards the erection of normal or model schools, should be given in
      equal proportions to the National Society and the British and Foreign
      School Society; and that the remainder of the subsequent grants of the
      years 1837 and 1838 yet unappropriated, any grant that may be voted in the
      present year, be chiefly applied in aid of subscriptions for buildings;
      and, in particular cases, for the support of schools connected with these
      societies. The report further stated, that the committee did not feel
      themselves precluded from making grants in particular cases which shall
      appear to them to call for the aid of government, although the application
      may not come from either of the two mentioned societies. The opinion of
      the committee, it was stated, was that the most useful applications of any
      sums voted by parliament, would consist in the employment of those moneys
      in the establishment of a normal school, under the direction of the state,
      and not placed under the management of a voluntary society. Finally, the
      committee recommended that no further grant be made now or hereafter for
      the establishment or support of normal schools, or of any other schools,
      unless the right of inspection be retained, in order to secure a
      conformity to the regulations and discipline established in the several
      schools, with such improvements as may from time to time be suggested by
      the committee. The report added, that a part of any grant voted in the
      present year might be usefully applied to the purposes of inspection, and
      to the means of acquiring a complete knowledge of the present state of
      education in England and Wales. The day after these resolutions appeared,
      Lord Ashley moved a call of the house for the 14th of June. This motion
      was seconded by Lord John Russell, who embraced the opportunity of warning
      the members against the petitions which had been presented against the
      ministerial scheme. Great error and misrepresentation, his lordship said,
      prevailed on this subject throughout the country. At the same time he
      stated that government would not persist in their proposal to found a
      normal school. His lordship concluded by some remarks on the merits of the
      National and British and Foreign School Society; and by stating that he
      should be ready to go into the report of the committee of the
      privy-council, and should also propose that the vote of £30,000, of which
      he had given notice, should be divided as it hitherto had been, between
      the two societies. Lord Stanley objected to the proposition for giving a
      direct control over the moral and the religious education of the people to
      a board or committee exclusively political in its character, and having no
      fixed principle of action. His lordship also objected to the plan for
      giving a secular rather than a religious education; contending that
      schoolmasters entrusted with the instruction of youth should be of sound
      doctrine. He concluded by moving an amendment to this effect, "That an
      address be presented to her majesty to rescind the order in council for
      constituting the proposed board of privy-council." Lord Morpeth said that
      he conceived that the speech of Lord Stanley went to this extent&mdash;to
      separate by a specific vote of the house the executive government of the
      country from all superintendence and control over the general education of
      the people. He combated this notion at considerable length; arguing that
      so long as the state thought proper to employ Roman Catholic sinews, and
      to finger Unitarian gold, it could not refuse to extend to those by whom
      it so profited the blessings of education. Lord Ashley said that he
      considered the scheme propounded to the house to be hostile to the
      constitution, to the church, and to revealed religion itself, although he
      did not mean to assert it was unconstitutional. The remainder of the
      debate was conducted by Mr. Wyse, Mr. D'Israeli, Sir Robert Inglis, Mr.
      O'Connell, Mr. Gladstone, and Sir Robert Peel. The house divided on the
      original question, that the order of the day for a committee of supply be
      read, which was carried by a majority of two hundred and eighty against
      two hundred and seventy-five. In accordance with this vote Lord John
      Russell, on the 24th of June, moved that the house should resolve itself
      into a committee of supply, in which committee, after recapitulating many
      of the arguments previously urged by himself and other members, he
      proposed that £30,000 be granted by her majesty for public education in
      Great Britain for the year 1839. Lord Mahon said, he felt it his duty to
      meet the motion with a direct negative. The debate which followed was
      chiefly remarkable for an eloquent speech delivered by Mr. Shiel in
      support of the motion. After a few words from Mr. Goulburn in opposition
      to the grant, the committee divided, and Lord John Russell's proposition
      was carried by a majority of two only, the numbers being, for the grant,
      two hundred and seventy-five; against it, two hundred and seventy-three.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of national education was introduced in the lords on the 5th
      of July, by the Archbishop of Canterbury; who, after defending the clergy
      from the attacks made on them by certain parties in regard to this
      government scheme, and entering into some details of the progress of
      education in this country, moved a series of resolutions condemnatory of
      the proposed system of education; and the resolutions were carried by a
      majority of two hundred and twenty-nine against one hundred and eighteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of this majority the lords went in a body to her majesty to
      offer their remonstrance against the proposed alteration in the manner of
      distributing the educational grant.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a later period of the session Lord Brougham brought forward his plan
      for educating the people; but its merits were not canvassed by the house,
      and the consideration of it was adjourned till next session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 11th of February Lord Melbourne laid the report of Lord Durham, and
      other papers, on the table of the house of lords, expressing a hope at the
      same time, that before the Easter recess he should be enabled to introduce
      a measure for the purpose of putting a speedy end to the discontents in
      that part of the empire. This report had appeared in the columns of the <i>Times</i>
      newspaper some days before it was presented to either house of parliament;
      in allusion to which unusual circumstance, Lord Durham said he deeply
      regretted the premature publication of it. His subsequent statement,
      however, proved that it could not have been a matter of surprise to his
      lordship. There had been, he said, an understanding with the ministry that
      the document should be printed before the meeting of parliament, in order
      to save time, and accordingly two thousand copies were prepared; and he
      had himself half a dozen for circulation among his private friends. It
      would appear from this report that the chief cause of all the troubles
      that had disturbed Lower Canada was to be found in the spirit of
      exasperation that had grown up between the two races by whom it was
      peopled. It was possible, it stated, that under a better system of
      management this temper would never have been called forth, and that the
      present disparity between the numbers of the two races would not have
      existed. During the eighty years that had elapsed since the conquest of
      Canada, the French inhabitants had increased from sixty thousand to four
      hundred and fifty thousand souls, while the English settlers amounted to
      no more than a fourth of the entire population, notwithstanding the great
      influx of emigrants which had taken place between the years 1829 and 1837.
      Another source of evil pointed out by Lord Durham in his report was the
      lack of education in the colonies. According to returns laid before
      parliament in 1835, there were in Lower Canada, besides several Roman
      Catholic colleges, and a number of private seminaries for the higher
      branches of education, two grammar-schools, one at Quebec and the other at
      Montreal, and in the three districts of Quebec, Montreal, and Three
      Rivers, thirty-seven free-schools, with nearly two thousand scholars. In
      addition to these there were established, under a provincial act of
      parliament, one thousand one hundred and seventy-one elementary schools,
      with thirty-seven thousand six hundred and fifty-eight scholars,
      distributed through the colonies, and placed under the superintendence of
      trustees annually elected by the inhabitants. The utility of these
      schools, however, may be estimated by this passage from Lord Durham's
      report:&mdash;"It came to my knowledge that out of a great number of boys
      and girls assembled at the school-house door of St. Thomas, all but three
      were admitted upon inquiry to be unable to read; yet the children of this
      large parish attend school regularly, and make use of books. They hold the
      catechism-book in their hands as if they were reading, while they only
      repeat its contents, which they know by rote." The only exception to this
      state of things made by Lord Durham was in favour of the Catholic clergy,
      who were represented by him as a respectable and well-conducted class of
      men, and well-disposed towards the government. The report further stated
      that there was no combination between the two races for public objects.
      All public meetings, no matter for what purpose they were called, were
      attended exclusively by one or the other of the races. They could not
      harmonize even in associations of charity; and the only public occasion on
      which they met was in the jury-box, and then they met only to obstruct
      justice. With such feelings existing in the colony, there could be no
      wonder that insurrections and tumults abounded.
    </p>
    <p>
      No discussion arose on the presentation of Lord Durham's report to the
      lords. On the 15th of February the Duke of Wellington moved an address to
      her majesty for copies of the correspondence of Sir F. Head with her
      majesty's government on the affairs of Upper Canada; and also for copies
      of the correspondence of Sir J. Colborne and her majesty's government
      relative to the establishment of rectories in Upper Canada. Viscount
      Melbourne said he was ready to produce such portions of the correspondence
      as appeared to be necessary for the defence of Sir F. Head, or which
      afforded general information; he further suggested that the motion should
      be for "copies or extracts" as to the correspondence of Sir J. Colborne
      relative to the establishment of rectories. The Duke of Wellington, in
      reply, intimated that, although he thought the whole correspondence ought
      to be produced, he would alter his motion according to the suggestion of
      the noble viscount. The Earl of Aberdeen said it was impossible for the
      house to legislate upon the affairs of Canada without being in possession
      of this correspondence; and the Earl of Wick-low contended that there
      should be superadded any report given by Lords Gosford or Aylnaer. On the
      19th of February Lord Winchilsea further moved, that a humble address be
      presented to her majesty, praying that she would be graciously pleased to
      order to be laid upon the table of the house any correspondence that had
      passed between her Majesty's government and Lord Durham, relative to the
      appointment of Mr. Turton as his lordship's secretary. This was a topic
      which had excited severe animadversion in parliament, as well as on the
      part of the public press; but it does not appear that government had
      anything to do with it, or that there were any papers to be produced. In
      the desultory conversation which followed, indeed, Lord Durham took the
      whole responsibility of the appointment on himself, and insisted that he
      was justified in making that appointment. He had known Mr. Turton from his
      earliest infancy; and he knew also his high professional reputation. He
      had been employed as advocate-general in India, by Lords Combermere and
      Amherst, and had discharged his office so much to the satisfaction of the
      governor and council in India, that they voted him five thousand sicca
      rupees, and a vote of thanks for his conduct. It was not to be endured,
      therefore, that he was to be taunted for appointing to this trumpery
      office a man who had previously filled the highest judicial functions in
      India. Lord Durham concluded by threatening that if this matter were
      proceeded in further by parliament he would not rest until he had obtained
      an inquiry into the case of every public man who had received official
      employment after having been convicted of the same kind of immorality as
      Mr. Turton.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of May Lord Melbourne presented the following message from the
      queen to the imperial parliament:&mdash;"Her majesty thinks it proper to
      acquaint the house of lords, that it appears to her majesty that the
      future welfare of her majesty's subjects in Upper and Lower Canada would
      be promoted by the union of the said provinces into one province for the
      purpose of legislating, from and after the period to be fixed by
      parliament. Her majesty therefore recommends it to the house, to consider
      such measures as may be submitted to them for that purpose. Her majesty is
      persuaded that the house of lords will be careful to combine a due regard
      for the peace and security of these important provinces with such
      provisions as may be conducive to the welfare of England, and the
      permanent freedom and prosperity of her majesty's North American
      provinces." The idea of uniting the two provinces originated in Lord
      Durham's report, in which he gave several cogent reasons for such a
      measure. The subject was taken into consideration on the 3rd of June, when
      Lord John Russell said it became his duty to call upon the parliament to
      lay the foundation of a permanent settlement of the affairs of Canada. In
      his speech, his lordship recapitulated the various circumstances connected
      with the subject of Canadian affairs. With reference to the recommendation
      contained in her majesty's message, Lord John said that the act of 1791
      was founded on two principles: first, that by dividing the province into
      two the French population might remain in that portion called Lower
      Canada, whilst British emigrants would have free scope for their industry,
      and power to establish their own institutions and customs, in the other
      portion of the province, which was to be called Upper Canada. Another
      reason was, the French inhabitants being very loyal to the crown, of very
      simple habits, and possessing institutions to which they were attached, it
      was advisable that means for maintaining those institutions should be
      reserved to them. His lordship acknowledged that there might have been at
      the time reasons for introducing the constitutional act of 1791, but
      argued at great length that it was a mistaken act of policy. The
      grievances which had arisen out of it were manifold; and as a remedy for
      them he proposed the re-union of the two provinces. Other remedies had
      been suggested, but his lordship thought that they were not sufficient to
      meet the exigencies of the case. In support of his own proposition his
      lordship stated that there were many persons in Lower Canada anxious for
      such a union, and that the legislature of Upper Canada had decided in
      favour of the plan. The noble lord concluded by moving these resolutions:&mdash;I.
      "It is the opinion of the house that it is expedient to form a legislative
      union of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, on the principles of a
      free and representative government, in such a manner as may most conduce
      to the prosperity and contentment of the people of the united provinces.
      II. That it is expedient to continue until 1842 the powers vested in the
      governor and special council of Lower Canada, by an act of last session,
      with such alteration of those powers as may be deemed advisable." Mr. Hume
      protested against this plan, and Mr. Goulburn moved the adjournment of the
      house. Sir Robert Peel expressed his surprise to find that it was not the
      intention of her majesty's government to propose any legislative measure
      in the present session, having reference to Canada. His parliamentary
      experience was entirely against resolutions pledging the house to any
      particular course. The debate was adjourned to the following Monday, when
      Lord John Russell stated his intention of withdrawing his resolution,
      pledging the house to the abstract principle of a union of Upper and Lower
      Canada; giving as his reason for this change in the policy of government,
      the strong protest against such a measure on the part of the commons house
      of assembly of Upper Canada; a protest which was contained in a report
      drawn up by a select committee of that body and presented to her majesty.
      With reference to the second resolution, Lord John Russell proposed the
      continuation for three more years of the power now placed in the hands of
      the governor and special council of Lower Canada. On the resumption of the
      debate on the 13th of June, Lord John Russell moved for the withdrawal of
      the first resolution. He was still of opinion, he said, that at some
      future period such an union should be carried into effect, but in the
      meanwhile he thought it necessary that certain exciting topics should be
      disposed of by the legislature. Accordingly he proposed to introduce a
      measure for the continuance of the act of last session, for the suspension
      of the constitution until 1842, and at the same time amending that act in
      several particulars. The amendments proposed by his lordship were the
      alteration of the clause authorizing the governor to suspend the <i>habeas
      corpus</i> act; the alteration of the clause known as Sir William
      Follett's, limiting its operation to measures affecting the clergy, on the
      tenures of land; and the introduction of a new clause, giving power to
      impose rates and taxes not to be paid into the public treasury, but to be
      applied to such local purposes as watching and the roads. With regard to
      the bill for the union of the provinces, his lordship said, that he
      thought it might be necessary to change some of its provisions. The bill
      he would ask to introduce provided for the establishment of a central
      district at Montreal and its neighbourhood, where the meetings of the
      assembly should be held. The other parts of Upper and Lower Canada he
      proposed to divide into two districts. There would then be a central
      district, and four other districts. Each of these was to be subdivided
      into nine other districts, so that supposing each division to return two
      members, there would be ninety members for the electoral divisions. In
      addition to these, his lordship proposed that the four largest towns
      should return two members, making in the whole ninety-eight. After a brief
      discussion, leave was given to bring in the bill, and to amend the act of
      last session, appointing a provisional government.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not until the 4th of July that Lord John Russell moved the order of
      the day for the second reading of this bill. The discussion which followed
      was a mere repetition of former debates. The bill was then read a second
      time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell moved the order of the day forgoing into a committee of
      the whole house on the 11th of July, when Sir William Molesworth moved a
      resolution, the object of which was to declare on the part of the house,
      that considerations of humanity, justice, and sound policy demanded that
      parliament should apply itself without delay to legislate for the
      permanent government of the Canadas.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debate which followed threw no new light upon Canadian affairs, or the
      policy which ought to be pursued towards the people of the Canadian
      provinces. The discussions, however, demonstrated the incapacity of the
      government to deal with matters of such magnitude, and the desire of the
      opposition to sacrifice justice and expediency to party spirit. The house
      divided, and the original motion was carried by a majority of two hundred
      and twenty-three against twenty-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the committee Mr. Hume objected to the first clause, which appertained
      to the increased number of councillors, as only making an addition to
      despotism; but the clause was carried by a large majority. On the second
      clause being moved, Lord Stanley objected to it as enlarging the
      extraordinary powers already granted to the governor and council; but,
      after much discussion, it was carried by a majority of one hundred and
      seventy-six against one hundred and fifty-six. On the 4th clause being
      proposed, Sir Robert Peel moved an amendment to prevent any alteration in
      the law of tenures, which was agreed to; and the remaining clauses were
      then passed, and the report of the committee ordered to be received on the
      following Monday.
    </p>
    <p>
      This bill was brought forward in the house of lords on the 20th of July,
      by the Marquis of Normanby, who, in introducing it, confined himself to
      its immediate subjects, and to an explanation of its intentions. The bill,
      as amended by the commons, was carried. Thus ended all attempts to
      legislate for the Canadas in the session of 1839: the great expectations
      formed at the commencement of the session on this important subject were
      doomed to be disappointed in the results. Conversations of a personal
      nature took place, but neither party approached the question as became the
      legislators of a great and mighty empire. Government, it is true,
      intimated that they had framed a plan for the union of the two provinces,
      but it was scarcely intimated before it was abandoned. Finally came forth
      the fragment of a measure which had not the confidence of either party,
      but which was nevertheless passed into a law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE SECOND JAMAICA BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of May Mr. Labouchere brought forward a second measure
      relative to the affairs of Jamaica. In the newly-proposed bill ministers
      had resolved to call together once more the colonial assembly, in order to
      allow them what had been termed a <i>locus penitentio</i>. This assembly
      represented the necessity of ameliorating the existing laws regarding
      vagrancy, the relation between master and servant, the state of the
      militia, and the electoral qualification. At the same time no fewer than
      seventeen annual acts of importance had been suffered by the assembly to
      expire, although in many cases the peace of the colony depended upon them.
      The first clause of the bill related to those matters which did not fall
      under the head of expired enactments, as vagrancy, contracts, and
      squatting. With reference to these questions, orders had already been
      transmitted to the crown colonies, and were now in successful operation.
      By the bill, therefore, the assembly of Jamaica would be referred to them,
      with injunctions to legislate in conformity with the spirit of those
      provisions; and should they fail to do so, it would be competent for the
      governor, with the aid of the council, after a certain interval, to make
      tire requisite laws, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, upon the models which had
      before been indicated. The object of the second clause was to leave a
      certain time to the assembly for re-enacting the seventeen annual laws,
      and to invest the governor in council with authority to renew them, in the
      event of their failing to do so. A brief conversation took place, in which
      Sir Robert Peel declined offering any opinion on the merits of the bill in
      its present stage, and the house went into committee upon it. On the 10th
      of June Sir Edward Sugden proposed on this occasion to omit the first
      clause of the bill, after which he proceeded to dissect its provisions
      with considerable acuteness. Mr. Labouchere defended the measure, and
      Messrs. Gladstone and Goulburn objected to it. The latter said that tire
      present bill differed but little from the former, and, in his opinion,
      only differed for the worse, as it offered a premium to the council for
      disapproving of the acts of the assembly, in order that it might itself
      acquire the power of legislating in its place. On a division the clause
      was carried by a majority of two hundred and twenty-eight against one
      hundred and ninety-four: a result which was chiefly owing to the
      circumstance that the Conservatives were not prepared for so early a
      division, but which was nevertheless received with great cheering from the
      ministerial benches. The order of the day was moved for the third reading
      on the 19th of June, when Mr. Labouchere stated that the time left to the
      assembly for deliberation could be extended from the 1st to the 15th of
      October. The bill was then read without opposition; but Mr. Goulburn
      immediately rose to move the omission of the first clause, in which he was
      seconded by Mr. Hume. Lord John Russell urged that the rejection of that
      clause would prevent any useful legislation on the subjects embraced by
      its provisions, and that the constitutional difficulty rather rested on
      the second section. Sir Robert Peel contended that the government was
      about to give just grounds of complaint to the assembly. In reply, Mr.
      Labouchere admitted that the method in contemplation was not an agreeable
      mode of proceeding; but at the same time he argued that it was the best
      which, under the circumstances, could be adopted. On a division the clause
      was carried by a majority of two hundred and sixty-seven against two
      hundred and fifty-seven.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading of the bill was moved in the house of lords on the 1st
      of July by the Marquis of Normanby, who made some stringent remarks on the
      conduct and constitution of the Jamaica assembly. On the following day,
      after the order of the day had been read for going into committee, Lord
      Lyndhurst moved the expunction of the first clause of the bill. The
      opposition charged the government with a desire to subvert the
      constitution of Jamaica, and to tyrannize over the colonists. Lord
      Brougham made the question an occasion to vent his personal spleen against
      the cabinet. The opinions expressed by his lordship were so utterly at
      variance with those which he had so often uttered when eloquently
      advocating the cause of the negro, as to betray his personal motives in
      his opposition to the bill, and to lessen public confidence in his justice
      and consistency. Lord Melbourne vehemently disclaimed, on the part of
      himself and colleagues, the least desire to abolish the Jamaican
      constitution, or to interfere with the rights of the people either in this
      country or in any of the colonies. What they had done had been done with
      deep regret and reluctance; and it was with the utmost unwillingness that
      they made both the previous and present propositions. On a division, the
      first clause was expunged by a majority of one hundred and forty-nine
      against eighty. Lord Brougham then moved an amendment to the second
      clause, limiting the power of the governor with regard to the renewal of
      money-bills; but was prevailed upon to postpone the discussion till
      Thursday, on which day, the other clauses having passed, it was agreed
      that the report should be brought up. When the order of the day for
      bringing up the report was read, his lordship moved as a proviso, "that
      nothing herein contained shall enable the said governor, with the assent
      of the said council, to continue or renew any acts for the raising or
      appropriating money." This amendment was strongly opposed by Lord
      Melbourne and other members of the cabinet, and it was negatived without a
      division. The report was then received, and on the 5th of July the bill
      was read a third time and passed. On the 9th of the same month Lord John
      Russell recommended the house to acquiesce in the amendments of the lords,
      which was agreed to; and thus the bill finally assumed the very shape
      which Sir Robert Peel at first suggested should be adopted.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE PORTUGUESE SLAVE-TRADE, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 8th of March Sir Robert Inglis took occasion to remind Lord
      Palmerston of the address which had been carried on the subject of the
      Portuguese slave-trade, and begged to be informed whether the government
      had succeeded in obtaining a treaty with Portugal, or were prepared to
      resort to the measures promised by the noble lord in the event of the
      failure of such negociations. In reply, Lord Palmerston stated, that after
      four years spent in negociation, a note, which had just been received from
      Lord Howard de Walden, assured him that there was no longer any hope of
      procuring the assent of the Portuguese cabinet to a treaty for the
      suppression of the traffic. It was, therefore, the intention of government
      to introduce a bill which should give to her majesty's cruisers and
      commissioners the same right of search with regard to slave-trading
      vessels met with below the line, which they already possessed in the case
      of those which were found north of the equator. This bill was introduced
      on the 10th of July, and it passed through all its stages in silence until
      it arrived at the second reading in the house of lords. On that occasion
      Lord Minto said, that he deemed it necessary to state the present
      condition of the law relating to the slave-trade, and the existing
      treaties between Great Britain and Portugal. The most important of these
      treaties, his lordship said, was that of 1815, by which the slave-trade
      was declared illegal; and Portugal undertook to bring about its eventual
      abolition, consenting in the meantime not to suffer her flag to be
      employed in that traffic for any other purpose than to furnish slaves for
      her own transatlantic dominions. For this concession England had agreed to
      pay, and had paid, £600,000. In 1817, an additional convention was entered
      into, defining still more precisely the limits within which the
      slave-trade to the Brazils was to be exercised. By this treaty the
      Portuguese government undertook, within two months from the date on which
      it was signed, to pass a law declaring the commerce in question unlawful,
      and subjecting persons implicated therein to punishment. It was further
      stipulated that, within a specified period, Portugal should treat with
      this country for the final abolition of the slave-trade, and assimilate
      its legislation on the subject with that of Great Britain. His lordship
      went on to say, that when Portugal ceased to hold the Brazils, the
      slave-trade ought to have been abolished, as there were no longer any
      transatlantic possessions to which the terms of the treaty would apply.
      Yet, notwithstanding these engagements, the traffic had been carried on
      almost entirely under the flags of Portugal and Spain. With the latter
      country, however, we had concluded an efficient treaty, which gave us the
      power of seizing vessels equipped for the slave-trade, without waiting
      till they had taken on board their miserable cargo, which gave rise to
      hopes that this would have the effect of extinguishing the trade. It was
      desirable that we should obtain similar conditions from Portugal; and he
      was bound to say that the persons opposed to the abolition were not the
      Portuguese people, but certain influential parties who were interested in
      the maintenance of the contraband commerce, and continued to violate the
      treaty with the sanction of the Portuguese government. In conclusion, his
      lordship entreated the house to pass this bill, which had been introduced
      in redemption of the pledge given by government in the last session, and
      formed an indispensable preliminary to any undertaking upon a greater:
      scale. Through the influence of the Duke of Wellington the bill was
      rejected by a majority of thirty-eight against thirty-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of August Lord Brougham moved the following resolution on the
      same subject:&mdash;"That an humble address be presented to her majesty,
      praying her majesty, by all the means within her majesty's power, to
      negociate with the governments of foreign nations, as well in America as
      in Europe, for their concurrence in effectually putting down the traffic
      in slaves; and also, that her majesty will be graciously pleased to give
      such orders to her majesty's cruisers as may be most efficacious in
      stopping the said traffic, more especially that carried on under the
      Portuguese and Brazilian flags, or by the Brazilian and Portuguese ships,
      assuring her majesty that this house will cheerfully concur with the other
      house of parliament in whatever measure might be rendered necessary, if
      her majesty shall be graciously pleased to comply with this prayer." Lord
      Brougham intimated that he moved this address under the apprehension that
      if it went out to Portugal that the bill recently rejected was done so by
      the unanimous opinion of the house of lords, their lordships might be
      represented as giving a sanction, which none of them had ever
      contemplated, to so odious a traffic. The motion for an address, after
      some observations from the Duke of Wellington, the Marquis of Lansdowne,
      and the Earl of Minto, was agreed to, and ordered to be communicated to
      the other house. On the 8th of August the Duke of Argyle, as
      lord-high-steward of the household, announced that her majesty had been
      waited on with the address, and returned the following gracious answer:&mdash;"I
      receive this address with great satisfaction. I will direct orders to be
      given to my cruisers in accordance with your wishes, fully relying upon
      your assurance that you will concur in the measures which will thus be
      rendered necessary."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same evening, in the house of commons, Viscount Palmerston moved
      for leave to introduce another bill in the place of that which had been
      rejected. After stating the grounds of objection against the former bill,
      the noble lord proceeded to unfold the nature of the clauses in the new
      bill. Although, he said, the crown might undoubtedly, by its prerogatives,
      take measures which would effectually put down Portuguese slavers, there
      were still inconveniences which demanded a remedy. The officers, his
      lordship said, acting under its orders, would be exposed to harassing
      suits in the courts of law at London; and, although we might capture
      ships, and deal with them accordingly, it would not be proper of this
      country to dispose of vessels which were the <i>prima facie</i> property
      of subjects of other states without having proved before some court of
      record the grounds of such proceedings. An act was therefore required to
      define what constituted a slave-trader. It was not considered necessary
      for the slaves to be on board: a ship equipped in a certain manner was a
      proof that she was engaged in the slave-trade; but the courts of admiralty
      could not condemn a ship on that ground without an act of parliament. It
      was further requisite, to enable the crown, by the same proceeding, to
      give to those who capture slave-vessels under this treaty bounties similar
      to those secured by conventions with other powers. These provisions, his
      lordship thought, would be sufficient to put down the commerce carried on
      by the Portuguese flag, and a great point would thereby be accomplished.
      After, indeed, that they had united all the flags in Christendom to put
      down this horrid traffic, the slavers might repudiate all flags, and
      divest themselves of every document which might enable th captor to
      identify them with any particular nation. That would be the last refuge of
      despairing crime; and in order to meet those circumstances, he would
      propose a clause by which such a ship should be dealt with as though it
      were an English trader, unless it appeared, in the course of the trial,
      that she belonged to some particular state, in which event the case should
      not be adjudicated by the court of admiralty, but dealt with as if at the
      outset she had been of the nation to which she was ultimately shown to
      belong. His lordship added, that when the nations of Europe were once
      united in giving a mutual right of search, or the power of condemning by a
      mixed commission, there would no longer remain any defence for carrying on
      the slave-trade under any European flag; and he reminded the house that he
      had already concluded treaties with Chili, Grenada, Venezuela, and that
      intelligence had recently arrived of a treaty made with Buenos Ayres.
      After a few words from Dr. Lushington, Sir E. Inglis, and Captain Pechell,
      leave was given to bring in the bill, and it was brought in and read a
      first time. The next evening it was read a second time, went through a
      committee, and passed the commons without a division.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading of this new bill for the suppression of the slave-trade
      was moved by Lord Melbourne on the 15th of August. Previous to making this
      motion the noble viscount requested that the address of the house of lords
      on the slave-trade, together with her majesty's gracious answer, should be
      read; and after explaining the provisions of the measure, he stated that,
      in compliance with the prayer contained in the address, her majesty had
      given directions to her cruisers to take the most efficacious measures for
      putting down the traffic, and that this bill was necessary in order to
      fulfil their lordships' own intentions and wishes, as expressed in their
      petition to the crown. The Duke of Wellington still continued his
      opposition to this measure, and he moved as an amendment that it should be
      read that day six months. He was supported by Lord Ellenborough, who
      demanded that any orders which had been issued to her majesty's cruisers
      should be laid before the house. The measure, however, was supported by
      the Bishop of London, the lord chancellor, the Earl of Minto, and Lords
      Brougham, Denman, and Colchester, and the second reading was eventually
      carried by a majority of thirty-nine against twenty-eight. On the next
      evening, when the bill was in committee, Lord Lyndhurst moved an amendment
      to the following clause;&mdash;"That in case her majesty should please to
      issue orders to her cruisers to capture Portuguese vessels engaged in the
      slave-trade, or vessels of any state whatever engaged in the slave-trade,
      not having on board, or the masters whereof should neglect to produce, on
      demand, papers showing of what state she belongs;" which amendment was to
      this effect:&mdash;"That in case her majesty should please to issue orders
      to her cruisers to capture Portuguese vessels engaged in the slave-trade,
      or any other vessels engaged in the slave-trade, and Hot justly entitled
      to claim the protection of any flag." This amendment, which was intended
      to confine the operation of the bill to Portuguese vessels, and piratical
      vessels engaged in the slave-trade, after some remarks from Lord Brougham
      in opposition to it, was finally adopted, and on the 19th of August it was
      read a third time without discussion. After it had passed, the Duke of
      Wellington, who had put in a protest both against the second and third
      reading, stated, that he still retained all his objections to the
      principles of the bill; it still exhibited its criminal character, for it
      was a breach of the law of nations, a violation of international treaties,
      and would rather tend to encourage than to prevent the traffic against
      which its enactments were directed. On the motion of the chancellor of the
      exchequer the amendments were agreed to in the house of commons, and the
      measure became law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE BALLOT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Circumstances had revived the interest attending the question of voting by
      ballot, and thus encouraged, on the 18th of June Mr. Grote again brought
      the subject forward in the house of commons. The motion was seconded by
      Lord Worsley, and supported by Mr. Macauley; but was opposed by Lord John
      Russell, who, on this occasion, spoke with unusual energy. It was further
      opposed by-Lord Howick, Sirs J. Graham and Robert Peel, and Messrs.
      Gaskell and Milnes. On a division it was rejected by a majority of three
      hundred and thirty-five against two hundred and seventeen: one cabinet
      minister only voted with Mr. Grote; but others, who were in favour of it,
      absented themselves on the occasion.
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    <h2>
      ACT FOR THE BETTER ORDERING OF PRISONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session an act was passed for the "better ordering of
      prisons." By this act it was provided that prisoners might be separately
      confined, though that separate confinement should not be deemed solitary
      confinement. No cell was to be used for the separate confinement of any
      prisoner which was not of such a size, and lighted, warmed, and ventilated
      in such a manner as might be required by a due regard to health, and which
      did not furnish the means of enabling the prisoner to communicate at any
      time with an officer of the prison. Every prisoner so confined was to have
      the means of taking air and exercise at such times as should be deemed
      necessary by the surgeon, and was to be furnished with the means of moral
      and religious instruction, and with suitable books, as well as with labour
      or employment. All prisoners were to be divided into the following
      classes: namely, debtors in those prisons in which debtors might be
      lawfully confined; prisoners committed for trial; prisoners convicted and
      sentenced to hard labour; prisoners convicted and not sentenced to hard
      labour; and prisoners not included in either of the foregoing classes.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR A COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE HOUSE TO CONSIDER THE NATIONAL
      PETITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 12th of July Mr. Attwood moved for a committee of the whole house,
      to take into consideration a "National Petition," which had been presented
      on the 14th of June. In making this motion, Mr. Attwood stated this
      petition was signed by 1,200,000 persons of the working classes. In it the
      petitioners urged five demands: namely, universal suffrage, vote by
      ballot, annual parliaments, remuneration of members for their attendance
      in parliament, and the abolition of the property qualifications. This
      proposal gave rise to a considerable discussion; but it was rejected by a
      majority of two hundred and thirty-five against one hundred and
      eighty-nine.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BIRMINGHAM RIOTS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The defeat of Mr. Àttwood's motion was contemporaneous with alarming riots
      at Birmingham. These riots arose out of the proceedings of the Chartists.
      That dangerous body of men had recently resorted to many methods, in order
      to impose upon the majority of the people that they were the strongest
      party in the country, and that they could carry their plans into effect
      without resistance. One mode of proceeding was to go round from house to
      house with two books, and to say that those persons who subscribed should
      be registered in one book, while those who did not subscribe were entered
      in another. Those who put down their names paid a small contribution, and
      received in return a ticket, which was to be their security in a time of
      danger: non-subscribers were warned that a time would come when their
      refusal would be remembered. Another practice of these rash demagogues was
      to go in procession to the churches some time before divine service
      commenced, and to take possession of the body of the edifice; some smoking
      their pipes, and others wearing their hats. These Chartist combinations
      were very prevalent throughout the country, and in the early part of this
      year, these combinations in the different cities of the United Kingdom
      proceeded to the election of deputies, in order to form a national
      convention, which was to have moveable sittings, and to be entrusted with
      the ultimate direction of their proceedings. Out of this arrangement arose
      the "National Petition," mentioned in the previous article, and which was
      presented by Mr. Attwood on the 14th of June. Having discharged this duty
      imposed on them, the deputies proceeded to hold a national convention in
      the city of Birmingham. By this step great activity was contributed to the
      motions of the Chartists. It was their practice to assemble in great
      numbers every evening, on the open place called the Bull-ring. They met as
      usual on the 5th of July; but by this time the borough magistrates had
      communicated with the home-office, and it was resolved to send down sixty
      policemen from the metropolis to disperse them. The railway train
      delivered them at Birmingham that evening, and they proceeded to the scene
      of confusion, and directed the people to disperse. This injunction,
      however, was unheeded, and then the police filed off four abreast, and
      made for the monument of Lord Nelson, which stood in the centre of the
      Bull-ring, and which was decorated with the flags of the convention. The
      flags were captured by them; but the mob, when they saw them in the hands
      of the police, recovered them by force, broke the poles up into short
      sticks, and after a fierce struggle overpowered their antagonists: several
      of the policemen were seriously hurt, and more than one of them stabbed.
      At that juncture the 4th dragoons arrived on the spot; riding by concert
      up every avenue which led to the place, the Bullring was completely
      enclosed. Their appearance was the signal tor the people to disperse, and
      the routed mob proceeded, with the cavalry in close pursuit, down Digbeth
      and up Broomsgrove-street, to St. Thomas's church. Hero they tore up the
      palisades, and made a brief stand; but the tumult was eventually reduced:
      by midnight quiet was restored, and the military, planting a guard in the
      great square, returned to their barracks. In this encounter several
      Chartist leaders were captured; as Dr. Taylor, the Paisley delegate to the
      convention, and Messrs. Lovett and Collins. There was still, however, an
      under-current of agitation: in fact, the late event was but the precursor
      to a more furious storm. While it was taking place, Mr. Attwood brought
      forward his motion for taking the National Petition into consideration.
      The rejection of' his motion irritated the already inflamed minds of the
      Chartists. It was generally expected that Mr. Attwood would on the 15th of
      July address them on his old ground at Holloway-head. Under this
      apprehension the spot was occupied during the day by small groups of
      artisans, who amounted at half-past six to about two hundred. Several
      speakers addressed them; but when it was found that Mr. Attwood would not
      come, an orator recommended them to form into line, and parade through the
      principal streets. He recommended that they should walk orderly; but
      instead of that they proceeded tumultuously to the Bullring. No police
      were on the spot; and thus favoured, the mob, having been reinforced from
      all quarters, proceeded down Moor-street to the public office. All the
      windows of this building were broken by them; and, under the impression
      that neither the police nor the military were able to withstand them, the
      tumultuous concourse poured back into the square. Weapons were now sought:
      broken flagstones, heavy bludgeons, and scythes were brought into use,
      while some loosened the pavement for the purpose of arming empty hands
      with missiles. The work of demolition soon commenced: the houses of Mr.
      Bourne, a grocer, and Mr. Leggett, an upholsterer, were plundered and set
      on fire. A simultaneous attack was next made upon the Nelson hotel; and by
      casting the lighted brands into other shops, which had been forcibly
      driven in, the mob were on the point of kindling a general conflagration.
      At this point, however, the police made their appearance; and at ten
      o'clock they were followed by some magistrates and the military. The first
      onset was followed by complete discomfiture: before the troops came up the
      ringleaders escaped, and by midnight quiet again reigned. The morning,
      however, showed a dismal scene of devastation: besides the premises which
      were consumed by fire, nearly twenty shops were destroyed; and it was
      reckoned that £40,000 would not cover the damages.
    </p>
    <p>
      In consequence of these lamentable occurrences, and the excited state of
      the northern districts of the kingdom, on the 22nd of July, Lord John
      Russell announced his intention of taking the requisite precautions for
      securing the tranquillity of the country, by placing at the hands of the
      magistrates a better organized constitutional force for putting the law
      into execution, and providing sufficient military means for supporting
      them in the performance of their duty. On the next evening he moved a
      resolution to authorize the treasury to advance £10.000 out of the
      consolidated fund, for the purpose of establishing an efficient police
      force at Birmingham, which was to be repaid out of the rates to be levied
      on the said town. In explanation of this resolution, his lordship stated,
      that there were difficulties in the way of an immediate organization of
      such a force on account of the excited state of Birmingham, and from the
      question lately raised in Manchester, with regard to the corporation,
      whether the municipal body of Birmingham had the power to impose a rate
      for the establishment of a police. Under these circumstances he proposed
      that the state should interfere so far as to advance certain funds, to be
      repaid by the town. This would not be a vote of supply, but a vote forming
      the foundation of a bill which should provide for the recovery of the
      money by a rate on the borough, to be imposed by an act of parliament,
      and, therefore, irrespective of the authority of the corporation. This
      resolution was carried, and a bill was brought in, which became law.
      Similar bills, with the exception of the advance of funds from the
      treasury, were subsequently applied to Manchester and Bolton, to remain in
      force until the power of the civil functionaries to raise a rate should be
      determined. A bill was also passed, with the same intention, to enlarge
      the powers of the justices of the peace for appointing county and district
      constables, and charging their support upon the districts to which they
      might be nominated. This measure, however, was not intended to be
      imperative; but justices in quarter-sessions were authorized to report to
      the secretary of state the necessity of an additional appointment of
      constables, wherever the circumstances of their district should call for
      such an augmentation, in a proportion not exceeding one for every one
      thousand of the population. At the same time magistrates were to create
      one or more chief-constables of the county, with whom should rest the
      nomination of petty-constables and a deputy. A further enactment forbade
      any constable under the provisions of this hill from voting at an
      election, or exercising any other employment. In order further to secure
      the peace of the country, Lord John Russell subsequently moved that an
      addition of five thousand men should be made to the present military
      establishment; and after an amendment by Mr. Hume, which was unsuccessful,
      the house went into committee, and a vote of £75,000 was carried for the
      increase of the army.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET&mdash;PROPOSED REDUCTION OF POSTAGE DUTIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The chancellor of the exchequer brought forward his financial statement on
      the 5th of July. From his statement it appeared that the expenditure had
      exceeded the estimates; chiefly in consequence of the war in Canada. The
      estimates were £46,974,000, and the expenditure £47,760,000, so that there
      was a deficiency of £786,636. Mr. Rice, however, stated that he did not
      think himself justified in laying a permanent charge on that account upon
      the country, and he proposed to meet the deficiency by a vote of
      exchequer-bills on a subsequent occasion, in the nature of a vote of
      credit. The chancellor of the exchequer next stated the estimated income
      and expenditure of the present year; the former being £48,128,000, and the
      latter £47,988,000, leaving an excess of £140,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his statements the chancellor of the exchequer took a cheerful view of
      the commercial prospects of the country; and he referred to the increase
      of exports for the present year over those of 1838 as a symptom of
      returning prosperity. So confident was he of a return of prosperity, that
      he proposed to reduce the rates of postage. At this time there was a
      committee sitting on the post-office acts; and Mr. Rice moved this
      resolution:&mdash;"That it is expedient to reduce the postage charged on
      letters to the uniform rate of one penny, for every letter of a weight to
      be hereafter fixed by law; parliamentary privileges of franking being
      abolished, and official franking strictly regulated. This house pledges
      itself at the same time to make good any deficiency of revenue which may
      be occasioned by such an alteration in the rates of the existing duties."
      In moving this resolution the chancellor of the exchequer said that he
      proposed a penny rate, because he had been convinced by the arguments and
      evidence of the committee that the latter expedient would involve less
      loss to the revenue than a twopenny postage, which had been recommended by
      the committee. After some observations from Mr. Goulburn and Sir Kobert
      Peel, both of whom intimated further hostility to such a change, the
      resolution was agreed to without a division. On the 12th of July, when the
      order of the day was read for receiving the report of a committee on the
      postage-acts, Mr. Goulburn rose for the purpose of proposing a series of
      resolutions to be substituted for the report. These resolutions were:&mdash;"That
      with a deficiency of revenue during the three years ending on the 5th day
      of April, 1840, of not less than £8,860,987, it is not expedient to adopt
      any measure for reducing the rates of postage on inland letters to an
      uniform rate of one penny, thereby incurring the risk of a great present
      loss to the revenue, at a period of the session so advanced, that it is
      scarcely possible to give to the details of such a measure, and to the
      important financial considerations connected with it, that deliberate
      attention which they ought to receive from parliament." This amendment was
      opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, and supported by Sir Kobert
      Peel. After a few words from Messrs. P. Thomson and Warburton in favour of
      the proposition, the original question was carried by a majority of two
      hundred and fifteen against one hundred and thirteen. The report was then
      brought up and read; and on the question that the resolution agreed to by
      the committee be read a second time, Sir R. Peel moved an amendment to
      omit such part of the resolution as pledged the house to supply any
      deficiency of the revenue occasioned by the reduction. This amendment,
      however, was rejected, and the report agreed to; and on the 18th of July
      Mr. S. Rice brought in a bill, intituled, "An act for the further
      regulation of the duties on postage until the 5th day of October, 1840."
      This bill was read a second time without a division, and by the 29th of
      July it passed the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading was moved by Lord Melbourne in the house of lords on
      the 5th of August; on which occasion the Duke of Wellington criticised the
      manner and circumstances under which it had been brought forward in the
      face of a deficiency of more than one million, which, considering the
      state of our affairs both at home and abroad, was likely to be greatly
      augmented by the 5th day of October, 1840. At the same time the noble duke
      said that he would vote for the bill, and would recommend their lordships
      to follow his example. Several other noble lords addressed the house,
      chiefly in favour of the measure; and the bill was then read a second
      time, and subsequently became law without further opposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his remarks on the postage-bill the Duke of Wellington recommended
      ministers to reduce the amount of the floating debt, under the pressure of
      which the market had been labouring, by funding exchequer-bills.
      Apparently acting upon this suggestion, on the 12th of August Viscount
      Melbourne and the chancellor of the exchequer made public their
      determination, subject to the approval of parliament, to effect the
      funding of four millions of exchequer-bills in the three per cent,
      consolidated annuities. This arrangement was effected on the 17th.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the house of lords the labours of the session were brought to a close
      by a long and animated discussion on a motion made on the 24th of August,
      by Lord Lyndhurst, for "a return of all bills that had arrived from the
      house of commons since the commencement of the session, with the dates at
      which they were brought up." In his speech, the noble lord directed the
      attention of the house to the fate of four important subjects&mdash;the
      Irish municipal corporations, the affairs of Canada, the recommendations
      of the ecclesiastical commissioners, and tire administration of justice;
      after which he went on to pass under a searching review, the whole
      parliamentary conduct of ministers in the course of the expiring session.
      Lord Melbourne replied in an effective speech. Lord Brougham contended
      that the country would be glad to see the Conservatives return to office.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by her majesty in person on the 27th of August.
      After being addressed by the speaker on the various measures which had
      occupied the attention of parliament, and after having given the royal
      assent to several bills, her majesty read the speech, which the
      lord-chancellor put into her hands, in her usual distinct and impressive
      manner. The speech referred to the various topics which had engaged the
      attention of parliament, and the differences which had lately sprung up
      between the British government and that of Persia.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS IN THE EAST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Her majesty, in her speech on the prorogation of parliament, alluded to an
      army which the governor-general had led across the Indus. This "army of
      the Indus" was put in motion for the western frontier at the commencement
      of the present year; and the circumstances which led to so important a
      proceeding were briefly these. The kingdom of Affghanistan has been called
      the land of transition between eastern and western Asia: a proverb says,
      "No one can be king of Hindoostan without first becoming lord of Cabool."
      The founder of the Affghan empire was Ahmed Shah, who died in 1773. Ahmed
      Shah made several victorious incursions into the East; and his son, Timour
      Shah, followed his example. The decease of Timour Shah, however, delivered
      over the Affghan empire to the domestic hostilities of his sons; and the
      rival tribe of the Barukzyes took advantage of their dissensions to
      precipitate them from their sovereignty. When, indeed, Sir Alexander
      Burnes visited Affghanistan in 1833, the only portion which remained in
      the hands of a descendant of Ahmed Shah was the principality of Herat. The
      remainder was parcelled out in the following manner between the usurping
      family:&mdash;Dost Mohammed Khan ruled in Cabool; Sirdar Sooltan Mohammed
      Khan ruled Peshawar, although his two brothers. Peer and Sared Mohammed
      Khan, shared its revenues; and Candahar was governed by Kohun Dil Khan,
      assisted by Ruhun Dil and Shere Dil, his two brothers. The chief of Cabool
      owed his success to Futteh Khan, the chief of the great family of
      Barukzyes, and the most powerful of the Affghan nobles. Futteh Khan, in
      fact, governed the kingdom under the designation of vizier, while Mahmood
      abandoned himself to debauchery. If Mahmood, however, submitted to the
      ascendancy of his able minister, not so did his son, the prince Kamrau. By
      his orders Futteh Khan was seized at Herat and deprived of his eyesight;
      and a few months afterwards the unhappy vizier was literally hacked to
      pieces by the courtiers of Mahmood, in the presence of that monarch. In
      the days of his power Futteh Khan had distributed the different
      governments of his kingdom among his numerous brothers, and this act drove
      them into rebellion. Mahmood abandoned his throne without a struggle, and,
      although he retained Herat, with the title of king, became, in effect, a
      vassal of Persia. The Barukzye brothers were left to dispose of his
      dominions at pleasure, and they determined on recalling Shoojah to the
      throne, who after many perilous adventures had fallen into the hands of
      Runjeet Sing at Lahore. Shoojah escaped from Lahore; but the Barukzye
      brothers having taken offence at his arrogant treatment of one of their
      friends, transferred their support to his brother, Gyooh: the trappings of
      royalty were given to him, while they retained to themselves the power and
      revenues of the kingdom. The dismemberment of the Affghan empire, however,
      from this time proceeded more rapidly. Runjeet Sing seized some of its
      finest provinces, including Cashmere; Shere Dil Khan established himself
      at Candahar as an independent prince; Dost Mohammed made himself master of
      Cabool; Sirdar Sooltan Mohammed Khan became tributary governor of
      Peshawar; Balkh w-as annexed to the kingdom of Bokhara; and the Ameers of
      Scinde declared themselves independent. Gyooh fled to Lahore; and the only
      province of the kingdom which remained in the hands of a descendant of the
      royal family was Herat. The prince who governed Herat was Kamrau, who had
      directed that the eyes of his lather's vizier, Futteh Khan, should be put
      out. Without directly acknowledging the sovereignty of Persia, Prince
      Kamrau had been for some years in the practice of rendering an occasional
      tribute to the shah, as often as the governor of the Persian province of
      Khorassan was strong enough to extort it from him. At this time, however,
      the prince of Herat refused to perform any such engagement; and he even
      permitted his vizier to pass through Siestan into Khorassan, where he
      compelled the chiefs of Khiva and Khafin to pay tribute to his master, and
      carried away twelve thousand persons, and sold them as slaves. This
      conduct of Kamrau furnished Mohammed Shah, the Persian monarch&mdash;who
      had recently ascended the throne by tire assistance of British officers,
      and supplies of money from the English treasury&mdash;with a pretext for
      endeavouring to make himself master of Herat. There was an existing treaty
      between England and Persia, which stipulated "that if war should ensue
      between the Persian and Affghan governments, the English government should
      take no part in it; nor should give assistance to either party, except as
      a mediator, at the solicitation of both parties, for the purpose of
      producing peace." Had the Persian monarch limited his views to an attack
      upon Herat, this treaty would have been binding on the English nation; but
      it soon became evident that he extended them to Ghizni and Candahar. Mr.
      Ellis, who had been sent to Persia as British envoy in the year 1835, thus
      wrote at the commencement of the following year:&mdash;"The intention
      cannot be mistaken: Herat once annexed to Persia, may become the residence
      of a Russian consular agent, who would from thence push his researches and
      his communications, avowed and secret, throughout Affghanistan. Indeed, in
      the present state of the relations between Persia and Russia, it cannot be
      denied that the progress of the former in Affghanistan is tantamount to
      the advance of the latter, and ought to receive every opposition from the
      British government that the public faith will permit." Russian influence,
      was, in fact, predominant in the councils of Mohammed Shah, and the power
      of Russia appeared to stand higher in the general opinion than that of
      Great Britain. Moreover, the Russian ambassador was urgent upon the shah
      to complete his designs against Herat, and he even offered his military
      services in the expedition. Under these circumstances Mr. Ellis signified
      to the Persian ministers the extreme displeasure with which the English
      would look upon the prosecution of any extended schemes of conquest in
      Affghanistan: without disputing their right to obtain redress from the
      prince of Herat, he intimated that the British government would be better
      pleased if that purpose could be effected by negotiation; and offered to
      send a British officer to Herat for the purpose of facilitating the
      adjustment of the existing differences. To this proposal the Persian
      ministers at first assented, but they afterwards rejected it altogether.
      In the meantime Uzeez Khan arrived on a mission from Kohun Dil Khan and
      his brothers at Candahar, with the object of effecting an alliance
      offensive and defensive, with the shah, and uniting in the attack upon
      Kamrau. Towards the close of 1835, Dost Mohammed Khan, the chief of
      Cabool, also dispatched an agent to the court of Persia with letters, in
      which he offered to cooperate in an attack upon Herat, and sought in
      general the protection of the shall against the Sikhs. The real objects of
      the chiefs of Candahar was also to obtain protection from the same
      enemies; and neither they nor the chief of Cabool had any disposition to
      become feudatories of Persia. Thus supported, the shah set forth on his
      expedition; but owing to the appearance of the cholera by the 3rd of
      November, 1836, he had only reached Asterabad. His army was in fact
      reduced to such a deplorable condition, from the scarcity of provisions
      and the predatory incursions of the Turcomans, that all hopes of
      undertaking a winter campaign against Herat were given up, and, despite
      the remonstrances of the Russian plenipotentiary, the shah led back his
      forces into Persia. In the meantime Mr. M'Neill had succeeded Mr. Ellis,
      and he did not fail to make known the advice which had been tendered by
      the Russian ambassador in the late expedition; and Lord Palmerston
      directed the Earl of Durham, our envoy at Russia, to inquire of Count
      Nesselrode whether the Russian envoy was acting in accordance with the
      instructions of his government. It was stated in reply that if Count
      Simonich had acted in the manner mentioned, it was done in direct
      opposition to his instructions: he had been ordered to dissuade the shah
      from prosecuting the war at any time and in any circumstances. It was
      added, that our minister in Persia must have been misinformed; but in a
      subsequent despatch, Mr. M'Neill stated that tire information he had given
      had been confirmed by the concurrent testimony of all the Persians with
      whom he had conversed on the subject, including the prime-minister. The
      allegations against Count Simonich were, in fact, indisputable; and the
      prospect of a combination of Russian and Persian influence could not fail
      to alarm the government of India; and as the shah's designs against Herat
      were not given up, Mr. M'Neill was instructed to inform him that any
      attempt to prosecute schemes of aggrandizement in Affghanistan would
      diminish the cordiality existing between England and Persia. Mohammed
      Shah, however, was so far from giving up his designs upon Herat, that he
      sought to obtain a more intimate alliance with Russia; and he was so far
      successful, that an envoy was dispatched by him with presents from himself
      and the Russian envoy resident at his court, to Candahar and Cabool. His
      preparations for war were still continued; and in the midst of them a
      messenger arrived from Herat to negotiate an arrangement. Mr. M'Neil was
      invited to take part in the conference. The terms brought by the envoy
      from Herat were so advantageous that the British envoy recommended the
      Persian government to accept them, lest the British government should
      suspect that Persia, in persisting to prosecute the war, had other objects
      in view than those avowed. The conditions, however, were rejected, and it
      was evident that the shah would only be satisfied with the sovereignty of
      Herat. His troops were again put in motion on the 23rd of July; but in
      consequence of obstructions, on the 14th of October they had advanced no
      further than Nishapoor, about half the distance from Teheran to Herat.
      About this time an emissary from Russia appeared in the Persian camp, from
      whence he proceeded to Candahar and Cabool; everywhere giving out that he
      was sent to intimate the arrival of a large Russian army to co-operate
      with the army against Herat. Dost Mohammed, the chief of Cabool, had sent
      agents to St. Petersburg, as well as Teheran, to procure assistance
      against the Sikhs; and shortly after, he applied with the same intention
      to Lord Auckland, who had just arrived in India as governor-general. Lord
      Auckland decided on sending Captain Burnes on a commercial mission to
      Cabool; and that officer reached the capital of Dost Mohammed about the
      time that the Persian and Russian agents arrived in Candahar and Cabool.
      Negotiations were commenced between these various agents and the chief of
      Cabool; and they were not concluded when the Persian army arrived before
      Herat. The shah had previously captured the border fortress of Ghorian;
      but he was destined to meet with a different reception before the city of
      Kamrau Shah: week after week elapsed, and not the slightest impression was
      made upon its walls. While the siege was proceeding, Lord Auckland
      directed Mr. M'Neill to proceed to the camp, and make one more endeavour
      to effect a pacific adjustment, and to obtain redress. He had so far
      succeeded as to bring the mind of the shah to be favourable to a treaty;
      but all his efforts were again set aside by the arrival of Count Simonich,
      the Russian envoy, in the Persian camp. The siege, therefore, continued,
      nor could subsequent efforts made by Mr. M'Neill set it aside. His failure
      was made known to the British government; and on the 21st of May he
      received a despatch from Lord Palmerston, which authorized him to inform
      the shah that his designs were in complete contravention of the spirit of
      the alliance subsisting between the two nations; and that he must expect
      the cessation of intercourse in the event of such hostile proceedings
      being persevered in. In consequence of this direction Mr. M'Neill wrote
      the following letter to the Shah of Persia:&mdash;"I am directed to inform
      your majesty that if Herat should have surrendered to your majesty, the
      British government will consider your continuing to occupy that or any
      other portion of Affghanistan as an hostile demonstration against England.
      Your majesty is no doubt informed by your government of Fars, that a body
      of British troops, and a naval armament, consisting of five ships of war,
      have already arrived in the Persian Gulf, and that for the present the
      troops have been landed in the Island of Karrak. The measures your majesty
      may adopt in consequence of this representation, will decide the future
      movements and proceedings of that armament; but your majesty must
      perceive, from the view which her majesty's government has taken of the
      present state of affairs, and from the effect which must have been
      produced upon the minds of her majesty's ministers and the British
      authorities in India, and by the subsequent proceedings of the Persian
      government, with which they were not then acquainted, that nothing but the
      immediate adoption of measures complying with the demands of the British
      government, can induce the authorities acting under the orders of that
      government to suspend the measures that are now in progress for the
      defence of British interests, and the vindication of British honour."
      Before this declaration had come to the hands of the Shah, the Persian
      army, after six days of incessant battering, had made a general assault
      upon Herat; but although the troops went forward courageously, and had
      even planted their standards three several times upon the breach, they
      were finally defeated in their attempt: the Affghans attacked them sword
      in hand, with energy too resolute to be resisted, and drove them with
      great slaughter across the ditch: nearly two thousand Persians were slain.
      This failure, however, had not the immediate effect of forcing the Shah to
      raise the siege.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime Captain Burnes had failed in his mission to Cabool, and
      Lieutenant Leach, who had been sent to Candahar, had met with the same
      ill-success. A treaty had been concluded between Persia and the latter
      state, under the warrant of the Russian minister; and a treaty of nearly
      similar import was in progress at Cabool. Under these circumstances
      preparations were set on foot for marching an army into Affghanistan. The
      moment was very critical: there was a prospect of Persian dominion and
      Russian supremacy in all the Affghan states. By Russian subsidies, Kohun
      Dil Khan, chief of Candahar, besieged Furrah, a dependency of Herat; and
      Dost Mohammed Khan, chief of Cabool, commenced a system of hostile
      intrigues even in India. The Ameers of Scinde were called upon to join the
      league against the English even by the Shah himself; and his efforts were
      seconded by the Russian emissary, who had so successfully fulfilled his
      mission at Candahar and Cabool. But notwithstanding all these efforts, the
      failure of the recent assault of Herat, together with the debarcation of
      troops at Karrak, and the military preparations which were being made in
      the north of British India, finally led the Shah to comply with all the
      demands of the British ambassador, and to abandon his enterprise: the camp
      broke up on the 9th of September, 1838, and returned to Teheran. Later in
      the year Count Nesselrode disclaimed on the part of the Emperor of Russia
      all intentions of disturbing the tranquillity of the British possessions
      in India; and by the month of February, after considerable negociation,
      harmony was restored between the Russian and the British governments. The
      operations of the British army in India were not, however, wholly set
      aside by these events. At the time of the raising of the siege of Herat,
      and the retreat of the Shah of Persia, "the army of the Indus" was
      encamped at Simla, and was about to be put in motion for Feroze-pore, on
      the Sutledge. At Simla, Sir Harvey Faroe, who commanded the troops, under
      the direction of the governor-general, published a manifesto, which set
      forth the causes for the assembling of the army, and the objects which the
      British government had in view. As regarded the objects in view, the
      governor-general said, in the manifesto, that he felt the importance of
      taking steps for arresting the rapid progress of foreign aggressions
      towards our own territories, and that his attention was naturally drawn to
      the position and claims of Shah Soojah, who had, when in power, cordially
      acceded to measures of united resistance against internal enmity; and as
      the Barukzye chiefs were unfitted, under any circumstances, to be useful
      allies to Great Britain, or aid us in our measures of national defence,
      the governor-general felt warranted in espousing the cause of Shah Soojah,
      whose popularity had been proved by the best authorities. A tripartite
      treaty had, therefore, been concluded between the British government,
      Runjeet Sing, and Shah Soojah, whereby the maharaja of the Sikhs was
      guaranteed in his present possessions, and bound to cooperate in the
      restoration of the Shah. The manifesto further set forth that a guaranteed
      independence would be tendered to the Àmeers of Scinde; that Herat would
      be left in the possession of its present ruler; and that Shah Soojah
      should enter Affghanistan surrounded with his own troops, and supported
      against opposition, foreign or domestic, by a British army. As soon as
      these objects were effected, the British army was to be withdrawn from the
      Affghan territory; but British influence was to be used to further every
      measure of general benefit, and heal the distractions which had so long
      afflicted the Affghan people: even those chiefs whose hostile proceedings
      had been the cause of the measure, would receive a liberal and honourable
      treatment. The grand objects, therefore, for which the British troops were
      assembled at Simla, on tire Jumna, were to dethrone the hostile chiefs of
      Candahar and Cabool, and to re-establish the Shah Soojah in his dominions.
      On hearing of the raising of the siege of Herat, the intentions of the
      Indian government were in some degree modified. It was determined not to
      send forward the whole force, a part only being thought sufficient to
      effect the objects in view. The army of the Indus was in fact reduced to a
      <i>corps d'armée</i>, and it was to be commanded by Sir John Keene, the
      commander-in-chief at Bombay. The army was divided, and proceeded by two
      different routes; the Bombay division being destined to bring Scinde to
      submission. The first step of this division was to march upon Hyderabad,
      which was captured without any effectual resistance. The seizure of the
      capital was followed by the occupation of Kouratchee, the richest city in
      Scinde. By these means the Ameers were brought to contract a fresh treaty
      with the Indian government; agreeing to make an immediate payment of
      £300,000; to abolish the tolls on the Indus; to maintain an auxiliary
      corps of four or five thousand men under the command of British officers;
      and to pay a tribute amounting to nearly one-half of their revenue. Each
      Ameer, moreover, was for the future to look upon the English government as
      his suzerain, and procure his separate recognition at its hands. In the
      meantime the Bengal division was descending the bank of the Sutledge to
      unite with the Bombay army at Shikarpore, on the confines of Scinde and
      Affghanistan. The whole army assembled at Shikarpore, with the contingent
      of Shah Soojah, towards the beginning of March. The fatigues of the march,
      together with the assaults of the Beloches, had already made fearful havoc
      with the ranks of the expedition; and as they proceeded their sufferings
      increased. In the midst of trials and difficulties, however, they pressed
      forward., and towards the middle of April, they assembled beyond the reach
      of danger, in the valley of Pisheen. How dreadfully they suffered in their
      route may be inferred from the fact, that of 6,000 men which comprised the
      contingent of Shah Soojah, only 1,500 escaped. Their greatest dangers were
      encountered in the defiles of Bolau, where they not only had to contend
      with the natural difficulties of the pass, but with the elements and
      fierce wild robbers, who hovered upon their flank day and night. In the
      valley of Pisheen, however, the survivors recruited their strength, and
      then proceeded to action. Candah offered them no resistance; Kohun Dil
      Khan quitted the capital and took refuge with his brother, Dost Mohammed.,
      at Cabool. The Bengal division entered the city of Candahar on the 24th of
      April, and the Shah Soojah was solemnly crowned on the 8th of May. The
      troops spent several weeks at Candahar, but on the 27th of June they
      marched forward to Ghisneh. Operations, however, did not recommence till
      the 21st of July. Ghisneh was captured, after a fierce struggle, on the
      22nd, and the son of Dost Mohammed taken prisoner. The capture of this
      strong fortress made a great impression upon the Affghans. It was expected
      that the fortress would have kept the English in check for some time; and
      under this impression Dost Mohammed was proceeding towards the capital
      with his cavalry and a park of artillery. On hearing of the fall of
      Gisneh, however, his army broke up, and Sir J. Keene then resumed his
      march along the rich valley from Ghisneh to Cabool. Shah Soojah entered
      Cabool on the 7th of August; and his rival, Dost Mohammed, being abandoned
      by all but the members of his own Barukzye tribe, fled beyond the
      mountains of the Hazareh into Bokhara. In order to complete the conquest
      Major Outram was sent into certain disturbed districts between Cabool and
      Can-dahar to tranquillize the disaffected Ghilzee tribes, who had not yet
      acknowledged Shah Soojah, and replace the refractory chieftains with
      newly-appointed governors. Khelat was also reinvested: that fortress was
      captured by General Willshire, and the khan, Mehrat, with many of his
      chiefs, fell fighting, sword in hand. Having achieved these conquests, Sir
      J. Keene, leaving a detachment for the protection of Shah Soojah, returned
      home with the main body. Mr. M'Naughten remained as resident at the court
      of Cabool. Such was the issue of the campaign in Afghanistan. Subsequently
      her majesty rewarded the services of the more eminent actors in the war.
      The governor-general was created Earl of Auckland, Sir John Keene was
      created Baron Keene of Ghuznee in Affghanistan; and baronetcies were
      conferred on Mr. M'Naughten and Colonel Pottinger.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year witnessed the virtual conclusion of the war in Spain. The
      principal event which contributed to this consummation was the rupture
      between the chief Maroto and Don Carlos. Maroto, indeed, with the
      battalions of Castile, made their submission, and his defection was
      followed by twenty-one more Carlist battalions. The terms of this
      pacification were effected by Espartero; and having concluded them, he led
      his army towards Don Carlos at Lecumberri. Not daring to await his
      arrival, Don Carlos withdrew into the defiles of the Bastan; and from the
      Bastan he fell back to Elisonda; and, finally, on the 14th of September,
      with six Alavese and two Navarrese battalions, he took refuge in France.
      The French government assigned to him the city of Bourges for his
      temporary residence, and he was escorted thither by Marshal Soult. The
      Carlist chief, Cabrera, continued for some months to maintain his ground
      in the central provinces; but the struggle finally became hopeless, and at
      the commencement of the succeeding year, he, with 20,000 men, followed the
      example of his master, and took refuge in France. In Portugal the arrival
      of the bill which had been passed for the suppression of the slave-trade,
      gave rise to much dissatisfaction. The author of the measure, Lord
      Palmerston, was loudly charged with hostility to Portugal, and a great
      estrangement prevailed for some time between the two governments. The
      breach was widened by the demand made by the British upon the Portuguese
      government for the payment of the long pending civil and military claims
      due to the subjects of Great Britain. The requisition was, it is said,
      accompanied by a menace, that, in the event of a non-compliance, the
      British government would resort to coercive measures. During this year the
      territorial differences between Belgium and Holland were settled. The
      terms which the five powers resolved should be agreed upon between the two
      parties have been seen in a previous article; and it may be sufficient to
      state that Belgium, at least accepted them with great reluctance. In
      Turkey events occurred which attracted the notice of European powers. In
      1838 the pacha of Egypt had refused to pay any further tribute to the
      Porte; and this announcement, together with the usurpation on the part of
      Meliemet Ali of attributes peculiar to the commander of the faithful
      alone, determined the sultan to make another effort for the reduction of
      his vassal. He assembled a large army on the eastern bank of the
      Euphrates, which menaced the Syrian dominions of the pacha; while Ibrahim,
      on the other hand, proceeded to concentrate his forces around Aleppo. The
      governments of France and England were apprehensive lest the discomfiture
      of the Turkish army should be followed by the arrival of a Russian force
      in the Bosphorus, in accordance with the stipulations of the treaty signed
      on an analogous juncture at Unkiar Skelessi. Under this apprehension the
      representatives of their respective courts at Constantinople and
      Alexandria were directed to make every effort to prevent war. Large
      concessions were made by Ibrahim through their mediation; but the
      interpreters of the law at Constantinople assured the sultan that it was
      the duty of every true believer to take up arms against an impious
      usurper, and a solemn declaration of war was accordingly read in all the
      mosques. In the month of June a great battle took place between the
      contending armies near Nezib, in which the Turks, under Hafiz Pacha, were
      utterly discomfited; six thousand of them were left dead on the field, and
      ten thousand were left in the hands of Ibrahim Pacha, together with
      fifteen thousand muskets, and more than one hundred pieces of artillery.
      The sultan did not live to hear of this disaster; he died on the 1st of
      July, and Abdul Mcdjio, a youth of seventeen, assumed the reins of empire.
      The death of Sultan Mahmoud the Second gave rise to negociation. The first
      act of the new sultan was to forward to the viceroy of Egypt an offer of
      pardon, together with the hereditary possession of the province of Egypt,
      on the condition that he conformed to his duties of obedience and
      submission. Mehemet Ali appears to have been willing to submit to these
      terms; but about the same time that he received them, Achmet, the capitan
      pacha, had revolted from the sultan, and had arrived at Alexandria. The
      Ottoman monarchy was tottering to its fall; but at this critical juncture
      England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia resolved to uphold the
      independence of Turkey, as an essential element of the balance of power.
      The year, however, closed before the negociations commenced were
      perfected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1840&mdash;1841
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Meeting of Parliament:   Announcement of the Queen's
     Marriage..... Bill for the Naturalization of Prince
     Albert..... The Civil List..... Question of Privilege:
     Hansard and Stockdale..... Affairs of China..... Irish
     Municipal Corporations   Bill,  &amp;c...... Financial
     Statement..... The   Union   of   the Canadas.....
     Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill..... The Regency
     Bill..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Affairs  of British
     India..... The Marriage of the Queen..... State of the
     Continent.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1840
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened on the 16th of January by her majesty in person. The
      opening of her majesty's speech was one of great interest. It read thus:&mdash;"My
      lords and gentlemen&mdash;Since you have last assembled, I have declared
      my intention of allying myself in marriage with the Prince of Saxe Cobourg
      and Gotha. I humbly implore that the divine blessing may prosper this
      union, rendering it conducive to the interests of my people, as well as my
      own domestic happiness; and it will be to me a source of the most lively
      satisfaction, to find the resolution I have taken approved of by
      parliament. The constant proofs I have received of your attachment to my
      person and family, persuade me that you will enable me to provide for such
      an establishment as may appear suitable to the rank of the prince, and the
      dignity of the crown." In continuance, her majesty congratulated
      parliament on the termination of civil war in Spain; expressed a hope that
      the five powers would be able to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman
      empire, and the peace of Europe; and referred to the success of the
      European and native troops in India with great satisfaction. Her majesty
      also declared her confident hope of adjusting our difference with the
      court of Persia; and intimated that serious attention had been given to
      her commercial relations with China. In conclusion, her majesty
      recommended to the early consideration of parliament two important
      measures relating to our home policy: namely, the state of the municipal
      corporations in Ireland, and the measures suggested by the ecclesiastical
      commissioners with respect to the church establishment in this country. In
      the lords the address was moved by the Duke of Somerset, and seconded by
      Lord Seaford. The Duke of Wellington fully concurred in the expression of
      congratulation to her majesty upon the alliance which had been announced
      to the country. But, his grace continued, every precedent of the reign of
      George III. had been followed in this matter except one, and that was the
      declaration that this prince was a Protestant. He knew the prince was a
      Protestant; but as this was a Protestant state, the fact that the prince
      was a Protestant should have been officially declared. The house of lords
      could not omit this; and therefore he moved the insertion of the word
      Protestant before the word prince, in the first paragraph of the address.
      Lord Melbourne said that he considered the amendment superfluous. The act
      of settlement required that the prince should be a Protestant, and it was
      not likely that ministers would advise her majesty to break through the
      act of settlement. All the world knew that Prince Albert of Saxe Cobourg
      was a Protestant, and that he was descended from the most emphatically
      Protestant house in Europe. Lord Winchilsea did not regard the insertion
      of the word Protestant as unnecessary. Near and dear relations of the
      prince had become Roman Catholics, and the husband of the Queen of
      Portugal, a first cousin of this very prince, was an avowed Romanist. In
      the close of his observations, Lord Winchilsea adverted to the alarming
      state of the country, and censured Lord Melbourne for having recently
      presented Mr. Owen to the queen&mdash;a man who was the notorious advocate
      of doctrines which struck at the root of all religion and morality. The
      amendment was agreed to, and the address, as amended, ordered to be
      presented to her majesty.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons the address was agreed to; and her majesty subsequently
      replied to the addresses of both houses, expressing satisfaction at their
      loyalty and affection; thanking them for their support and concurrence in
      her intended marriage; and assuring them that it would be her endeavour to
      make her reign conducive to the happiness of all classes of the community.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE NATURALIZATION OF PRINCE ALBERT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of January, in the house of lords, a bill for naturalizing his
      serene highness Prince Albert of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha was passed through
      all its stages. On the second reading, the Duke of Wellington objected
      that it was not only an act for the naturalization of Prince Albert, but
      contained also a clause entitling the prince, "for and during the term of
      his natural life, to take precedence in rank after her majesty, in
      parliament and elsewhere, as her majesty may think fit and proper; any
      law, statute, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." Under these
      circumstances, his grace moved that the debate be adjourned, as the house
      had not sufficient notice of the contents of the bill, and as the title of
      it did not state anything respecting the precedence of the prince. Lord
      Melbourne replied, that the omission was purely accidental, and, in his
      opinion, of no importance. At the same time his lordship admitted that
      this bill differed in form from any other bills, inasmuch as it gave her
      majesty an ability to bestow on Prince Albert a higher station than that
      assigned to Prince George of Denmark, or Prince Leopold. But the reason
      for the difference, he contended, was to be looked for in the relative
      situation of the parties. The arrangements with regard to the marriage of
      the Princess Charlotte were temporary; in this act it was intended to
      raise the prince to a station next to that of the queen; and no opposition
      had been offered to this course by those peculiarly interested in point of
      rank. After a few observations from Lords Brougham and Londonderry, the
      debate was adjourned till the following week, when the lord-chancellor
      stated that he should propose that power be given to the crown to allow
      the prince to take precedence next after any heir-apparent to the throne.
    </p>
    <p>
      Subsequently, however, Lord Melbourne, in moving the committal of the
      bill, expressed himself so anxious that it should pass with all possible
      expedition, that he had determined to leave out all relating to
      precedence, and reduce it to a naturalization bill, as expressed in the
      title. In that shape the bill passed without further opposition. In the
      commons the bill was passed without discussion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CIVIL-LIST.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 24th of June, after moving that the paragraph in the queen's speech
      relative to Prince Albert's annuity be read, Lord John Russell went into a
      long detail of precedents of grants to princes and princesses allied to
      the royal family of England; and concluded by moving "that her majesty be
      enabled to grant an annual sum of £50,000 out of the consolidated fund,
      for a provision to Prince Albert, to commence on the day of his marriage
      with her majesty, and to continue during his life." The debate was
      adjourned for a few days, and on its resumption Mr. Hume moved as an
      amendment, that £21,000 be voted annually to Prince Albert, instead of
      £50,000. In his opinion, indeed, no grant should be made during her
      majesty's lifetime. The chancellor of the exchequer replied to Mr. Hume,
      and several members spoke in opposition to the grant; after which the
      house divided, on the amendment, which was lost by a majority of three
      hundred and five against thirty-eight. Ministers, however, were doomed to
      be defeated on this question. Colonel Sibthorp had given notice that he
      would move an amendment that £30,000 should be the extent of the annuity;
      and on the defeat of Mr. Hume's motion, the gallant colonel rose to move
      this amendment. On a division it was carried by a large majority, the
      numbers being two hundred and sixty-two against one hundred and
      fifty-eight. This was a great triumph over the ministers, and Colonel
      Sibthorp was so elated by it, that he endeavoured to follow it up a week
      or two afterwards by moving for the insertion of a clause in the bill for
      Prince Albert's provision, to the effect that the annuity of £30,000
      should cease altogether in case his serene highness should reside for a
      less period than six months consecutively in each year within the United
      Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or should ally himself in marriage
      with any foreign princess who should not be a Protestant, or should cease
      to profess and adhere to the Protestant religion as by law established in
      these realms. Both Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell contended that
      such restrictions were inexpedient and inconsistent, and the gallant
      colonel, finding that there was no chance of success, did not press his
      motion to a division.
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    <h2>
      QUESTION OF PRIVILEGE&mdash;HANSARD AND STOCKDALE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the year 1835, a bill was proposed in the house of lords, by the Duke
      of Richmond, for the purpose of appointing inspectors of prisons. In the
      report of these inspectors, which was printed by Messrs. Hansard, it was
      stated, that amongst other books in use by the prisoners, one published by
      John Joseph Stockdale, in 1827, was of the most disgusting nature, the
      plates being obscene and indecent in the extreme. In 1836, Stockdale
      brought an action against Messrs. Hansard for the sale of this report, on
      the ground that the allegation therein contained about the work was a
      libel. The defendants pleaded two picas: first, "Not guilty;" and,
      secondly, "That the words complained of in the declaration were true." The
      jury gave a verdict for the defendants on the second plea; and in his
      charge to the jury, Lord Denman said that the fact of the house of commons
      having directed Messrs. Hansard to publish all their parliamentary
      reports, is no justification for them, or for any bookseller, who
      publishes a parliamentary report containing a libel against any man. On
      the 6th of February, 1837, Messrs. Hansard communicated to the house of
      commons that legal proceedings had been instituted against them by
      Stockdale, for the publication of the report, in which he conceived
      himself to have been libelled. A select committee was then appointed by
      the house to examine precedents, and report upon the question of its
      privileges in regard to the publication of reports and other matters. This
      committee decided in favour of the privilege, which would protect any
      publication ordered by the house from being made the subject of an action
      for libel; and the house of commons, on the 30th of May, 1837, passed the
      following resolutions:&mdash;"First, that the power of publishing such of
      its reports, votes, and proceedings as it shall deem necessary, or
      conducive to the public interest, is an essential incident to the
      constitutional freedom of parliament, more especially of this house, as
      the representative portion of it.&mdash;Second, that by the law and
      privileges of parliament, this house has the sole and exclusive
      jurisdiction to determine upon the existence and extent of its privileges;
      and that the institution or prosecution of any action, suit, or other
      proceedings, for the purpose of bringing them into discussion or decision
      before any court or tribunal elsewhere than a parliament, is a high breach
      of such privilege, and renders all parties concerned therein amenable to
      its just displeasure, and to the punishment consequent thereon." The
      action, however, went on; and Messrs. Hansard pleaded to the declaration
      to the effect that the publication in question was a privileged one, on
      the ground that it was issued by the authority of the house of commons.
      This plea was demurred to as insufficient in point of law; and judgment
      was given by the court against the defendants, and damages afterwards
      assessed, which were paid over to the plaintiff. On the 31st of July,
      1839, Messrs. Hansard again informed the house that similar legal
      proceedings were threatened against them on behalf of a Mr. Polack on
      account of some alleged defamatory matter contained in a report of the
      state of New Zealand, which had been published by order of the house of
      commons. In this case they were directed by the house not to take any step
      towards defending the action with which they were threatened; but
      subsequently Mr. Polack communicated to the house that proceedings had
      been commenced without his sanction, and that he had no intention of
      taking any legal steps in the matter. The matter seemed thus set at rest;
      but on the 26th of August, Stockdale commenced a third action against
      Messrs. Hansard, for again publishing the same libel; the sale of each
      copy of the report containing the alleged libel being, in contemplation of
      law, a fresh publication of it. This was also communicated to the house of
      commons; and Messrs. Hansard were again directed that the action should
      not be defended. In consequence of this direction Messrs. Hansard served
      Stockdale with formal notice of the resolutions of the house of commons;
      but notwithstanding this, on the 26th of October, Stockdale filed a
      declaration in the said action, wherein the damages were laid at £50,000.
      On the 1st of November intercalatory judgment was signed for want of a
      plea; and then Messrs. Hansard again caused notices against proceeding
      with the said action, together with fresh copies of the resolutions, to be
      served upon Stockdale. The action, however, went on; notice was given that
      a writ of inquiry of damages would be executed before the sheriff of
      Middlesex on the 12th of November. This writ was executed, when the
      sheriffs' jury assessed the damages at £600. Stockdale then applied to the
      court of Queen's Bench for a rule to compel the sheriff to return the writ
      of inquiry. This was ordered; and on the 23rd of November a writ of <i>fieri
      facias</i> was issued and lodged with the sheriff, who thereupon took
      possession of the printing-office, premises, and stock in trade of Messrs.
      Hansard. On the 16th of December, Mr. Winsland, a builder, purchased of
      the sheriff goods belonging to Messrs. Hansard to the amount of £695. The
      sheriff, however, had not paid this money into the hands of Stockdale,
      when, on the 16th of January, the case of Messrs. Hansard was brought
      before the commons by Lord John Russell, who presented a petition from
      them, which prayed for such relief, under the circumstances, as the house
      should deem proper. His lordship said that it was incumbent upon the house
      to come to a decision upon the question. There was, he continued, many
      ways in which they might dispose of it. They might act upon their ancient
      and undoubted right, and vindicate the violation of their privilege by the
      ancient mode of commitment. That was the most constitutional course, and
      the one most consistent with the dignity and privileges of the house.
      Again, the house could, if it thought fit, direct that Messrs. Hansard
      should plead in all cases of future action, and thereby bring the question
      of privilege before the courts. They could abandon all their privileges,
      confining all their papers to a circulation among the members only; or
      they might proceed, if they thought it necessary to have the papers
      circulated for general use, to provide for the settlement of the question
      by a bill brought in for that purpose. But their present position was one
      which ought not to continue; and he should move that, John Joseph
      Stockdale, the plaintiff, Thomas Barton Howard, his attorney, William
      Evans, the sheriff, Mr. Burchell, the deputy under-sheriff, and the
      bailiff who acted in this case, be called to the bar of the house, and
      then it would be in the power of the house to adopt that course which,
      under all circumstances of the case, it might think proper to pursue.
      After a long discussion, in which Sir. E. Sugden, the attorney-general,
      and other members took part, this motion was agreed to by a majority of
      two hundred and eighty-six against one hundred and sixty-seven. On the
      following clay, January 17th, the order of the clay for taking into
      consideration the petition of Messrs. Hansard was read, and Lord John
      Russell moved that John Joseph Stockdale be called to the bar. He was
      accordingly called in, and placed at the bar, when the attorney-general
      interrogated him concerning the facts of the different actions against
      Messrs. Hansard in which he was plaintiff. After examining him, he was
      ordered to withdraw; when Lord John Russell moved that John Joseph
      Stockdale, having brought an action against Messrs. Hansard for the
      publication of a report ordered by this house to be printed, has been
      guilty of a high contempt and breach of the privileges of the house. Mr.
      Law proposed as an amendment that Mr. Stockdale be discharged from his
      attendance at the bar; but, after an animated discussion, the original
      question was carried by a majority of two hunded and forty-nine against
      one hundred. Lord John Russell then moved, that John Joseph Stockdale, for
      the said breach of privilege, be committed to the custody of the
      sergeant-at-arms, and that the speaker do issue his warrant for the
      committal. After a brief discussion, this was carried by a large majority;
      and on the next day the sheriffs and bailiffs were called in, and, after
      examination, ordered to attend on the following Monday. On that clay, the
      20th of January, Lord John Russell said that it became him now to state
      the precise course which should be taken in the present stage of the
      proceedings; and, after going at length into the whole question of
      privilege, he moved, "that it appeared to the house that an execution in
      the cause of Stockdale v. Hansard had been levied to the amount of £640,
      by the sale of the property of Messrs. Hansard, in contempt of the
      privileges of that house; and that such money then remained in the hands
      of the sheriff for Middlesex." If that resolution should be carried, he
      should move further, "that the said sheriff be ordered to refund the said
      amount forthwith to Messrs. Hansard." Mr. F. Kelly opposed this motion,
      and moved, by way of amendment, the following resolutions:&mdash;"That, it
      appearing to this house that an action has been brought against James
      Hansard and others, for the publication by them, under an order of this
      house, of certain papers containing libellous matter upon John Joseph
      Stockdale, and that judgment has been obtained, and execution issued by
      due course of law against the said James Hansard and others in such
      action: it is expedient that the said James Hansard and others be
      indemnified against all costs and damages by them sustained in respect of
      such action." This amendment was supported by Sir Edward Sugden, and
      opposed by Sir Robert Peel and the attorney-general; and, on a division,
      the original motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and five
      against ninety. Subsequently the sheriffs were called in, and committed to
      the custody of the serjeant-at-arms; and Mr. Howard, the attorney of
      Stock-dale, reprimanded by the speaker at the bar, when he was discharged.
      The matter, however, was not yet at rest.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of January Lord John Russell gave notice that he had received
      a petition from Messrs. Hansard, stating that a fresh action had been
      commenced against them by Stockdale, and that a writ of summons had been
      issued upon them on the 25th of January, by Thomas Burton Howard, as
      attorney for Stockdale. A motion was carried, ordering the said Thomas
      Burton Howard, forthwith to attend the house: but it was not till the 6th
      of February that he could be found, and on that evening he was ordered to
      be committed to her majesty's gaol of Newgate. Subsequently, on the 17th
      of February, Lord John Russell presented another petition from Messrs.
      Hansard, to the effect, that the fifth action had been renewed against
      them by Stockdale, for the same cause as before, and praying to be
      directed as to the course they should pursue. His lordship moved to the
      effect, that Stockdale, by commencing this fresh action, had been guilty
      of a contempt of the house, and of a breach of its privileges, and that
      the sheriffs, under-sheriffs, and others, who should aid in the
      prosecution of the said action, would be guilty of a contempt of the
      house, and of a violation of its privileges, and would subject themselves
      to the severe censure and displeasure of the house. This was carried; and
      on the following evening Thomas Howard, jun., the attorney in this action,
      was, on the motion of the attorney-general, committed to the custody of
      the sergeant-at-arms. In the meantime several motions had been made for
      the discharge of the sheriffs from prison, on the plea of ill-health.
      These had been all negatived; but on the 5th of March, Mr. Sheriff Evans
      was allowed to be set at liberty, being at the same time directed to
      attend at the bar of the house on Monday, the 6th of April. On the same
      evening Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill to give
      summary protection to persons employed in the publication of parliamentary
      papers, which was carried by a large majority; and the bill was brought in
      and read a third time on the 12th of the same month. On the 31st of March
      the sergeant-at-arms appeared at the bar, and acquainted the house that on
      Saturday last the assistant-sergeant and four other officers of the house
      had been served with notice that an action had been commenced against them
      in the court of Queen's Bench, at the suit of Thomas Burton Howard. Under
      the impression that a verdict would certainly be given for the defendants,
      the attorney-general moved that they should be allowed to appear and
      defend the action; a motion which, after a few words in opposition by
      Viscount Howick, was carried by a majority of one hundred and forty
      against ninety-one. On the 6th April the bill relating to the protection
      of persons employed in the publication of parliamentary papers was sent up
      to the lords; and, after making some amendments in committee, the lords
      passed it and returned it to the commons, who agreed to the amendments;
      and on the 14th April the royal assent was given to it by commission. On
      the 15th of April, on the motion of Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Sheriff Evans and
      Mr. Howard, jun., were discharged. Messrs. Thomas Burton Howard, sen., and
      Stockdale were still left in Newgate; but, on the 15th of May, on the
      motion of Mr. T. Duncombe, they were liberated likewise, and thus
      terminated this much-agitated and important question. In the course of the
      discussion in the commons the ablest lawyers spoke in favour of the
      particular privilege of free publication claimed by the house, as
      essential to the due discharge of its functions as a constituent branch of
      the legislature; but many of them dissented from the doctrine that it was
      a breach of their privilege to bring them under the cognizance of a court
      of law. Above all, they thought that having once submitted the case to the
      court of Queen's Bench, by pleading in the action, they were bound to
      respect the judgment of the court; and if they considered it erroneous, to
      bring it under the review of a court of error, in the legal and
      constitutional mode, and not proceed by arbitrary imprisonment against
      officers who merely acted in their ministerial capacity, and who would
      have stood exposed to the process of attachment, if they had refused to
      obey the writs which the court called upon them to execute. Sir William
      Fol-lett, indeed, broadly stated that the commons were enforcing their
      privileges in a manner that could not be maintained; that they were
      assuming powers which the constitution did not give them; and that he was
      not able to vote for any of the committals which had taken place. He did
      not deny that the house was the exclusive judge of its own privileges, and
      that they had the power of committal; but he did not think that if a
      servant of the house should be questioned for any act done under their
      orders, that they had a right to deprive the courts of law of their
      jurisdiction over that servant.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF CHINA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the last year a serious collision took place between the Chinese
      authorities and the British subjects at Canton. This arose out of the
      contraband traffic in opium. The government of China resolved to put an
      end to the commerce altogether, and with this view an imperial
      commissioner arrived at Canton. He resorted at once to decisive measures,
      by demanding that every particle of opium on board the ships should be at
      once delivered up to the government to be destroyed; at the same time
      requiring a bond that the ships would never again dare to introduce that
      article. In the event of any opium being thereafter brought, the goods
      were to be confiscated, and the parties were to submit to death. Should
      the foreigners fail to comply with these requisitions, Commissioner Lin
      threatened that they would be overwhelmed by numbers and sacrificed. The
      whole foreign community was thrown into a state of the deepest distress at
      these demands; and the chief superintendent, Captain Elliot, considered it
      to be his duty to take his own countrymen under his protection. He issued
      a circular, requiring the surrender into his hands of all the English
      opium actually on the coast of China. On the 3rd of April, however, 20,283
      chests of opium were delivered over to the commissioner, from the ships
      which had assembled for that purpose below the Bocca Tigris. Some
      merchants had been imprisoned by the Chinese authorities; but on the 4th
      of May leave was given for all to quit Canton with the exception of
      sixteen individuals, who ultimately took their departure with injunctions
      never to return. Captain Elliot immediately ordered every subject of her
      majesty out of the river; but he did not himself remove from Canton until
      the 25th of May, when the proscribed persons had been released, and there
      remained no other British subject in jeopardy. When they were out of
      danger, he immediately wrote to the governor-general, detailing the course
      of violence and spoliation which had broken up this great trade; and at
      the same time applied for armed vessels from the Indian station to protect
      life and property. Later in the year the breach was widened by an affray
      which took place at Macao, between some English sailors and Chinese
      villagers, in which, unfortunately, one of the latter was killed.
      Commissioner Lin demanded of Captain Elliot that the homicide should be
      given up; but this was refused, and in consequence an edict was issued by
      Lin prohibiting any provisions or other articles being supplied to the
      British at Macao. The British superintendent subsequently removed his
      residence to Hong Kong, off which lay the <i>Volage</i> frigate, commanded
      by Captain Smith. At the latter end of the year Commissioner Lin issued an
      edict against the importation of any British goods, in which he ordained
      that a bond should be required from any vessel entering the port,
      certifying that it did not contain any British property on board, and
      consenting to the confiscation of the ship and cargo, if any such should
      be therein discovered. In his edict, Commissioner Lin gave all foreigners
      to understand that it was no use to deceive the Chinese; for there were
      skilful translators and interpreters among them, who would certainly
      ascertain the country from whence they came. In this state of affairs.
      Captain Elliot sent a petition to Commissioner Lin,' entreating for the
      restoration of the trade with Canton, until he received further advice
      from England. The commissioner replied by a haughty refusal; enumerating
      all the offences of which, in the eyes of the "great pure dynasty," the
      British had been guilty; and declaring that, until the murderer of the
      Chinese was given up, there could be no intercourse allowed between the
      two nations. But notwithstanding this peremptory refusal, a temporary
      adjustment of the matters in difference so far took place, that
      Commissioner Lin permitted the commerce of Great Britain to be carried on
      below the Bocca Tigris until further instructions should be received from
      England. The high-commissioner still insisted that the captains of all
      vessels which traded with Canton should sign the required bond; and this
      was unfortunately consented to by Mr. Warner, master of the ship <i>Thomas
      Coutts</i>. The consequence of this consent was, that Commissioner Lin
      determined to break off the arrangement concluded, unless the whole
      British shipping which was re-entering the Bocca Tigris should agree to
      the same terms: if not, the vessels were again to depart, or be destroyed.
      Matters now proceeded to extremities; and the Chinese soon received a
      lesson from British artillery. Finding that the inhabitants of the
      celestial empire were preparing to attack the fleet, and that Admiral Kwan
      lay in considerable force near Chuenpee, two English frigates, the <i>Volage</i>
      and <i>Hyacinth</i>, were removed to that neighbourhood. Captain Elliot
      now prepared another address to Commissioner Lin, and then went on board
      the <i>Volage</i> frigate. That vessel took up her station, on the 2nd of
      November, not far below the first battery, where an imposing force of
      war-junks and fire-vessels was collected. On the 3rd, the Chinese
      squadron, consisting of twenty-nine sail, anchored close to the British
      vessels, and their attitude became so menacing that Captain Smith, of the
      <i>Volage</i>, resolved to compel them to return to their former
      anchorage. A brief action took place, which told with terrible effect on
      the celestials: one war-junk blew up at a pistol-shot distance from the <i>Volage</i>,
      three were sunk, and several others water-logged. In about half-an-hour
      Admiral Kwan and his squadron retired in great distress to their former
      anchorage, no obstruction being offered to their retreat. But
      notwithstanding their palpable defeat, as the English ships soon after set
      sail for Macao, the Chinese claimed the victory. But this was only the
      beginning of their sorrows. At the close of the year the English
      government determined to send an expedition into the Chinese seas, which
      should be sufficient to attain all the ends we had in view, and compel the
      great pure dynasty to acknowledge the principles of international law
      which were acted upon by all the civilized nations of the earth. This
      armament, which consisted of eight ships of war with frigates, transports,
      and steamers, arrived at its place of rendezvous at Singapore, in the
      month of April of the present year. It was placed under the command of
      Admiral Elliot; Commodore Sir J. J. Gordon Brewer was next in command, and
      Major-General Burrell had the command of the military force. Previous to
      this an edict had been issued, warning all foreign vessels from anchoring
      near the devoted English ships, lest they should be involved in the
      destruction preparing for the latter&mdash;"lest the gem should be
      consumed with the common stone." The first arrival of this armament in the
      Canton river was her majesty's ship <i>Alligator</i>, Captain Kuper, on
      the 9th of June. Previous to this the Chinese authorities at Canton had
      sent a boat-load of poisoned tea, packed in small parcels, to be sold to
      the English sailors. This boat was captured by Chinese pirates, and her
      cargo sold to their own countrymen, many of whom died in consequence. A
      proclamation was issued, by the Chinese authorities, offering rewards to
      all who should destroy the English, and who should be able to capture an
      English man-of-war. An attempt was indeed made to burn the British
      shipping, but this happily failed, and then Sir J. J. Gordon Brewer gave
      public notice, that on and after the 28th of June, a blockade of the river
      and port of Canton would be established. The commodore, however, witli
      several ships, sailed northward in the direction of Cliusan, and he was
      followed on the 28th by Admiral Elliot and Captain Elliot. The Chinese
      authorities now bestirred themselves vigorously to meet the danger. By a
      proclamation issued on the 2nd of July, the people were called upon to
      unite heart and hand with the government in opposing the barbarians. All
      the proclamations and precautions of the Chinese, however, were vain. On
      Sunday, the 5th of June, the British captured Chusan: for the first time
      British cannon wrested from his celestial majesty a portion of his
      dominions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The policy of government with reference to the affairs of China was made
      the subject of a series of condemnatory resolutions in parliament. These
      were brought forward by Sir James Graham on the 7th of April, who
      introduced the subject by calling the attention of the house to the
      magnitude of the interests involved in our relations with China. The right
      honourable baronet then went into a detailed history of the disputes of
      which a brief account is given above; and finally concluded by moving,
      that "it appears to the house, in consideration of the papers relating to
      China, presented to this house by command of her majesty, that the
      interruption in our commercial and friendly intercourse with that country,
      and the hostilities which have since taken place, are mainly to be
      attributed to the want of foresight and precaution on the part of her
      majesty's present advisers in respect to our relations with China; and
      especially to their neglect to furnish the superintendent at Canton with
      powers and instructions calculated to provide against the growing evils
      connected with the contraband traffic in opium, and adapted to the novel
      and difficult situation in which the superintendent was placed." Mr.
      Macauley replied to Sir James Graham; and a long debate ensued, in which
      the motion was supported by Sir W. Follett, Messrs. Thesiger, Sidney
      Herbert, W. E. Gladstone, and G. Palmer; and opposed by Sirs George
      Staunton, S. Lushington, and J. C. Hobhouse, and Messrs. Hawes, C. Buller,
      and Ward. The debate was closed by powerful speeches from Sir Robert Peel
      in support of the motion, and Viscount Palmerston against it. On a
      division the motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and
      seventy-one against two hundred and sixty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The second reading of the Irish municipal corporations bill was moved on
      the 14th of February in the commons by Viscount Morpeth. It was carried by
      a majority of one hundred and forty-nine against fourteen; and the house,
      on the 24th of February, went into committee on the bill, when several
      amendments were proposed and negatived. The bill was read a third time in
      the commons on the 9th of March; but the second reading was not moved in
      the lords until the 4th of May. The Earl of Winchilsea moved that the bill
      be read a second time that day six months, which amendment was supported
      by the Marquis of Westmeath; but the Duke of Wellington recommended their
      lordships to vote for the second reading; and, after a few words from
      Viscount Melbourne, it was carried by a large majority. The house went
      into committee on the 19th of June, when the Bishop of Exeter delivered a
      powerful speech against it. Their lordships, however, went into committee,
      and Lord Lyndhurst proposed several amendments, which were ordered to be
      printed. On a subsequent evening, Lord Lyndhurst explained the nature of
      his amendments, and when the house was in committee, he moved and carried
      an amendment which went to preserve the inchoate rights of freemen, which
      under this bill were threatened. Several other amendments were agreed to
      without a division, and some clauses were struck out; and on the 6th of
      July the bill was recommitted in the house of lords. The third reading was
      moved by Viscount Duncannon on the 31st July, when Lord Lyndhurst proposed
      and carried an amendment relating to the recorder of Dublin. He proposed
      to strike out of the 161st clause, which had reference to the holding of
      the recorder's court, these words, "or as the lord-lieutenant shall from
      time to time think fit to direct." This proposition was resisted by
      ministers, but was carried by a majority of sixteen. On the question that
      the bill do now pass, it was again opposed by the Bishop of Exeter, who
      predicted that "it would not, and could not come to good;" but it passed,
      and the bill was, on the 3rd of August, brought down to the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      After a brief discussion in the lower house, managers were appointed to
      conduct a conference with the lords on the subject of their amendments,
      and the result was more harmonious than heretofore: in some things the
      commons gave way to the lords, and in others, the lords gave way to the
      commons; and by this mutual concession, the bill finally received, on the
      10th of August, the royal assent.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of February Mr. Labouchere moved the second reading of the
      importation of flour info Ireland bill, which, after some opposition
      offered by Mr. E. Tennent, was carried by a majority of one hundred and
      fifty-four against one hundred and two.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENT, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The ministerial budget was brought forward on the 15th day of May. The
      total income of the year 1840 amounted to £47,685,000, and the total
      expenditure £49,300,000; leaving a deficiency of £1,457,000. With a view
      of meeting this deficiency, however, a vote of £1,000,000 of
      exchequer-bills had been taken, which reduced the balance to £457,000. Mr.
      Baring calculated the expenditure of the current financial year to be
      £49,432,000, and the income £46,700,000. To meet the deficiency he
      proposed to increase the assessed taxes fen per cent.; the customs and
      excise five per cent.; to lay an additional duty of fourpence per gallon
      on all spirits, British, colonial, and foreign; and to take a vote of
      credit of £395,000. He, expected, also, that by a more strict collection
      of the assessed taxes he should obtain £150,000. His income and
      expenditure would thus be made equal; but as the increase to be derived
      from raising the duties would not be available to the full extent this
      year, he thought it would be necessary to take a vote of credit for
      £350,000. He concluded by moving resolutions authorizing him to make the
      proposed additions to the taxes.
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    <h2>
      THE UNION OF THE CANADAS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of March Lord John Russell moved for leave to bring in a bill
      for the union of the Canadas. His lordship said, that he had allowed no
      time to elapse since the arrival of the propositions from the
      governor-general of Canada, who had taken the greatest pains to ascertain
      the sentiments of the people in that colony upon the measure he was about
      to introduce. In his opinion the union would not have been expedient, had
      it been repugnant to the feelings of the Canadians themselves. "But,"
      continued his lordship, "the council of Lower Canada have been called
      together, and have passed resolutions agreeing to the principle of an
      union, but leaving the details to the imperial parliament. In Upper
      Canada, the measure has been much discussed, both in the assembly and the
      legislative council; and, after a full consideration of the whole
      question, a resolution in favour of the union was passed, unfettered by
      any restrictions or conditions." His lordship proceeded to state the
      nature of the proposed union. With regard to the legislative council and
      assembly, it was proposed, that, together with the governor, they should
      form the legislature; and that the crown, or the governor on the part of
      the crown, should appoint the legislative crown councillors. The
      nomination of the council was to be for life, the only disqualification
      being bankruptcy or crime. It was further proposed that the number of
      representatives sent by Upper and Lower Canada should be equal, with the
      power of adding members as the population increased. Thirty-nine members
      were to be allowed to each province, and distributed without any great
      alteration of the existing boundaries. In Upper Canada, the towns of
      Kingston, Hamilton, Brockville, London, Niagara, and Cornwall, and in
      Lower Canada, Montreal, Quebec, and the three Rivers were each to send one
      member; the rest of the members for each province were to be returned by
      districts which were to be denominated "counties." Lord John Russell next
      entered upon the question relating to the laws, and to the mode in which
      they were to be enacted. A general power only was to be given to the
      assembly to enact laws: certain subjects were to be reserved for the
      assent of the crown, such as those pointed out by the constitutional act
      of 1791. It was proposed that money-votes should not originate with the
      assembly; but that a message from the governor, giving the assembly the
      power of addressing him, should precede any vote on such matters. A
      permanent appropriation was to be made for the governor and judges, and
      the civil secretary and all the various expenses connected with the civil
      establishments were to be voted, either for a period of years, or during
      the life of the queen. It was also proposed that the duties included in
      the act introduced by the Earl of Ripon, and collected under the 14th
      George III., should become part of the crown revenue. His lordship
      continued to say, that in Upper Canada there was already the form of a
      municipal government: there were townships and elective offices; and they
      had likewise districts formed of two or more counties, which were attached
      to the local courts for the administration of justice: but their powers
      were limited. He proposed that the power of these municipal councils
      should be increased, and that they should be enabled to lay a tax of
      threepence an acre upon all lands. The same authority in local matters was
      to be granted to the municipal courts in Lower Canada&mdash;that of
      forming districts and settling the boundaries of such districts. His
      lordship concluded by making some remarks on the clergy reserves, in the
      course of which he stated that a bill had been passed by the Upper Canada
      assembly, which proposed that the clergy reserves should be sold, and that
      one half of the proceeds should be given to the churches of England and
      Scotland, and that the remaining half should be divided among the clergy
      of all denominations of Christians recognised by certain acts of the
      province, such as that of registration. His lordship thought that this
      bill would give general satisfaction; but Mr. Hume stated that the noble
      lord was mistaken in supposing that such a bill would settle discontent in
      Canada. The Canada union bill was read a first and second time without
      opposition; and on the 29th of May Lord John Russell moved that the house
      should go into committee on its details. After a few words in opposition
      from Messrs. Pakington and O'Connell, and in support of it by Messrs.
      Gladstone and Charles Buller, the house went into committee, and the
      various clauses of the bill were all agreed to almost unanimously. The
      third reading was carried by a majority of one hundred and fifty-six
      against six. In the course of the discussion Sir Robert Peel had suggested
      that the civil-list should be charged on the consolidated fund of the
      provinces, and Mr. Ellis had proposed the omission of all the clauses
      relating to district councils; and on a subsequent evening Lord John
      Russell intimated that he should adopt those suggestions. On the second
      reading in the house of lords, on the 30th of June, a considerable
      discussion took place; but the bill was allowed to go into committee
      without a division. In committee the Duke of Wellington moved that the
      commencement of the operation of the act should be postponed to fifteen
      months, instead of six, after its passing, as proposed by government; and
      Lord Ellenborough moved a clause to empower the governor and two-thirds of
      the council to suspend any member guilty of unworthy and disreputable
      conduct. Both these amendments were agreed to, and the bill afterwards was
      read a third time. A bill introduced by Lord John Russell for the sale of
      the Canada clergy reserves also subsequently passed, without much
      opposition, through both houses of parliament.
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    <h2>
      ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During Sir Robert Peel's administration in 1835 an ecclesiastical
      commission had been appointed for the purpose of considering what changes
      could be made in the distribution of the revenues of the church of England
      with benefit to the establishment and to the community at large. These
      commissioners had made their report, and her majesty in her speech at the
      opening of parliament had advised the prosecution of the measures
      recommended by the commissioners. The plan chiefly consisted in a
      modification of the constitution of chapters and cathedral colleges, and
      in the reduction of the expenses of cathedral establishments to a large
      amount; the saving to be expended in the augmentation of small livings,
      and the supplying the existing want of spiritual instruction by means of
      additional churches and resident clergymen. The measure for these
      purposes, which was introduced in the commons by Lord John Russell,
      created but little discussion and still less opposition; but in the house
      of lords it was not looked upon with so much favour. The second reading
      was moved by Lord Melbourne on the 27th of July, and was carried by a
      majority of ninety-nine against forty-eight. The house subsequently went
      into committee, and some amendments were proposed, but none which affected
      the leading principles of the bill.
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    <h2>
      THE REGENCY BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of a message from the crown, a bill was passed during this
      session, appointing his royal highness Prince Albert regent in the
      possible event of her most gracious majesty's decease, during the minority
      of any issue to her majesty, whilst such issue should be under the age of
      eighteen years, and for the care and guardianship of such issue. This bill
      was introduced by the lord-chancellor on the 16th of July, and was passed
      with the unanimous approbation of both houses of parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by her majesty in person on the 11th of August.
      The speech congratulated both houses on the termination of the civil war
      in Spain; and informed them that the government of Portugal had made
      arrangements for satisfying certain just claims of some of her majesty's
      subjects, and for the payment of a sum due to this country under the
      stipulations of the convention of 1827. Her majesty further said that she
      was engaged, in concert with the Emperors of Austria and Russia and the
      King of Prussia, in measures tending to effect the permanent pacification
      of the Levant. After alluding to the disputes with China, her majesty
      proceeded to make some remarks on the subject of Canada and the
      legislative bodies of Jamaica, &amp;c.: and the speech concluded with an
      expression of regret that it had been found necessary to impose additional
      burdens upon the people.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF BRITISH INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The army of the Indus having achieved the object for which it had been
      sent to the north-western extremity of India, by seating Shah
      Soojah-ool-Moolk on the throne of Cabul, and by storming the fortresses of
      Ghuznee and Khelat, commenced its retrograde march in the middle of
      October. 1839. The army marched in two divisions, one to Bengal, under Sir
      J. Keene and the other to Bombay, by the Bolau Pass and Scinde. At this
      time Dost Mohammed seemed shorn of his power; he had retired across the
      Hindoo Koosh, the passes of which were guarded, and the chiefs of Balkh
      and Bokhara refused to join him. But although the prowess of British arms
      had wrested from him the throne of Afghanistan, Shah Soojah was by no
      means secure of it a moment longer than he was supported by European aid,
      The precarious tenure by which he held his power was seen early in this
      year, when Syed Hoshein, the chief of Koona, sent a letter to his majesty,
      couched in the most insulting terms, and stating that, as he had heard the
      Russians were advancing, it was his intention to join them. On hearing
      this Sir Willoughby Cotton, who commanded one division of the force which
      was returning to Bengal, despatched Colonel Orchard from Jellalabad, with
      a body of troops to attack the fort of Pooshat, where the Koona chief
      resided. Pooshat was captured, but Syed Hoshein escaped. The state of
      Affghanistan, however, still remained unsettled, for Dost Mohammed was
      employed with restless activity in intriguing among the native princes,
      with a view to recovering the throne which he had lost; and at the close
      of the year the British troops which had been left to support Shah Soojah
      imperatively demanded refreshment and repose. In testimony of the services
      of the army of the Indus, Lord Auckland resolved that all the corps,
      European and native, in the service of the East India Company, which
      proceeded beyond the Bolau Pass, should have on their regimental colours
      the word "Affghanistan," and such of them as were employed in the
      reduction of the fortress of that name the word "Ghuznee" in addition. In
      the same general order he stated, on behalf of the queen's regiments, that
      he would recommend to her majesty that the same distinction should be
      granted to them. Besides this complimentary notice, Lord Auckland ordered
      that a donation of six months' full or field batta should be given to
      officers and men of every rank attached to the army who advanced beyond
      the Bolau Pass.
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    <h2>
      THE MARRIAGE OF THE QUEEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Her most gracious majesty Queen Victoria was married to Prince Albert of
      Saxe-Cobourg-Gotha on the 10th of February. This event gave great
      satisfaction to the people generally, both in the dominions of her majesty
      and in the duchy of Saxe-Cobourg-Gotha.
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the Carlists in Spain were compelled to give up the
      contest which they had so long carried on against the queen regent. All
      the principal places held by the chiefs of that party still remaining in
      the country, fell into the hands of the Christino generals; and Cabrera
      and Balemaseda took refuge in France, while Borso, another Carlist leader,
      was captured and shot. In the spring of this year a question arose with
      the Neapolitan government and the British cabinet, which led to
      hostilities on the part of England, and at one time threatened to involve
      other powers in Europe in a general quarrel. This question related to the
      "sulphur monopoly." A treaty existed which gave certain commercial
      advantages to England in respect of sulphur, and the treaty set forth that
      the Neapolitan government was not to grant any state mercantile privileges
      hostile to the British interests. But notwithstanding this distinct
      stipulation, the King of Naples granted some natives of France, in 1838,
      as well as others of different countries, a monopoly of all the sulphur
      produced and worked in Sicily. Great Britain naturally considered this
      grant to be a direct infraction of the stipulation of the existing treaty;
      and Lord Palmerston called on the Neapolitan government for the immediate
      termination of the monopoly, and full indemnity for all losses sustained
      by British subjects arising therefrom. The king professed to comply:
      Prince Cassaro, the minister for foreign affairs, wrote a note to Mr.
      Kennedy, stating that the monopoly should be abolished, and that the King
      of Naples acted thus in deference to England. Shortly afterwards, however,
      his Neapolitan majesty signified to the British minister that he had
      determined not to consent to the demands of Great Britain, he not
      considering the sulphur contract a violation of the treaty of 1816. The
      British government now proceeded to enforce its demands: orders were sent
      to Admiral Sir R. Stopford, in the Mediterranean, to hold himself in
      readiness to commence active hostilities against the Neapolitan flag.
      Hostilities commenced on the 17th of April by the British ships of war in
      the vicinity of Naples; an embargo was laid on all in the ports of Malta
      that bore the Sicilian flag. At first the king prepared to resist: but he
      was induced finally to accept the proposed mediation of France, in
      adjusting the quarrel, on the principle that the monopoly should be
      dissolved, and an indemnity given to the contractors. Early in May
      amicable relations between the courts of England and Naples commenced. In
      the month of July this year, the affairs of the Levant were brought to a
      crisis. A convention was signed at London between England, Russia,
      Austria, and Prussia&mdash;France declined to concur in it; whereby the
      following ultimatum was offered to the viceroy of Egypt. He was to have
      the hereditary sovereignty of Egypt, and the possession of the pashalic of
      St. Jean d'Acre for life. If within ten days from the notification of
      these terms the pasha should not accept them, the Sultan was to offer him
      Egypt alone; and, if he still persisted in refusing, the four powers were
      to compel him by force to accede to the proposed settlement. Disliking the
      terms, Mehemet Ali endeavoured to gain time by offering a negociation with
      the Porte: Rifat Bey was sent to Constantinople with certain proposals;
      but these were not deemed satisfactory; and the Sultan, acting upon
      intemperate advice, pronounced the formal deposition of the Sultan of
      Egypt from his pashalic, and sent a firman to Alexandria to notify that
      event. Mehemet Ali intimated his intention of repelling force by force;
      and it was then resolved by the four powers that the ports of Syria and
      Egypt should be declared to be in a state of blockade. Captain Napier
      immediately captured some Egyptian vessels off the coast of Syria; and on
      the 9th of September, Admiral Stopford appeared off Beyrout, and the next
      day made preparations for bombarding and taking that town and fortress.
      Beyrout was captured, and the troops of Ibrahim Pasha, which consisted of
      14,000 men, subsequently dispersed, while he himself fled to Damascus. The
      ports of Syria and Alexandria were now strictly blockaded, and in a short
      time after, Tripoli, Tortosa, and Latakia were evacuated by their Egyptian
      garrisons, St. Jean d'Acre was next captured, and the Egyptian garrisons
      in Caiffa and Jaffa immediately evacuated those places; and while they
      were endeavouring to force for themselves a passage through Palestine into
      Egypt, were taken prisoners of war. The Syrian tribes, which had hitherto
      been in the interest of the Pasha of Egypt, now declared in favour of the
      Sultan, and on the 19th of November the Seraskier was informed that the
      garrison and inhabitants of Jerusalem had returned to their allegiance to
      the Porte. About this time negociations were commenced between Commodore
      Napier and the Pasha of Egypt, but the year closed before a convention was
      ratified. In Holland, this year was signalized by the abdication of its
      monarch, William I. In the month of October he voluntarily laid down the
      crown, and was succeeded by his eldest son, the Prince of Orange, who
      ascended the throne by the title of William II. In Prussia there was also
      a change in the monarchy: Frederick William III. expired at Berlin on the
      7th of June, and he was succeeded by his son Frederic William IV.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1841&mdash;1842
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Meeting of  Parliament..... Poor-law Amendment Act.....
     Jews'  Civil  Disabilities Removal Bill..... Church of
     Scotland; Non-intrusion Question, &amp;c...... Law Reform.....
     Financial Statements..... Discussion on the Corn-laws.....
     Resolution of Want of Confidence in the Government.....
     Prorogation  and Dissolution of Parliament..... State of
     Parties..... Meeting of the  new House of   Commons,
     &amp;c...... Resignation of Ministers..... Sir Robert   Peel's
     Administration..... Statement of Sir Robert Peel as to his
     intended   Course of Proceeding-,  &amp;c...... Financial
     Statement..... Poor-laws, &amp;c...... East India Affairs.....
     State of the Continent.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1841
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by her majesty in person, on the 26th of January.
      Her majesty's speech chiefly referred to the posture of affairs in the
      Levant and China, and to serious differences which had arisen between
      Spain and Portugal about the execution of a treaty concluded by those
      powers in 1835, for regulating the navigation of the Douro.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 4th of February the Earl of Minto moved the thanks of the house to
      Admiral Sir Robert Stopford, G.C.B., and the officers and men under his
      command in the late operations on the coast of Syria. This motion was
      carried <i>nem. con</i>. The same unanimity prevailed also in the commons
      on the same subject.
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    <h2>
      POOR LAW AMENDMENT ACT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 29th of January Lord John Russell moved in the house of commons for
      leave to bring in "a bill to continue the poor-law commission for a time
      to be limited, and for the further amendment of the laws relating to the
      poor in England." The powers of the commissioners were to be continued for
      ten years, and when his lordship had made this known, several members, as
      Sir. Burdett, and Messrs. Wakley and Hume, opposed such an extension of
      powers to them. Leave, however, was given to bring in the bill on the 8th
      of February; and an important debate took place on the second reading. The
      debate was opened by Mr. D'Israeli, who opposed the bill, and moved that
      it should be read that day six months. Mr. Wakley seconded this amendment.
      The motion was carried by a majority of two hundred and one against
      fifty-four. But although the principle of the bill was thus emphatically
      confirmed, yet on several occasions the attacks upon it were renewed by
      its opponents with much acerbity. Upon the motion for the committal of the
      bill, Mr. Townley Parker moved, and Mr. Grimsditch seconded the motion,
      that it should be committed that day six months: but this was negatived by
      a large majority, and the bill was committed. When the bill was in
      committee, government gave up the longer period of ten years for the
      continuance of the powers of the commissioners, and reduced it to five, in
      deference to the opinion expressed by Sir Robert Peel, and other members.
      After this, the bill was considerably delayed in its progress by a great
      variety of amendments suggested by members on both sides of the house, to
      several of which government assented, and one or two of which were carried
      against the wishes of ministers.
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    <h2>
      JEWS' CIVIL DISABILITIES REMOVAL BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, Mr. Divett, one of the members for Exeter, introduced
      a bill, the object of which was to do away with the declaration required
      by the municipal corporations act from all persons taking corporate
      offices, by reason of which members of the Jewish persuasion had been
      debarred from holding civic magistracies. This bill was opposed on the
      second reading by Sir R. Inglis; but on a division it was carried by a
      majority of one hundred and thirteen against twenty-four. On the third
      reading Mr. Gladstone moved that it be read that day six months; a motion
      which was seconded by Mr. Pringle; both objecting to the principle of the
      bill, as hostile to the constitution and repugnant to the feelings of
      Christians. Mr. Macauley and Lord Sandon supported, and Mr. Goulburn and
      Sir R. Inglis opposed the measure. The third reading was carried in the
      commons by a majority of one hundred and eight against thirty-one; but the
      bill experienced a different fate in the house of lords. It passed a
      second reading; but on the third reading its rejection was moved by the
      Bishop of Llandaff, which was carried by ninety-eight against sixty-four:
      the bill was consequently lost.
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    <h2>
      CHURCH OF SCOTLAND: NON-INTRUSION QUESTION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of May, the Duke of Argyle introduced a measure with reference
      to the right of patronage in the church of Scotland: a question which had
      been long the subject of controversy. In introducing his bill, the noble
      duke, after referring to the history of the various acts of the
      legislature affecting the right of patronage in the church of Scotland,
      proceeded to read some letters from Drs. Gordon and Chalmers, and others
      of the dominant party in the church, with the view of showing that the
      total abolition of patronage, as by law established, was not the means by
      which this party desired the settlement of the existing differences. The
      object of the bill proposed, the noble duke subsequently explained, was to
      give effect to the principle of non-intrusion on the right of the
      congregation to give their approval or dissent to the appointment of any
      presentee that might be offered them by the patron. He felt convinced, he
      said, that unless some measure to this effect were passed, the most
      lamentable consequences to the church of Scotland would ensue, and there
      can be no doubt but a secession of a large number of the members of the
      church would take place; while, if the principle of non-intrusion were
      conceded, the surest means would be taken to put an end to the agitation
      of those who were opposed to patronage. Lord Aberdeen said that he wished
      to give full expression to the genuine and honest feelings and wishes of
      the people in these matters, but he could not give his support to a
      measure which might lead to the monstrous consequence of compelling the
      presbytery to reject a presentee, though he were objected to for no other
      reason than because he had been presented, or because he had been
      compelled to take the oath of allegiance. Lord Dunfermline and the earl of
      Haddington opposed, and the marquess of Breadalbane supported the measure,
      and it was read a first time. On the 27th of May, the general assembly of
      the church of Scotland deposed seven clergymen of the presbytery of
      Strathbogie, and these seven ministers appealed to parliament. A petition
      was presented from them on the 15th of June, by Lord Aberdeen, in which
      they called upon the house to save them, by its interference, from the
      consequences of the sentence which had been pronounced. This petition gave
      rise to a discussion in the house of lords, but no step was taken for the
      restoration of the deposed ministers.
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    <h2>
      LAW-REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session there was a further mitigation of the criminal code.
      Two bills were introduced for this purpose in the house of commons. The
      first of these was introduced by Mr. Kelly, who proposed to abolish the
      punishment of death for all the crimes still capital, except murder and
      treason. This motion was seconded by Mr. Ewart, and the bill was brought
      in; but shortly afterwards a measure was introduced on the part of
      government, by Lord John Russell, which proposed to abolish the punishment
      of death in certain cases of embezzlement; for the offence of returning
      from transportation; for burning ships, where the act involved no
      treasonable intent; and for the crime of rape. Mr. Kelly approved of this
      measure as far as it went, but contended for the superiority of his own
      more comprehensive measure. He particularly objected to leaving the
      offence of setting fire to ships in the royal dockyards capital, and to
      retaining the punishment of death for attempts to murder. Mr. Kelly's bill
      went first into committee; but he experienced so many defeats that he was
      induced to leave government to deal with their own measures on the same
      subject. The result was, that near the close of the session a bill was
      passed, whereby the punishment of transportation for life is substituted
      for death in all cases of forgery and embezzlement, which had before
      remained capital, and the crime of rape is made subject to the same
      mitigated penalty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 31st of April, the chancellor of the exchequer entered into his
      financial statement. When he came forward last year, he said, he had
      anticipated that the expenditure would amount to £49,499,000, and the
      income to £48,641,000; leaving a deficiency of £858,000. The results of
      the year had proved less favourable than he had anticipated: the
      expenditure had amounted only to £49,285,000, but the income had only
      reached £47,443,000, leaving a deficiency of more than £1,840,000. He
      calculated that the expenditure for the ensuing year would be £50,731,226,
      and the income £48,310,000, which would leave a deficiency of £2,421,000
      to be provided for. In order to raise the revenue, Mr. Baring proposed to
      deal with the two articles, timber and sugar. The present duty on colonial
      timber, he said, amounted to ten shillings a load, and on Baltic timber
      fifty-five shillings. These duties he proposed to modify, by raising that
      on colonial to twenty shillings, and reducing that on Baltic to fifty
      shillings a load, by which he anticipated an increased revenue of
      £750,000. He next explained that the alteration which he intended to
      propose in the sugar-duties would still leave a protection of fifty per
      cent. to colonial sugar. He would leave, he said, the duty on colonial
      sugar at the present amount of twenty-four shillings per cwt., but that on
      foreign sugar, amounting to sixty-three shillings, he proposed to reduce
      to thirty-six shillings per cwt.; from which change he expected an
      augmentation of revenue of £700,000. There would still, he said, be a
      deficiency to be provided for. But Lord John Russell had that evening
      given notice of his intention at an early period to submit the question of
      the corn-trade to the consideration of the house; and if the propositions
      of his noble friend were agreed to, he should be under no uneasiness about
      the deficiency; if not, it would be his duty to make provision by direct
      taxation. Messrs. Hume, Ward, Villiers, and other members, expressed their
      satisfaction at the propositions of the chancellor of the exchequer, while
      Lord Francis Egerton, Viscount Sandon, Sir Robert Peel, and Messrs.
      Goulburn and Christopher, complained of them, and especially of the
      announcement of an intended alteration in the corn-laws. The debate on the
      budget was protracted to a considerable length, and the nature of the
      discussion will be seen in the following article.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSION ON THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The announcement made by Mr. Baring, that an alteration in the corn-laws
      was contemplated by government, caused the anti-corn-law party to set to
      work with activity to organize new associations, to despatch lecturers and
      emissaries, which might rouse the public mind throughout the country, and
      to get up requisitions for public meetings in the principal towns. In
      parliament, also, the opposition lost no time in coming to the attack. On
      the 3rd of May, the Duke of Buckingham presented one hundred and twenty
      petitions against a repeal of the corn-laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, Viscount Sandon gave notice of the following
      resolution, which he would move on going into the committee of ways and
      means: "That, considering the efforts and sacrifices which parliament and
      the country have made for the abolition of the slave-trade and slavery,
      with the earnest hope that their exertions and example might lead to a
      mitigation and final extinction of those evils in other countries, this
      house is not prepared, especially with the present prospects of the supply
      of sugar from the British possessions, to adopt the measure proposed by
      her majesty's government for the reduction of the duty on foreign sugars."
      Lord John Russell gave notice, in the event of the house not going into
      committee on the sugar duties, and Viscount Sandon's resolution being put
      from the chair, he should move a counter-resolution; namely, "That it is
      the opinion of this house, that it is practicable to supply the present
      inadequacy of the revenue to meet the expenditure of the country, by a
      judicious alteration of protective and differential duties, without any
      material increase of the public burdens; that such a course will, at the
      same time, promote the interests of trade, and afford relief to the
      industrious classes, and is best calculated to provide for the maintenance
      of the public faith and the general welfare of the people." A third notice
      was given by Mr. O'Connell, to the effect that any diminution of the duty
      on foreign sugar should be limited to that which was produced by free
      labour, and not extend in any way to the produce of slave labour. The
      debate on the sugar question was preceded by the presentation of petitions
      both for and against the alterations proposed by government. In commencing
      the debate, which lasted eight nights, Lord John Russell took the formal
      motion for going into committee out of Mr. Baring's hands, and availed
      himself of the opportunity for pre-occupying the ground, and anticipating
      the arguments of his opponents. In his speech his lordship remarked, that
      if this had been merely a financial question, he should have left it in
      the hands of the chancellor of the exchequer. He regarded it, however, as
      constituting, by the variety and magnitude of its relations, a great
      national subject. Government were well aware, he continued, at the
      commencement of the year, that the finance of the country was matter of
      great difficulty, and would require great attention. Their resolution to
      consider the corn-laws was formed before the 11th of March, when the
      notice was given that the colonial duties would be reviewed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Government had to meet a deficiency of £2,400,000. It was open to the
      house to have objected to the expenditure at the time; but now to oppose
      the going into committee of ways and means, without suggesting any other
      plan as preferable to that of the government, was unworthy of a great
      party. Ministers had preferred the plan of altering the import duties, as
      now proposed, for the purpose of relieving instead of oppressing the
      people. Being prepared to deal with sugar and timber as questions of
      revenue, they would not have been justified in excluding the other great
      question, that of corn; especially with their opinions on the merits of
      that question, and their belief that, sooner or later, it must be made the
      means of an extensive change in the commercial situation of this country.
      Before the house had gone into committee, Lord John Russell had announced
      the rate of duties which he meant to propose on corn; namely, on wheat, a
      duty of eight shillings per quarter; on rye, of five shillings; on barley,
      of four shillings and sixpence, and on oats, of three shillings and
      sixpence. His lordship now said that the duties he meant to propose, added
      to the charge of freight, would constitute a sufficient protection,
      keeping the price of wheat, in all probability, at from fifty to sixty
      shillings a quarter. With respect to sugar, he considered the true
      principle was protection, not prohibition. He entered into some details,
      for the purpose of showing that West Indian interests would be protected
      under the proposals of ministers, and that freedom of commercial
      intercourse among nations had a tendency to improve and cheapen the
      productions of each. By the admission of foreign sugar, his lordship said,
      the industry of the West Indies would be stimulated to better means of
      production, and the English labourer would obtain his sugar on more
      reasonable terms. His lordship next entered into various statistical
      details, to prove that the great measure of slave emancipation had been
      eminently successful; and that the condition of the negroes was not only
      promising, but prosperous. On Lord John Russell's resuming his seat,
      Viscount Sandon rose to propose a resolution of which he had given notice.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell then moved <i>pro forma</i> the resolution of which he
      had given notice as an amendment to Viscount Sandon's; but it was
      negatived without a division; and that of Viscount Sandon's being carried,
      the house adjourned. After this defeat it was generally expected that
      ministers would resign; but on the next day business was resumed, and
      carried on as though nothing of importance had happened; and when business
      was over Lord John Russell simply moved that the house at its rising
      should adjourn to the Monday following. The Earl of Darlington, on hearing
      this, said that he had been relieved of all suspense as to the intentions
      of government: it was plain that they meant to stay in office with a
      tenacity unparalleled in the history of governments, and with the
      deliberate decision of the house of commons unequivocally declared against
      them. He asked when Lord John Russell intended to bring forward the
      question of the corn-laws. And his lordship replied, "On Friday, the 4th
      of June;" but before that day arrived ministers had suffered another
      signal defeat, and were compelled to postpone the subject.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESOLUTION OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN THE GOVERNMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the first day on which the house met after its temporary adjournment,
      Sir Robert Peel gave notice that he should move, on the 27th of May, this
      resolution:&mdash;"That her majesty's ministers do not sufficiently
      possess the confidence of the house of commons to enable them to carry
      through the house measures which they deem of essential importance to the
      public welfare; and that their continuance in office under such
      circumstances is at variance with the spirit of the constitution." On the
      day named the right honourable baronet introduced this resolution with a
      speech of considerable length and ability. The debate which ensued lasted
      five nights; in the course of which much was said for and against the
      motion. The leading speakers in support of it were Lord Stanley, Sirs
      James Graham and William Follett, and Messrs. Christopher and Sergeant
      Jackson; those against it were Viscount Morpeth, Sir George Grey, Dr.
      Lushington, and Messrs. Macauley, Handley, O'Connell, and Shiel. Towards
      the close of the debate, Lord John Russell denied that the motion was in
      the spirit of the constitution, and ably defended his own conduct and that
      of his colleagues in retaining office. Sir Robert Peel briefly replied;
      and on a division the motion was carried by a majority of three hundred
      and twelve against three hundred and eleven. After this division, Lord
      John Russell announced that he would state on the following Monday the
      course which the government should resolve under existing circumstances to
      pursue.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the meeting of the house on the following Monday, after moving the
      order of the day for the committee of supply, Lord John Russell said that
      he and his colleagues had come to the determination not to bring on the
      alteration of the corn-laws as a government measure. He further stated
      that, after the late division, he felt that tire government could expect
      no further majorities in the house of commons, and that they would not
      make any further struggle for the retention of their offices until the
      opinion of the nation had been ascertained. A desultory conversation
      followed, in which his lordship expressly declared that the intentions of
      government were to advise that no time should be lost in dissolving the
      present Parliament, and that a new one should be summoned without delay.
      Subsequently the house resolved itself into a committee of supply; and the
      estimates were voted without opposition. The session was now virtually at
      an end, although the condemned parliament lingered on for about a
      fortnight after the ministerial announcement of a dissolution. In the
      course of that period Lord John Russell announced many bills, in more or
      less advanced stages, as abandoned; but he still sought to carry the bill
      for the better administration of justice. This bill, however, was opposed
      by Sir E. Sugden, who moved that it should not come into operation till
      the 10th day of October. This motion was carried; and Lord John Russell
      then declared his determination to throw up the bill altogether. It thus
      fell to the ground; but it was revived in the next session, and then
      passed into a law. After this discussion nothing worthy of note occurred;
      and on the 22nd of June, parliament was prorogued by the queen in person,
      after having previously given her assent to the appropriation and other
      bills. The lord-chancellor then declared parliament to be prorogued to
      Tuesday, the 29th of June; and on the following day the queen's
      proclamation was issued, by which the parliament thus prorogued was
      declared to be dissolved; and writs for a new one were issued, returnable
      on the 19th of August. Thus terminated the first session of 1841; a more
      barren and unprofitable one than which is not to be found in the annals of
      modern parliaments. It lasted nearly five months, and yet all the great
      questions brought forward were still in an unsettled state. It has indeed
      been well remarked, that "the whole operations of this session might have
      been at once blotted out of the records of parliament, with scarcely any
      sensible effects upon the laws or institutions of the country."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PARTIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the dissolution of parliament both the great parties in the state&mdash;the
      Conservatives and Liberals&mdash;prepared themselves for the struggle
      which was immediately to ensue at the general election. The hopes and
      expectations of the two parties were essentially different. On the one
      hand, the Conservative party had been for some time increasing in numbers
      throughout the country. Their ranks had been recruited by those who had
      been accustomed to identify themselves with their opponents, but who
      believed that the time was come when the exigencies of the country
      demanded a strong and efficient government, and who were willing to accord
      to Conservative statesmen the merit of being ready to support all measures
      of real amendment; knowing that they only had the power of carrying such
      measures into effect. There were, moreover, many who although they stood
      aloof from the Conservative party, and professed jealous suspicion of its
      future policy, who were not averse to give it once more a trial in the
      possession of power. It was clear, indeed, that the Conservative party at
      this period stood the highest in the estimation of the people. The
      landowners and farmers were united in their favour, and the mercantile
      body, alarmed at the attack which had been made upon our West Indian and
      Canadian interests in the articles of sugar and timber, agreed, too, in an
      anxious desire for their return to power. The Liberal party, however,
      could still reckon confidently upon the support of the Radicals; and they
      had an advantage even from their recent defeat. The defeat happened in
      consequence of certain financial measures which they brought forward in
      their budget, which measures assumed the character of a removal of
      disabilities from trade. This afforded good grounds for an appeal to the
      people, and an attack upon monopoly. Land-owners and West Indian
      proprietors were styled monopolists: the former, because the legislature
      had imposed a duty on corn for the protection of agriculture; and the
      latter, because their interests were protected by a duty on sugar. In like
      manner it was attempted to excite popular odium against other classes, as
      favoured in the acquisition of wealth at the expense of the community: all
      who supported the Conservatives were subjected to the same charge, while
      the supporters of government were exultingly denominated anti-monopolists.
      The watch-word of the Liberal party was, in truth, "anti-monopoly;" and a
      strenuous effort was made to enlist popular feeling in its behalf. This
      cry, however, did not succeed.. Even the city of London, which had before
      returned four Liberals, now returned only two, which were coupled with two
      Conservatives. As for the elections, in the counties they went everywhere
      against the ministry: and in the towns and manufacturing districts the cry
      of "Low wages!" was raised against that of "Cheap bread!" with
      considerable effect. In a word, the returns proved more favourable to the
      Conservative party than the most sanguine among them had anticipated; and
      it appeared certain that Sir Robert Peel would command a stronger and more
      efficient majority than had supported any minister for a long period.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The new session of parliament was opened by commission on the 19th of
      August, and the speech was read by the lord-chancellor on the 24th of the
      same month. The speech referred to a treaty concluded on the 15th of July,
      1840, between her majesty and the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia,
      the Emperor of Russia, and the Sultan, the objects of which, it was said,
      had been fully accomplished. The speech also informed the house that her
      majesty had ordered the return of her minister to the court of Persia, and
      announced that the differences which had arisen between Spain and Portugal
      about the execution of a treaty concluded by those powers in 1835, for
      regulating the navigation of the Douro had been amicably adjusted. In
      reference to the disputes with China, a hope was expressed that the
      emperor would see the justice of the demands which her majesty's
      plenipotentiaries had been recently instructed to make. The speech
      concluded thus:&mdash;"My lords and gentlemen,&mdash;We are more
      especially commanded to declare to you that the extraordinary expenses
      which the events in Canada, China, and the Mediterranean have occasioned,
      and the necessity of maintaining a force adequate to the protection of our
      extensive possessions, have made it necessary to consider the means of
      increasing the public revenue. Her majesty is anxious that this object
      should be effected in the manner least burdensome to her people: and it
      has appeared to her majesty, after full deliberation, that you may at this
      juncture properly direct your attention to the revision of duties
      affecting the productions of foreign countries. It will be for you to
      consider whether some of these duties are not so trifling in amount as to
      be unproductive to the revenue, while they are vexatious to commerce. You
      may further examine whether the principle of protection upon which others
      of these duties are founded be not carried to an extent injurious alike to
      the income of the state and the interests of the people. Her majesty is
      desirous that you should consider the laws which regulate the trade in
      corn. It will be for you to determine whether these laws do not aggravate
      the natural fluctuation of supply&mdash;whether they do not embarrass
      trade, derange the currency, and by their operation diminish the comfort
      and increase the privations of the great body of the community." In the
      house of lords the address was moved by Earl Spencer, and seconded by the
      Marquess of Clanricarde, both of whom in their speeches vindicated the
      conduct of government, and advocated the repeal of the corn-laws. The
      address was opposed by the Earl of Ripon, who arraigned government on many
      points, more especially on their financial operations. He concluded a long
      and able speech by proposing as an amendment, that an address be presented
      to her majesty, "humbly to represent to her majesty, that we observe with
      great concern that the public expenditure has of late, in each of several
      years, exceeded the annual income, and that we are convinced of the
      necessity of adopting measures for the purpose of remedying so great an
      evil: To assure her majesty that we are deeply sensible of the importance
      of those considerations, to which her majesty has been graciously pleased
      to direct our attention in reference to the commerce and revenue of the
      country, and to the laws which regulate the trade in corn: That in
      deciding the course which it may be advisable to pursue with reference to
      such matters, it will be our earnest desire to consult the interest and
      promote the welfare of all classes of her majesty's subjects: That we feel
      it, however, to be our duty humbly to submit to her majesty that it is
      essential to the satisfactory results of our deliberations upon these and
      other matters of public concern that her majesty's government should
      possess the confidence of this house and of the country; and respectfully
      to represent to her majesty that that confidence is not reposed in the
      present advisers of her majesty: To assure her majesty that in the
      gracious expression of her majesty's deep sympathy with those of her
      subjects who are now suffering from distress and want of employment, we
      recognise an additional proof of her majesty's tender regard for the
      welfare of her subjects; and that we cordially join in the prayer of her
      majesty that all our deliberations may be guided by wisdom, and may
      conduce to the happiness of her people." Viscount Melbourne expressed
      himself to the effect that the Earl of Ripon's motion came like a
      thunder-clap upon him. He was ignorant that there existed in the house the
      spirit on which the motion seemed to proceed. The Duke of Wellington,
      after alluding to the various allegations brought against government by
      the Earl of Ripon, said that they sufficiently justified him in calling on
      that house to vote against the address. He continued to animadvert upon,
      and to condemn the introduction of her majesty's name in the royal speech,
      in such a way as to give the country to believe that those who opposed the
      proposed alterations in commerce opposed her majesty. At the same time the
      noble duke passed a warm eulogium upon the general conduct of Viscount
      Melbourne in his relation to the crown, frankly admitting that the noble
      viscount had rendered the greatest possible service to her majesty, in
      making her acquainted with the mode and policy of the government of this
      country; initiating her into the laws and spirit of the constitution; and
      teaching her to preside over the destinies of the empire of Great Britain.
      His grace concluded by making some severe remarks on the budget, about
      which so much had been said; and by expressing himself to be still adverse
      to any alteration in the corn-laws. The noble duke was followed by the
      Duke of Richmond, who, in a short speech, advocated the interests of the
      agriculturists. The Marquess of Lans-downe said that the government had
      not proposed a repeal of the corn laws <i>in toto</i>, as the Duke of
      Richmond seemed to have understood: they simply contemplated some change.
      After a few words from the Earl of Coventry and the Marquess of
      Northampton, in support of the amendment, and from Lord Brougham, partly
      in favour of the address, and partly condemnatory of the measures of
      government, their lordships divided on the original question, when there
      appeared for it only ninety-six, and against it one hundred and
      sixty-eight; so that ministers were left in a minority of seventy-two.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons the first business performed was the election of a speaker,
      and Mr. Shaw Lefevre was re-elected by the consent of all parties. The
      house then adjourned; after which several days were consumed in swearing
      in members. This being done, the speaker having read from the chair the
      speech delivered in the other house by the lords-commissioners, an address
      was moved in consonance with it by Mr. Mark Phillips, and seconded by Mr.
      John Dundas. An amendment was moved by Mr. J. S. Wortley, which expressed
      the regret of the house at the recent increase of expenditure; its
      determination to provide for that increase; its earnest desire to promote
      the welfare of her majesty's subjects; and respectfully to represent to
      her majesty the necessity that her ministers should enjoy the confidence
      of the country, which the present administration did not possess. This
      amendment was seconded by Lord Bruce; and a long discussion followed, in
      which many members expressed their views. The result showed that ministers
      were even deserted by some of their tried friends: even Mr. Roebuck
      declared that he should vote in favour of the amendment. On this occasion
      Mr. Cobden, who had been elected in the new parliament, and who was
      destined to be the greatest antagonist of the corn-laws that had ever
      appeared in the house of commons, came forward to express his views on the
      subject. On a division the amendment was carried by a majority of three
      hundred and sixty, against two hundred and sixty-nine. When the house of
      commons met for the purpose of receiving the report on the amended
      address, Mr. Sharman Crawford proposed another amendment, to the effect
      that the house would feel it their duty so to extend the suffrage as to
      give to the working classes their just weight in legislation; but this was
      negatived by an overwhelming majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.&mdash;SIR ROBERT PEEL'S ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the next meeting of the house of commons, Lord Marcus Hill appeared at
      the bar, and read this answer to the address:&mdash;"It is the greatest
      satisfaction to me to find that the house of commons are deeply sensible
      of the importance of those considerations to which I directed their
      attention in reference to the commerce and revenue of the country, and the
      laws which regulate the trade in corn; and that, in deciding on the course
      which it may be desirable to pursue, it will be their earnest desire to
      consult the welfare of all classes of my subjects. Ever anxious to listen
      to the advice of my parliament, I will take immediate measures for the
      formation of a new administration." The division on Mr. J. S. Wortley's
      amendment had so emphatically declared the sense of the new house of
      commons upon the continuance of the Whig government, that no other course
      remained to them but retirement from office. Accordingly, on the 30th of
      August, Viscount Melbourne in the lords, and Lord John Russell in the
      commons, intimated that they and their colleagues had resigned, and that
      they only continued to hold their respective offices till their successors
      were appointed. The task of forming a new government was assigned by the
      queen to Sir Robert Peel, and this time he was successful; the change
      embracing the queen's household. The following were the principal members
      of the new administration:&mdash;the Duke of Wellington was leader in the
      lords; Sir Robert Peel himself was first lord of the treasury; Lord
      Lyndhurst became lord-chancellor; the honourable H. Goulburn, chancellor
      of the exchequer; Lord Wharncliffe, president of the council; the Duke of
      Buckingham, privy-seal; Sir James Graham, home-secretary; Earl of
      Aberdeen, foreign secretary; Lord Stanley, colonial secretary; Earl of
      Haddington, first lord of the admiralty; Lord Ellenborough, president of
      the board of control; Earl of Ripon, president of the board of trade; Sir
      H. Hardinge, secretary-at-war; Sir E. Knatchbull, treasurer of the navy
      and paymaster of the forces; and Lord Lowther, postmaster-general. After
      the new government was formed, writs were moved for in the commons for
      various places, in consequence of the acceptance of office of those
      members who belonged to that house; and the house afterwards adjourned
      until the 16th of September.
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    <h2>
      STATEMENT OF SIR ROBERT PEEL AS TO HIS INTENDED COURSE OF PROCEEDING, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The re-election of the members of government took place without the loss
      of a seat, and the house of commons reassembled on the day appointed.
      Business was commenced by Sir Robert Peel moving <i>pro forma</i> for a
      copy of the letter of the first commissioners of woods and forests, on the
      subject of warming and ventilating the new houses of parliament. The right
      honourable baronet on this occasion stated his intentions as to the course
      to be pursued with respect to the public business of the country.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Goulburn brought forward his financial statement in a committee of
      ways and means on the 27th of September. He first stated what was wanted,
      showing that the house was called on to provide for a deficiency of
      £2,467,432. This sum, he said, did not differ materially from the
      deficiency anticipated by his predecessor; and to meet it he proposed
      funding a portion of the unfunded debt. He had, indeed, already made
      proposals to the public, which, he said, had been completely successful;
      the subscription he had obtained would enable him to give the requisite
      relief. The sum subscribed exceeded £3,500,000; and the terms he had
      offered were not higher than those offered by Mr. Spring Rice in 1838. The
      bonus would be found to be about 18s. 10d. per cent. With respect to the
      requisite supply, immediate taxation was out of the question; and he
      should therefore propose a mode of supply, which as a permanent resource
      he should deprecate, by an issue of exchequer-bills or a sale of stock, at
      the option of government. He suggested this alternative method, in order
      that the market might not be presently flooded again with a quantity of
      exchequer-bills equal to that from which it had just been relieved. Mr.
      Goulburn concluded by moving a resolution in accordance with the plan
      which he had explained, for funding the recent subscriptions in three per
      cent, consols. This proposition met with considerable opposition from Mr.
      Baring and other members; but the resolutions necessary for carrying it
      out were, nevertheless, passed without a division.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POOR LAWS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The only measures of importance brought forward this session, after the
      supplies had been granted, were the bill for the better administration of
      justice in the court of Chancery, and the poor-law commission continuance
      bill. The former of these measures was merely a revival of that which was
      thrown up by the former government, as seen in a previous page; and it now
      quickly passed both houses, and received the royal assent. The latter
      subject gave rise to more opposition and debate. It was brought forward by
      Sir Robert Peel on the 21st of September, by moving for leave to bring in
      a bill to continue the office of commissioners for six months only;
      namely, till 31st July, 1842. In the course of the discussion, Mr. Lefroy
      bore testimony to the generally successful working of the Irish poor-law.
      On the house going into committee, Mr. R. Yorke moved an instruction to
      the committee, to the effect that the poor-law commissioners should not be
      empowered to enforce separation between man and wife, except where
      application for relief arose from idleness, vice, or crime. The honourable
      member quoted the injunction of Scripture against separating those whom
      God had joined together, and called on members on the ministerial side to
      redeem the pledges they had given to their constituents. After some
      discussion, this instruction was negatived.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill went through the committee and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by lords-commissioners on the 7th of October.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen in the last chapter that Dost Mohammed was still in arms.
      About the close of the last year his army was completely routed at Bamean
      by Brigadier Dennie, and he then fled across the Hindoo Koosh into the
      Khoohun territory. In the mean time, Sir Robert Sale was employed in
      reducing the strongholds of the partizans of the ex-king in Kohistan; a
      work in which he experienced considerable difficulty, owing to the
      determined manner in which the forts were defended. Dost Mohammed
      subsequently summoned his son Afzul Khan to join him, and he moved from
      the Nijrow towards the Ghorebund Pass, leading into the Kohistan valley,
      to effect the junction. Sir Robert Sale, hearing of this movement,
      resolved to frustrate its object, and breaking up his camp at Bolan,
      proceeded towards Purwau. At Purwau a battle took place, and Dost Mohammed
      again received a signal defeat. His soldiers refused to make any further
      efforts against the British forces, and Dost Mohammed threw himself upon
      the generosity of his foes, surrendering himself to Sir William M'Naghten
      on the 3rd of November. His confidence was not misplaced; he was permitted
      to take up his residence at Loodianah, and a yearly pension of three lacs
      of rupees (£30,000) was granted to him. His treatment was so generous that
      he wrote to his three sons, who were in different parts of the country, to
      follow his example, and deliver themselves up to the British. During the
      remainder of this year Afghanistan remained comparatively tranquil;
      nothing occurred of a hostile nature except the capture of the old fort of
      Khelat-i-Ghilzee by Major Lynch, on which occasion the garrison was
      destroyed by a mistake, an event which caused great commotion among the
      whole of the Ghilzee tribe, as will be seen in a future page. It may be
      mentioned that in Scinde, during this year, the fortress of Khelat, which
      had again fallen into the hands of the enemy, was recaptured, and the
      whole of the Punjaub fell into a state of disorganization; but the British
      were not called upon to interfere in the internal dissensions which shook
      the throne, so long and ably occupied by our steadfast ally, Runjeet Sing,
      whose death gave rise to the commotions.
    </p>
    <p>
      In China, after Chusan fell into our hands. Admiral Elliot, accompanied by
      Captain Elliot, sailed to the Pe-che-lee harbour, where he arrived on the
      9 th of August, 1840. On the 30th of that month an interview took place
      between Captain Elliot and Keshen, the-imperial commissioner, the third
      man in the empire, and the negociations were protracted until the 15th of
      September, on which clay the admiral sailed away from the Peho. When the
      squadron returned to Chusan, it was discovered that Admiral Elliot had
      consented to transfer the negociations from the Pe-che-lee to Canton,
      where all details were to be settled, and where the Chinese government
      promised to arrange everything to the satisfaction of the British.
      Negociations were carried on; but in the meantime Keshen was busily
      employed in erecting new batteries at the Bogue, barricading the bars in
      the rivers by sinking boats laden with stones, throwing up breast-works
      near Canton, and levying troops. It was so evident that the Chinese
      commissioner was insincere, that hostilities recommenced on the 7th of
      January. Two of the Bogue forts were reduced, and Keshen then offered to
      adjust matters without delay. These arrangements were made between Captain
      Elliot and the imperial commissioner:&mdash;"1. The cession of the harbour
      and island of Hong-Kong to the British crown. All just charges and duties
      to the empire upon the commerce carried on there to be paid as if the
      trade were conducted at Wham-poa. 2. An indemnity to the British
      government of 6,000,000 of dollars, 1,000,000 payable at once, and the
      remainder in equal annual instalments, ending in 1846. 3. Direct official
      intercourse between the two countries upon an equal footing. 4. The trade
      of the port of Canton to be opened within ten days after the Chinese new
      year (the 2nd of February), and to be carried on at Whampoa till further
      arrangements are practicable at the new settlement. Details to remain
      matter of negociation." The terms of this convention were much censured;
      and Lord John Russell declared in the house of commons, on the 6th of May,
      that they were not approved of by her majesty's government; that Captain
      Elliot had been recalled; and that Sir Henry Pottinger had been appointed
      plenipotentiary in his stead. In the meantime it had become evident that
      the Chinese had no intention of fulfilling these engagements. On the
      morning of the 19th of February, a hostile shot was fired at the boat of
      the <i>Nemesis</i> steamer from North Wangtong, and hostilities again
      commenced. The British squadron now attacked the Anunghoy batteries, which
      were soon silenced, and they then landed, and both the ships and land
      troops proceeded towards Canton. The British colours were soon hoisted on
      Howqua's fort; and while Sir George Brewer and General Gough were
      preparing to attack those forts which still remained between them and
      Canton, the Kwang-chow Foo, as prefect, accompanied by the Hong merchants,
      came down and admitted that Keshen had been degraded, and that no
      commissioner had yet arrived to treat for peace, or make any new
      arrangements. Keshen had, it appeared, delayed the execution of the treaty
      until he could obtain the emperor's confirmation of it. The emperor,
      however, looking upon the English "as dogs and sheep in their
      dispositions," and considering that "both gods and men were indignant at
      their conduct, refused to ratify a treaty with them; and Keshen was
      ordered to be delivered over to the board of punishment." The Chinese
      again contemplated hostilities, and in the month of May the British
      commanders again determined to advance upon Canton. All the surrounding
      forts were captured, and it was determined that the city should be taken
      by assault; but a flag of truce was hoisted on the walls, and Captain
      Elliot again requested Sir H. Gough to suspend hostilities. He was
      employed, he said, in a settlement of the difficulties upon the following
      conditions:&mdash;"1. The imperial commissioner, and all the troops, other
      than those of the province, to quit the city within six days, and to
      remove to a distance exceeding sixty miles. 2. 6,000,000 dollars to be
      paid in one week for the use of the crown of England; 1,000,000 dollars
      payable before to-morrow at sun-set. 3. British troops to remain in their
      actual positions till the whole sum be paid. No additional preparations on
      either side; but all British troops and ships of war to return without the
      Bocca Tigris as soon as the whole be paid. Quang-tong also to be
      evacuated; but not to be re-armed by the Chinese government till all the
      difficulties are adjusted between the two governments. 4. The loss
      occasioned by the burning of the Spanish brig, <i>Bilbaino</i>, and all
      losses occasioned by the destruction of the factories, to be paid within
      one week." In consequence of this arrangement, the British flag was
      lowered in the various captured forts, and the troops inarched out, and
      returned to Tsing-hae. The 6,000,000 of dollars amounted to about
      £120,000, and Captain Elliot appropriated about half that sum to reimburse
      those who had surrendered their opium-chests to him at the commencement of
      the disturbances; but this payment was subsequently disallowed by the
      British government. Matters were at this point, when, on the 9th of
      August, Sir Henry Pottinger, the new plenipotentiary, arrived in the
      Canton waters, accompanied by Sir William Parker, who assumed a command of
      the fleet in the Chinese seas. Having published a copy of his credentials,
      authorizing him to negociate and conclude with the minister vested with
      similar power and authority on the part of the Emperor of China, any
      treaty or agreement for the arrangement of the differences now subsisting
      between Great Britain and China; and having warned all her majesty's
      subjects and foreigners against putting themselves in the power of the
      Chinese authorities, during the anomalous and unsettled state of our
      relations with the emperor, Sir Henry Pottinger embarked for Hong-Kong,
      whither Sir William Parker had preceded him. The superseded
      plenipotentiary, Captain Elliot, left China on the 24th of August.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An important treaty was signed in London in December, between France,
      Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain, whereby the former powers
      agreed to adopt the English laws relating to the slave-trade. Spain still
      remained in a state of insecurity. A quarrel took place between that
      country and Portugal, relative to the navigation of the Douro, and both
      countries prepared for war; but the question was finally settled without
      an appeal to arms. Later in the year there was an insurrection at
      Pampeluna and Vittoria, in behalf of the queen-mother, and a desperate
      attempt was made to seize the queen in the palace at Madrid, but, through
      the energetic measures of Espartero, the insurrection was suppressed: Don
      Diego Leon, one of its leaders, was tried and executed. During this year
      the long agitated question of the East rapidly approached a settlement. On
      the 11th of January. Mehemet Ali gave up the whole of the Turkish fleet;
      and about the same time a finnan was sent from Constantinople, whereby the
      sultan accorded to Mehemet the hereditary possession of Egypt. At the same
      time also Ibrahim Pacha was directed by his father to evacuate Syria.
      Several causes, however, combined against the complete restoration of
      peace between the sultan and the pacha; and the year closed before
      negociations were concluded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA 1842&mdash;1843
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Debate on the Corn-Laws:
     Proposition of Ministers on the subject of the Corn-
     Laws..... Financial Measures; Income-Tax Bill, &amp;c&mdash;New
     Tariff..... Mr. Villiers's Motion on the Corn Laws..... The
     Great Chartist Petition..... Bill for Restraining the
     Employment of Women and Children in Mines and
     Collieries..... Bribery at Elections..... Law Reforms.....
     Bill for the Protection of the Royal Person..... Copyright
     Act..... Poor Law Amendment Bill..... Prorogation  of
     Parliament..... East India Affairs, &amp;c.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1842
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament re-assembled on the 3rd of February. The session was opened
      under circumstances of unusual splendour, occasioned by the presence of
      the King of Prussia, who had arrived in England, in order to stand sponsor
      at the christening of the infant Prince of Wales. Her majesty again
      addressed lier parliament in a speech of considerable length, and which
      embraced a variety of interesting and important topics. The chief of these
      were, the birth of an heir to the throne, the treaty which had been
      concluded with the other great powers of Europe for the suppression of the
      slave-trade: the pending negociations with China; the restoration of
      friendly intercourse with Persia; and a treaty which had been concluded
      with the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the Kings of France and
      Prussia, having for its object the security of the Turkish empire, and the
      maintenance of the general tranquillity. In conclusion, her majesty
      recommended attention to the state of the finances and expenditure of the
      country; urged the consideration of the corn-laws; stated that measures
      would be submitted for the amendment of the law of bankruptcy; and
      expressed regret at the continued distress in the manufacturing districts.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, on the 4th of February, Sir Robert Peel gave
      notice that he would, on the 9th, move that the liouse resolve itself into
      a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the laws which
      affect the importation of corn. The address was agreed to <i>nem. con</i>.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS&mdash;PROPOSITION OF MINISTERS ON THE SUBJECT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 9th of February, the day on which Sir Robert Peel had announced he
      would develop the ministerial plan for the alteration of the corn-laws,
      extraordinary interest was exhibited both in and out of the house of
      commons. Every avenue of the house was thronged at an early hour by
      persons eager to obtain admission; and when the doors were opened every
      seat in the strangers' gallery was instantly occupied. A number of the
      anti-corn-law delegates attempted to station themselves in the lobby; but
      being prevented by the police they stationed themselves outside the house,
      where they saluted the members as they passed with the cries of "No
      sliding-scale!" "Total repeal!" "Fixed duty!" &amp;c. Shortly after five
      o'clock Sir Robert Peel moved: "That this house resolve itself into a
      committee, to consider the trade in corn." He then requested that the
      clerk of the house should read that portion of her majesty's speech which
      related to that subject. This being done, he observed that it was
      difficult to discuss this subject without making statements or admissions
      which would be seized upon by his opponents: but that he trusted to the
      reason, moderation, and judgment of parliament. The right honourable
      baronet then proceeded to state that he would not excite a hope that his
      measure would tend immediately to mitigate the existing commercial
      distress, and to enumerate the causes which had given rise to that
      distress. He then adverted to the various opinions obtained in the country
      as to a change of the corn-laws. Some opposed, he said, all change; others
      demanded immediate and instant repeal; and others required some
      modification. His own opinion was, that a total repeal of the corn-laws
      would aggravate the manufacturing distress; the prosperity of the two
      classes being identical. There were advantages in a fixed duty which did
      not apply to a variable duty; but the objection to the principle of
      imposing any duty on corn was equally applicable to both. Nor could, he
      argued, a fixed duty be permanent: he did not think they could impose any
      amount of fixed duty sufficient for the protection of agriculture in years
      of average supply, which they could determinately and fixedly impose in
      times of distress and scarcity. Sir Robert Peel next entered into a
      variety of arguments to show that this country, in ordinary years, was
      able to supply its own population. From the arguments he used he came to
      the conclusion that it was not advisable for parliament to alter the
      principle of the existing law; and the alteration which he would therefore
      propose went on the principle of retaining a duty on corn, varying
      inversely with the price of corn in the home market. He continued by
      observing that the maintenance of that principle involved the maintenance
      of a system of averages; and after expressing doubts whether there had not
      been much exaggeration as to the frauds and combinations to influence the
      averages, he thus stated the proposals of government respecting them:&mdash;"We
      shall propose to take the averages in the present mode, from the factor,
      the miller, or the purchaser. We shall propose that the duty of collecting
      the returns shall devolve on the excise. The excise is perfectly competent
      to this duty; it has officers employed in each market-town fully competent
      for the discharge of this duty by having greater duties to perform, and
      who will be able at a comparatively small increase of expense to fulfil
      this employment; and by their intelligence, their business habits, and the
      responsibility which attaches to them as public officers, they will afford
      far greater security against fraud than can be obtained by intrusting this
      duty to private individuals." After stating that the averages were to be
      taken in all the principal corn-markets, Sir Robert stated the amount of
      protection to be given to the produce of this country. Having shown how
      the duty varied under the existing laws, and that they induced fraud, and
      having made some remarks on the term "remunerating price," he thus
      described his new scale:&mdash;"We propose that when corn is at 50s. and
      under 51s. in price, a duty of 20s. shall be taken; but that in no case
      shall that duty be exceeded. We propose that when the price is 51s. and
      under 52s., the duty shall be 19s.; and after this we propose that there
      shall be what I should term a rest in the scale. That at the next items of
      price the duty should be uniform. Thus it would be: When the price is 52s.
      and under 53s. and 54s., 18s.; and when 54s. and under 55s., still 18s.
      When the price is 55s. and under 56s., we propose that the duty be 17s.;
      when 56s. and under 57s., that it shall be 16s.; and when 57s. and under
      58s., that it shall be 15s.; and when 58s. and under 59s.. that it shall
      be 14s.; and when 59s. and under 60s., that it shall be 13s.; when 60s.
      and under 61s., that it shall be 12s.; when 61s. and under 62s., that it
      shall be lis.; when 62s, and under 63s., that it shall be 10s.; when 63s.
      and under 64s., that it shall be 9s.; when 64s. and under 65s., that it
      shall be 8s.; and when 65s. and under 66s., that it shall be 7s. At the
      three next items of price I propose another rest in the scale similar to
      the former. I should propose on the next three a duty of 6s., that is to
      say, when the price is 66s. and under 67s., when it is 67s. and under
      68s., and when it is 68s. and under 69s. In each of these cases the duty
      would be 6s. When the price is 69s. and under 70s., I propose a duty of
      5s.; when 70s. and under 71s., a duty of 4s.; when 71s. and under 72s., a
      duty of 3s.; when 72s. and under 73s. a duty of 2s.; and when 73s. and
      under 74s., a duty of Is. the quarter. When that price is arrived at, I
      propose that the duty should altogether cease; the sum of the proposition,
      then, is this, that when corn in the British market is under the price of
      51s. the quarter, a duty of 20s. shall be levied, which duty shall never
      be exceeded, for I am quite satisfied that it is useless to take any
      greater amount of duty." With respect to other grain than wheat, Sir
      Robert Peel proposed to adopt the proportion of value and duty which he
      found in the present law. "Colonial wheat and flour," he continued, "shall
      be imported at a duty of 5s. whenever the price of British wheat is below
      67s.; that when the price of British wheat exceeds 67s. it shall then be
      admissible at a duty of 6d. I propose to give the same advantage to
      colonial wheat, respecting the reduction of prices at which it shall be
      admissible, as is given to other descriptions of wheat. But considering
      that the sudden drop in the prices from 5s. to 6d., on account of the
      difference of Is. in the price, is at variance with the principle of the
      law, which seeks to establish as equable and uniform a reduction of duty
      as possible, we propose to make this arrangement respecting colonial wheat&mdash;that
      when the price of British wheat is under 55s., the duty upon every quarter
      of British colonial wheat shall be 5s.; that when at 55s. and under 56s.,
      it shall be 4s.; and when at 56s. and under 57s., it shall be 3s.; and
      when at 58s. and upwards it shall be Is., thus taking away that sudden
      fall in the amount of duty, levied upon colonial wheat, which takes place
      under the existing law; but giving the colonial wheat that advantage in
      the reduction of the price which is given to other descriptions of wheat."
      Sir Robert Peel finally thus recapitulated the reduction which his new
      scale would effect:&mdash;"When corn is 59s. and under 60s., the duty I
      propose is 13s. When the price of com is at 50s., the existing duty is
      36s. 8d., increasing as the price falls; instead of which I propose, when
      corn is at 50s., that the duty shall be only 20s., and that the duty shall
      in no case be exceeded. At 56s., the existing duty is 30s. 8d.; the duty I
      propose at that price is 16s. At 60a., the existing duty is 26s. 8d., the
      duty I propose at that price is 12s. At 63s., the existing duty is 23s.
      8d.; the duty I propose is 9s. At 64s., the existing duty is 22s. 8d.; the
      duty I propose is 8s. At 70s., the existing duty is 10s. 8d.; the duty I
      propose is 5s. Therefore it is impossible to deny, in comparing the duty
      which I propose with that which exists at present, that it will cause a
      very considerable decrease of the protection which the present duty
      affords to the home grower, a decrease, however, which, in my opinion, can
      be made consistently with justice to all the interests concerned." In
      conclusion, Sir Robert Peel disclaimed the idea of legislating in favour
      of particular interests, and expressed his conviction that the present was
      a favourable time for the settlement of the question. After a few words
      from Lord John Russell, and a brief reply from Sir Robert Peel, the house
      adjourned. On the following day Lord John Russell gave notice that he
      should, on the ensuing Monday, move a resolution condemnatory of a
      sliding-scale. The resolution was couched in these terms:&mdash;"That this
      house, considering the evils which have been caused by the present
      corn-laws, and especially by the fluctuations of the graduated or
      sliding-scale, is not prepared to adopt the measure of her majesty's
      government, which is founded on the same principle, and is likely to be
      attended by the same results." Mr. Villiers next announced that, on going
      into committee, he should take the sense of the house on the policy of
      imposing any duty whatever on foreign corn or food imported into this
      country. A third notice was given by Mr. Christopher that he should move
      in committee a scale of wheat duties, instead of Sir Robert Peel's,
      imposing a maximum duty of 25s. when the price is 50s., and a minimum duty
      of Is. when the price is 73s., the duty falling by Is., as the price rises
      by Is.; except that at the rise of price from 59s. to 60s., the duty falls
      by 2s. The debate commenced on the 14th, when Sir Robert Peel moved that
      the speaker do leave the chair, in order to a committee of the whole house
      on the corn-laws. Lord John Russell then brought forward his amendment,
      and stated his objections to the sliding-seale. He remarked:&mdash;"The
      first objection I have to a sliding-scale, is, that a high, I would say a
      prohibitory duty, always forms part of it. I could understand a scale not
      exceeding 10s. or 12s., and going down to 4s., to 3s., or to Is.; but I
      find that whenever gentlemen speak of a sliding-scale, it is of such a
      nature as to contain a prohibitory duty. The first duty, when the price is
      at 50s., and under 51s., is 20s.; and I shall now proceed to show that
      that is a prohibitory duty. I have looked over the papers containing the
      latest information. From the information obtained by Mr. Meek, who was
      sent to the north of Europe expressly to collect information on the
      subject, it appears that the original price of Dantzie wheat, when brought
      from the interior of the country, is 35s.; that the charges, which seem to
      satisfy that gentleman's mind amount in all to 10s. 6d.; thus making the
      price at which it could be sold in England in ordinary years 45s. 6d. If
      you add to that the proposed duty of 20s., you make the entire price of
      Dantzie wheat, 65s. 6d., when the price at home, is 50s.; showing of
      course that 20s. amounts to a prohibitory duty. In the same way at Odessa,
      as stated in the consul's returns, the price would be 26s.; adding to
      which 10s. for freight, and some further charges, which cannot be taken or
      less than 5s., as on the former occasions, and adding then the proposed
      duty of 20s., you would have the price up to 61s-, without counting the
      profit of the merchant who had to deal with this corn; and therefore,
      though you may say that you have reduced the duty to 20s., to 19s., and to
      18s., yet in all three instances it can be shown that the duty is
      prohibitory; and that when the price is at 55s. or 56s., the price at
      which the right honourable gentleman said it would please him to see it,
      nobody can tell why, there would then be a prohibitory duty upon foreign
      corn." Lord John Russell concluded by moving his amendment. The amendment
      was opposed by Mr. E. Gladstone, who thought that some of Lord John
      Russell's opinions ought to have led him to support the government. The
      debate which followed lasted three nights, and the principal speakers
      were, on the ministerial side, Lord Sandon, Sir J. Graham and E.
      Knatchbull, and Messrs. Childers, Ormsby Gore, and B. Ferrand; and in
      favour of the amendment, Lord Worsley, and Messrs. C Wood, Labouchere,
      Ward, E. Buller, and Roebuck. The greater part of the speeches delivered
      consisted of recapitulations and reproductions of the reasonings and
      statements used by the leaders of either party. On a division the
      amendment was rejected by a majority of three hundred and forty-nine
      against two hundred and twenty-six. The house having thus pronounced in
      favour of the principle of a sliding-scale of corn-duties, it might have
      seemed illogical and superfluous afterwards to discuss a proposition of
      which the affirmative had been involved in the preceding decision; namely,
      whether corn should be subjected to any duties at all. Nothing daunted,
      however, Mr. Villiers brought forward his intended motion to that effect;
      a motion which, after five nights' debate, was rejected by a majority of
      three hundred and ninety-three against three hundred and three.
      Subsequently Mr. Christopher brought forward his scale of duties as a
      substitute for those of Sir Robert Peel; but the original proposition was
      carried by an equally overwhelming majority. In committee various
      amendments were proposed, but they were all rejected or withdrawn, and the
      bill was, on the 5th of April, read a third time, and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading of the corn-law bill was moved in the house of lords,
      on the 18th of April, by the Earl of Ripon. Lord Brougham rose and moved
      the total and absolute repeal of the duty on foreign corn; but his
      amendment was rejected by an overwhelming majority. On the following day,
      on the motion to go into committee, Viscount Melbourne moved, "That it is
      the opinion of this house that a fixed duty upon the importation of
      foreign corn and flour would be more advantageous to trade and more
      conducive to the general welfare of all classes of the people than a
      graduated duty, varying with the average of prices in the markets of this
      country." This proposition gave rise to a lengthy discussion; but it was
      rejected by a majority of one hundred and seventeen against forty-nine.
      Subsequently Lord Brougham moved these resolutions:&mdash;"That no duty
      ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the purpose
      of protecting the agriculturist, by taxing the introduction of food. That
      no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the
      purpose of regulating trade, by taxing the introduction of food. That no
      duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn, for the
      purpose of raising the revenue, by taxing the introduction of food." These
      resolutions were rejected, as were others moved by Earl Stanhope, Lord
      Beaumont, and Lord Mountcashel, and the bill passed in its original state.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL MEASURES&mdash;INCOME-TAX BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the accession of Sir Robert Peel to office he was embarrassed with
      great financial difficulties. For the ensuing year he had to deal with a
      deficiency of £2,570,000; with contingencies in China and India of
      uncertain amount. The present juncture, indeed, demanded a remedial
      measure of a bold and comprehensive character, and Sir Robert did not fail
      to bring forward such a measure. On the 11th of March, in a committee of
      ways and means, the right honourable baronet said, that for the year
      ending April, 1843, the estimated revenue would be £43,350,000, and the
      estimated expenditure £50,819,000, leaving a deficiency of £2,469,000.
      With the contingencies in India and China, indeed, he calculated that the
      deficit, in the two years ending May next, would not be less than
      £4,700,000. How, he asked, were these deficiencies to be met? Should the
      system of loans and exchequer-bills be continued? Was there the prospect
      of any considerable reduction in expenditure? Was the present deficiency a
      casual one? Should he impose a tax on articles of consumption and the
      necessaries of life? Should he revive old taxes? Should he go back to the
      post-office? or revive the taxes upon salt, leather, or wool? Finally,
      should he resort to locomotion for the purposes of taxation? All these
      expedients Sir Robert repudiated; and he fixed upon one which, while it
      justly gave offence to a large body of the people, has proved to fully
      answer the end for which it was designed. This was an imposition of an
      income-tax of sevenpence in the pound upon all incomes from £150 and
      upwards, and in which was included not only landed but funded property,
      whether in the hands of British subjects or of foreigners. He estimated
      the assessable yearly value of the land at £39,400,000; of houses, at
      £25,000,000; and of tithes, shares in railways and mines, and other
      similar property, at £8,400,000: total, £72,800,000. From this he would
      deduct one-fourth for the exemption which he proposed to give to all
      incomes under £150, and then the tax thus far would give him £160,000. The
      occupiers of land, assessed at half their rent, would yield £120,000. Next
      came funded property. The dividend paid in 1841 was £29,400,000, from
      which he would deduct £1,000,000 in respect of savings' banks; but he
      added upon bank, foreign, and other stocks £1,500,000, making a total of
      almost £30,000,000, from which, deducting one-fourth for incomes under
      £150 a year, he would derive £646,000. Sir Robert Peel next proceeded to
      incomes of trades and professions, from which he expected to obtain
      £1,253,000; and he then stated that from the incomes of public officers he
      calculated upon £150,000. The total would be £3,771,000. With respect to
      the duration of this impost, he said, that government might probably
      require it for five years; but he would in the first instance propose its
      continuance for three years. In case of war he should deem it reasonable
      that Ireland should bear her proportion of this tax; but during peace, and
      for a limited period, he should prefer to raise the quota of that country
      by other means. He proposed, therefore, a duty of one shilling per gallon
      upon spirits; the equalization of the stamp-duty with that of England; and
      a tax of four shillings upon coal exported in British vessels from this
      country. The aggregate revenue from these sources and the income-tax in
      England would be about £4,380,000; constituting a considerable surplus,
      after covering the deficiency on the votes of annual expenditure. This
      surplus Sir Robert Peel proposed to apply in relaxing the commercial
      tariff. The duties on raw materials were in no case to exceed five per
      cent.; the duties upon articles partially manufactured were to be
      diminished, the highest being twelve per cent.; and upon complete
      manufactures no duty was to be imposed higher than twenty per cent. He
      laid upon the table this amended scale of duties, which had been
      distributed under twenty different heads; in which, he said, would be
      found an abatement in about seven hundred and fifty articles, and that on
      about four hundred and fifty the duty had been left untouched. The total
      diminution of revenues occasioned by the reductions was estimated by the
      right honourable baronet at about £270,000. He regretted to say that upon
      sugar, ministers could not offer any reduction; but with respect to coffee
      he proposed a reduction of fourpence upon British, and eightpence upon
      foreign, which he calculated would cause a loss of £171,000 to the
      revenue. On the subject of timber, he said that his measure would be the
      reverse of that which was brought forward by his predecessors in office;
      he would advise a great reduction of duty, which would benefit all
      classes, from the agriculturist to the shipbuilder. His propositions were
      to lower the duty on foreign timber to twenty-five shillings a load, and
      to let in the timber of Canada at a duty of one shilling a load; causing a
      probable loss to the revenue of £600,000. There were yet two other
      reductions he had to propose: one upon the export of certain British
      manufactures, and another upon stage-coach duties. These two heads of
      reduction would produce a loss of £70,000. On the whole these reductions,
      in addition to the excess of expenditure, would increase the deficit to
      about £3,700,000; but the estimated produce of the income-tax would not
      only cover this, but leave more than £500,000 applicable to the
      contingencies of war in India and China. Sir Robert Peel concluded with an
      earnest appeal to the house to support the name which the English had
      inherited from their forefathers, untarnished: and he then moved his first
      resolution, which was to grant a duty on Irish spirits. No discussion
      followed Sir Robert Peel's speech: the motion was agreed to, and the house
      resumed.
    </p>
    <p>
      A few nights subsequently, Sir Robert Peel entered into an explanation of
      the details of the measures he had announced; especially with respect to
      the machinery by which the income-tax was to be collected. On the motion
      to go into a committee of ways and means, Mr. T. Baring found fault with
      Sir Robert Peel's calculations; and he was followed by Lord Howick, who
      strongly censured the income-tax, and Lord John Russell, who condemned the
      construction of tire tariff for not working out its own principle, but
      sparing certain articles, as sugar, merely from fear of the influential
      interests connected with them. After three several motions by Messrs.
      Cobden, H. Berkeley, and Bernai, "That the chairman do report progress,"
      which were all negatived by large majorities, Sir Robert Peel was
      compelled to defer the measure till the 4th of April. The income-tax was
      resumed immediately after the Easter recess. The first resolution, to
      impose a tax of sevenpence on every pound upon all incomes, except the
      incomes of occupiers of land, was put and carried without discussion. On
      the second resolution, however, imposing a tax on the occupation of laud,
      calculated at the rate of threepence-halfpenny in the pound on the yearly
      value being read, Lord John Russell pointed out the operation' the tax
      might have in inducing landlords to split their farms, so as to make the
      rental of each below the amount liable to taxation; and gave notice that,
      on the report of the resolutions, he should move this amendment:&mdash;"That
      it has been stated to this house, on official authority, that the
      deficiency of income to meet the expenditure of the country, may be
      estimated for the years ending the 5th day of April, 1842, at £2,350,000,
      and on the 5th day of April, 1843, at £2,569,000. That this house is fully
      sensible of the evil of a continued inadequacy of the public income to
      meet the expenditure, and will take measures for averting the same in
      future years. That, by a judicious alteration of the duties on corn, by a
      reduction of the prohibitory duty on foreign sugar, and an adjustment of
      the duties on timber and coffee, the advantage of a moderate price to the
      community may be combined with an increased revenue to the state. That, in
      addition to those main articles of general consumption, the interests of
      trade will be promoted by the repeal or reduction of various prohibitory
      and differential duties, and that extended commerce will improve the
      revenue, whilst it gives employment to industry. That the amount of taxes
      taken off, or reduced, from the termination of the last war to the end of
      the year 1836, exclusive of the tax on income, may be stated in round
      numbers at £23,873,000. That the income-tax, having been first imposed in
      a period of extreme emergency and during a most perilous war, was repealed
      on the re-establishment of peace; and having been again imposed on the
      renewal of war, was again repealed in 1816, on the termination of
      hostilities. That considering the various means of supplying the
      deficiency without enhancing the price of the necessaries of life, or
      embarrassing trade, it is the opinion of this house that the renewal of a
      tax, inquisitorial in its character, unequal in its pressure, and which
      has hitherto been considered as the financial reserve of the nation in
      time of war, is not called for by public necessity, and is therefore not
      advisable." The second resolution was then put and agreed to; as was also
      the third, equalizing certain stamp-duties in Ireland with those of
      England; and the report was ordered to be brought up. Lord John Russell's
      amendment came on for discussion on the 8th of April, when his lordship,
      in a speech of great length, charged the government with taking too gloomy
      a view of affairs, comparing the present aspect of the finances with that
      when an income-tax was formerly proposed. If new taxes must be resorted
      to, his lordship recommended a tax on the succession to real property, or
      the revival of some of the repealed assessed taxes. Mr. Goulburn defended
      the ministerial policy; and Sir Robert Peel vindicated himself from the
      charge of over-rating difficulties, and contrasted the state of finances
      which the Melbourne government found on entering office in 1835, with that
      which they left on their departure, in the British and Indian empire. The
      debate on Lord John Russell's amendment lasted four nights, most of the
      principal speakers on both sides taking part in it. On the fourth night
      the house divided; when it was lost by a majority of three hundred and
      eight against two hundred and two. The report was then brought up and
      read, and leave given to bring in a bill founded on Sir Robert Peel's
      resolutions. On the motion for the first reading of the bill, on the 18th
      of April, Lord John Russell moved that it be read a first time that day
      six months. A debate of considerable length ensued, in which arguments
      urged for or against the measure were repeated; after which the amendment
      was rejected by a majority of two hundred and eighty-five to one hundred
      and eighty-eight. The bill was then read a second time, and a few days
      afterwards the house went into committee. In committee the first question
      discussed was the period when the tax should commence; and the time
      finally decided was the 5th of April, 1842. The original proposition
      respecting schedule A was then affirmed, as was also schedule B. On
      schedule C Mr. Ricardo moved an amendment to exempt terminable annuities,
      and to subject them to special scales according to their market value;
      but, on a division, the motion was rejected by a large majority. In
      considering schedule D, which rendered incomes derived from professions,
      trades, and employments liable to the tax of sevenpence in the pound, Mr.
      Roebuck moved that it be fixed at half that sum. This motion was warmly
      supported by several speakers; but it was rejected, as was also another
      amendment to defeat this clause, moved by Mr. Sharman Crawford. Sir
      Charles Napier made a proposition on schedule E, to exempt officers in the
      army and navy from taxation; but this was also rejected: and after this
      the progress of the bill went on rapidly, more than eighty clauses being
      disposed of in one night's debate. A second sufficed to get through the
      bill; amendments moved by Messrs. Baring, Hume, and Benjamin Wood, being
      all rejected by large majorities. On the third reading, Mr. Sharman
      Crawford moved an amendment, to the effect that the present house of
      commons could not be considered a fair representation of the people; and
      that therefore it was unfit that any system of increased taxation should
      be imposed by parliament until all just causes of complaint, with regard
      to the mode of electing members, should be redressed. Lord John Russell
      himself opposed this motion, and it was at once rejected; and after some
      further discussion on the bill, it was read a third time by a majority of
      one hundred and ninety-nine against sixty-nine. The bill then passed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NEW TARIFF.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The question of the income-tax being thus settled, government proceeded to
      carry into effect the other great branch in their financial scheme&mdash;the
      alterations in the tariff or customs duties. A complete copy of the tariff
      was placed in the hands of each member of parliament previously to the 5th
      of May, on which day it was announced that it would be moved to go into
      committee on this important subject. On that day the proceedings in the
      house of commons, were commenced by an elaborate preliminary statement on
      the part of the prime-minister, in which he showed that the general object
      of the present government was to simplify the existing law. Sir Robert
      Peel then went over in detail some of the chief alterations proposed in
      duties on what is called raw material. Among the articles under this
      denomination were clover-seed, woods, ores, oils, extracts, and timbers,
      on all of which he proposed to reduce the duties. On articles of foreign
      manufacture, Sir Robert continued to explain that he proposed to levy an
      amount of duty, generally speaking, not to exceed twenty per cent. He next
      proceeded to combat the argument of his opponents, that he had begun at
      the wrong end, that he should have reduced the duties on articles of
      provision, and have dealt more largely with the corn-laws. Taking the
      whole tariff, he contended that it would be seen that the cost of
      sustenance was greatly reduced. At that moment, he said, under the old law
      the duty on foreign wheat would have been 27s. a quarter; under the new
      law it was 13s. Then again, beef, fresh or slightly salted, was absolutely
      prohibited; but he proposed to admit it at 8s. a hundred-weight. He
      further proposed to lower the duties on lard, hams, salmon, herrings,
      hops, &amp;c. Sir Robert then explained that in the amended tariff, on the
      representation of straw-plait makers, the duty had been increased from 5s.
      to 7s 6d. in the pound; at the same time he showed that it would be no
      protection to them, inasmuch as the article was of such a nature that it
      could be easily smuggled into this country without detection. He then
      endeavoured to convince those who feared the reduction of duties on live
      cattle, that their alarm was groundless, arguing that the English grower
      had substantial security in the quality of the article, and that England
      from this circumstance might become an exporting country. Mr. Labouchere
      said that he had heard the speech of the right honourable baronet with
      great pleasure. At the same time he asserted that the late government had
      announced a tariff reform; and that it was only the want of success which
      attended its plans with respect to corn, timber, and sugar, which had
      prevented it from submitting to the house measures of a similar character
      to those now brought forward. After a protracted discussion, the house
      divided on the question, that the speaker do now leave the chair, which
      was carried by a majority of two hundred and nineteen against one hundred
      and fifty-two. On the 13th of May, on the motion of going into committee
      on the customs' duties bill, Lord Howick proposed this resolution:&mdash;"That
      in making a new arrangement of the customs' duties, it is not expedient to
      impose different rates of duty upon the same articles when imported from
      foreign countries or from British possessions, in any case where no such
      difference now exists; and that in those cases in which such a difference
      already exists, it is not expedient that it should be increased." He
      argued that such differences would injure the revenue without benefiting
      the consumer; while they would force colonial traders into precarious
      existence. This view of the case was ably combated by Mr. Gladstone; and
      on a division the motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and
      eighty-one against one hundred and eight. The house considered the tariff
      in detail after the Whitsuntide recess; when the duties on cattle and
      provisions excited keen discussion, the agricultural members being alarmed
      at the prospect of foreign competition, which they anticipated from the
      reduced duties. On the house going into committee on the 23rd of May, the
      motion being made, "That in lieu of the present rates of duty now payable
      on the articles enumerated in the annexed schedules, there shall be
      raised, levied, and paid upon the importation of the said articles into
      the United Kingdom, the rates of duty proposed in the annexed schedules;"
      Mr. Miles moved, by way of amendment, the following words:&mdash;"All live
      stock imported from foreign countries being charged by weight." In support
      of his amendment Mr. Miles went into a variety of calculations to show the
      injury that would result to the farmer from the proposed arrangement of
      duties, contending that the United States, Denmark, Holland. Prussia, and
      the various states of Germany, would fatten cattle for the English market,
      and thus render it impossible for the farmers at home to compete with the
      foreign breeder. He was supported by the Earl of March, and Messrs. H.
      Palmer and G. Heathcote, and opposed by Lords Alford and Norreys, Colonel
      Wyndham, and Messrs. Gaily Knight and Gladstone. The latter said that a
      material omission in Mr. Miles's argument, was the want of proof that a
      large quantity of cattle could be imported so as to injure the English
      farmer. Lord John Russell, in continuation, said that he rejoiced to hear
      the principles laid down by Sir Robert Peel; but he argued that they
      should have been extended to the corn-laws. Other members spoke on both
      sides of the question; and after a reply from Mr. Miles, the amendment was
      rejected by a majority of three hundred and eighty against two hundred and
      sixty-seven. When the committee resumed on the following day, Mr. Miles
      moved an amendment, imposing a duty of 5s. 6d. per cwt. on live cattle,
      and 9s. 4d. per cwt. on the dead meat. This amendment, however, was
      withdrawn; and one moved by Mr. Villiers, that the duty of one shilling
      per head on oxen and bulls be substituted for the government proposition,
      was rejected. The items in the tariff were then taken <i>seriatim</i>.
      Discussions took place, and amendments were proposed on the duties
      affecting swine and hogs, foreign fish, apples, butter, potatoes, timber,
      cotton manufactures, foreign silk, &amp;c.; but in each case the duties
      affixed by government were affirmed by large majorities. The third reading
      of the customs' act was at length moved on the 28th of June, on which
      occasion Mr. John Jervis moved a clause to grant a drawback on coals
      proved to be exported for the consumption of British steam-vessels. This
      motion was rejected; and on the question that the bill do pass, Lord John
      Russell made some few remarks on its general provisions, and Sir Robert
      Peel acknowledged the support which he had generally received from both
      sides of the house. The question being then put from the chair, the bill
      was read a third time, and passed in the midst of loud cheers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The customs' act was read a first time in the house of lords two days
      after it had passed the commons, and the Earl of Ripon moved the second
      reading on the 5th of July. Two days afterwards the house went into
      committee on the bill, and every amendment proposed by opposition lords
      was negatived without division, and the bill passed through committee, and
      was reported.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of the duties on sugar was brought forward in a committee of
      ways and means, on the 3rd of June, by the chancellor of the exchequer,
      who explained the reasons why government could not consent to the
      admission of foreign sugar at a lower rate of duty, and moved a resolution
      that the present duties should be continued one year; which proposition,
      after a lengthened discussion, was confirmed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MR. VILLIERS'S MOTION ON THE CORN-LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 11th of July, it having been moved to go into committee of supply,
      the opposition party brought forward the subject of the state of the
      nation. Mr. Villiers having moved as an amendment for the appointment of a
      select committee on the laws regulating the importation of corn, with a
      view to their total repeal, prefaced his motion with a speech, in which he
      said that he brought the subject forward in compliance with the request of
      the anti-corn-law delegates; and because, in the late discussion on the
      state of the nation, a taunt had been thrown out on the ministerial side,
      that, if the opposition thought that a repeal of the corn daws would
      remedy the evil, they ought to submit that proposition to the house. The
      motion was seconded by Mr. Fielden, and supported by Mr. Aglionby, who
      declared the new sliding-scale was a delusion. Sir Charles Napier and Mr.
      Gaily Knight conceived that these debates ought not to be protracted: it
      was an unfair way of conducting any opposition to a government. Sir Robert
      Peel bitterly complained of the continual interruption to public business,
      and of the impediments opposed to a fair trial of the new corn-law. Lord
      J. Russell, Viscount Howick, Sir John Hanmer, and Mr. Cobden supported the
      motion; but, on a division, it was rejected by two hundred and thirty-one
      against one hundred and seventeen.
    </p>
    <p>
      While these discussions were taking place in the house of commons, the
      same class of topics were brought forward in the house of lords by Lord
      Brougham, who moved that a select committee be appointed to inquire into
      the distress of the country. This motion was supported by Lord Kinnaird
      and the Marquis of Clanricarde; and opposed by the Earl of Ripon, Viscount
      Melbourne, and Earl Stanhope. On a division it was rejected by a majority
      of sixty-one against fourteen.
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    <h2>
      THE GREAT CHARTIST PETITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The most striking shape in which the grievances of the working classes
      presented themselves to the notice of the legislature during this session,
      was the presentation of a petition, which, for bulk and signatures, was
      unparalleled in the annals of parliament. The signatures attached to it
      exceeded 3,000,000; and in conveying it to the house of commons, it
      required sixteen men to support it. It was, in fact, too large to be
      admitted into the door of the house of commons; and, in order to effect
      its enhance, it was divided into sections. It was presented by Mr. T.
      Dun-combe, who, in calling the attention of the house to its contents,
      thanked them for the kind and respectful manner in which it had been
      received. The petition, he remarked, had nearly 3,500,000 signatures; and,
      making allowance for the signatures of youths and females, he was prepared
      to prove that there were above 1,500,000 of families of the industrious
      classes subscribers to that petition. The prayer of the petition was for
      the enactment of the great constitutional changes which form the "six
      points" in the Chartist creed, to which was added a demand for the
      abolition of all kinds of monopolies. Mr. Duncombe concluded by moving,
      "that the petitioners of the national petition be heard at the bar of this
      house, by themselves, their counsel, or agents, in support of the
      allegations of then-petitions." The motion was seconded by Mr. Leader. The
      spirit of this petition was bitter, and its language offensive. It was
      pervaded by a desire for class legislation, and propounded doctrines
      subversive of the rights of property, and of the national faith and
      credit. On a division, the motion was negatived by two hundred and
      eighty-seven against forty-nine.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR RESTRAINING THE EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN MINES AND
      COLLIERIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In a previous session, after having been the means of carrying a humane
      law to prevent the cruelties inflicted on children employed in factories,
      Lord Ashley procured the appointment of commissioners for inquiry into the
      employment of children. These commissioners examined into the state of
      young persons in mines and collieries; and the course of their inquiries
      brought to light more than the sufferings of children alone; for they
      found the cases of the women in many places equally pitiable. This subject
      was brought forward by Lord Ashley in the house of commons on the 7th of
      June, when his lordship moved for leave to bring in a bill for restraining
      the employment of women and children in mines and collieries. The speech
      of Lord Ashley disclosed a state of things in the mining districts the
      most appalling. Cruel oppressions were perpetrated by the mine owners and
      overseers, especially upon women and children; and frequently parents
      showed an utter callousness to the sufferings of their offspring. The work
      assigned to girls and young women was destructive of health, and was
      conducted under circumstances so indecent that it was difficult for the
      noble speaker to state the details to the house. The commons received the
      intelligence with amazement and indignation; they had no conception that
      such outrages upon female decency, and upon humanity, existed in England.
      Lord Ashley proceeded to state the means, which he should call upon the
      legislature to adopt for an immediate removal of the most hideous and
      appalling features of the system he had described. The means explained by
      his lordship were fourfold: the total exclusion of female labour from all
      mines and collieries in the country; the exclusion of all boys under
      thirteen years of age; the prevention of the employment of males under
      twenty-one years of age as engineers; and the abolition of apprenticeship.
      Lord Ashley concluded his able and humane speech in this appropriate and
      emphatic language of scripture:&mdash;"Let us break off our sins by
      righteousness, and our iniquities by showing mercy to the poor." A hearty
      concurrence was manifested on all sides of the house in the proposition;
      and the bill having been brought in, was passed rapidly through all its
      stages, and finally read a third time amidst loud cheers. Before the
      measure came into the upper house, it was announced by Lord Wharncliffe
      that ministers would be passive respecting it, each individual member
      taking what part they deemed prudent. The second reading was moved by the
      Earl of Devon, who, after vindicating the measure, contended that without
      any evidence the house would be justified in preventing the employment of
      women in the places described. Subsequently, the earl explained the
      alterations which it had been thought advisable to make in the bill;
      namely, the postponement of the time at which the employment of females
      should cease until the 1st of March next; the abandonment of a clause for
      regulating the hours during which children should be employed; the
      restricting the term of apprenticeship in any mine or colliery to eight
      years instead of entire prohibition; and the enacting that no boy be
      apprenticed under ten years of age. Several noble lords spoke for and
      against the measure; but the motion for going into committee was carried
      by forty-nine against three. In committee several amendments were
      successively proposed by Lords Beaumont, Littleton, Skelmersdale, Dunmore,
      and Mount Cashel; but they were all rejected, and the several clauses were
      agreed to, with some verbal amendments, and the bill reported. The third
      reading was opposed by Lord Londonderry, but without success; and the bill
      passed. The amendments were subsequently agreed to in the commons.
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    <h2>
      BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 6th of May, Mr. Roebuck, having given notice previously of his
      intention, moved for a committee of inquiry into the election of the
      members for Reading, Nottingham, Lewes, Penryn, and Harwich. In making
      this motion Mr. Roebuck entered into particulars concerning these
      elections, in all of which he contended bribery had been practised. He
      wished to inquire into these transactions in order to expose them to the
      people of this country. He had not, he said, confined his accusations to
      one side of the house or the other. He had made no party question of it:
      he stood up for the purity of the house; and, God willing, it should be
      made pure. The motion was seconded by Mr. Fitzroy, member for Lewes, who
      warmly challenged inquiry into his conduct. Captain Plumridge, also,
      member for Penryn, declared that he had never given one penny towards the
      expenses of his election. On the other hand, Mr. Elphinstone, another of
      the accused members, declared frankly that, in his election, both parties
      had been guilty of bribery, and that if the inquiry had proceeded, none of
      the four candidates for his seat would now have been members of
      parliament. After a lengthened discussion a committee was appointed, and
      at the latter part of July the report of this committee was presented to
      the house, shortly after whicli Mr. Roebuck gave notice of his intention
      to move the following resolutions:&mdash;"That the compromises of election
      petitions, as brought to the knowledge of this house by the Report of the
      Select Committee on Election Proceedings, must, if for the future they be
      allowed to pass without punishment or censure, tend to bring this house
      into contempt with the people, and thereby seriously to diminish its power
      and authority. That all such practices are hereby declared to be a
      violation of the liberties of the people, and a breach of the privileges
      of this house; which it will in all future cases inquire into, and
      severely punish. That whereas in the late elections for Harwich,
      Nottingham. Lewes, Reading, Falmouth, and Penryn, and Bridport, the
      present laws have been found insufficient to protect the voters from the
      mischievous temptations of bribery, it be ordered that Mr. Speaker do
      issue no writ for any election of members for the said towns, till further
      legislative enactments have been adopted to protect the purity of
      elections." In moving these resolutions Mr. Roebuck said that they
      mentioned no names, but simply provided for future mischiefs. He had
      proved all his assertions, and much more: and would the reflecting and
      honest people of England believe, that in buying up poor voters, in
      debauching, poor constituencies, and afterwards shielding themselves by a
      contemptible quibble, and buying off the consequences, the conduct of
      members was either honourable to themselves, or beneficial to their
      constituents? He believed the people would say the chief criminal was the
      briber; the rich man who went down with money in his pocket to a large
      constituency.&mdash;some of them oppressed by poverty&mdash;and offered
      them bribes to sell their consciences. A lengthened and stormy debate took
      place; but the resolutions were all negatived. But, notwithstanding the
      house of commons refused to affirm these resolutions, the investigation
      that had taken place had some practical result. One of the terms on which
      the petition against the return of one of the members for Reading was
      compromised, was the acceptance of the Chiltern hundreds within a limited
      time. When that time arrived, however, for carrying this stipulation into
      effect, an unexpected difficulty occurred. The chancellor of the exchequer
      now made aware, by the publication of the report, for what the application
      was preferred, declined to grant it; and the individual who had bound
      himself to resign his seat, found it beyond his power to do so. The course
      of proceeding adopted by the chancellor of the exchequer became the
      subject of discussion in the house of commons on the 6th of August, when
      Lord Palmerston moved for "copies of any correspondence which had taken
      place since the 1st day of July last, between the chancellor of the
      exchequer and any member of this house, upon the subject of the
      stewardship of the Chiltern hundreds;" the result of which motion was that
      the copies were ordered. Subsequently, the writs for filling up vacancies
      created by the unseating or collusive resignation of members at Ipswich,
      Southampton, Nottingham, and Newcastle-under-Lyne were all ordered to be
      issued. The disclosures before the committee concerning Sudbury, induced
      Mr. Redington, the chairman, to bring in a bill for the disfranchisement
      of that borough; but though this bill was supported by government, and
      passed through the commons, owing to the late period at which it was sent
      up to the lords, it only reached a second reading in that house. The writ,
      however, was suspended <i>sine die</i>. In connection with this subject,
      it may be mentioned that Lord John Russell brought in a bill for the
      prevention of bribery, and remedying some of the abuses to which election
      proceedings were liable; which bill, with some modifications in committee,
      passed both houses, and received the royal assent.
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    <h2>
      LAW REFORMS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session the lord-chancellor gave notice of bills
      respecting bankruptcy, lunacy, and county courts. Adverting first to the
      subject of bankruptcies, he commenced by paying a compliment to Lord
      Brougham, upon the improvements in that department of the law which he had
      introduced. His lordship continued:&mdash;"That system, however, excellent
      as it was, comprised within its jurisdiction only a circuit of forty miles
      round London. He proposed to extend the metropolitan district to a hundred
      miles round London; which would add a fifth to the business of the
      commissioners, without inconvenience to them. For the country, it was
      proposed to appoint commissioners at five central points, in five great
      towns, beyond the London district, invested with the same power which was
      at present reposed in the London commissioners. They would perform the
      same quantity of duty now performed by the London commissioners, having a
      similar range and a similar jurisdiction." The course respecting the law
      of lunacy was somewhat similar. His lordship remarked:&mdash;"The law of
      lunacy was administered like that of bankruptcy, the London commissioners
      having jurisdiction for twenty miles round the metropolis; and the country
      commissions being like those of bankruptcy, directed to persons of little
      or no experience, though the inquiries were of the nicest and most
      delicate character. He proposed that two commissioners should be
      appointed, for the purpose of executing all those commissions, not only in
      the metropolitan districts, but throughout the country. From an
      examination of details he was satisfied that those two commissioners would
      be amply sufficient for discharging those and other important duties
      connected with lunacy. The payment of commissioners by fees would be
      abolished, and they would be added to the visitors at present appointed to
      inspect the condition of lunatics. They would be taken from among the
      highest members of the bar." Concerning the county courts, his lordship
      said that he was averse to any sweeping change: his measure went merely to
      extend their jurisdiction. They were presided over by the county clerk,
      whose jurisdiction extended to forty shillings. "If," said his lordship,
      "I appoint a particular place, and give them a jurisdiction to the extent
      of five pounds, and appoint persons of respectability and learning, I
      think I do not innovate upon ancient institutions." His lordship proposed
      further, that for the recovery of debts to the amount of twenty pounds,
      persons should be appointed judges of these courts, who should not reside
      in the provinces where they administered the law, but that they should
      make circuits, like the judges of the land, into the provinces with which
      they were not acquainted, and where they had no local connections or
      prejudices. His lordship proposed that there should be six or eight
      circuits in the year, to be made by barristers of a certain standing, to
      be appointed by the crown; who should return to the metropolis after the
      circuits, where they could mix with their colleagues in the profession,
      and thus give a security for the uniformity of the law which they
      administered. The bills were generally approved of, and they passed the
      upper house unopposed. In the commons an attempt was made to induce
      government to postpone the consideration of them; and that relating to the
      county courts was postponed till the following year, but those respecting
      bankruptcy and lunacy were passed. Another bill, introduced by Sir James
      Graham, for the amendment of the law relating to the registration of votes
      in England, was delayed; and three bills proposed by Lord Campbell, to
      alter the administration of the house of lords as a court of appeal, to
      alter the system of appeal to the judicial committee of the privy council,
      and to amend the administration of the court of chancery, were rejected. A
      question of general interest respecting the marriage law was also raised
      this session in the commons, by Lord Francis Egerton, who moved for leave
      to bring in a bill to alter the laws relating to marriage within certain
      degrees of affinity. The chief feature of this bill was, that it would
      enable a widower to marry a deceased wife's sister; but, on a division,
      the motion for leave to bring in the bill was lost by one hundred and
      twenty-three against one hundred.
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE ROYAL PERSON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, in consequence of an attempt upon the queen's life,
      by an insane person of the name of Bean, Sir Robert Peel brought in a bill
      on the subject, which met with the unanimous approbation of the house. In
      introducing this bill, after adverting to the act passed in the reign of
      George III., for the protection of that monarch, Sir Robert said that he
      proposed to extend the change of procedure involved in that act, namely,
      the abolition of the forms usually attendant on trials of high treason,
      &amp;c, to cases where the offence was that of compassing the wounding of
      the sovereign. Concerning the class of offences against which his measure
      was to provide, Sir Robert remarked:&mdash;"I propose that, after the
      passing of this act, if any person or persons shall wilfully discharge, or
      attempt to discharge, or point, aim, or present at or near the person of
      the queen, any gun, pistol, or other description of fire-arms whatsoever,
      although the same shall not contain explosive or destructive substance or
      material; or if any person shall strike, or attempt to strike the person
      of the queen with any offensive weapons, or in any manner whatever; or if
      any person shall wilfully throw or attempt to throw any substance whatever
      at or on the person of the queen, with intent, in any of the cases
      aforesaid, to break the public peace, or with intent, in any of the
      cases-aforesaid, to excite the alarm of the queen; I propose that any
      party so offending&mdash;that is, intending to hurt the queen, or to alarm
      the queen, shall be subject to the same penalties which apply to cases of
      larceny; that is, he be subject to transportation not exceeding seven
      years. I propose, also, another punishment, more suitable to the offence,
      and more calculated to repress it, that there be a discretionary power of
      imprisonment for a certain period, with authority to inflict personal
      chastisement." In continuance, Sir Robert Peel expressed an opinion that
      such a punishment would awe miscreants capable of harbouring such designs,
      and that the provisions of the bill would be amply sufficient for the
      purpose of protecting her majesty. "For," he added, "observe what we have
      to guard against&mdash;it is not any traitorous attempt against the peace
      of the nation by conspiring to take away the life of the sovereign, but it
      is the folly or malignity of wretches who are guilty of acts prompted by
      motives which are scarcely assignable. The law, in its charity to human
      nature, has omitted to provide for the case of any being formed like a man
      who could find a satisfaction in firing a pistol at a young lady, that
      lady a mother, and that mother the queen of these realms. It never entered
      into the conception of former law-makers that anything so monstrous should
      arise, as that the queen of these realms should not enjoy a degree of
      liberty granted to the meanest of her subjects. I am sure the house will
      respond to the proposition to give the security of this law for the
      protection of her majesty." The bill was passed with unanimity.
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    <h2>
      POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session government proposed and carried a bill re-enacting the
      poor-law commission for five years, abolishing the Gilbert unions, and
      forming districts for the purposes of education and various minor matters.
      This bill, however, was not carried without much opposition.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of August by the queen in person.
      Having given the royal assent to several bills, her majesty expressed her
      grateful sense of the assiduity and zeal with which both houses had
      applied themselves to the discharge of their public duties. In her speech
      her majesty also alluded to the measures which had been taken into
      consideration; thanked her parliament for the loyalty and affectionate
      attachment shown to her person by the act passed for her protection; and
      made some allusions to reverses which had befallen a division of the army
      westward of the Indus, and to a victory gained at Jellalabad.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EAST INDIA AFFAIRS, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the preceding year the British power in India came into hostile
      collision with the Ghilzies. This collision was thus brought about. The
      Khoord Cabul Pass is a long and dangerous defile through which the road
      between Cabul and Jellalabad runs, and which, therefore, it was necessary
      to keep open for the purpose of safe intercourse between Cabul and British
      India. This part of Affghanistan was occupied by the eastern Ghilzies: and
      it was thought advisable to purchase from them the right of traversing the
      pass without molestation. An agreement was, in fact, entered into with the
      Ghilzee chiefs, whereby it was stipulated that a certain sum of money
      should be paid them yearly out of the Cabul treasury, if they would keep
      the pass open, and offer no molestation to our troops on their passage
      between Cabul and Jellalabad. Owing, however, to the financial
      difficulties of the Cabul treasury, or to some mismanagement on the part
      of the officer who was appointed to disburse the money, the whole amount
      of the stipulated sum was not paid, and the Ghilzies immediately rose in
      arms and closed the passes. It was necessary to open it by force; and
      Major-general Sir Robert Sale was sent by General Elphinstone from Cabul
      for that purpose. The brigade which Sir Robert commanded entered the pass
      on the 12th of October. The Ghilzies were posted behind a breastwork near
      the middle of the pass; and as the assailing body approached, the enemy
      withdrew from this position, and occupied the steep and precipitous ridges
      of the mountains on either side, from whence they opened a well-directed
      fire. General Sale was wounded in the ankle and obliged to leave the
      field; and Lieutenant-colonel Dennie then took the command. Under his
      direction one section of the brigade got possession of the heights, and
      their guns were established in a deserted fort on the southern gorge of
      the pass; but the other division marched back through the defile to the
      camp at Boothak. But, although the Khoord Cabul Pass was thus cleared, the
      force under General Sale was compelled to fight with the enemy during
      eighteen days in their route to Gundamuek, which was reached on the 30th
      of October. After this the British troops commanded the route to Sookhab;
      and on the 12th of November they reached Jellalabad. In the meantime a
      fearful tragedy, which ended in the total destruction of our Cifeul force,
      had commenced in that city. The British troops were placed in a cantonment
      on the north side of the city, which cantonment consisted only of a low
      rampart and narrow ditch, in the form of a parallelogram, thrown up along
      the line of the Kohistan road, one thousand yards long and six hundred
      broad, with round flanking bastions at each corner, every one of which was
      commanded by some fort or hill. The "Mission Compound," where Sir William
      M'Naghten, the envoy, and his suite resided, was attached to the
      cantonment on the north side, and surrounded by a single wall. On the
      eastern side, about a quarter of a mile off, the Cabul river flowed in a
      direction parallel with the Kohistan road; and between the river and
      cantonments there was a wide canal. In itself this cantonment was most
      insecure; but General Elphinstone threw a bridge over the river so as to
      render the communication between the Seeah Sung camp and the cantonment
      still more easy. The most extraordinary oversight, however, was the
      allowing the commissariat stores to be placed in an old fort detached from
      the cantonment, and in such a state as to be wholly indefensible. The
      troops were thus placed when a rebellion took place under Ameenoollah and
      Abdoolhah Khan. It commenced by an attack on the dwellings of Sir
      Alexander Barnes and Captain Johnson, who resided in the city of Cabal;
      Sir Alexander, his brother, Lieutenant Burnes, and Lieutenant Broadfoot
      were murdered. On discovering this, General Elphinstone sent an order to
      Brigadier Shelton to march forthwith with a body of troops to the Bala
      Hissar, or royal citadel, situated at the eastern extremity of the city;
      the rest of the troops in that camp were withdrawn into the cantonment,
      and the whole of the camp followers when collected amounted to twelve
      thousand, exclusive of women and children. A long and miserable siege now
      took place. The Affghans surrounded the cantonments, and poured in a
      constant fire from every quarter; and, at length, on the 11th of December,
      the commissariat fort being captured by the enemy, Sir William M'Naghten
      was compelled to sign this humiliating agreement with the rebel chief:&mdash;"That
      the British should evacuate the whole of Affghanistan, including Candahar,
      Ghuznee, and Jellalabad: that they should be permitted to return
      unmolested to India; and that supplies should be granted to them on their
      road thither&mdash;certain men of consequence accompanying them as
      hostages; that means of transport should be furnished to the troops; that
      Dost Mahomed Khan, his family, and every Affghan then detained within our
      territory should be allowed to return to their own country; that Shah
      Soojah and his family should have the option of remaining at Cabul or
      proceeding with the British troops to Loodianah, in either case receiving
      from the Affghan government one lac of rupees per annum; that an amnesty
      should be granted to all who had taken the part of Shah Soojah; that all
      prisoners should be released; that no British force should ever be sent
      into Affghanistan, unless invited by the Affghan government." The chiefs,
      in retiring from the conference, took with them Captain Trevor as a
      hostage. Much delay took place in carrying any of these terms into effect;
      and in the meantime a trap was laid for Sir William M'Naghten, into which
      he fell. On the 22nd of December two Affghans came into the cantonment,
      and had a private conference with him, in which they made a proposal on
      the part of Akbar Khan, that Ameenoolah Khan should be seized the next
      day, and delivered up to the British as a prisoner; that the Bala Hissar
      should be occupied by one of our regiments: that Shah Soojah should
      continue king, and Mahomed Akbar become his Wuzeer, or prime-minister; and
      that our troops should remain in the cantonment until the following
      spring. To these specious terms the envoy unwarily assented; and on the
      23rd of December, accompanied by three officers, he left the Mission-House
      to attend a conference with Mahomed Akbar Khan in the plain toward Seeah
      Sung. While in the act of conference, however, Sir William M'Naghten and
      the officers were seized from behind by armed men; and he and Captain
      Trevor were murdered; the other officers escaped with difficulty. The
      situation of the British troops was now evidently desperate, and
      Major-general Elphinstone deemed it necessary to provide for their safety
      by again attempting to negociate with the enemy. A convention was entered
      into, in pursuance of which the troops commenced their march on the 6th of
      January. In the whole there were 4,500 fighting men about 12,000 camp
      followers, and a large number of women and children. Their retreat was
      most disastrous. The snow lay deep upon the ground, and the rear-guard had
      scarcely quitted the camp before it was attacked by the enemy. As far as
      Bareekhur the whole way was strewed with the dead and dying, who were
      immediately stripped and left naked by the Affghans; while the merciless
      Ghuzees hacked the dead corpses to pieces with their long knives. While at
      Bareekhur a communication was opened with Akbar Khan, who now offered to
      restrain the Affghans from further outrages, provided hostages were
      delivered to him as a security that the British would not march beyond
      Tezeen, until General Sale had evacuated Jellalabad. The proposal was
      accepted, and Major Pottinger and Captains Lawrence and Mackenzie became
      hostages. The troops now proceeded to the Khoord Cabul Pass; but Akbar
      Khan's promise was futile: they had to force the difficult pass with
      considerable loss. The next morning the treacherous chief sent to the
      encampment, professing his concern at his inability to restrain the
      Ghilzies, who had been most active in the attacks of the preceding day;
      but he offered to protect the ladies, provided they would put themselves
      under his care. Eight ladies, including Lady Sale and Lady M'Naghten,
      placed themselves under his protection; those who had husbands being
      solaced by their company. In resuming the march the contest recommenced,
      and it did not cease until they reached Jugdulluck. Few, however, reached
      that place. Of the whole force which had left Cabul, amounting to more
      than 16,000 persons, not more than three hundred are said to have escaped.
      At Jugdulluck, Akbar Khan effectually interfered, and the unfortunate
      British were allowed to occupy, without molestation, a ruined enclosure,
      where they lay down, worn out by fatigue, and helpless, in the snow. Out
      of this number only one man, Dr. Brydon, lived to reach Jellalabad; the
      rest, subsequent to the protection afforded them by Akbar Khan at
      Jugdulluck, were all slain, either by the Affghan troops, or by the
      inhabitants of the villages through which they passed in their flight. As
      for General Elphinstone, he was detained prisoner by Akbar Khan, who sent
      for him under pretence of treating personally with him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The enemy now approached Jellalabad, which was occupied by Sir Robert
      Sale, who had maintained his position there since the day on which he
      reached it. This gallant general had been engaged in several encounters
      with the enemy, in which he had uniformly punished them. When the enemy
      approached Jellalabad, Lady Sale, then a prisoner in the hands of the
      Affghans, wrote a letter, exhorting lier husband to defend his position;
      saying that she preferred death to dishonour. Sir Robert Sale refused,
      when summoned, to abandon his post, and he was consequently besieged by
      the enemy. Vigorous efforts were soon made to relieve the besieged
      garrison. Lord Auckland was about to retire from the government of India,
      and a new governor-general, Lord Ellenborough, had arrived at Calcutta on
      the 18th of February. In the meantime Sir Jasper Nicholls, who was
      commander-in-chief of the British forces in India, was urged by Lord
      Auckland to push on to Peshawar as many troops as he could spare. A body
      of 3500 men arrived at Peshawar on the 27th, but he having failed to force
      the Khyber Pass, was compelled to remain passive until joined by
      Major-general Pollock, who, when he arrived, took command of the forces
      destined for the relief of Jellalabad. A portion of the forces under his
      command consisted of Sikhs, the troop of the Maha Rajah Shere Sing, ruler
      of the Punjaub, under General Abitabile. On the arrival of Major-general
      Pollock at Peshawar, accounts were received from Jellalabad, representing
      General Sale as in want of immediate succour. Two brigades, consisting of
      4,000 men, under the command of Colonel Bolton, had not yet joined his
      forces; but General Pollock nevertheless resolved to advance forthwith,
      having under his command about 8,000 men. The task he had to perform was
      one of the most difficult nature. From Jamrood, on the eastern side, the
      Khyber Pass extends for twenty-eight miles towards Jellalabad; and the
      defiles had hitherto been considered as impassable to an army if opposed
      by an enemy. The pass was defended by the Khyberries; but, despite their
      opposition, his whole force cleared it by the 14th of April; the first
      instance in history of an army forcing its way through these dreaded
      defiles in face of an enemy. The Sikh troops were left in possession of
      the pass, and on the morning of the 16th of April the troops, under the
      command of General Pollock, came in sight of Jellalabad, and were loudly
      greeted by the beleaguered garrison.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the arrival of General Pollock at Jellalabad, General Sale had,
      however, gained some important victories over his adversaries. The most
      important victory was obtained on the 7th of April, and Sir Robert Sale
      thus describes the contest:&mdash;"The troops issued from the Cabul and
      Peshawar gates at daylight this morning. So far from the Sirdhar (i.e.
      Akbar Kahn) having made any dispositions to avoid the encounter, his whole
      force (not falling short of 6,000 men) was formed in order of battle, for
      the defence of his camp, its right resting on a fort, and its left on the
      Cabul river; and even the ruined works, within eight hundred yards of the
      place, recently repaired, were filled with Ghilzie marksmen, evidently
      prepared for a stout resistance. The attack was led by the skirmishers,
      and a column, under Captain Havelock, which drove the enemy in the most
      satisfactory manner from the extreme left of his advanced line of works,
      which it pierced, and proceeded to advance into the plain; whilst the
      central column directed its efforts against a square fort upon the same
      base, the defence of which was obstinately maintained. With the deepest
      regret I have to record that, whilst nobly leading his regiment to the
      assault, Colonel Dennie, C.B., of her majesty's thirteenth light infantry,
      received a shot through his body, which shortly after proved fatal. The
      rear of the work having been finally gained by passing to its left, I gave
      orders for a combined attack upon the enemy's camp. It was in every way
      brilliant and successful. The artillery advanced at the gallop, and
      directed a heavy fire upon the Affghan centre, whilst two of the columns
      of infantry penetrated his line near the same point; and the third forced
      back his left from its support on the river, into the stream of which some
      of his horse and foot were driven. The Affghans made repeated attempts to
      check our advance by a smart fire of musketry, by throwing forward heavy
      bodies of horse, which twice threatened in force the detachments of foot
      under Captain Havelock, and by opening on us three guns screened by a
      garden wall, and said to have been served under the personal
      superintendance of the Sirdhar; but in a short time they were dislodged
      from every point of their positions, their cannon taken, and their camp
      involved in a general conflagration. The battle was over, and the enemy in
      full retreat in the direction of Lugliman by about seven a.m. We have made
      ourselves masters of two cavalry standards; recaptured four guns lost by
      the Cabul army and Gundamuck forces; and seized and destroyed a great
      quantity of <i>materiel</i> and ordnance stores, and burned the whole of
      the enemy's tents. In short, the defeat of Mahomet Akbar in open field, by
      the troops whom he had boasted of blockading, has been complete and
      signal." After his defeat Akbar Khan retired in the direction of Cabul,
      but his troops deserted from him to a man. Such was the state of affairs
      when the junction between the forces of General Sale and General Pollock
      took place at Jellalabad. The garrison was suffering severely from want of
      provisions, but plentiful supplies soon began to pour in from Peshawar,
      and the two generals subsequently resolved upon offensive operations. At
      this time the monarch whom the British power had placed on the throne at
      Cabul was dead: he had ordered a general levy of troops to be made in his
      capital, to march upon Jellalabad; and, while he was on his way to join
      these troops at Seeah Sung, he was fired upon by fifty Juzdilchees, who
      were placed in ambush, and was killed. General Pollock remained at
      Jellalabad upwards of four months, during which time his troops suffered
      severely from sickness, and their ranks were greatly thinned by death; and
      it was not until the 20th of August that he commenced his march towards
      Cabul. The prisoners, male and female, which were captured by Akbar Khan
      were in separate forts within the valley of Tezeen, where General
      Elphinstone died; and during the period of General Pollock's stay at
      Jellalabad, Akbar Khan sent two of the British officers in captivity to
      treat for the liberation of the whole. He wished, however, to make our
      evacuation of Affghanistan the condition of restoring the prisoners; but
      as this proposal could not be entertained, all negotiations ceased, and
      the prisoners were subsequently removed from Tezeen to forts between Cabul
      and Bameean. Previous to his departure from Jellalabad, General Pollock
      had issued a manifesto to the chiefs at Cabul, stating his intention of
      marching upon the city, and promising them that if they restored the
      prisoners, their property would be protected and their city spared; but
      that if they allowed Akbar Khan to remove them, they must all be held
      responsible for the consequences, and that every house in Cabul should be
      razed to the ground. At length, on the 20th of August, General Pollock
      advanced from Jellalabad. The first conflict with the enemy took place at
      Mammoo Khail, about two miles from Gundamuck, where about 12,000 troops
      under the command of the chiefs Hadji Ali and Kyrrollah Khan were
      defeated. The two chiefs retreated towards Cabul, and General Pollock
      advanced thither on the 7th of September. On the 8th he reached the
      Soorkah, a small river, from which he had to traverse the formidable pass
      in order to arrive at Jugdulluck, which is about twenty miles distant. An
      obstinate opposition was made to his progress from the heights by which
      this pass is surrounded; but it was overcome by the prowess of the British
      forces, and the enemy took refuge in flight. Their onward march still lay
      through a difficult country; but General Pollock did not again encounter
      the enemy until he arrived at the valley of Tezeen. Here the pass was
      occupied by Akbar Khan himself; and while the British troops were halting
      to allow the cattle to recover from the effects of the fatigue of their
      forced march, they were attacked by the Affghans, though without success.
      A general action took place on the 13th of September, which General
      Pollock has thus described:&mdash;"The valley of Tezeen, where we were
      encamped, is completely encircled by lofty hills; and on the morning of
      the 13th it was perceived that the Affghans had occupied in great force
      every height not already occupied by our troops. I commenced my march
      towards the mouth of the Tezeen Pass, where I had left two guns, two
      squadrons of her majesty's third dragoons, a party of first light cavalry,
      and the third irregular cavalry. The enemy's horse appeared in the valley,
      with the intention of falling upon the baggage; but the dragoons and
      native cavalry made a most brilliant charge, and with such effect that the
      whole body of the enemy's force was completely routed, and a number of
      them cut up. The Pass of Tezeen affords great advantages to an enemy
      occupying the heights; and on the present occasion Mahomed Akbar neglected
      nothing to render its natural difficulties as formidable as numbers could
      make it. Our troops mounted the heights, and the Affghans, contrary to
      their general custom, advanced to meet them, and a desperate struggle
      ensued; indeed their defence was so obstinate that the British bayonet, in
      many instances, alone decided the contest. The light company of her
      majesty's ninth foot, led by Captain Lushington, ascending the hills on
      the left of the pass under a heavy cross-fire, charged, and overthrew
      their opponents, leaving several horses and their riders, supposed to be
      chiefs, dead on the hill. The slaughter was considerable; and the fight
      continued during the greater part of the day, the enemy appearing resolved
      that we should not ascend the Huft Kothul. One spirit seemed to pervade
      all, and a determination to conquer overcame the obstinate resistance of
      the enemy, who were at length forced from their numerous and strong
      positions; and our troops mounted the Huft Kothul, giving three cheers
      when they reached the summit. Here Lieutenant-colonel Cunningham, with a
      party of sappers, pressed the enemy so hard, that they left in their
      precipitation a twenty-four pound howitzer and limber, carrying off the
      draft-bullocks. Having heard that another gun had been seen, and
      concluding that it could not have gone very far, I detached a squadron of
      dragoons, under Captain Tritton, and two horse-artillery guns, under Major
      Delafosse, in pursuit; the gun, a twelve-pound howitzer, with bullocks
      sufficient for two guns, were soon captured. The dragoons again got among
      the enemy, and succeeded in cutting up many of them. Captain Broad-foot
      with the sappers advanced, and, with the dragoons, happened to fall in
      with another part of the enemy, of whom upwards of twenty were killed. I
      have ascertained there were about 16,000 men in the field opposed to me,
      of whom a considerable portion was cavalry. Mahomed Akbar Khan, Mahomed
      Shah Khan, Ameen Oolla, and many other chiefs with their followers were
      present." After this decisive battle Akbar Khan made no further
      resistance; and on the 15th of September they encamped on the race-ground
      at Cabul. During their march from Jellalabad, Prince Futteh Jung had
      arrived in the camp as a wanderer; and on the 16th, General Pollock,
      accompanied by him, marched to the Bala Hissar, and there planted the
      British colours. Several of the English prisoners had already joined the
      camp; and before the 21st of the month, the whole of them, with the
      exception of Captain Bygrave&mdash;who was subsequently liberated&mdash;were
      restored to British protection. By these successes the stain brought upon
      the British arms was effaced, and the prestige of our name regained its
      former influence in the East. It was, however, resolved that we should
      leave Cabul; and a proclamation to that effect was made by the
      governor-general. But, before leaving Cabul, General Pollock despatched
      General M'Caskill with a body of troops into Kohistan, where the Affghan
      chiefs were still assembled in considerable force. On the 29th of
      September, General M'Caskill made himself master of the strong town of
      Istalif, totally defeating the numerous bodies of Affghan troops collected
      for its defence, under Ameenoollah Khan and other chiefs of Cabul and
      Kohistan. This town was set on fire; and a work of plunder and savage
      slaughter commenced, which brought a great stain upon the British arms.
      For two days the place was given up to fire and sword; and all the
      bitterness of hatred was manifested by the soldiery, both European and
      native. "Not a man was spared; the Affghans were hunted down like vermin;
      and whenever the dead body of an Affghan was found, the Hindoo sepoys set
      fire to the clothes, that the curse of a 'burnt father' might attach to
      his children." General Pollock also determined to destroy the Char Chouk,
      the principal bazaar in Cabul, where the remains of the unfortunate Sir
      William M'Naghten had been exposed to insult. This bazaar was destroyed by
      gunpowder; and indeed the whole city, with the exception of the Bala
      Hissar and the quarter of the Kuzzilbashes, was laid in ruins. About this
      time General Pollock was joined by General Nott from Candahar; and on the
      12th of October the two armies left Cabul, the advanced column being under
      the command of General Pollock, and that in the rear under General Nott.
      No event of consequence occurred during their march, and on arriving at
      the fortress of Jellalabad it was levelled with the dust, and rendered
      unfit for human habitation. Along the whole line of march, indeed, every
      kind of devastation was committed by the troops, who were exasperated by
      the sight of the unburied skeletons of their unfortunate companions in
      arms, who fell during the fatal retreat early in this year. When the
      British forces at length emerged from the Bolan Pass, which they did on
      the 1st of October, thereby evacuating the whole of Affghanistan, they had
      left behind them a name which will long be execrated in that country. It
      is true they had suffered deep wrongs; but mercy to the vanquished is a
      nobler quality than unlimited revenge. The spirit of revenge appears to
      have pervaded the whole of the British community in India. Even the
      governor-general, Lord Ellenborough, exhibited it in a proclamation issued
      to all the princes, and chiefs, and people of India. He writes:&mdash;"My
      brothers and my friends,&mdash;Our victorious army bears the gates of the
      temple of Somnauth in triumph from Affghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of
      Sultan Mahmoud looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee. The insult of eight
      hundred years is at last avenged. The gates of the temple of Somnauth, so
      long the memorial of your humiliation, are become the proudest record of
      your national glory&mdash;the proof of your superiority in arms over the
      nations beyond the Indus. To your princes and chiefs of Sirhind, of
      Bajwarra, of Malwa, and Guzerat, I shall commit this glorious trophy of
      successful war. You will yourselves, with all honour, transmit the gates
      of sandalwood through your respective territories, to the restored temple
      of Somnauth. The chiefs of Sirhind shall be informed at what time our
      victorious army will first deliver the gates of the temple into their
      guardianship at the foot of the bridge of the Sutlej." In another
      proclamation Lord Ellenborough announced that all the Affghans then in the
      power of the British government should be permitted to return to their own
      country, and that the Affghan chiefs who were thus released, were, before
      they passed the Sutlej, to present themselves at the durbar, or levee, of
      the governor-general in his camp at Ferozepore.
    </p>
    <p>
      The insurrection at Cabul, which has been described, was not confined to
      that quarter of Affghanistan. At the time it broke out, General Nott was
      in command at Candahar, with a force of nearly 10,000 men. The hostility
      of the Affghans in this part of the country soon displayed itself;
      Candahar was invested by a large body of insurgents under the command of
      Mahomed Atta. This chief was joined by Sufter Jung, one of the sons of
      Shah Soojah; but Tiniour, the eldest brother of that family, remained
      nominal governor of Candahar. His fidelity, however, was afterwards
      suspected, and he was placed in confinement. On the 12 th of January the
      insurgent chiefs took up a strong position on the right bank of a river
      running through the Achuzye country, about five miles from Candahar. They
      mustered about 5,000 men; and General Nott attacked them with a force
      consisting of five regiments and a half of infantry, 1,000 horse, and
      sixteen pieces of artillery. The position of the army was formidable,
      being protected in front by canals and a marsh, and both flanks resting on
      strong gardens. The enemy, however, was routed, and compelled to flee in
      all directions. Tin's success was followed by another victory over the
      insurgents, on the 10th of March; after which they disappeared from the
      neighbourhood of Candahar. The situation of the British troops, however,
      at Candahar, Khelat-i-Ghilzee, and Gliuznee, being thought precarious in
      the midst of a population universally hostile, Brigadier-general England,
      who commanded the forces in Scinde, determined to march to the relief of
      General Nott. In his route General England encountered a formidable
      opposition at the Rujjuk Pass, where Mahomed Seedez, with a large army,
      was posted to impede his progress. In an engagement, General England,
      indeed, lost nearly one hundred men, and he was compelled to return to
      Quetta: This attempt, therefore, for the relief of Candahar failed; and,
      not long before this, the British had another humiliation in the surrender
      of Ghuznee. Ghuznee was garrisoned by about 1,000 troops, under the
      command of Colonel Palmer, and when the general rising on the part of the
      Affghan population took place, that fortress and Khelat-i-Ghilzee, in
      which was a garrison of five hundred men, were invested by the insurgents.
      Colonel Palmer was obliged to capitulate; and on the 6th of March the
      garrison marched out from the citadel, and were quartered in a portion of
      the town immediately below. Scarcely, however, had the troops taken
      possession of the quarter assigned them by the terms of the capitulation,
      when they were suddenly attacked by the infuriated Ghuznees. Day after day
      the murderous attacks continued; and in the end the whole were either
      slain, or sent in camel-chairs to Cabul, to be kept in custody by Akbar
      Khan. It was these events that determined General Nott, on evacuating
      Candahar, in order to co-operate with General Pollock, in case the
      resistance offered by Akbar Khan should be of such a nature as to render a
      reinforcement of the British troops necessary. Candahar was evacuated on
      the 7th and 8th of August, and the troops marched onwards without
      molestation till they came to Gonine, about thirty miles south-west of
      Ghuznee. Here General Nott found that Shumsooden, the Affghan governor of
      that fortress, was awaiting his approach with about 12,000 men. This
      force, however, was quickly defeated, and their guns, tents, and
      ammunition captured; General Nott then moved on Ghuznee, which he found
      full of armed men, under the command of Sultan Jan. Ghuznee was stormed,
      and the enemy driven from thence in all directions; after which the city
      and the whole of its works were destroyed. General Nott now advanced upon
      Cabul, and at Mydan he again encountered the enemy; but the British troops
      dislodged them from their strong positions; and General Nott effected a
      junction with General Pollock without further molestation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In China the British troops still pursued an inglorious war. In the month
      of August, last year, Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir W. Parker had sailed for
      Hong-Kong, which was the place of rendezvous for the ships destined for
      the expedition to the northward. On the 21st they sailed from that island,
      and anchored on the 25th in the harbour of Amoy. This city is said to have
      been inhabited by about 70,000 people; and the Chinese army garrisoning it
      was 10,000 strong. The number of guns possessed by the garrison was about
      five hundred; and the place was so strongly fortified by nature and art,
      that the Chinese fancied the place to be impregnable. Amoy, however,
      wanted a brave and skilful garrison; and lacking this, the place was soon
      captured. The mandarins and soldiers fled, leaving the city occupied by
      only a few coolies. This success was attained without the loss of a man on
      the part of the British; and the number of Chinese killed is supposed not
      to have exceeded one hundred and fifty. Sir Hugh Gough was mainly
      instrumental in effecting this conquest; but, on the 30th of August, the
      troops were withdrawn from the city, a garrison of five hundred men only
      being left on the island of Cohun-soo, which is distant about 1,200 yards
      from Amoy. In the proclamation addressed by Sir H. Pottinger on this
      occasion to "her Britannic majesty's subjects in China," he says:&mdash;"Her
      majesty's plenipotentiary deems it quite superfluous to say one word as to
      the manner in which this important service has been performed. The facts
      require no eulogium. The Chinese government vainly imagined that they had
      rendered Amoy impregnable; but they were undeceived in presence of the
      viceroy of the provinces of Chekeang and Fokien (who, with a number of
      high officers, witnessed the attacks from the heights above the town), in
      the short space of four hours from the firing of the first gun; and had
      the opposition been a hundred times greater than it was, the spirit and
      bearing of all employed showed that the result must have been the same."
      The state of the weather prevented the expedition from putting to sea and
      continuing its progress northward before the 5th of September. On the 21st
      it reached the Chusan group of islands, and afterwards reconoitered the
      Tinghae and Chusan harbour. The walls of Tinghae were escaladed, and the
      British colours soon waved over the fortifications. In this attack upon
      Tinghae the enemy suffered severely; several mandarins were killed, while,
      on the side of the British, two only were killed, and twenty-four wounded.
      The next place attacked was Chinghae, which was captured with the same
      ease, although it was enclosed by a wall thirty-seven feet in thickness,
      and twenty-two feet in height. Sir William Parker writes concerning this
      conquest:&mdash;"About eleven o'clock we had the gratification of seeing
      the British colours planted by the troops in one of the batteries on the
      opposite side of the shore: and in a few minutes the others on that side
      were all carried, and the Chinese observed flying in every direction
      before our gallant soldiers on the heights. At a quarter past eleven the
      wall of the citadel was breached by the fire from the ships; and the
      defences being reduced to a ruinous state, the Chinese abandoned their
      guns, which they had hitherto worked with considerable firmness, and a
      large portion of the garrison retreated precipitately towards the city.
      Not a moment was lost in making the signal for landing the battalion of
      seamen and marines, with the detachments of artillery and sappers. Before
      noon, the boats were all on shore; every impediment presented by the
      difficulty of landing on rugged rocks was overcome, and the force
      gallantly advanced to the assault, with a celerity that excited my warmest
      admiration. An explosion at this time took place in a battery near the
      citadel gate; and the remnant of the garrison fled without waiting to
      close it. The citadel was therefore rapidly entered, and the union-jack
      displayed on the walls. Our people had scarcely passed within them when
      another explosion occurred, happily without mischief, but whether by
      accident or design is uncertain." Captain Herbert having secured this
      post, quickly re-formed his men, and advanced towards the city; the
      Chinese still occupying in considerable force the walls of it, as well as
      the two batteries beneath the hill on the river side, against which our
      troops had already turned some of the guns taken on the right bank. A few
      volleys of musketry speedily dislodged them from both positions, and the
      battalions of seamen and marines pushed on in steady and excellent order
      to attack the city.
    </p>
    <p>
      The wall was escaladed in two places, and in a short time complete
      possession was taken of Chinghae, the Chinese troops having made their
      escape through the western gate. Subsequently Sir Hugh Gough captured
      Ningpo with the same facility, after which no event of importance occurred
      during the past year. Early in the present year the district cities of
      Yuydo, Tsikee, and Ftmghwa were temporarily occupied by the British
      troops; and the Chinese made a bold but ineffectual attempt to recover
      Ningpo. After their unsuccessful attack upon Ningpo, the Chinese attempted
      to annoy the British garrison by obstructing the supply of provisions. A
      body of about 4,000 Chinese soldiers were encamped at the town of Tse-kee,
      about eleven miles westward of Ningpo; but they were quickly driven from
      thence by Sir Hugh Gough with great loss. Ningpo was evacuated by the
      British on the 7th of May, and on the 16th the fleet came to the city of
      Chapoo, which was captured. Sir H. Pottinger, who had recently been to
      Canton rejoined the squadron before it sailed from Chapoo: and its
      subsequent operations were detailed by him in a "circular," dated on board
      the steam-frigate <i>Queen</i>, in the Yang-tze-Kiang river. Its
      operations were first chiefly confined to the destruction of batteries
      along the Woosung river; after which the fleet entered the great river
      Yang-tze. In this river operations were directed against the cities of
      Suyshan, Chin-Keang-foo, and Nankin. The two former were captured: but
      when preparations had been made for attacking the latter, Sir Hugh Gough
      and Sir William Parker received instructions from Sir Henry Pottinger to
      suspend hostilities, in consequence of negociations which he was carrying
      on with the Chinese high officers who had been appointed by the emperor to
      treat for peace. Full powers had been given to three commissioners,
      Keying, Elepoo, and Newkéén, to negociate a treaty of peace which was
      finally concluded on the 26th of August. The conditions of this treaty
      were:&mdash;That the Chinese should pay 21,000,000 dollars; that the ports
      of Canton, Amoy, Foo-chow-foo, Ning-po, and Shang-hae, should be open to
      British merchants, with permission to consular officers to reside there;
      that the island of Hong-Kong should be ceded to the British in perpetuity;
      that correspondence should be conducted on terms of perfect equality
      between the officers of both governments; and that the islands of Chusan
      and Kolang-soo should be held by the British until the money payments were
      made and arrangements for opening the ports completed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LIV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1843&mdash;1844
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     State of the Country..... Meeting of Parliament.....
     National Distress..... The Corn-law Question..... Address to
     the Crown on the Subject of Education..... Affairs of India,
     &amp;c...... The Corn-law  Question  resumed..... Irish
     Affairs..... Financial   Statements,   &amp;c......
     Education..... Church   Extension, &amp;c...... Law Reform.....
     Prorogation of Parliament..... Agitation; Ireland.....
     Formation of the Free Church in Scotland..... The State  of
     India..... Continental Affairs.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1843
    </p>
    <p>
      AT the opening of this year the aspect of public affairs was such as to
      create disquietude and anxiety. In every branch of trade and industry
      there was great depression, which was by some attributed to the workings
      of the new tariff, and by others to a groundless panic occasioned by that
      measure. Whatever it arose from it certainly existed; and the fact of its
      existence was clearly proved by the diminished consumption of those
      articles which contribute in so large a proportion to the public revenue.
      The total decrease in the excise, stamps, customs, and taxes on the
      quarter was £1,379,057, which was equivalent to a total yearly deficiency
      of £5,516,222. The distress which prevailed naturally give rise to various
      opinions as to the remedies to be applied. Some suggested and advocated
      the repeal of the corn-laws; others threw the blame upon the income-tax,
      and the other financial measures of Sir Robert Peel's government; some
      attributed the distress to the poor-laws; and others pointed to emigration
      as the natural safety-valve and outlet for the pressure of a too rapidly
      increasing population. All these subjects were discussed at length in both
      houses of parliament; but few practical results arose from these
      discussions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by commission on the 2nd of February. The speech,
      read by the lord-chancellor, referred to a treaty which had been concluded
      with the United States of America and the adjustment of differences which,
      from their long continuance had endangered the preservation of peace.
      Allusion was also made to the termination of hostilities in China; and a
      hope expressed "that, by the free access which would be opened to the
      principal mart of that populous and extensive empire, encouragement would
      be given to the commercial enterprise of her majesty's people." The speech
      continued:&mdash;"In concert with her allies, her majesty has succeeded in
      obtaining for the Christian population of Syria, the establishment of a
      system of administration which they were entitled to expect from the
      engagements of the Sultan, and from the good faith of the country. The
      differences for some time existing between tire Turkish and Persian
      governments had recently led to acts of hostility; but as each of these
      states has accepted the joint mediation of Great Britain and Russia, her
      majesty entertains a confident hope that their mutual relations will be
      speedily and amicably adjusted. Her majesty has concluded with the Emperor
      of Russia a treaty of commerce and navigation, which will be laid before
      you. Her majesty regards this treaty with great satisfaction, as the
      foundation for increased intercourse between her majesty's subjects and
      those of the emperor." The affairs of India and the events in Afghanistan
      were next adverted to; satisfaction being expressed at the victories
      obtained "on the scenes of former disasters." Concerning the decrease of
      revenue the speech remarked:&mdash;"Her majesty regrets the diminished
      receipt from some of the ordinary sources of revenue. Her majesty fears
      that it must be in part attributed to the reduced consumption of many
      articles, caused by that depression of the manufacturing industry of the
      country which has so long prevailed, and which her majesty has so deeply
      lamented. In considering, however, the present state of the revenue, her
      majesty is assured that you will bear in mind, that it has been materially
      affected by the extensive reductions in the import duties which received
      your sanction during the last session of parliament, and that little
      progress has hitherto been made in the collection of those taxes, which
      were imposed for the purpose of supplying the deficiency from that and
      other causes. Her majesty feels confident that the future produce of the
      revenue will be sufficient to meet every exigency of the public service."
      The speech concluded by adverting to her majesty's recent visit to
      Scotland; to disturbances which had taken place in some of the
      manufacturing districts; and to measures connected with the improvement of
      the law which were to be brought forward during this session.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address was agreed to, and the house adjourned.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons also the address was agreed to without a division,
      and the house adjourned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NATIONAL DISTRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Allusion had been made in the royal speech to the distress which pervaded
      the country at this time; and in this state of things Lord Howick give
      notice for a committee of the whole house to investigate the causes of
      this distress. The debate commenced on the 18th of February, by Lord
      Howick, calling attention to the paragraph in her majesty's speech
      referring to diminished revenue. This having been read by the clerk at the
      table, his lordship then moved that the house do now resolve itself into a
      committee upon the said passage in her majesty's speech. The debate on the
      motion continued during five nights: various members on both sides of the
      house supporting or opposing the motion. On the fifth and last night Mr.
      Cobden said that his chief objection to the motion was, that it did not
      include agricultural as well as manufacturing distress. The agricultural
      labourers were in a wretched state; neither them nor the farmers were any
      gainers by the corn-laws. With neither of these classes had landlords any
      right to identify themselves. The landlord was no agriculturist: he might
      live all his days in London or in Paris. He was no more an agriculturist
      than a shipowner was a sailor. The real agriculturists were beginning to
      get a glimmering of light upon this question. The member for Dorsetshire
      had attacked the league; he protested against the notion that the league
      had been the movers of sedition and assassination. He would next inquire
      why the present motion was to be resisted by the government. When Sir R.
      Peel took the reins of government, he took with them the responsibility of
      introducing the measures necessary for the country..The ministers were
      advocates of free-trade: why did they not carry it into effect? They
      adopted it, it was said, only in the abstract: the house had nothing to do
      with abstractions. Length of time was pleaded; he should like to know
      whether that would be a defence to the claim of a just plaintiff in a
      court of law? It could not be said that the period was unsuitable; the
      year lay before them, and there was no pressure of legislative business,
      publie or private. Had government any other remedy? They had last year
      imposed a corn-law which gave umbrage to all classes of mercantile men.
      That law had not given any extension to regular trade, and had ruined the
      speculators. The tariff had reduced the duty on seven hundred articles,
      and had omitted the only two which would have done anything for tire
      people&mdash;corn and sugar. Sir R. Peel had it in his power to carry the
      measures necessary for the people; and if he had not that power as a
      minister, he would have it by resigning his office. The right honourable
      baronet should be held responsible individually: the electoral body would
      compel him to do them justice. Sir Robert Peel declared that no
      responsibility which Mr. Cobden could fix upon him, or induce others to
      fix upon him, should deter him from doing his duty. He then proceeded to
      analyse the nature of the motion, in order to show that it could not be
      conceded. It was not a motion, he said, to inquire into the causes of the
      distress; but a motion that the house should resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house, Lord Howiok having some proposition to bring
      forward for the relief of the distress. Lord John Russell justified the
      form of the present motion, and the fitness of the time at whicli it was
      brought forward; but on a division it was rejected by a majority of three
      hundred and six against one hundred and ninety-one.
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    <h2>
      ADDRESS TO THE CROWN ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 28 th of February Lord Ashley moved the following resolution in the
      house of commons:&mdash;"That an humble address be presented to her
      majesty, praying that her majesty will be graciously pleased to take into
      her instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the
      benefits and blessings of a moral and religious education among the
      working classes of her people." The motion was agreed to.
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF INDIA, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session, some interesting discussions occurred
      in both houses of parliament, on the recent events and military operations
      in India. The first of these discussions took place on the 9th of
      February, when Mr. Vernon Smith moved for the production of some papers
      relative to Indian affairs. The motion was agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following resolutions, after considerable discussion, were carried in
      both houses:&mdash;"That the thanks of this liouse be given to the Right
      Honourable Lord Ellenborough, governor-general of the British possessions
      in the East Indies, for the ability and judgment with which the resources
      of the British empire in India have been applied to the support of the
      military operations in Affghanistan. That the thanks of this house be
      given to Major-general Sir George Pollock, G.C.B., to Major-general Sir
      William Nott, G.C.B., to Major-general Sir John M'Gaskill, K.C.B., to
      Major-general Richard England, and the other officers of the army, both
      European and native, for the intrepidity, skill, and perseverance
      displayed by them in the military operations in Affghanistan, and for
      their indefatigable zeal and exertions throughout the late campaign. That
      this house doth highly approve and acknowledge the valour and patient
      perseverance displayed by the noncommissioned officers and private
      soldiers, both European and native, employed in Affghanistan, and that the
      same be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps, who are
      desired to thank them for their gallant behaviour." About the same time
      resolutions were passed both in the lords and commons, with respect to the
      services of the fleet and army employed in the late operations in China.
      The affairs of India became the subject of discussion again in the house
      of commons on the 2nd of March, when Mr. Roebuck moved for a select
      committee to inquire into the causes which led to the late war in
      Affghanistan; but it ended in mere words: the motion was rejected by a
      majority of one hundred and eighty-nine against seventy-five.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAW QUESTION RESUMED.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This great question&mdash;a question which interested all parties, and all
      classes of society&mdash;formed the subject of several debates during this
      session. It was first brought prominently forward by Mr. Ward, who, on the
      14th of March, moved, "That a select committee be appointed to inquire
      whether there are any peculiar burdens especially affecting the landed
      interest of this country, or any peculiar exemptions enjoyed by that
      interest; and to ascertain their nature and extent." This motion was
      negatived, after a lengthened discussion, by a large majority; but, on the
      13th of May, the whole subject of the corn-laws was brought under
      discussion upon the motion annually brought forward by Mr. Villiers, for a
      committee of the whole house to consider the duties on the importation of
      foreign corn. This was met by Mr. Gladstone with a direct negative. The
      most remarkable speeches delivered were those of Sir Robert Peel and Mr.
      Cobden. Mr. Cobden combated the notion that if the corn-laws were
      repealed, the whole system of revenue must be cut down; and declared that
      the anti-corn-law league would persist in agitation until the attainment
      of their object. On a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of
      three hundred and eighty-one against one hundred and twenty-five. Another
      general debate on the same subject occupied the house on the 13th of June,
      when Lord John Russell again proposed the consideration of the corn-laws
      in a committee of the whole house; which, however, was negatived by a
      large majority. But, previous to this debate, a measure partially
      effecting the operation of the corn-laws had been proposed in the house of
      commons by Lord Stanley, the secretary for the colonies. His lordship
      moved the following resolutions&mdash;"Resolved that, on the 12th day of
      October, 1842, an act was passed by the legislative council and
      legislative assembly of the province of Canada, and reserved by the
      governor-general for the signification of her majesty's pleasure, imposing
      a duty of 3s., sterling money of Great Britain, on each imperial quarter
      of wheat imported into Canada, except from the United Kingdom, or any of
      her majesty's possessions, and being the growth and produce thereof. That
      the said act recites that it was passed in the confident belief and
      expectation that, upon the imposition of a duty upon foreign wheat
      imported into the province, her majesty would be graciously pleased to
      recommend to parliament the removal or reduction of the duties on wheat
      and wheat flour imported into the said United Kingdom from Canada. That,
      in consideration of the duty so imposed by the said act of the legislature
      of Canada, it is expedient to provide that, if her majesty shall be
      pleased to give her sanction to the said act, the duties imposed upon
      wheat and wheat flour imported into the United Kingdom from Canada should
      be reduced. That, during the continuance of the said duty, in lieu of the
      duties now payable upon wheat and wheat flour imported into the United
      Kingdom from Canada, under an act passed in the last session of
      parliament, entitled 'An act to amend the laws for the importation of
      corn,' there shall be levied and paid the duties following:&mdash;viz.,
      for every quarter of wheat, 1s.; for every barrel of wheat, meal, or
      flour, being one hundred and ninety-six pounds, a duty equal in amount to
      the duty payable on thirty-eight and a half gallons of wheat." In moving
      these resolutions, Lord Stanley said that exaggerated notions of the
      measure had prevailed on all sides; and if he had not given a direct
      promise to the Canadian legislature, he would not have brought forward a
      question tending to create uneasiness among them. He brought it forward,
      in fact, only as a boon to Canada, which he had reason to expect, and of
      which the refusal would be highly injurious to her interests and feelings.
      His proposal was, not to let American wheat into England, but to let into
      England Canadian wheat, and flour ground in Canada, from whatever growth
      it might be manufactured. That was in accordance with the broad principle
      of the navigation act&mdash;"that all manufactured goods shall be deemed
      to be the produce of the country in which they are manufactured." The
      resolutions of Lord Stanley, after a stormy debate, were confirmed by a
      majority of two hundred and forty-four against one hundred and
      eighty-eight. A few days afterwards the house went into committee on them,
      when Lord John Russell moved an amendment, which proposed to omit that
      part of them which referred to the Canadian legislature, his lordship
      objecting to the making of the legislation of the imperial depend on that
      of the colonial parliament. Lord Stanley defended the course taken by
      government as necessary to secure the object; and after a desultory
      conversation, the amendment was negatived. Another amendment, to the
      effect that no alteration should be made in the corn-law of the preceding
      session, and in the degrees of protection which it afforded to British
      agriculture, was moved by Lord Worsley; but this also was negatived; and
      after some further discussion the house divided on the original
      resolutions, which were carried by a majority of two hundred and eighteen
      against one hundred and thirty-seven. On the 2nd of June, a bill founded
      on the resolutions was brought in when Lord Worsley moved that it be read
      that day six months. This led to a renewed debate on the measure: but
      ultimately the second reading was carried by a majority of two hundred and
      nine against one hundred and nine. A debate in the house of lords took
      place on the committal of the bill, which was moved by Earl Dalhousie on
      the 4th of July. Lord Brougham seconded the motion, not "because the
      measure was a step in the right direction "&mdash;that is, towards the
      removal of the corn-laws&mdash;"but because it removed an anomaly." Earl
      Stanhope moved, as an amendment, that the bill be committed that day six
      months; and he was supported in his opposition by the Duke of Richmond,
      the Earl of Radnor, and Lords Beaumont and Teynham. The amendment was,
      however, negatived by a majority of fifty-seven against twenty-five. The
      house subsequently went into committee, and the bill passed without
      amendment.
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    <h2>
      IRISH AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Towards the close of the session the unusually agitated state of Ireland,
      produced by the repeal movement, noticed in a subsequent article, gave
      rise to angry debates in parliament. In the month of May ministers
      proposed a bill requiring the registration of firearms, and restricting
      the importation of arms and ammunition. The second reading of this bill
      was moved on the 29th of May by Lord Eliot, the secretary for Ireland,
      who, in introducing the subject, gave a short history of the origin and
      successive renewal of the Irish arms acts, beginning with the 33rd George
      III. c. 2, and ending with the bill introduced by Lord Morpeth in 1838.
      This measure was opposed with uncommon energy and skill by the Irish Roman
      Catholic members, and by several liberal Protestants among the
      representatives of Ireland. Messrs. Hume, Roebuck, Buller, and other
      liberal representatives of Great Britain were also its strenuous
      opponents. Mr. Shiel, always eloquent, made a brilliant speech in
      resisting it, which won members of various schools of politics to his
      opinion. The general feeling of the house and of the country was in favour
      of the bill, and the Protestants of Ireland declared by their petitions,
      and through their representatives, that it was necessary to their safety,
      as in many districts of the country property and life were in constant
      danger, armed bands of lawless ruffians prowling about by night,
      committing outrage, incendiarism, and murder upon those who were obnoxious
      to their political or religious opinions. The second reading was carried
      by a majority of two hundred and seventy against one hundred and five. On
      the motion for committing the bill, Mr. Smith O'Brien moved as an
      amendment, "that a select committee be appointed to inquire whether the
      condition of Ireland was such as to require statutory enactments different
      from those of Great Britain; and, if so, to ascertain to what cause the
      difference of legislation was to be attributed." This amendment was
      negatived without a division, and the bill was then ordered to be
      committed. In the committee the measure encountered the most pertinacious
      and protracted opposition from many members, who moved repeated
      amendments, and divided again and again on some of the most obnoxious
      sections. It was, in fact, the 9th of August before the Irish arms bill
      reached its final stage in the house of commons. On that day Lord Eliot
      moved that it should be read a third time, which motion was met by an
      amendment by Lord Clements, that it be read a third time that day six
      months. Another warm discussion followed, but the bill was carried by a
      majority of one hundred and twenty-five against fifty-nine. In the house
      of lords two nights' discussion took place upon the bill; but it met with
      a much easier passage in that house, and towards the close of August it
      passed into law.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the meantime discussions of a different nature took place in both
      houses of parliament on Irish affairs. On the 14th of July Lord
      Clanricarde moved resolutions declaring the dismissal of certain
      magistrates by the Lord Chancellor, for taking part in the movement in
      favour of repeal, unconstitutional, unjust, and inexpedient. Their
      dismissal, he said, had given a great impulse to the prevailing agitation,
      manifested by the rise in the repeal-rent; and he imputed the state of
      Ireland, bordering on anarchy, to the policy of the present government.
      The Duke of Wellington met these resolutions by a direct negative, and
      contended that repeal agitation originated in the time of the later
      ministers; the acts impugned were forced upon the present administration.
      A long discussion ensued; but on a division the resolutions were negatived
      by a majority of ninety-one against twenty-nine. The state of Ireland
      again came under discussion in the house of lords on the 8th of August,
      when Lord Rod en presented a petition from upwards of five thousand of her
      majesty's Protestant loyal subjects residing in the county of Down,
      praying for measures to repress the rebellious spirit in Ireland, and
      expressing surprise at seeing the marked difference made between
      Protestants and Roman Catholics in respect of the enforcement of the law
      against processions.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, on the 4th of July, Mr. Smith O'Brien moved,
      "That this house will resolve into a committee for the purpose of taking
      into consideration the causes of the discontent prevailing in Ireland,
      with a view to the redress of grievances, and to the establishment of a
      system of just and impartial government in that part of the United
      Kingdom." The debate which this motion gave rise to occupied five nights,
      and, unlike the other debates on Irish affairs, it was conducted in a
      calm, practical, and dispassionate temper. The chief speakers for the
      motion were Messrs. Wyse, Charles Wood, Smythe, Mr. J. O'Con-nell, Captain
      Rous, and Viscount Howick; against it, Lord Eliot, Sirs J. Graham and R.
      Peel, and Messrs. B. Cochrane, Lascelles, and Colquhoun. On a division the
      motion was negatived, by a majority of two hundred and forty-three against
      one hundred and sixty-four.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Mr. Goulburn made his annual statement of ways and means on the 8th of
      May. His statements were by no means cheering. The revenue, he said,
      calculated upon by Sir Robert Peel for the year, from the customs, had
      been £22,000,000, but the actual produce had only reached £21,750,000. On
      the estimated produce of the excise, there had also been a deficiency of
      £1,200,000; and upon the whole the revenue had fallen short of the
      estimate by somewhat more than £2,000,000. That defalcation, however, had
      been diminished to about £1,250,000, by a payment from China of about
      £725,000. Against the deficiency thus constituted also was to be set the
      produce of the income-tax, which had exceeded the expectation formed of
      it: the net revenue from that source would be about £5,100,000. It might
      be asked, Mr. Goulburn continued, in what way he intended to meet the
      deficiency:&mdash;he had no new measure to propose; his calculation was,
      that the causes which had occasioned the deficiency of the last year were
      of a temporary character; that in the next and subsequent years there
      would be a surplus of revenue, and out of that he proposed to discharge
      the deficiency of the past year. Mr. Goulburn next proceeded to present
      his estimate for the ensuing year. There were two heavy charges, he said,
      which did not form part of the ordinary expenses of the year&mdash;the one
      a payment of £800,000 to the owners of opium seized in China; the other a
      payment of £1,250,000 to the East India Company, on account of expenses
      borne by them for the Chinese war. He proposed to advance the money
      requisite for these two payments, and to take repayment from the future
      remittances of China. The total estimate of revenue stated by Mr. Goulburn
      was £50,150,000, in which, however, he included a sum of £870,000 from the
      Chinese government; and the total estimated outlay was £49,387,645, which
      being deducted from the £50,150,000, would leave a surplus of £762,000 in
      favour of revenue above expenditure. In conclusion, the chancellor of the
      exchequer said, that though he was not in a condition to make a flattering
      statement of the country's resources, he trusted the time was not far
      distant when he should be able to come down with a proposal for easing the
      industry of the country by important resolutions. He moved a vote of
      £47,943,000, which, after some discussion, was granted.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a later period of the session the state of the public finances was made
      the subject of debate in the house of lords. On the 14th of August Lord
      Monteagle moved this series of resolutions:&mdash;"1. That this house
      observes with much concern and disappointment, that the expectation held
      out of a surplus revenue, exceeding £500,000, for the year ending the 5th
      of April. 1843, has not been realized; but that there has been an actual
      deficiency of £2,421,000, notwithstanding the imposition of a tax on
      property, the application to the public service within the year of
      £511,406, obtained from the government of China, and a receipt exceeding
      £1,300,000, as duties upon grain imported. 2. That the charge for the
      permanent debt has been increased during the last two years, the exchequer
      balances have been reduced, and upwards of £1,000,000 exchequer-bills held
      by the trustees of the savings' banks converted into stock. 3. That under
      these circumstances it is most peculiarly the duty of the legislature, and
      of her majesty's government, to enforce the strictest economy which is
      consistent with the public service, and to adopt all such measures as may
      increase the ordinary revenue, by insuring to British industry, whether
      agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, its widest and freest
      extension, and its largest reward; thus averting from the country the
      calamity of the re-enactment of a tax upon property in time of peace, and
      promoting the well-being of all classes of her majesty's subjects." The
      object of Lord Monteagle in introducing these resolutions was to vindicate
      the Whig administration of the public finances, and to show that the same
      line of conduct which had been censured in the late ministry had been
      pursued by the present government. His lordship delivered a long and able
      speech to this end, which was replied to with equal ability by the Duke of
      Wellington and Lord Brougham.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another question, involving fiscal considerations, which occupied the
      attention of parliament, related to the sugar duties. Government proposed
      a renewal of tire duties of the year preceding, on which the free-trade
      party in the house of commons made their usual protest against the
      preference shown to the produce of the British colonies. On the 22nd of
      June, when it was moved that the speaker should leave the chair, in order
      to the house going into committee on the subject, Mr. Cobden moved: "That
      it is not expedient to compel payment of a higher price for colonial than
      for other commodities; and that, therefore, all protective duties on
      colonial produce ought to be abolished." As this resolution, however,
      extended further than the mere sugar question, on which it had been moved
      "that the speaker leave the chair," it could not be put; and the house
      then went into committee on the sugar duties. In committee Mr. Ewart, who
      condemned the policy of government on this subject, proposed that one
      uniform duty on foreign and colonial sugar should be levied; but this
      motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and thirty-five against
      eighty-five. Mr. Hawes subsequently proposed that the house should cease
      to maintain an impost which was equivalent to total prohibition, and
      should lower the duty to 34s.; but this was negatived by a still larger
      majority, and the proposition of government was confirmed. On a later day,
      the 17th of July, another important article of traffic was brought under
      consideration. As an amendment on the motion for going into a committee of
      supply, Mr. Charles Wood moved "that the house do resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house, to consider so much of the 5th and 6th
      Victoria, c. 47, customs' act, as relates to the duties on the importation
      of foreign sheeps' and lambs' wool." Mr. Wood supported his motion on the
      ground that the trade had been declining for nearly thirty years; but it
      was opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer; and after a desultory
      conversation, it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty-two
      against seventy. About the same time, however, government showed that they
      were not disinclined to all further commercial relaxation; for at their
      instance the restrictions on the importation of machinery, imposed by an
      act of King William the Fourth, were taken off. A bill for this purpose
      was brought in by the president of the board of trade, and, being
      supported by all parties in the house, passed without difficulty. After
      some opposition from Earl Stanhope, it was subsequently carried in the
      lords, and was incorporated finally into "an act for amending the
      customs," which received the royal assent before the close of the session.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EDUCATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has already been seen that, on the motion of Lord Ashley, an address
      was voted to the crown on the subject of the education of the working
      classes. The queen's answer to this address was delivered by Earl Jermyn
      at the bar of the house, on the 8th of March. It read thus:&mdash;"I have
      received your loyal and dutiful address. The attention of my government
      had been previously directed to the important object of increasing the
      moral and religious education among the working classes of my people; and
      the assurance of your cordial co-operation in measures which I consider so
      necessary, confirms my hope that this blessing will be secured by
      legislative enactment." On the same day Sir James Graham introduced his
      promised bill for regulating the employment of children and young persons
      in factories. Its clauses were, in fact, strongly opposed both in
      parliament and by the people, being objected to chiefly on the ground of
      giving a too exclusive management of the schools to the clergy of the
      church of England, thereby prejudicing dissenters and Roman Catholics.
      This objection was forcibly urged by several members in the discussion
      which ensued; while, on the other hand, it was controverted by several
      members with equal force. Avoiding this source of contention, Lord Ashley
      earnestly enforced the arguments respecting the necessity of the measure.
      The bill was finally read a second time. The measure, however, met with so
      much opposition from the dissenting and Roman Catholic bodies, and
      appeared to be so distasteful to a large section of the community, that
      Sir James Graham, on the 1st of May, produced a series of amendments which
      had been prepared by government. But although the bill was thus altered to
      meet the views of all classes, it was still strenuously opposed by several
      members, though eventually it was recommitted. Such was the animosity
      still displayed by the Roman Catholic and dissenting bodies against the
      measure, that government at length came to the resolution of abandoning
      it. The home secretary announced this intention on the 15th of June, on
      which occasion he promised to state on an early day the future intentions
      of government. In fulfilment of this promise, on the 19th he declared that
      government did not mean to give up the remainder of the factories' bill;
      and on his motion it was recommitted.
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    <h2>
      CHURCH EXTENSION, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of May Sir Robert Peel brought forward, in a committee of the
      whole house, a plan for relieving the spiritual wants of the kingdom by
      the endowment of additional churches, and augmentation of small livings.
      In explaining his measure, the right honourable baronet said that at the
      end of 1834 he had advised the crown to issue a commission to ascertain
      whether aid might not be obtained for religious instruction from
      ecclesiastical resources. The result of the inquiries of this commission
      had been to show that the revenues of certain bishoprics, cathedrals, and
      other ecclesiastical establishments, were larger than their purposes
      required. The commissioners recommended the transfer of such surplus
      receipts of the church to a new fund, which now amounted to £25,000. Out
      of this fund about £16,700 per annum had been applied to the augmentation
      of small livings; and other analogous purposes had been marked out, which,
      with the sum applied for, would absorb about £32,000. In a few years the
      fund would be increased by the falling in of canonries and other
      preferments; and the question was whether it would be better to wait till
      that increase should have been realized, or to anticipate that increase by
      some immediate measure. Government were in favour of the latter course,
      and for this purpose it would be necessary to combine the instrumentality
      of two bodies&mdash;the ecclesiastical commissioners and the board of
      Queen Anne's bounty for the augmentation of small livings. The latter
      board possessed about £1,200,000, invested in the funds; and what he now
      proposed, was to authorize the advance of £600,000 by this board, to the
      ecclesiastical commissioners, on the security of the before-mentioned
      revenue of the ecclesiastical fund, existing and hereafter accruing. This
      advance to the extent of £30,000 a year he would apply in endowments for
      ministers of the church of England; and that annual sum, with the interest
      on the principal at three per cent., being £18,000 a year, would in
      seventeen years exhaust the whole. By that time the accumulation in the
      hands of the ecclesiastical commissioners would, even upon the narrowest
      calculation, exceed £100,000 a year, and the commissioners would
      thenceforth continue the £18,000 a year interest, and the proposed
      augmentation of £30,000 a year, together with the £32,000 already applied,
      or destined by them to similar or analogous purposes; and they would then
      possess a considerable surplus, applicable to future improvement. In
      conclusion, Sir Robert Peel said that he should have rejoiced if he could
      likewise have carried a grant of public money for these purposes with
      general good-will; but he did not think that a public grant without such
      good-will would have effectually accomplished the benefits which he
      anticipated from the application of ecclesiastical revenues. Several
      members spoke in terms of approbation of the measure, and the motion was
      unanimously voted.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great secession in the church of Scotland gave occasion to the
      introduction of a bill proposed by Lord Aberdeen, on the part of the
      government to remove doubts respecting the admission of ministers to
      benefices. This bill provided that the presbytery, or church court, to
      which objections should be referred to be cognosced, should be authorized
      to inquire into the whole circumstances of the parish, and the character
      and number of persons by whom the objections and reasons should be
      preferred; and if the presentee should be found not qualified or suitable
      for that particular parish, the presbytery should pronounce to that
      effect, and should set forth the special grounds upon which their judgment
      was founded. The bill further abolished the veto, to guard against any
      doubt or difficulty on that point; providing that it shall not be lawful
      for any presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court, to reject any presentee
      upon the ground of any mere dissent or dislike, expressed in any part of
      the congregation of the parish in which he was presented, and which
      dissent or dislike should not be founded upon objections or reasons to be
      fully cognosced, judged of, and determined in the manner aforesaid, by the
      presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court. Lord Aberdeen declared his
      belief that the adoption of this measure would retain in the establishment
      a numerous body of ministers then in a state of suspense. Those parish
      ministers who had seceded were about two hundred and forty, or one-fourth
      of the whole number; the unendowed ministers, about two hundred, or about
      one-third of the entire clergy of Scotland. He-did not apprehend, he said,
      any fatal consequence from the secession; but the bill would tend to
      tranquillise those who remained within the pale. The measure encountered
      the most strenuous opposition of Lords Brougham, Cottingham, and Campbell
      in all its stages; but it passed the upper house, and was introduced in
      the commons by Sir James Graham on the 31st of July. After explaining the
      nature of the bill, and supporting it by all the arguments he could bring
      forward in its favour, the right honourable baronet expressed a hope that
      the church of Scotland would find a haven of peace and security, and in
      that spirit of hope and peace he moved its second reading. Mr. Wallace
      said that the bill would create more doubts than had heretofore existed,
      and would make the people renounce the church; on which grounds he moved
      that it be read that day six months. This amendment was supported by Lord
      John Russell, and Messrs. Rutherford, Hume, Cochrane, and Alexander
      Campbell. On the other hand the bill was supported by the
      solicitor-general, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Hope Johnstone, and Sir Robert
      Peel; and on a division the second reading was carried by a majority of
      ninety-eight against eighty. The opponents of the measure renewed their
      attempts of throwing it out on the motion for going into committee, when
      Mr. P. M. Stewart moved that it be committed that day three months; but
      this was negatived, and the bill finally passed, and received the royal
      assent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LAW REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Several reforms in the law were made during this session. One of the most
      important of these changes was the registration act. This passed the
      commons without any difficulty; and the second reading of the bill was
      moved in the upper house by Lord Wharncliffe, on which occasion his
      lordship thus explained its leading provisions. The objects of the bill,
      he said, were first, to establish in every part of the country a real and
      <i>bona fide</i> list of voters; secondly, to settle certain doubts with
      respect to qualifications which had arisen in the revising barristers'
      courts; and, thirdly, to prevent the personation of voters, or the
      possibility of individuals voting twice at the same election. One of the
      greatest alterations in the bill was that which related to the right of
      voting, as it depended on the payment of taxes. As the law at present
      stood a person could not have his name placed on the list of voters unless
      he had paid all his rates and taxes up to the time of making his claim. By
      this bill it was provided, that persons should be allowed to have their
      names inserted in the list of voters if they paid, on or before the 20th
      of July next ensuing after making their claim, all the poor's-rates and
      assessed taxes payable from them for twelve calendar months before the 6th
      day of the preceding April. One great objection to the existing law was,
      that the decisions of the revising barristers were final; but by this
      measure an appeal from their decisions, on legal points, was allowed to
      the court of common-pleas. Provision was also made to clear up doubtful
      points as to the right of voting in counties, and likewise with reference
      to the place where a claim to the right of voting should be made, when the
      party resided in an extra-parochial district where there was no overseer.
      Another important point provided for by the bill was that which related to
      votes on account of trusts on mortgage estates. It was now provided that
      no mortgagee of any lands or tenements should have a vote for members
      unless he was in actual possession or receipt of the rents and profits of
      the lands or tenements mortgaged; but that the mortgager in actual
      possession, or in receipt of the rents or profits, should be allowed to
      vote in respect of the property, notwithstanding the mortgage. Another
      bill carried this session made some alterations in the law relating to
      defamation and libel. By this bill, which was introduced by Lord Campbell,
      it was made lawful to give evidence of the truth of the allegations
      complained of in any criminal proceedings for libel, but subject to this
      limitation&mdash;that the truth shall not, <i>ipso facto</i>, constitute a
      defence, unless the party shall also make out that the publication of it
      was for the public benefit. Provision was also made for the case of
      publication of libellous matter by inadvertence in newspapers. In such
      case the defendant was empowered to plead the facts in extenuation, and
      also to pay money into court by way of amends. Other clauses were directed
      against that nefarious system practised by some conductors of newspapers,
      who drive a trade in slander; while others imposed additional penalties
      upon those who make the publication of libels, or the threat of such
      publication, a means of extorting money from individuals. Two other
      measures brought in by government during this session&mdash;namely, a
      measure for the reform of the ecclesiastical court, and a bill for the
      extension of county courts&mdash;were not received with so much favour as
      the preceding: both met with stern opposition, and were in consequence
      postponed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by the queen in person on the 24th of August. In
      the speech her majesty alluded with satisfaction to the various measures
      passed during the session; and thanked both houses for the measures they
      had adopted for enabling her to give full effect to the several treaties
      which had been concluded with foreign powers. Her majesty also alluded to
      the lawless combinations and commotions which had disturbed the public
      peace in some districts of Wales; and to the agitation in Ireland for a
      repeal of the legislative union.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AGITATION IN IRELAND, FORMATION OF THE FREE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After the attainment of the Roman Catholic relief act, Mr. O'Connell had
      from time to time held out the repeal of the legislative union to the
      deluded people of Ireland as the great ultimatum, in his view, for their
      benefit. His exertions in this pursuit were at times relaxed, or diverted
      in favour of some other object; and there were many who thought his
      sincerity in this matter demanded a doubt. During this year, however, he
      took up the cause of repeal with redoubled energy. Abandoning the house of
      commons, he gave himself wholly up to the task of raising the banner of
      national independence in Ireland. In this work he resorted to the same
      plan of organization which had been adopted with success in prosecuting
      the Roman Catholic claims. An association, indeed, for the furtherance of
      repeal, provided with all the machinery requisite to give effect to its
      comprehensive designs, formed the main instrument by which the union was
      to be assailed. This body, which was styled the National Loyal Repeal
      Association, consisted of associates, members, and volunteers. The
      distinction of these classes was marked out by money-payments; for it was
      the "rent" to which the agitator was mainly looking. Thus associates were
      to pay one shilling each; while members were to pay one pound each. Cards
      were issued to all sections of the association; but those issued to
      members, or those who paid the most "rent," were distinct from the rest.
      This card bore the names of four places in Ireland, the scenes of fights
      in which the Irish had conquered either the Danes or the English. A
      printed document described these victories. In another part of the card
      the geographical position of Ireland was contrasted with various states
      with the following words underneath:&mdash;"Ireland has not a parliament."
      The card further set forth the revenue expended by Ireland during the last
      great war in France, and stated that the commander-in-chief, and
      two-thirds of the officers and men of the English army and navy on that
      occasion were Irishmen. Added to these features there was a scroll at the
      top of the card, bearing the following words:&mdash;"Resolved unanimously
      that the claims of any body of men, other than the king, lords, and
      commons of Ireland to make laws to bind this kingdom are unconstitutional,
      illegal, and a grievance;" which resolution was agreed to by the Dungannon
      volunteers in 1782. At the bottom of the card was an extract from a speech
      of Mr. Saurin, declaring the union not to be binding on conscience. In
      addition to the several kinds of members, the Repeal Association comprised
      officer's, consisting of general inspectors, repeal-wardens, and
      collectors. Repeal-wardens were appointed by the association on the
      recommendation of the clergymen of their parishes; and a book of
      instruction was prepared, in which the several functions which they were
      to execute were described. One leading branch of their duties was the
      transmission and circulation among the associates in every district of
      certain newspapers devoted to the repeal cause, to be purchased out of the
      subscriptions in aid of the general object. The main object of the
      association appears to have been to provide a machinery of the most
      effective kind for the collection of funds, and to train the people to
      combination, and prepare them for simultaneous movements at the bidding of
      their leaders. How well calculated it was for the former object the weekly
      reports of the "rent" show; and its effectiveness in the latter design was
      proved by the "monster meetings," which were held at Trim, Mullingar, and
      other places throughout Ireland. At all these meetings the most violent
      language was used by Mr. O'Connell and his coadjutors; and government was
      importuned to adopt some energetic measures for the suppression of this
      dangerous conspiracy. The only measures, however, adopted by the ministry
      for some time was the Irish arms bill, and the removing from the
      commission of the peace the names of those magistrates who attended or
      participated in any of the repeal meetings. But the more lenient
      government showed itself, the more bold and insolent the repealers became.
      At a "monster meeting" held at Tara on the 15th of August, Mr. O'Connell
      spoke out with unequivocal significancy. Another "monster meeting" was
      subsequently held at Roscommon, which Mr. O'Connell said, from its
      numbers, ought "to strike their enemies with terror, and to give their
      friends a great consolation." At a later period of the year other "monster
      meetings" were held; and at each succeeding meeting the language of the
      repealers grew bolder and bolder. At length government was roused to
      action. A great meeting was announced for the 8th of October, to be held
      at Clontarf, the scene of an Irish victory over the Danes; and the
      programme of the proceedings to take place on this occasion, and the
      regulations to be observed by those who should attend it, had been
      announced with more than common ostentation and solemnity. Against this
      meeting government issued a proclamation; and as soon as the issue of it
      was known, Mr. O'Connell called a special meeting of the repeal
      association, at which, speaking with marked calmness, he said, in
      consequence of the step taken by government, there would be no meeting on
      the next day at Clontarf. A counter-proclamation was adopted by this
      meeting, in which the abandonment of the intended assembling at Clontarf
      was announced, and the people were exhorted not to assemble. As, however,
      the proclamation and the counter-proclamation were issued only the day
      before the intended meeting was to take place, thousands knew nothing of
      their promulgation, and consequently repaired to Clontarf, in the
      expectation of meeting their leaders. Instead of Mr. O'Connell and his
      associates, they met with troops; and thus disappointed, they returned
      home. Happily the day passed off with tranquillity; for, notwithstanding
      the vast concourse who thronged to the scene throughout the day, no
      disturbance took place. But the operations of government against the
      repealers did not stop here. À few days afterwards the public were
      startled by the announcement of the arrest of Mr. O'Connell and his
      coadjutors, on charges of conspiracy, sedition, and unlawful assembling.
      Mr. O'Connell entered into recognisances, himself in £1000, with two
      sureties of £500 each, to abide his trial on the charges preferred against
      him. Both Mr. O'Connell and his coadjutors were bound to appear on the
      first day of Michaelmas term, at the court of Queen's-Bench at Dublin; and
      on their appearance the grand jury brought in the indictment, "a true
      bill;" but the proceedings of the trial were so much hindered by the
      various pretexts of the prisoners' counsel, that it was finally agreed
      that it should be deferred till the 15th of January, 1844.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the most remarkable events which occurred in the course of this
      year, was the secession of a considerable number of the ministers and
      laity of the established church of Scotland from that body. This secession
      arose out of a controversy which had been raised upon the limits of
      ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction, and the agitation which had been
      produced in tire minds of the non-intrusion party since the adverse
      decision of the law-courts and the house of lords in the Auchterarder
      case. The final act of separation took place in the month of May, during
      the meeting of the General Assembly of the church of Scotland. A committee
      had been appointed to consider the propriety of separation; and on the
      22nd of May, at a general meeting in the church of Dr. Candlish, the
      report of this committee was produced, and a resolution incorporating the
      recommendations of the report was adopted, in which it was resolved that
      an act of separation should be reported to the Assembly on the morrow. The
      next day, accordingly, the act of separation was produced; which act
      solemnly renounced for those who should affix their names to it the
      status, privileges, and emoluments derived from the establishment,
      reserving to ministers the right to act as pastors of particular
      congregations, or portions thereof, adhering to them, with the rights and
      benefits accruing from the ministers' widows' fund. This document
      contained an order that the act of separation should be transmitted to the
      Moderator of the General Assembly&mdash;denominated by the seceders
      "Ecclesiastical Judicatory, by Law Established." The signing of the
      document occupied four hours, and the act of separation was then
      transmitted to the General Assembly. The number of ministers who signed
      it, or were enrolled in the list of the secession during its first
      assembly, was three hundred and ninety-five; but the ranks of the
      separatists were subsequently swelled by the addition of a considerable
      number of ministers and others, who from time to time gave in their
      adhesion to the "free church." This secession is one of the most
      remarkable ecclesiastical revolutions on record; and its effects were
      extensively felt throughout Scotland. The secession even gave rise to
      outrages on the part of the people. In the course of the autumn several
      serious disturbances took place throughout the country in connection with
      the free church movement; but it is just to remark that those who took
      part in these disgraceful proceedings formed only a minority cf the
      people: the general demeanour of the population during this change in
      their domestic affairs, was that of peace and good order.
    </p>
    <p>
      In South Wales there was a commotion of a very different nature. The
      disturbances which took place there, and which were denominated the
      "Rebecca riots," were equally singular and unexpected. The grievance which
      gave rise to them was the heavy and vexatious tolls to which the peasantry
      were subjected by the mismanagement and abuses of the turnpike-system.
      Galled by this burden, they resolved to take the law into their own hands,
      and to break down the gates in every part. There was, in fact, a crusade
      against toll-gates commenced during this year, in almost every part of
      South Wales. The supposed head or chief of the gate-breakers was called
      "Rebecca," a name derived from this passage in the book of Genesis: "And
      they blessed Rebekah, and said unto her, Let thy seed possess the gates of
      those which hate them." (Gen. xxiv. ver. 60.) "Rebecca," who was in the
      guise of a woman, always made her marches by night; and her conduct of the
      campaign exhibited much dexterity and address. Herself and band were
      mounted on horseback; and a sudden blowing of horns, and firing of guns,
      announced the arrival of the assailants at the turnpike selected for
      attack. The work of demolition was soon effected: gate, posts, and
      tollhouse were razed to the ground; and the work was no sooner done than
      the mysterious assailants galloped off, firing their guns and blowing
      their horns; and no trace was to be found of the quarter whence they had
      come, or to what place they had retreated. At first the trustees
      re-erected some of the gates; but "Rebecca," and her associates speedily
      demolished them; so that the trustees were finally compelled to desist,
      and to leave the roads free from toll. All the efforts of the magistrates
      were unavailing; and they were obliged to appeal to government for
      protection and support. In the meantime the unchecked success of the
      insurgents began to work its natural effect in beguiling them into further
      violations of the laws. Other grievances, as the poor-law amendment act,
      the working of the new tithe-law, the fees paid to magistrates' clerks in
      the administration of justice, and the alleged extortionate rents taken by
      the landowners for their farms, were all considered burdens too heavy to
      be borne, and fit objects for removal. Meetings were held in secluded
      spots, where plans for carrying on the warfare against the ills to be
      redressed were concocted; and these deliberations soon broke out into
      action. On the 10th of June "Rebecca" and her followers visited
      Caermarthen, and in open day proceeded to attack the workhouse. In the
      midst of their work of demolition, however, the military arrived, and the
      whole force was compelled to decamp, leaving behind them about one
      hundred, who were taken prisoners. The insurrection, notwithstanding this,
      still continued, and even assumed a more malignant aspect. Houses in which
      persons lived who were obnoxious to the rioters were attacked; and a
      growing feeling of alarm and insecurity pervaded the peaceable and
      well-disposed portion of the community. One poor woman, who kept the Hendy
      turnpike-gate, on the confines of Glamorganshire and Caermarthenshire, was
      barbarously murdered by the rioters; and such was the influence of fear
      exercised over the minds of the jurymen who investigated the case, that
      they brought in a verdict to the effect, "That the deceased died from
      suffusion of blood, which produced suffocation, but from what cause is to
      the jurors unknown." By the continuance of these outrages, government at
      length sent down to Wales a large body of troops, under a general officer,
      who was to take the command of the disturbed districts. At the same time a
      strong body of the London police was sent to exercise their skill in
      ferreting out the rioters, who had long escaped detection. These measures
      did not wholly prevent violence under cover of night; but, in a short
      time, some of the more active leaders of the riots were captured in an
      affray with the county police, on the borders of Glamorganshire; and from
      this event, and various other causes, the spirit of disturbance, towards
      the close of the year, began to decline. Perhaps the most effectual cause
      of this decline was a prospect of the redress of those hardships which had
      formed the theme of so much complaint. In October government sent down a
      commission, which was to examine into the operation of the turnpike-laws,
      and other alleged grievances of the country. From the report of this
      commission, poverty and the hardness of the times had more to do with the
      outbreak than any other specific cause; but, at the same time, the
      inquiries instituted, and the report itself, showed that the turnpike-laws
      as administered in Wales did afford a real and substantial ground of
      complaint.
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During last year the boundary question, which had formed a subject of
      dispute between England and America, had been happily adjusted by Lord
      Ashburton, who had been sent to the United States for that purpose. There
      still, however, remained serious questions of dispute between the two
      countries; namely, the Oregon territory, the right of search, and the
      non-payment of state debts. In the year 1818, a treaty between Great
      Britain and America had been ratified by the prince-regent; and in the
      month of January, 1819, by the President of the United States, the third
      article of which stipulated that "whatever territory may be claimed by one
      or other of the contracting parties on the north-west coast of America, to
      the west of the Rocky Mountains, as also all bays, creeks, or rivers
      thereon, shall be free and open to the ships, citizens, and subjects of
      both powers for ten years from the date of the signature of the present
      convention." In accordance with this stipulation of the treaty, the Oregon
      territory had been conjointly occupied up to the present time&mdash;the
      period of ten years being afterwards indefinitely extended by consent of
      both governments. In the early part of this session of congress, the
      president announced that he was about to negotiate with the British
      government for finally settling the claims of the two countries to this
      territory. Whilst these negotiations were pending, a bill for the
      occupation and military organization of the Oregon territory was brought
      into congress by Mr. Linn. This bill, which stated that "the title of the
      United States to the territory of Oregon is certain, and will not be
      abandoned," was carried by a majority of twenty-three against twenty-two.
      On being sent down, however, to the house of representatives, the
      committee on foreign affairs reported against it, and it was abandoned for
      this session. Another object which gave rise to dissension between the
      government of Great Britain and the United States, was the repudiation of
      public debts by several states of the union. A third subject of dispute
      between the governments of Great Britain and America was the right of
      search. Conflicting interpretations existed between them of the treaty of
      Washington, which gave rise to a tedious and disputatious correspondence.
      The year closed, also, before the question was settled; but at the same
      time, though there were signs of an open rupture between the two
      governments, yet there were circumstances which gave rise to a
      well-founded hope, and it has happily proved to be correct, that the
      swords of England and America would not again be drawn against each other.
      There was especially a desire existing in America of entering into a
      commercial treaty on the basis of mutual reductions of import duties; so
      that it was clear that the Americans saw, equally with the English, that
      it was their best interests to avoid that dread ultimatum&mdash;war.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The events of the present year in India, although not so exciting as those
      which occurred in the last, possess deep interest. In Affghanistan nothing
      of importance occurred after its evacuation by the British, except that
      Dost Mahomed, who had been permitted to leave our territories when we left
      Affghanistan, concentrated the chief power of that country in his own
      hands, and became in effect its ruler. A more important event occurred in
      the annexation of Scinde to our dominions in the East. Scinde lies between
      the 23° and 29° of N. latitude, and the 67° and 70° of E. longitude. It is
      bounded on the south and south-east by the Indian Ocean and Cutch; on the
      west by Beloo-chistan; on the north by the southern portion of
      Affghanistan and the Punjaub; and on the east by a sandy desert,
      separating it from the districts of Ajmeer. The river Indus flows nearly
      in the centre of the country, through its whole extent, from north to
      south; and a little below the city of Tatta is divided into two great
      branches, between which lies a delta, through which smaller channels force
      their way. Scinde had recently been governed by four chiefs of the
      Beloochee tribe called Talpoor. The name of the eldest of these chiefs was
      Futteh Ali Khan, who had the principal direction of affairs, inasmuch as
      he had been the chief instrument in overthrowing the dynasty of the
      Caleras, on the ruins of whose throne the Talpoor chiefs sat. The brothers
      of Futteh Ali Khan were Gholam Ali, Kunn Ali, and Moorad Ali; and the four
      brothers enjoyed a joint sovereignty over Scinde, under the name of the <i>Char
      Yar</i>, or the "Four Friends." All these rulers died by the year 1833,
      the whole leaving male issue except Kunn Ali. Their deaths were followed
      by a civil war between the sons of the deceased chiefs, which resulted in
      a distribution of territory amongst them. They were distinguished
      respectively as Ameers of Hyderabad, Khyrpore, and Meerpore. At the
      beginning of the present year, the Ameers of Scinde consisted of the
      following persons:&mdash;at Hyderabad, Nusseer Khan, Shabad Khan, Hussein
      Ali Khan, Mahomed Khan, and Sobhdar Khan; at Khyrpore, Rustum Khan,
      Nusseer Khan, Ali Moorad Khan, and Chakur Khan; at Meerpore, Shere Mahomed
      Khan. All of these were Talpoor chiefs, and several of them had sons who
      were associated with them in the government. They ruled over Scinde with a
      rod of iron, living entirely for themselves, and wallowing in wealth,
      while their people were living in the most wretched condition. In 1832, a
      treaty, bearing date the 20th of April, was executed between the British
      government in India and Meermoorad Ali, who at that time was the principal
      Ameer of Scinde, in which a bond of friendship was entered into, and
      mutual commerce was agreed upon. Another treaty was concluded in 1834, by
      which the British obtained a reduction of tolls upon vessels navigating
      the Indus; and it was agreed that a native British agent should be allowed
      to reside at the mouth of the river. In 1838, in consequence of the
      incursions of Runjeet Sing, the ruler of the Punjaub, in the Scinde
      territory, which were checked by British mediation, it was further
      conceded that an accredited British minister should reside at Hyderabad,
      attended by such an escort as might be deemed suitable by his government.
      Captain Pottinger was appointed to this service. It was soon found,
      however, that the Ameers of Scinde were not in heart friends of the
      British. When, in the autumn of 1838, the great military expedition into
      Affghanistan was undertaken, a large body of Bengal troops marched through
      a portion of Upper Scinde towards the Bolan Pass. The Bombay troops, also,
      under the command of Sir John Keane, took their route into Cabul by the
      way of the Indus; in doing which they encountered great difficulty in
      prosecuting their onward progress, from the jealousy and disaffection of
      the Ameers. Their conduct, in fact, became so hostile, that a force was
      sent from Bombay to be stationed as a reserve in Scinde, to keep the
      Ameers in check. This force was established at Kurrachee; and before the
      army of the Indus left Hyderabad in February, 1839, another treaty was
      concluded with the Ameers, by which it was stipulated that a British force
      should be stationed to the westward of the Indus: that three of the Ameers&mdash;Noor
      Mahomed, Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahomed&mdash;should pay one lac of rupees
      (£10,000) each annually, to defray part of the expenses of this force;
      that all tolls on boats navigating the Indus within the Scinde territories
      should be abolished; and that the Ameers should rule absolutely in their
      respective territories; and in case of difference, the British
      representatives in Scinde should mediate between them. A similar treaty
      was also concluded with the Khyrpore Ameers; and shortly afterwards Shere
      Mahomed, Ameer of Meerpore, on his own application was allowed, on the
      payment of half a lac of rupees yearly, to participate in the treaty
      granted to the Ameers of Hyderabad. From this time up to the end of 1840,
      when serious disturbances occurred at Khelat, the state of Scinde was
      comparatively tranquil. There were, however, strong reasons to suspect
      that the Ameers were holding communications with the refractory Brahoe
      tribes, with a view of attacking the British on a favourable opportunity.
      At this time Major Outram was British resident at Hyderabad; and he had on
      several occasions to mediate in family discords between the courts of
      Hyderabad and Khyrpore. In the year 1840 Noor Mahomed died, and was
      succeeded by his two sons, Meer Sliahdad and Meer Hossein Ali. Their
      uncle, Nusseer Khan, wished, on the death of his brother to be
      acknowledged by the British government as the rais or head of the
      Hyderabad branch of the Tulpoor family, which distinction was not
      conceded. From that time he seems to have meditated plans of active
      hostility against the British. The indications of his enmity were so
      apparent, that he was threatened by Lord Ellenborough with the loss of his
      dominions if he proved faithless. But he was not the only Ameer hostile to
      the British government. They were all in arrears with reference to the
      contribution they were bound by treaty to supply towards the support of
      the British force at Tatta; and when pressed for payment they evaded
      compliance, and concerted measures of hostility against us, which rendered
      it possible they would attack our forces on the first favourable
      opportunity. Under these circumstances Sir Charles Napier was invested
      with the chief command of all the forces in Scinde, and also with the
      authority of a political functionary. He was invested with authority by
      the governor-general of India, to propose a new treaty to the Àmeers of
      Hyderabad and Khyrpore, which was to contain these stipulations:&mdash;That
      the Ameers should be relieved from the payment of any subsidy for the
      support of British troops; that the British government should have the
      right to fell wood within one hundred yards of either bank of the Indus
      for the use of steamers; and that Karrachu, Tatta, and three other towns,
      with a strip of land on each side, should be ceded in perpetuity to the
      British government. Sir Charles Napier appointed Major Outrarn to conduct
      these negociations; and as it was necessary to maintain a resolute front
      in the management of this treaty, Sir Charles himself marched in February
      with his troops towards Khyrpore. Meer Rustum Khan fled from his capital
      to a fort in the desert called Emaumghur, whither he was followed by Sir
      Charles Napier, who, on arriving at this fort, and finding it deserted,
      destroyed it with gunpowder, that it might not form a place of refuge. The
      Ameers were at first adverse to the terms of the treaty; but ultimately
      they agreed to the stipulations, which were signed on both sides. There
      was, however, treachery among the Beloochee chieftains. On the 15th of
      February the British residences at Hyderabad were attacked by a body of
      8000 troops, with six guns, who were commanded by Meer Shahdad Khan. Major
      Outrarn, and the small garrison, of about one hundred men, were compelled
      to take refuge in flight: they fled to the Indus, where they were received
      on board one of the British steamers, which conveyed them to Sir C. Napier
      at Hala. This event was the signal of war; and bitterly did the Ameers pay
      for their treachery. A great battle was fought at Meeanee, in which the
      Beloochee rulers suffered a signal defeat: about 5000 of their followers
      were slain, and the whole of the enemy's artillery, ammunition, standards,
      and camp, with considerable stores, were captured by the British. Meer
      Rustum Khan, and Meer Nusseer Khan; Meer Wullee Mahomed, of Khyrpore; Meer
      Nusseer Khan, Meer Shadad Khan, and Meer Hossein Khan, all came into Sir
      Charles Napier's camp, and surrendered their swords as prisoners of war.
      Hyderabad, also, was given up to the British commander; and on the 20th of
      February the British flag waved over that city. The contest in Scinde,
      however, was not yet over. There was still a large body of troops on the
      banks of the Fullahi, one of the branches of the Indus, under the command
      of Shere Mahomed. This body of troops, indeed, consisted of 20,000 men,
      and they were strongly posted behind one of the large nullahs by which
      that country is intersected in all directions; but after a combat of three
      hours they were wholly defeated, and all their standards and cannon were
      captured. After this latter victory Sir Charles Napier took possession of
      Meerpore, and on the 4th of April the fortress of Oomercote, an important
      stronghold in the desert, opened its gates to the victorious British. By
      these events Scinde was subdued, and the "Scindian population," says the
      conqueror, "everywhere expressed their satisfaction at the change of
      masters." At a subsequent period of the year Shere Mahomed and Shah
      Mahomed gathered each an army around them, in order to recover their lost
      power; but the former was defeated by a detachment under Captain Jacob,
      and the latter by another detachment under Colonel Roberts. No further
      disturbance took place this year in Scinde, and the governor-general was
      able to announce that that country had become a part of our eastern
      dominions. The six fallen Ameers were conveyed to Bombay; and although
      they were treated kindly, they arrived there "the very pictures of
      unmingled grief and hopeless despondency." It should be mentioned that Ali
      Moorad, the Ameer of Khyrpore, remained faithful; and a portion of the
      territories of the Koostum Khan and Nusseer Khan was transferred to him;
      but he seems to have imagined that he ought to have had all that the
      British had taken from the defeated Ameers. Shortly after the country was
      conquered Sir Charles Napier was appointed governor of Scinde, and
      empowered to take such measures as might appear best calculated to
      suppress the slave-trade in every part of the country, and to abolish all
      duties of transit in every part occupied by the British army. The gallant
      conduct of Sir Charles Napier obtained the warmest praise of the people of
      England.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year, also, the British troops gained two brilliant victories
      over the Mahratta forces. The events which led to these contests are
      briefly these. On the decease of the Maharaja, Jhunkojee Rao Scindia, the
      British government acknowledged as his successor the Maharaja Jyajee Rao
      Scindia, who was the nearest in blood to the late Maharaja. During the
      minority of the new ruler of Mahratta the dignity and power of regent were
      conferred upon the Mama Sahib. The widow of the late Maharaja and the
      chiefs concurred in this adoption of a regent, and the British government
      confirmed their choice. After a short time, however, notwithstanding the
      remonstrance of the British resident, Mama Sahib was violently compelled
      to quit the Gwalior state. On this occurrence becoming-known, the British
      resident was instructed to withdraw from Gwalior; and a British army was
      sent into Scindia, "not as an enemy, but as a friend to the Maharaja,
      bound by treaty to respect his highness's person, and to maintain his
      sovereign authority against all who were disobedient and disturbers of the
      public peace." Having established a strong government at Gwalior, capable
      of maintaining the authority of the Maharaja, the British armies were
      subsequently ordered to withdraw to their own territory. They were not,
      however, destined to return without a severe conflict with the Mahratta
      forces. They had left Agra in the early part of December; and on the 23rd
      they crossed the Chumbul river, and halted at Hingona, about twenty miles
      distance from Gwalior. The governor-general was with the British troops;
      and during the interval of five days' halt at Hingona, the Mahratta
      Vakeels, or agents for the Gwalior Durbar, had an interview with him. He
      supposed that they were desirous of peace, but war was in their hearts.
      They were evidently desirous only of gaining time by negociation to
      assemble and concentrate their forces. This at last became so evident that
      the governor-general determined on active measures of hostility. While the
      main body of our army moved on under the command of Sir Hugh Gough from
      Agra, another division, under Major-general Grey, advanced on Gwalior from
      Bundle Khand. The main division crossed the Khoraee river early in the
      evening of the 29th of December; and they found the Mahratta forces drawn
      up in front of the village of Mahrajpoor, in a strong position. The
      British troops were about 14,000 strong, with forty pieces of artillery;
      and the Mahrattas numbered 18,000 men, including 3000 cavalry, and one
      hundred guns. An obstinate battle was fought, in which the British lost
      about one hundred killed, and had about seven hundred wounded; while the
      Mahrattas are said to have lost more than three thousand men. The British
      were victorious, not only defeating the enemy, but capturing many of their
      standards, and most of their guns. On the same day, Major-general Grey,
      with a force of only 2000 men gained another victory at Punniar over a
      Mahratta force, estimated at 12,000 in number. The consequence of these
      victories was the submission of the Mahratta Durbar to the demands of the
      Indian government; Colonel Stubbs was appointed by the Maha Ranee governor
      of the fort of Gwalior, which commands the city; the Mahratta troops were
      disbanded: and a British contingent, consisting of seven regiments of
      infantry and two of cavalry, was to be maintained in the country at the
      cost of the Gwalior government, which government was also to pay forthwith
      the expenses of the campaign.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year Sir Henry Pottinger issued a proclamation, in which he
      announced that the ratification of the treaty, mentioned in the last
      chapter, between Great Britain and China had been exchanged, and that he
      had concluded with the Chinese high commissioner, Keying, a commercial
      treaty and tariff. The ports to which the British were admitted by this
      treaty were those of Canton, Amoy, Foo-chow-foo, Ningpo, and Shanghae; and
      an order in council was issued, in which her majesty prohibited her
      subjects from resorting, for the purposes of trade and commerce, to any
      other ports than these in the dominions of the Emperor of China, under a
      penalty not exceeding £100 for every such offence, or a term of
      imprisonment not exceeding three months, at the discretion of the court
      before which the conviction should take place. Mr. T. Lay was appointed
      consul at Canton, and Sir Henry Pottinger formally assumed the government
      of the island of Hong-Kong. The town destined for the seat of government,
      and the residence of merchants and others, was founded on the northern
      side of the island, and named Victoria. It was not long before the
      cupidity of trade displayed itself. Sir Henry Pottinger had refused to
      allow opium to be stored in warehouses in Hong-Kong; and six of the
      merchants at Victoria withdrew to Macao on account of this decision. In
      consequence of this manifestation of dissatisfaction, a proclamation was
      published in order to point out the risk which those subjected themselves
      to who were resolved at all hazards to import opium.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An interesting event took place in September of this j'ear, when her
      majesty Queen Victoria, accompanied by Prince Albert, paid Louis Philippe
      a visit in his own dominions. They arrived in their steam-yacht at
      Tréport, close to Eu, where the royal family of France were sojourning;
      and after receiving a most cordial reception from their illustrious host
      and the French people, they proceeded on their voyage to Ostend. About the
      same time one of the French monarch's sons, the Prince de Joinville, was
      married to Princess Francisca, the sister of the Emperor of Brazils, and
      the Queen of Portugal. But while in France all were merry as a "marriage
      bell," the unhappy country of Spain was disturbed from one end to the
      other by insurrections. Madrid was even captured by Generals Narvaez and
      Aspirez, who headed the insurgent forces; and Espartero was compelled to
      take refuge on board an English ship of war at Cadiz, after having in vain
      bombarded Seville. Espartero proceeded to Lisbon, whence he issued a
      manifesto to the Spanish nation, after which he sailed to England. At the
      close of this year, indeed, Spain was torn in pieces by factions, though
      the queen was still enabled to keep her seat on the throne.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1844-1845
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Motion of the Stoppage of
     Supplies..... Affairs of India..... Irish Affairs: Irish
     Municipal   Franchise, The   Irish Church Question, Irish
     Charitable Trusts  Bill,  Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal
     Bill..... Restrictions on Labour in Factories, &amp;c..... The
     Corn Laws and Free Trade Question..... Financial
     Statements..... Sugar Duties Bill,   &amp;c...... Bank Charter
     and   Banking   Regulations..... Dissenters' Chapels
     Bill..... Sees of Bangor and St. Asapli..... Miscellaneous
     Measures of the Session..... Prorogation of Parliament.....
     The State of India..... Proceedings against Mr.
     O'Connell..... Continental Affairs.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1844
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by the queen in person on the 1st of February. Her
      majesty's speech first alluded to her friendly relations with foreign
      powers; to the treaty concluded with China; to the annexation of Scinde to
      the British empire in India; to the estimates; and to the improved
      condition of several important branches of the trade and manufactures of
      the country. The speech then recommended attention to the revision of the
      charter of the Bank of England; to the state of the law and practice with
      regard to the occupation of land in Ireland; and to the law of
      registration in that country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debates on the address in both houses were not in any way remarkable,
      except for a bold speech by Mr. Sharman Crawford, demanding redress of the
      grievances of which the people of both England and Ireland complained. A
      contest also occurred between Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel in
      reference to the duties on the importation of foreign corn, the opposition
      leader maintaining that a fixed duty was desirable, and the ministerial
      leader advocating the system of variable duties, called a sliding-scale.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE STOPPAGE OF SUPPLIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In his speech during the discussion on the address, Mr. Sharman Crawford
      had threatened to move the stoppage of supplies. In accordance with this
      threat, on the 6th of February, after enumerating the grievances which the
      house had refused to inquire into, such as class legislations consisting
      of various commercial monopolies, he moved his resolution. After a few
      words in favour of the motion by Mr. Hume, and against it by Colonel
      Sibthorp and Mr. Trelawny, it was negatived by a majority of one hundred
      and thirty against twenty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the policy of government in relation to the affairs of
      India became the subject of discussion on several occasions. On the 12th
      of February motions were brought forward in both houses for the thanks of
      parliament to Sir Charles Napier and the army employed in the operations
      of Scinde, which motions were agreed to unanimously. Soon after this an
      event occurred which produced a startling effect. On the 21st of April Sir
      Robert Peel, in answer to a question put to him by Mr. T. B. Macaulay,
      said, "I beg to state that, on Wednesday last, her Majesty's government
      received a communication from the court of directors, that they had
      exercised the power which the law gives them, to recall at their will and
      pleasure the governor-general of India." This announcement soon spread
      abroad; and in the house of lords, on the 29th of April, Lord Colchester
      addressed to the Duke of Wellington these questions:&mdash;"Whether the
      communication from the court of directors to government alleged any reason
      for the recall of the governor-general? If so, whether there was any
      objection to state such reason? and whether the reasons were considered
      satisfactory by government?" In reply, the noble duke stated that reasons
      had been given for the recall of the governor-general, but that those
      reasons had not been concurred in by her majesty's government; nay, more,
      they remonstrated against the measure. The noble duke, in fact, roundly
      condemned the court of directors for taking such a step, pronouncing it to
      be the most indiscreet exercise of power he had ever known. Several
      discussions subsequently took place in both houses of parliament on the
      recall of Lord Ellenborough; and motions were moved for copies of the
      correspondence between the court of directors and her majesty's government
      relative to this subject; but these motions were negatived, and the
      discussions led to no practical result. They were, in truth, only made the
      medium of giving utterance to party sentiments and opinions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRISH AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The subject which gave rise to the most animated discussions in parliament
      this session was the ministerial policy towards Ireland; especially their
      conduct in reference to the trial of Mr. O'Connell and his associates. On
      the 13th of February, the Marquis of Normanby moved in the house of lords,
      a resolution condemnatory of the government administration of Irish
      affairs. After a very long and angry discussion, the debate was adjourned,
      and on the next evening was continued by Earl Fitzwilliam and Lord
      Monteagle on one side, and the Earls of Haddington and Ripon on the other.
      On a division, the motion was negatived by a majority of one hundred and
      seventy-five against seventy-eight.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of commons, on the 13th, Lord John Russell, in a speech of
      three hours' continuance, opened a discussion on the subject of Irish
      policy, which was protracted for nine evenings. The motion which he made
      on this occasion nominally aimed at the appointment of a committee of the
      whole house to consider the state of Ireland. The debate which ensued
      presented much sameness and repetition. On a division, Lord John Russell's
      motion was negatived by a majority of three hundred and thirty-four
      against two hundred and twenty-five.
    </p>
    <p>
      It had been announced in the speech from the throne that government would,
      in the present session, take up the question of the registration of voters
      in Ireland. In fulfilment of this announcement, Lord Eliot, early in
      April, introduced a bill into the house of commons for that purpose; leave
      was given to bring in the bill; but it was evidently so distasteful to the
      Irish members and their supporters, that, on the 1st of July, Sir Robert
      Peel announced that it was abandoned by government.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 9th of May Mr. Hume moved:&mdash;"That an humble address be
      presented to her majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to
      consider whether it would not be for the advantage of Ireland, and for the
      interest of the United Kingdom, to abolish the office of lord-lieutenant
      of Ireland." Mr. Hume contended that this office was one of the principal
      causes of repeal agitation, and that by abolishing it peace would be
      restored to the country. His motion was seconded by Captain Bernai, and
      opposed by Lords John Russell and Eliot, Sir Robert Peel, and Captain
      Layard. Ultimately, Mr. Hume withdrew his motion. On the 11th of July Mr.
      Ward brought on his annual motion about the Irish church. On a division it
      was rejected by a majority of two hundred and seventy-four against one
      hundred and seventy-nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      A measure of great importance to the Roman Catholic community in Ireland
      was introduced by government, and passed during this session; namely, a
      bill which had for its object the making of a provision for the better
      security and regulation of moneys settled upon charitable and religious
      trusts. This bill was first introduced in the house of lords, where it
      passed with very little opposition. Sir James Graham moved its second
      reading in the commons on the 29th of July. In making this motion, he
      explained the law as it then stood relative to the management and
      supervision of charitable bequests and donations in Ireland. The existing
      system was regulated by a statute passed at the beginning of the present
      century, by which a board was constituted for the government and
      administration of charitable trusts. This board consisted almost
      exclusively of Protestants; whereas nearly three-fourths of the bequests
      placed under its jurisdiction were Roman Catholic endowments. By the bill
      now proposed, it would be enacted that the master of the rolls, the chief
      baron of the exchequer, and the judges of the Prerogative Court, should be
      <i>ex officio</i> members of the board; and that in the presence of them,
      or any of them, one or the other should preside, according to his rank&mdash;first,
      the master of the rolls; in his absence, the chief baron of the exchequer;
      or, in the absence of the other two, the judge of the prerogative court.
      The bill next provided that the crown should appoint ten commissioners,
      five of whom should be Protestants, and five Roman Catholics. By the sixth
      section it was further provided, with respect to matters concerning the
      doctrine, discipline, or constitution of the church of Rome&mdash;that if
      a question arose as to the <i>status</i> or condition of any person who
      had a right, or claimed to have a right, under any of the deeds of bequest
      brought under the consideration of the commissioners, such question should
      be referred, if the claimant were a Roman Catholic, to the Roman Catholic
      commissioners only; and it was provided that they should grant a
      certificate of their decision, which certificate should be received as
      evidence. One of the principal objections to the existing law was removed
      by the tenth clause, which limited the power of the commissioners to apply
      donations and bequests according to the intention of the donor or donors.
      The thirteenth clause also obviated the existing difficulty under the
      statute of mortmain, which made bequests chargeable upon land for a given
      class of persons, or their successors. This clause would enable real or
      personal property, without limitation as to its amount, to be held in
      perpetuity, for building and maintaining chapels, for building and
      maintaining residences for the Roman Catholic clergy, or for the use of
      the priests for the time being, for the purpose of any particular charge.
      In conclusion, Sir James Graham said that he could only anticipate one
      objection to the bill on tire part of the Roman Catholics, and that arose
      from the peculiarity of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction. He believed
      they would object to the decision of any ecclesiastical matters relating
      to their church by persons who were not in holy orders of the church of
      Rome; but he would remind them that under the existing law, such matters
      might be brought before the supreme judicial tribunal of the country&mdash;the
      judge of that court, the lord-chancellor, being a Protestant. According to
      the present bill, however, such matters would be left to the decision of a
      board, composed of Protestants and Catholics equal in number. The bill was
      loudly condemned by Messrs. More, O'Ferral, Bellew, and Shiel; while, on
      the other hand, Lord Arundel thanked government for the conciliatory
      spirit it displayed. Mr. Hume said that the bill seemed to him to be
      framed in a spirit of peace, and he wished all the Irish grievances were
      met in the same feeling. The proposed tribunal was a fair and proper one,
      and he should be glad to see as good a one for the administration of
      English charities: there ought to be "justice to England." The second
      reading was carried by a majority of seventy-one against five; and on the
      motion that the bill should be committed, Mr. M. J. O'Connell gave notice
      that he should in committee move amendments. The bill having been
      subsequently reported, and being moved for a third reading, Mr. Dominick
      Browne expressed a wish for its postponement. The Roman Catholic
      hierarchy, he said, was entirely opposed to it; although he admitted that
      he believed it to be proposed in a spirit of conciliation. He moved that
      the bill be read that day three months; but the amendment found no one to
      second it; and after a few observations from Mr. M. J. O'Connell, who now
      expressed himself in favour of it, the bill passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session Lord Beaumont, a Roman Catholic peer, brought in a
      bill for the abolition of a number of penal acts, for the most part
      obsolete, though still retained in the Irish statute-book. The
      lord-chancellor urged Lord Beaumont to abstain from pressing his bill, as
      government were about to revise the whole of the penal laws; but finding
      his lordship resolved to press the matter, he took the bill into his own
      hands. The measure having been amended by the lord-chancellor, was brought
      before the house of lords on the 30th of July. In explaining the various
      enactments which it was intended to repeal, Lord Lynd-hurst said that the
      first was a statute of Elizabeth's reign, directing a particular form of
      prayer to be used, under a penalty of three months' imprisonment for a
      first offence, six months for a second, and for life for a third. The
      second act intended to be repealed punished the denial of the sovereign's
      supremacy in ecclesiastical and religious matters: first, with forfeiture
      of goods and chattels; second, with the penalties of a premunire; and for
      a third offence, with the penalties of high-treason. Another act made
      reconcilement to the see of Rome high-treason; and imposed a fine of two
      hundred marks on every priest performing, and one hundred marks on every
      person hearing the ceremony. By another, a Jesuit remaining in England a
      certain number of days was made liable to be prosecuted for high-treason;
      and persons residing abroad for the purpose of being educated, who should
      not return within six months after proclamation to that effect, were also
      rendered liable to the penalties of high-treason. Other statutes imposed
      penalties on any Roman Catholic who should be found more than three miles
      distant from his abode; on parents who sent their children abroad to be
      educated; and for not going to church. Another act declared any one newly
      converted to the Roman Catholic faith, and his children, if educated in
      that faith, incapable of holding any place of trust or profit. A statute
      of William and Mary enacted that no Roman Catholic should come within ten
      miles of the metropolis, and forbade them to have any weapons of defence
      in their houses. By the same bill it was also provided that if they
      possessed a horse worth more than five pounds, it was liable to be
      forfeited and seized. The bill would also repeal the act of the 31st
      George III., which act was an extraordinary jumble of legislation: they
      had an act of Elizabeth which required a party to take a certain oath, and
      if he refused he was guilty of high-treason; but by the subsequent act
      they provided that if he took another oath, and a much milder one, he was
      free: yet if a man professing the Roman Catholic religion did not take
      either of the oaths, he would be guilty of high-treason, and liable to all
      the penalties which attached to that crime. The only "non-content" to this
      measure in the house of lords was the Bishop of London: and he only
      opposed it because government had taken it up at the eleventh hour, and
      without consulting the hierarchy. The second reading was moved in the
      house of commons on the 5th of August by Sir Robert Peel, who took
      occasion to explain that it did not do away with any security which had
      been taken for the established church by the act passed in 1829 for the
      relief of Roman Catholics; the acts to be repealed were mere dead letters,
      encumbering and discrediting the statute-book. Mr. Hawes requested to know
      whether, if obsolete statutes of a similar nature were to be found on the
      statute-book, applicable to the same or other denominations of Christians,
      government would be prepared to frame a measure for repealing them. Sir
      Robert Peel replied that he would not make any pledge upon the subject;
      but if there were any statutes which compelled a conscientious dissenter
      from the church of England, upon a heavy penalty, to attend divine service
      in that church, he could see no objection to its being erased from the
      statute-book. The bill then passed, and received the royal assent.
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    <h2>
      RESTRICTIONS ON LABOUR IN FACTORIES, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 5th of February Sir James Graham introduced a bill for the
      regulation of labour in factories. In explaining the proposed enactments,
      he said, that with respect to age, it was resolved that the term "child"
      should be defined to mean children between nine and thirteen, instead of
      eight and thirteen. Such children were not to be employed for more than
      six hours and a half each day, and were not to be employed in the forenoon
      and afternoon of the same day. In the existing law, "young persons" were
      defined to be persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen: he did
      not wish any alteration in this respect; but he should propose that such
      young persons should not be employed in any silk, cotton, wool, or flax
      manufactory, for any portion of the twenty-four hours, longer than from
      half-past five o'clock to seven in the summer, and from half-past six
      o'clock to eight in the winter:&mdash;thus making thirteen hours and a
      half each day, of which one hour and a half, should be allowed for meals
      and rest. In respect to females, they were not, under any circumstances,
      to work more than twelve hours. By this bill, moreover, the recovery of
      lost time, from the use of steam and water, would not be allowed, except
      where the power used was water-power only: no person so employed was to
      work more than thirteen hours. Inspectors would be empowered to notify to
      mill-owners whenever they observed that any portion of their machinery was
      dangerous, and that in their opinion it required to be cased or covered
      up: and if after such notification any accident should occur injurious to
      any of the workmen employed, then the inspector would be empowered to
      institute a suit for recovering compensation for such injury, and the
      damages awarded should be given to the injured party. As to education, all
      that the bill would do, would be to give the child from eight to thirteen
      years old time for receiving instruction: he was not to be employed more
      than six hours and half daily&mdash;the remaining portions of the day <i>might</i>
      be devoted to education. Leave was given to bring in the bill, and the
      house went into committee upon it on the 15th of March. On one of the
      clauses being proposed which fixed the limitations of the hours of labour,
      Lord Ashley, after forcibly depicting the effects of factory labour, the
      injury it inflicted on those employed in it as the system now existed,
      both physically, mentally, and morally, moved that the night, instead of
      being computed from eight o'clock in the evening, should be computed from
      six o'clock. This amendment gave rise to an animated and earnest debate,
      which lasted two nights; and on a division, it was carried by a majority
      of one hundred and seventy-nine against one hundred and seventy. The
      proposal of government having been thus negatived, Sir James Graham said
      it would not be consistent with his duty to drop the measure at the
      present stage. On the eighth clause, Lord Ashley would have to move the
      substitution of "ten" for "twelve" hours, and the question could then be
      considered in a more substantive form. On the next day Lord Ashley said
      that it was his intention to make this proposition; and if affirmed, he
      should then prepare a clause, enacting that the present duration of
      labour, twelve hours, should continue till the 1st of October, 1844; the
      period should then fall to eleven hours, to continue so till the 1st of
      October, 1846, when the period of ten hours should commence. In pursuance
      of this intention, on the 22nd, when the eighth clause was taken into
      consideration, which provided that no young person should be employed
      daily more than twelve hours, Lord Ashley moved an amendment, substituting
      "ten" for "twelve." A contest followed this motion; but the debate which
      ensued was characterized by very little novelty, and on a division it was
      rejected by a majority of one hundred and eighty-eight against one hundred
      and eighty-one. At the same time the clause for twelve hours was rejected
      by one hundred and eighty-six against one hundred and eighty-three. Sir J.
      Graham then moved that the chairman report progress; stating that he
      should take until the following Monday, the 25th, to consider the course
      proper for him to adopt under these circumstances. On the 25th Sir James
      Graham announced that government had resolved to abandon the bill in order
      to bring in a new one. This was not effected without considerable
      opposition; but ministers finally triumphed, and leave was given to bring
      in a new bill on the 27th. The new bill stood for the second reading on
      the 22nd of April; previous to which Lord Ashley announced that he was
      determined to move, on the third reading of the bill, the addition of
      certain clauses, for the purpose of carrying out the amendments which he
      had proposed in the former bill. On the 22nd, the second reading of the
      bill having been moved, with an understanding that the main question was
      to be considered at a subsequent stage, Mr. T. Duncombe said that in
      agreeing to such a course Lord Ashley had surrendered the whole case. He
      now merely proposed to take a flying shot at the bill when it was leaving
      the house after the third reading: if that shot missed, the bill would be
      gone before he could fire a second barrel. Under these circumstances, on
      the order of the day for going into committee of the whole house, he would
      move that the bill should be referred to a select committee above stairs.
      This motion was made, but it was rejected, and the bill passed through
      committee without alteration. The debate on the third reading commenced on
      the 10th of May, and was continued for two nights by adjournment. The new
      bill enacted that no young person should be employed more than "twelve"
      hours daily, as in the abandoned measure: but Lord Ashley, according to
      his notice, moved on this occasion a clause restricting the hours of
      labour to eleven from October, 1844. On a division, however, this
      amendment was negatived by a majority of two hundred and ninety-seven
      against one hundred and fifty-nine, and the bill then passed the commons.
      In the house of lords this controverted bill passed without much
      discussion.
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    <h2>
      THE CORN-LAWS AND FREE-TRADE QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session, as Sir Robert Peel had proclaimed at its commencement
      the intention of government to maintain the recent settlement of the
      corn-laws, the exertions of the free-trade party in parliament were
      confined to two or three desultory motions, rather indicating their
      protest against the existing system than tending to practical results. On
      the 12th of March Mr. Cobden brought the corn-law question before the
      house of commons, in the shape of a motion for a committee to inquire into
      the effects of protective duties on agricultural labourers and tenants.
      This motion gave rise to a considerable debate, but it was negatived by a
      majority of two hundred and twenty-four against one hundred and
      thirty-three. About the same time Mr. Ricardo moved, "That an humble
      address be presented to her majesty, praying that her majesty will be
      graciously pleased to give directions to her servants not to enter into
      any negociation with foreign powers which would make any contemplated
      alterations of the tariffs of other countries; and humbly expressing to
      her majesty the opinion of this house that the great object of relieving
      the commercial intercourse between this country and foreign nations from
      all injurious restrictions will be best promoted by regulating our own
      customs' duties, as may be most suitable to the financial and commercial
      interests of this country, without reference to the amount of duties which
      foreign powers may think it expedient for their own interests to levy on
      British goods." In advocating this motion, Mr. Ricardo dwelt on the
      inutility of all our recent commercial diplomacy; and contended that our
      objects might be as effectually attained by judicious legislation with
      respect to our imposts, as by intricate negociations with respect to
      exports. The motion was seconded by Mr. Ewart, and supported by Sir J.
      Hanmer and Mr. Hume; but there not being forty members present, the house
      was counted out. Mr. Villiers brought forward his annual motion against
      the corn-laws on the 25th of June. He moved:&mdash;"That it appears by a
      recent census, that the people of this country are rapidly increasing in
      number. That it is in evidence before this house that a large proportion
      of her majesty's subjects are insufficiently provided for with the first
      necessaries of life. That, nevertheless, a corn-law is in force, which
      restricts the supply of food, and thereby lessens its abundance. That any
      such restriction, having for its object to impede the free purchase of an
      article upon which depends the subsistence of the community is
      indefensible in principle, injurious in operation, and ought to be
      abolished. That it is therefore expedient that the act 5 &amp; 6 Vic. c.
      14, shall be repealed forthwith." The debate on this motion occupied two
      evenings. Mr. Villiers supported it on the same ground which had been
      traversed by former argument on the same subject. By the facts and
      arguments which he adduced, he contended that he established these
      positions:&mdash;"That the supply of food had been deficient; that great
      inconvenience had resulted; and that the protective system had led to the
      cultivation of the land in a most slovenly manner." Mr. Gladstone, on the
      part of government, announced his intention of calling upon the house to
      give a direct negative to the original resolutions. Lord John Russell said
      that the motion placed him in a difficult position: he could not vote for
      the total and immediate repeal of the protective duty, neither could he
      assent to maintain the existing corn-law. Sir Robert Peel, who spoke
      towards the close of the debate, said that the performance of the evening
      had been for the benefit of the company which usually performed at Covent
      Garden Theatre. Mr. Villiers, in closing the debate, said, that there was
      nothing for him to reply to, since no one had controverted his arguments.
      The speech which Sir Robert Peel had delivered would please the
      agriculturists; but he had made the same sort of speech for them in 1839,
      and had thrown them overboard afterwards, because the state of the season
      and the distress of the people had made it indispensable to give some
      relief to the country. He predicted that the same thing would happen
      again. The motion was rejected by a majority of three hundred and
      twenty-eight against one hundred and twenty-four.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At this time, in consequence of the great abundance of capital in tire
      market, there was a general impression that the time had arrived when a
      considerable saving might be effected to the country, by a reduction in
      those stocks which bore the highest rate of interest. Early in the present
      session, indeed, it was discovered that government contemplated a plan for
      reducing the three and a half per cent, consols, which, at the
      commencement of the year, had reached the price of 102 1/2. This plan was
      developed by Mr. Goulburn, in a lucid and able speech, on the 8th of
      March. He was about to ask the house, he said, to deal with the largest
      sum for which any government had been called on to propose a regulation,
      being no less than £250,000,000 of money. Never, he continued, was there a
      period when capital, seeking an investment, was so plentiful, and the rate
      of interest so low as at present; and there was nothing in the
      circumstances of the times which gave any reason to suppose that this
      state of things would prove transient. The condition of the public
      finances also was favourable to the proposed object; for, thanks to the
      firmness of the house of commons, the revenue once more exceeded the
      expenditure. In explaining this measure, he said that he was not disposed
      to purchase an immediate relief by increasing the burdens of succeeding
      times. He had, therefore, rejected the idea of lowering the present
      interest by augmenting the capital of the debt. His intention was to
      propose the conversion of the three and a half into a three and a quarter
      per cent, stock, which should continue until October, 1854, after which
      period the interest should be reduced to three per cent., with a guarantee
      that for twenty years there should be no further reduction. By this
      measure the public, from October, 1844, to 1854, would save £625,000 per
      annum, which saving, from and after 1854, would become £1,250,000 per
      annum. Mr. Goulburn also proposed to make such arrangement that, from next
      October, the payments of interests would be nearly equalized in each
      quarter. His speech was received with loud demonstrations of approbation
      from both sides of the house; and the resolution being put, was carried
      unanimously. The bill brought in, to give it effect, passed rapidly
      through its stages in the house of commons; and it was carried through the
      upper house with equal unanimity and facility, all being convinced that it
      was a sound and practical measure, and honest withal to the public
      creditor.
    </p>
    <p>
      The annual financial statement for this year was made on the 24th of
      April, when Mr. Goulburn had the satisfaction of showing that the receipts
      exceeded the expenditure. There had been an increase of amount in all the
      estimates: in the customs, the excise, the stamps, the taxes, the
      post-office, and the property-tax. The estimate of the total revenue was
      £50,150,000; the sum received £52,835,134, showing an increase of about
      £2,700,000. The expenditure also was less than the estimate by £650,000;
      and the total result was that, instead of the estimated surplus of
      £700,000, the gross surplus amounted to £4,165,000. From this, however,
      there was the deficiency of last year to be taken, namely, £2,749,000; and
      when this was discharged there was a net surplus of £1,400,000 over the
      expenditure of the year ending April, 1844. The total estimate of the
      revenue for the year following was £51,790,000, and the expenditure
      £49,643,170, whereby an apparent surplus of £3,146,000, or, making a
      deduction for a portion of the debt to be discharged next year,
      £2,376,000. Mr. Goulburn proceeded to say that this balance having been
      anticipated, he had been pressed from all quarters to reduce various
      taxes. He would gladly have done so, but the source of the surplus was not
      permanent: it was mainly the income-tax which was to be considered next
      year, in order to determine whether it should be prolonged, as had
      originally been proposed, for two years beyond the first. If other taxes
      were now hastily reduced before the operation of the tariff could be
      known, the house might have no alternative next year but to continue this
      tax. It was under these circumstances that he resisted large reductions;
      but he thought there were some articles upon which remission might be
      afforded, with a fair prospect of making up revenue by an increased
      consumption, and with a probability of increasing the consumption of other
      articles. The items which he proposed to select for such remission were
      glass, vinegar, currants, coffee, marine insurance, and wool, upon the
      aggregate of which the amount of duty to be remitted would be £387,000 per
      annum. Later in the session he intended to take the sugar duties into
      consideration; when he should recommend that England should admit, at a
      differential duty of ten shillings per cwt., the sugar of those states
      which do not cultivate that commodity by slave-labour. After considerable
      discussion, in which several members recommended the reduction or
      abolition of other taxes, the motion of Mr. Goulburn was agreed to; and
      the customs duties bill, and other bills founded on his proposition,
      subsequently passed through both houses with unanimity.
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    <h2>
      SUGAR-DUTIES BILL, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The great conflict of parties was reserved for the sugar duties. The
      chancellor of the exchequer's views on this subject were propounded on the
      3rd of June, when, after delivering a lucid and able speech on the sugar
      duties at present existing, and explaining his intended alterations in
      those duties, he moved:&mdash;"That towards raising the supply granted to
      her majesty, the several duties now payable on sugar be further continued
      for a time to be limited, save and except that from and after the 10th day
      of November next, there shall be charged on brown Muscovado, or clayed
      sugar, certified to be the growth of China, Java, or Manilla, or of any
      other foreign country, the sugar of which her majesty in council shall
      have declared to be admissible as not being the produce of slave-labour,
      £114s. the cwt., together with the additional duty of £5 per cent, on the
      afore-mentioned rate. That from and after the 10th day of November next
      her majesty be authorized by order in council to give effect to the
      provisions of any treaty now in force, which binds her majesty to admit
      sugar, the produce of a foreign country, at the same duties as are imposed
      on sugar the produce of the most favoured nation." Lord John Russell had
      announced that he would propose an amendment for including slave-grown
      sugar in that foreign produce which was to be admitted at diminished
      duties; but Mr. Goulburn said he could not believe that the house would
      consent to throw away the whole of that large amount which the country had
      recently paid for the abolition of slavery, by creating, through a new
      rise of prices, an additional stimulus to the importation of slaves into
      the foreign colonics. Lord John Russell, however, combated the views of
      government at great length; after which he moved, as an amendment, "That
      towards raising the supply granted to her majesty, instead of the duties
      of customs now payable on sugar, there shall be charged on brown, or
      Muscovado sugar, the produce of any foreign country, the sum of £1 14s.
      per cwt." In support of his motion the noble lord argued, that the time
      was come when the sugar duties ought to undergo a full consideration. It
      was proposed, he said, to admit the sugar of Java and Manilla as
      free-grown, though the policy of these countries was questionable in point
      of personal freedom; but the sugar of Porto Rico was excluded, because our
      conscience was shocked at the notion that some part of it might have been
      produced by slaves. But what was thus forbidden directly, was allowed
      circuitously; we were willing to refine and export this slave-grown sugar,
      and to take the hemp and tallow of Russia in its stead, which seemed to be
      an easy way of letting down our consciences. This savoured of hypocrisy.
      If the United States were permitted to send us their sugars, which they
      would do to the extent of 50,000 tons per annum, they would take
      slave-grown sugar into their own consumption to the same extent; and to
      that whole extent, therefore, would give encouragement to slave-grown
      sugar. No implicit faith, moreover, was to be placed in the certificates
      of the Americans. Messrs. Gladstone and Baring defended the government
      measure; and Messrs. Hume, Labouchere, and M. P. Stewart opposed it. On a
      division Lord John Russell's amendment was negatived by one hundred and
      ninety-seven against one hundred and twenty-eight. A few days afterwards,
      a bill founded on the chancellor of the exchequer's resolutions was
      brought in, and was read a second time without discussion. But the most
      critical crisis for ministers had yet to be encountered. On the 14th of
      June, the house having resolved itself into committee on the sugar-duties
      bill, Mr. P. Miles objected to the change proposed by ministers in the old
      amount of protection as a measure which was not expedient, and not final
      in its settlement; wherefore he moved as an amendment, "That, from the
      10th of November next, the duty on British colonial sugar should be. 20s.;
      on the sugars of China, Java, and Manilla, 30s.; with a duty of 34s. upon
      the foreign sugars, when imported at a certain degree of refinement, and
      with an addition, as usual, of five per cent, upon the whole." This
      amendment was seconded by Mr. H. Baillie, who described the measure of
      government as causing general dissatisfaction; and asserted that, while it
      violated the principle of refusing encouragement to the foreign
      slave-trade, it gave but partial advantages to the British people. A long
      discussion took place, in which many members took part; and on a division
      government was defeated by a majority of two hundred and forty-one against
      two hundred and twenty-one. The committee then adjourned to the 17th; on
      which day Sir Robert Peel rose to put the house in possession of the
      course which government intended now to pursue. After explaining the
      nature of the sugar duties, and their views in the proposed alterations,
      and asserting that he believed a concurrence between the friends and the
      opponents of ministers had been concerted in the late division, he said
      the course which government would now take, and on which all members would
      be free, who had not engaged to vote for Mr. Miles's proposal of 20s.,
      would be to propose, as an amendment, that 24s. should be the duty. They
      wished it to be known in the countries east of the Cape what the
      intentions of government were. Sir Robert Peel went on to explain the
      reasons why he did not content himself with merely proposing a renewal of
      the present sugar duties; after which, he said, that he was not insensible
      to the impediments which had been opposed to the progress of ministerial
      legislation. In certain of their measures, government had failed to obtain
      the approbation of some whose support they valued: but they were not
      prepared to purchase that approbation at the price of refraining from the
      policy which they deemed essential to the welfare of the country. They had
      felt it their duty to make a relaxation of duties; in that course they
      held it their duty to persevere: and he was anxious that on so important
      an occasion there should be no deception and no reserve. Lord John Russell
      considered that the proposal of Sir Robert Peel was neither more nor less
      than that the house should retract its former vote, and thus disgrace
      itself with the country. For his own part he was not much moved by their
      threats of quitting office, as he had not been one of the general
      supporters of the government. He justified the degree of concert which had
      taken place between Mr. Miles and the opposition; and asked if there had
      not also been a combination on his side. In conclusion, he warned the
      house that if they gave Sir Robert Peel the victory on this occasion, they
      would henceforth be wholly in his power. Mr. P. Miles denied that the
      conspiracy existed of which the right honourable baronet had spoken, and
      expressed his regret that he intended to persevere with his bill: he
      should have thought he would have been justified in paying due deference
      to the decision of a majority of that house, and postponing his measure
      till another session. Messrs. Cochrane and Labouchere opposed; and Sir
      Howard Douglas, and Messrs. Kemble and Warburton expressed their intention
      to vote with ministers. Mr. D'Israeli was not a little lost in wonder when
      he heard the threatened resignation of ministers; and facetiously
      congratulated the administration and the country, that instead of
      resigning, the right honourable baronet had simply moved an amendment.
      Several other members took part in the debate; and on a division Mr.
      Miles's motion was negatived this time by a majority of two hundred and
      fifty-five against two hundred and thirty-three; after which Sir Robert
      Peel's amendment, that 24s. and 84s. should be inserted, was agreed to. In
      committee further discussion occurred, and several amendments 'were moved;
      but they were all negatived and the bill finally passed the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      The principal debate in the house of lords took place on the 2nd of July,
      when Lord Dalhousie moved the third reading. In his speech, the noble lord
      showed the prejudicial effects of the emancipation of the slaves in the
      West Indies on the supply of labour, and the consequent diminished
      production of sugar. This diminution had increased the price; and it
      became requisite to provide a supply from other quarters to answer the
      increase of demands. It was for this purpose that the present measure was
      introduced. By the act, which it was intended to supersede, all foreign
      sugar was subjected to a duty of 63s. per cwt. and five per cent.; and
      British sugar to a duty of only 24s., and five per cent. This bill
      proposed to leave the duty on sugar, the produce of the British
      possessions, as it then stood, namely, 24s. and five per cent.; but it
      proposed to effect an important alteration with respect to foreign sugar,
      by allowing the sugar of China, Java, and Manilla to be admitted at a duty
      of 34s. and five per cent., such sugar being the produce of free labour;
      and it also proposed to give to her majesty in council a power to admit,
      under peculiar circumstances, sugar, the produce of other countries with
      which we had reciprocal treaties, such being-certified to be <i>bona fide</i>
      the sugar of those countries, and the produce of free labour. The bill was
      opposed by the Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl St. Vincent, and Lord
      Mont-eagle; and supported by the Earl of Radnor, and Lords Ashburton and
      Brougham. After a few words from Earl Dalhousie, in reply, it was read a
      third time, and passed without a division.
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    <h2>
      BANK CHARTER AND BANKING REGULATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the speech at the opening of parliament, her majesty had alluded to
      measures about to be brought forward for the regulation of the Bank of
      England, and the administration of banking concerns in general. On the 6
      th of May, in accordance with this announcement, the house having resolved
      itself into a committee upon the Bank charter, Sir Robert Peel explained
      these measures. The act of 1833, he said, had empowered the government to
      notify to the Bank, before August, 1844, that parliament meant to deal
      anew with the subject; and government now proposed that parliament should
      exercise that power of notification. The right honourable baronet went on
      to consider the principle of value. What, he asked, was a pound, and what
      the engagement to pay a pound? He contended that the word meant more than
      an abstraction&mdash;that it meant a certain weight of precious metal; and
      the engagement of a maker of a promissory note was to pay on demand a
      definite amount of that metal and fineness. A real measure of value in
      this just sense had existed till the year 1797, when bank paper became
      issuable without being convertible into metal. For some years the subject
      attracted little attention, until the bullion committee of 1810 propounded
      a sounder theory. This theory, however, was unsatisfactory to the people
      at large, and a notion became general that a pound was merely an
      abstraction. Some writers had argued, he continued, that gold was unfit to
      be a particular medium, because it was an article of commerce. There were
      several theories upon this subject. For instance, Mr. Ricardo conceived
      that paper should be convertible only when the notes tendered for specie
      should reach to upwards of a certain high amount; but he preferred, to
      adhere to the present system of a single gold standard, and a five pound
      note convertible into gold. The right honourable baronet next proceeded to
      state his views respecting the principle for the regulation of a paper
      currency, making a distinction between bills of exchange and those
      promissory notes, which, being payable to bearer, served the direct
      purposes of money. He next stated the outline of the practical measures he
      was prepared to recommend. He remarked: "I propose, with respect to the
      Bank of England, that there should be an actual separation of the two
      departments of issue and banking&mdash;that there should be different
      offices to each, and a different system of account. I likewise propose
      that to the issue department should be transferred the whole amount of
      bullion now in the possession of the Bank, and that the issue of
      bank-notes should hereafter take place on two foundations: first, on a
      definite amount of securities, and, after that, exclusively upon that of
      bullion; so that the action of the public would, in this latter respect,
      govern the amount of the circulation. There will be no power in the Bank
      to issue notes on deposits and discount of bills; and the issue department
      will have to place to the credit of the banking department the amount of
      notes which the issue department by law will be entitled to issue. With
      respect to the banking business of the Bank, I propose that it should be
      governed on precisely the same principles as would regulate any other body
      dealing with Bank of England notes. The fixed amount of securities on
      which I propose that the Bank of England should issue notes is
      £14,000,000; and the whole of the remainder of the circulation is to be
      issued exclusively on the foundation of bullion. I propose that there
      should be a complete and periodical publication of the accounts of the
      Bank of England, both of the banking and issue departments, as tending to
      increase the credit of the Bank, and to prevent panic and needless alarm.
      I would, therefore, enact by law that there should be returned to the
      government a weekly account of the issue of notes by the Bank of England;
      of the amount of bullion; of the fluctuations of the bullion; of the
      amount of the deposits; and, in short, an account of every transaction,
      both in the issue department and the banking department of the Bank of
      England; and that the government should forthwith publish, unreservedly
      and weekly, a full account of the circulation of the Bank." Sir Robert
      Peel next explained the regulations proposed by him for private banks. The
      general rule, he said, would be to draw a distinction between the
      privilege of issue, and the conduct of banking business: the object being
      to limit competition, but to make the great change with as little
      detriment as possible to private interests. From this time no new bank of
      issue would be constituted; but all those existing would be allowed to
      retain the privilege, upon condition that they do not exceed the present
      amount, to be calculated upon the average of a term of years. This would
      enable the Bank of England to know the extent of issue with which it would
      have to compete. While the issues would be restricted, banking business
      would be facilitated; the privilege of suing and being sued, at present
      withheld from joint-stock banks, would be accorded; the law of partnership
      would be so altered, that while the acts of an individual director, or
      otherwise authorized partner, would bind the whole, the acts of an
      unauthorized partner would not do so; and joint-stock banks in London, at
      present forbidden to accept bills for a date of less than six months,
      would be placed on an equality with other banks, and allowed to accept
      bills of any amount and any date. If the last privilege were abused by the
      circulation of small bills, he would then appeal to parliament to correct
      the evil. All joint-stock banks would be required to publish a full and
      complete periodical list of all partners and directors, and banks of issue
      to publish an account of their issues. Joint-stock banks would also be
      prohibited from having shares of less than £100, £50, or some fixed
      amount; and no new joint-stock bank should be constituted except upon
      application to a government department, on registration of prospectuses,
      and probably registration of shares and paid-up capital. Reverting to the
      proposition respecting the Bank of England, Sir Robert Peel remarked:&mdash;"It
      is to be allowed issues to the extent of a fixed amount of securities,
      £14,000,000. The existing loan of £11,000,000 to government, at three per
      cent., will be continued, there appearing no advantage in change.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The remaining £3,000,000 will be based upon exchequer bills and other
      securities, over which the Bank will have entire control; with the power,
      however, of limiting its issues on that portion of the securities, to
      restore the exchanges, and so forth: there could hardly be a case in which
      the securities could safely be diminished to less than £11,000,000. The
      Bank will also be allowed to extend its issues beyond the £14,000,000 on
      emergency, but only with the assent of three members of the government;
      and in such case the whole of the net profit on any amount beyond the
      £14,000,000 will revert to government. A case might arise such as the
      sudden extinction of £2,000,000 of the provincial currency, which would
      need an extension of the Bank currency to fill the gap. Without seeing any
      great advantage in the 'legal tender' clause, it is proposed to continue
      it, in order to facilitate the circulation of bank paper. The pecuniary
      arrangements between the Bank and government have to be explained, The
      Bank retains the privilege of issuing notes on securities to the amount of
      £14,000,000, at three per cent., which would yield £420,000. From this
      there are deductions to be made. The total cost of the Bank on an issue of
      £20,000,000, has been estimated at £117,000; but take it at about
      £113,000, which, taken from £420,000, leaves £307,000. There is then to be
      deducted about £60,000 composition with the Stamp-Office for the privilege
      of issuing notes. Then there is about £24,000 paid by the Bank to those
      bankers who undertake to issue Bank of England notes: taking-one per cent,
      on a payment of three per cent. The result, after subtracting these items,
      is £220,000 derived from the issuing of notes. Hitherto the Bank has paid
      £120,000 to government for its privileges: its privileges are now to be
      affected; but on the other hand increased stability is to be given to its
      banking business; and I propose that in future the Bank should still pay
      that sum, besides the £60,000 for the composition with the Stamp-Office,
      making in all about £180,000. Government pay to the Bank £240,000 for the
      management of the public debt; and the difference between the two last
      sums would be the balance that government would have to pay over to the
      Bank." After stating that the present measure would not be extended to
      Ireland and Scotland, Sir Robert Peel concluded with moving a string of
      resolutions which embodied the above propositions. His scheme met with
      general approbation; and on the 20th of May, the house having gone into
      committee on the resolutions, Sir Robert Peel made some further
      explanations upon points in the detail of the measure. He would suppose,
      he said, that the circulation in the country was £8,000,000; that the
      country banks would desire, by agreement with the Bank of England, to
      reduce this by one-half; and that it might become necessary for that
      establishment to make fresh issues in order to supply the vacuum. The
      cases then in which he would allow the Bank to do so, would be those of a
      country bank failing, or closing, or commuting its own circulation for
      that of the Bank of England. With respect to the question, whether the
      bullion on which the Bank of England was to issue its notes should include
      silver, he proposed that it should; but without departing from the great
      principle that there must be but one standard, and that standard a gold
      one; all he meant was, that if a party brought silver to the Bank, the
      Bank might, within a certain limit, give its notes in exchange for it. If
      this were not permitted, the Bank having no interest in keeping a supply
      of silver, would probably cease to keep it; but it was important for the
      country to have access to such a supply, not only for domestic
      circulation, but with reference to foreign commerce. He proposed,
      therefore, to permit an issue of notes upon silver bullion, in the
      proportion of one-fifth of the whole, or one part in silver to four in
      gold. With respect to banks of issue, he would save them their circulation
      until parliament should make further order, and he would compute that
      circulation upon the average of its amount from the 6th May, 1842, to the
      6th May, 1844, requiring henceforth a weekly publication of it. Where one
      bank took the business of another, the benefit of the averages of the
      extinguished bank should be given in the circulation of the surviving
      bank. If a bank should increase its branches, it would not be allowed to
      increase its total issues. If private banks should coalesce, the
      consolidated concern, being still a private bank, should be permitted to
      retain the benefit of the circulation of all the component banks, but a
      change of character would not be permitted: joint-stock banks would not be
      authorized to buy up the circulation of private banks. Sir Robert Peel
      next explained the way in which he intended that the new plan should
      operate with respect to those banks which had been issuing Bank of England
      notes, and announced that the Bank of England was prepared to enter into
      negociations with other banks for arrangements under which its notes
      should be circulated by them. He concluded by adverting to some exceptions
      which had been taken to some parts of his measure, in doing which he
      showed that they were founded upon safe and just principles. After a brief
      discussion, the resolutions were passed, and the second reading of the
      bill founded upon them was moved on the 13th of June. Mr. Hawes moved as
      an amendment:&mdash;"That no sufficient evidence has been laid before the
      house to justify the proposed interference with banks of issue in the
      management of their circulation." This motion was supported by Messrs.
      Hastie, Woolehouse, C. Buller, Gisborne, and Williams; and opposed by the
      chancellor of the exchequer, Sirs R. Peel and W. Clay, and Messrs. Hume
      and Warburton. On a division it was negatived by a majority of one hundred
      and eighty-five against thirty; and after some further discussions in
      committee, in which some members attempted to introduce modifications in
      the bill, all the original propositions were carried, and, with the
      exception of a small section, witli the general concurrence of the house.
      In the house of lords it received very little discussion. The first and
      second readings passed <i>sub silentio</i>; and it went through committee
      without any division: the Earl of Radnor and Lord Ashburton only
      expressing fears of its practical working.
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    <h2>
      DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session a bill was brought into the house of lords by the
      lord-chancellor for confirming the possession of religious endowments in
      the hands of dissenters, and arresting such litigation as had recently
      taken place in the case of Lady Hewley's charities, which were endowed by
      her for Calvinistic Independents, but which had gradually passed to the
      Unitarians, whose occupancy was successfully opposed. The
      lord-chancellor's bill proposed to terminate all further legal controversy
      respecting the right to voluntary endowments connected with dissenting
      chapels, by vesting the property in the religious body in whose hands it
      had been for twenty years. The bill was opposed in the house of lords by
      the Bishops of London and Exeter, the Earl of Winchilsea, and Lords
      Kenyon, Teynham, and Mountcashel; but it was carried by a large majority.
      Before it came under discussion in the house of commons a vigorous
      opposition was manifested against it, especially by the Trinitarian
      dissenters. Public meetings were held, and petitions were sent up from all
      quarters against the obnoxious proposition. Under these circumstances, on
      the 6th of June, when the second reading of the bill was moved, the
      attorney-general explained its objects, which, he said, had been
      misunderstood. The alarm which this bill had created, namely, that it
      would have the effect of encouraging Unitarian doctrines, he contended was
      wholly unfounded. An act had been passed in 1813, legalizing the
      foundation of schools and chapels for the benefit of the Unitarians, and
      placing them upon the same footing as other Protestant dissenters. The
      question then arose respecting foundations which might have been made
      before 1813, when the Unitarians were excepted out of the Toleration Act:
      namely, would they or ought they to take from that body, which was now
      legal, and could legally endow chapels, that which they possessed, because
      it was given them before the year 1813? The first clause of the bill put
      not only Unitarians, but all Protestant dissenters on the same footing; it
      rendered the toleration act retrospective. The second clause, he
      continued, related to dissenting chapels only; not to general charitable
      foundations. By the present law, the will of the donor must be binding;
      but it was not to be assumed, in the case of every religious charity, that
      it was founded for a particular sect, even though the donor held the
      doctrine of that sect. It was said, that the bill would encourage trustees
      to violate their trusts, and hand over the property for purposes not
      intended by the donor. It could do no such thing. Dissenting chapels were
      thus founded:&mdash;Congregations of dissenters wishing to establish
      places of meeting and chapels for worship, formed together voluntary
      associations, which associations subscribed funds, purchased the land, and
      built the chapels. In the first instance these chapels were vested in
      trustees; but he was told that so little had the trustees to do with the
      arrangement or control of these chapels, that in the great majority of
      cases when the original trustees died, no fresh ones were appointed to
      succeed them: the congregation relying upon possession. In this country
      every question of private right was decided upon usage; twenty or thirty
      years' possession prevailed against both the crown and the church. Why
      then should it not be applied to the property in dissenters' chapels? He
      was told that the consequence might be, that property now possessed by
      Presbyterians or other dissenters would in the lapse of time fall into the
      hands of the Unitarians. How could it be so? By the bill the usage must be
      that of the congregation. Notwithstanding this explanation, the bill was
      strenuously opposed in the commons by Sir Kobert Inglis, who moved that it
      should be read a second time that day six months, and by other members of
      the house, who looked upon it as outraging and insulting the Christian
      feeling of the country. On a division the amendment of Sir Robert Inglis
      was negatived by a majority of three hundred and seven against one hundred
      and seven. The house then went into committee on the bill, and having made
      some unimportant amendments to it; it passed and was sent up to the lords,
      where it again became the subject of discussion. It was opposed in its
      progress by the Bishop of London, who moved "that the amendments be taken
      into consideration that day three months," but this was negatived by two
      hundred and two against forty-one, and the bill then passed.
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    <h2>
      SEES OF BANGOR AND ST. ASAPH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this session the Earl of Powis renewed his proposition for
      repealing so much of the act of the 6th and 7th William IV. as related to
      the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. In Ins speech the noble
      lord laid great stress on the numerous petitions from every county in
      North Wales, and from many in South Wales and England, as testifying the
      unanimous feeling pervading the clergy throughout both countries and all
      classes in Wales against the suppression of one of those ancient
      bishoprics. On its second reading, the measure was opposed by the Duke of
      Wellington and the Archbishop of Canterbury; and supported by the Bishops
      of St. Davids, Lincoln, Exeter, London, and Salisbury, and the Earls of
      Winchilsea and Harrowby. On a division, it was carried by a majority of
      forty-nine against thirty-seven; but though the second reading was thus
      carried, a difficulty arose in another quarter, which frustrated the
      endeavours of the friends of North Wales to preserve the integrity of its
      episcopate. On the motion for its third reading, the Duke of Wellington
      announced that the bill was one which touched the prerogative of the
      crown, and that he was not authorized to give her majesty's consent to its
      further progress. The manner in which the question of the crown's
      prerogative arose in this case was explained by the lord-chancellor. His
      lordship remarked, that during the vacancy of a see, the temporalities
      belonged to the crown; and any alterations in a see, therefore, affected
      the pecuniary interests of the crown; and there could be no doubt that
      where the pecuniary interests of the crown were concerned, its consent was
      necessary. He doubted whether he was authorized in putting a question
      affecting the royal prerogative without the consent of her majesty; and he
      suggested the appointment of a committee to search for precedents. À
      committee was appointed, and under these circumstances Lord Powis announced
      his determination to withdraw the bill, stating at the same time his
      conviction that the matter would not rest where it was. He believed that
      during the whole period the house of Hanover had been on the throne there
      was no precedent to be found to sanction the present course adopted by
      government. There was no measure that parliament had expressed a wish for
      them to consider, in which the crown had introduced its authority to
      prevent the further consideration of that measure.
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    <h2>
      MISCELLANEOUS MEASURES OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the course of the session there were several acts passed of great
      utility without any prominent discussion. One of the most important of
      these was an act for the regulation of railways, which was brought in by
      Mr. Gladstone, and which embodied a variety of enactments designed to
      protect the public against the injurious effects of monopoly and
      combination, by vesting in the government a controlling power over such
      companies as should thereafter come to solicit powers from parliament, and
      a right of intervention for the reduction of charges and tolls whenever
      the profits of a railway should exceed the maximum of ten per cent, on its
      capital. The act also contained salutary regulations for securing economy
      and comfort in travelling to the poorer classes. Another act passed
      contained provisions of practical importance for the regulation of
      joint-stock companies. The main object of this measure was to protect the
      public against fictitious and delusive schemes, by requiring from all
      joint-stock companies the observance of certain conditions for the purpose
      of ascertaining their real character, and subjecting them to an efficient
      responsibility. There was to be a system of registration under a proper
      superintendence, whereby the names and descriptions of the projectors, and
      the particular nature and objects of the undertaking were required to be
      enrolled at an office established for that purpose. Upon compliance with
      these regulations, certain privileges were to be accorded to the company,
      and some anomalies and inconveniences heretofore existing removed. Reports
      were also to be made annually to parliament by an officer to be appointed
      under the act, relating to such companies as should have come within its
      provisions during the year. A third Act remodelled the entire system of
      turnpike-road management in South Wales, the abuses of which had given
      rise to the Rebecca riots. The leading principle of this measure was the
      consolidation of trusts, the debts of those existing being paid off by a
      system of arbitration, to be conducted by three commissioners appointed by
      government; the money required for this purpose being lent by the
      treasury, and secured on the rates of the several counties. The
      consolidation having been effected, all the roads in each county were to
      be administered by a now executive body, consisting partly of <i>ex-officio</i>
      members, partly of magistrates, and partly of ratepayers. A further
      alteration was made this session in the original poor-law amendment act,
      the principal feature of which was an alteration in the enactments of the
      statute of 1835, relating to the maintenance of illegitimate children. By
      this alteration, a more efficient mode of obtaining from the father a
      provision for his child's maintenance was placed in the power of the
      mother, by means of a proceeding in which she herself was entitled to make
      the application, and not, as under the original law, the officers of the
      parish: more stringent remedies were also substituted for enforcing the
      remedy against the putative father than had before existed. Towards the
      close of the session, repeated discussions of an animated nature took
      place in both houses of parliament, on the subject of a petition which was
      presented by Mr. Thomas Duncombe, from Serafino Calderara, Joseph Mazzini,
      W. J. Linton, and William Lovett, complaining that their letters had been
      opened at the post-office. Mr. Duncombe, in the commons, and the Earl of
      Radnor in the lords, moved for committees of inquiry, which were
      ultimately appointed; and these committees made their reports during the
      session; from which reports it appeared that the warrants of the secretary
      of state had only been issued in peculiar emergencies; and that the cases
      in which his power had been exercised formed a small annual average, and
      did not amount to an invasion of private correspondence, which the
      assailants of government had represented. No other result arose out of the
      conflicts upon this subject than a bill introduced by Lord Radnor, in the
      house of lords, for the abolition of the power complained of; but this
      bill did not proceed beyond the first reading.
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 5th of September. The speech
      announced that her majesty had given her cordial assent to the bill for
      regulating the issue of bank-notes; adverted to some discussions which had
      taken place with the government of the king of the French on events
      calculated to interrupt the friendly relations of the two countries, but
      which danger had been averted; congratulated the houses on the improvement
      which had taken place in the condition of manufactures and commerce; and
      expressed high satisfaction at the spirit of loyalty and cheerful
      obedience to the law manifested in all parts of her majesty's kingdom. The
      commissioners concluded:&mdash;"We are commanded by her majesty to assure
      you that when you shall be called upon to resume the discharge of your
      parliamentary functions, you may place entire reliance on the cordial
      co-operation of her majesty in your endeavours to improve the social
      condition and to promote the happiness and contentment of her people."
      Thus ended this important session&mdash;a session signalized in the
      addition to the statute-book of severed important measures, conceived in a
      safe and judicious spirit of reform, well suited to the circumstances of
      the country and to the temper of the age.
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The event of chief interest connected with the present year was the recall
      of Lord Ellenborough, the governor-general, by the unanimous vote of the
      court of directors. This subject, as noticed in a previous page, gave rise
      to discussion in both houses of parliament. What were the real motives of
      the directors of the East India Company in exercising their right of
      recalling a governor-general, which from non-use had almost become
      obsolete, and in thus acting in direct opposition to the views and wishes
      of her majesty's government have never been fully developed; and the
      public have therefore been driven to conjecture on the subject. The most
      probable opinion, perhaps, may be, that the directors were offended at his
      evident mania for military achievements. Throughout the whole of his
      administration he showed his desire of conquest; and even when he left
      India he did not scruple to say, at a farewell entertainment given him by
      the military society of Calcutta, that the only regret he felt in leaving
      India was that of being separated from the army; and that the most
      interesting period of his life was that which he had passed in cantonments
      and camps. Another cause of offence may have been derived from his
      proclamations, which were offensive to good taste, and which justly
      exposed him to ridicule. His behaviour towards the directors also was by
      no means judicious; for, although he had bound himself to attend
      exclusively to their orders, he was by no means an obedient servant. But
      whatever may have been the directors' motives, Lord Ellenborough was
      recalled from his government, and Sir Henry Hardinge was, at the
      suggestion of Sir Robert Peel, appointed his successor; and he arrived in
      India in the month of July.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Scinde nothing of importance occurred this year. The worst foe which
      the British had to encounter there was the climate, owing to which a
      distressing sickness prevailed among the troops. In consequence of this
      several Bengal native regiments were ordered to march on Scinde; and,
      although they at first refused to march, from an impression that they were
      destined for foreign service, they finally marched thither, with the
      exception of the thirty-fourth native infantry; and that regiment was
      ignominiously broken at Meerut, in presence of all the troops at the
      station.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year a governor-general was appointed over our recent
      acquisitions in China, in the person of Mr. Davies, well-known for his
      admirable work on China, and who had resided many years at Macao, as chief
      superintendent under the East India Company. Mr. Davies arrived on the 7th
      of May at Hong Kong, the seat of the new government; and, at the end of
      July, Sir Henry Pottinger, whose mission to that empire had been attended
      with such complete success, sailed for England.
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    <h2>
      PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MR. O'CONNELL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been seen in the last chapter that the trial of Mr. O'Connell and
      his associates for a seditious conspiracy was postponed till the
      commencement of the present year. It was intended that the trial should
      commence on the 15th of January; and, although the defendant sought to
      obtain a postponement of it till the 1st of February, this intention was
      carried out. On that day the Court of Queen's Bench was crowded with
      barristers and spectators, in the expectation that the trial would
      commence. Before the jury were sworn, however, Sir Coleman O'Loghlen, on
      the part of Mr. O'Connell, challenged the array, on the ground of the
      irregularities in the preparation of the jury lists, stating at the same
      time that the challenges of the other counsellors, or traversers, as they
      were called, because they had traversed the indictment, were identically
      the same, and would be handed in very shortly. The attorney-general
      demurred to the challenge; on which the question previously debated was
      re-argued. The judges, however allowed the demurrer; and then the court
      adjourned without swearing the jury. On the 16th, after some delay, twelve
      jurymen were sworn, when Mr. Napier opened the pleadings; after which Mr.
      Smith, the attorney-general, opened the case. The court adjourned at five
      o'clock; and next day the hearing of evidence commenced, which continued
      up to the 11th day of the trial, January 26th, on which day the case for
      the prosecution closed. On the next day Mr. Shiel opened the case for the
      defence, as counsel for himself and Mr. John O'Connell. In his speech he
      contended that Mr. O'Connell shrank with abhorrence from the sanguinary
      aims imputed to him; and bitterly complained that poems and articles in
      newspapers should be brought as evidence against him, as if he were the
      editor of the several journals from which that evidence had been
      collected. It was like making, he said, Mr. Cobden answerable for all that
      appeared in the <i>Chronicle</i>, or the <i>Globe</i>, or the <i>Sun</i>:
      he was accused, in fact, of conspiracy with men who, so far from
      conspiring together, were rivals. "They pay their addresses to the same
      mistress; but they cordially detest each other." How formidable, then, was
      this doctrine of legal conspiracy! In 1819, when England was in a perilous
      condition, it was proved that men were drilled by night near Manchester;
      yet an English jury would not find Henry Hunt guilty of conspiracy. Mr.
      Shiel next undertook to show that his clients' objects were legal, and
      sought by legal means; and concluded with an impassioned address to the
      jury on behalf of Mr. O'Connell and all the traversers. He asked:&mdash;"Shall
      I, who stretch out to you in behalf of the son the hand whose fetters the
      father had struck off, live to cast my eyes upon that domicile of sorrow
      in the vicinity of this great metropolis, and say, 'Tis there they have
      immured the liberator of Ireland with his fondest and best beloved child.
      No; it shall never be! You will not consign him to the spot to which the
      attorney-general invites you to surrender him. No! When the spring shall
      have come again, and the winter shall have passed&mdash;when the spring
      shall have come again, it is not through the windows of this mansion that
      the father of such a son, and the son of such a father, shall look upon
      those green hills on which the eyes of so many a captive have gazed so
      wistfully in vain; but in their own mountain home again they shall listen
      to the murmurs of the great Atlantic; they shall go forth, and inhale the
      freshness of the morning air together; 'they shall be free of mountain
      solitude;' they will be encompassed with the loftiest images of liberty
      upon every side; and if time shall have stolen its suppleness from the
      father's knee, or impaired the firmness of his tread, he shall lean on the
      child of her that watches over him from heaven, and shall look out from
      some high place, far and wide, into the island whose greatness and whose
      glory shall be ever associated with his name. In your love of justice; in
      your love of Ireland; in your love of honesty and fair play, I place my
      confidence. I ask you for an acquittal, not only for the sake of your
      country, but for your own. Upon the day when this trial shall have been
      brought to a termination; when, amidst the burst of public expectancy, in
      answer to the solemn interrogatory which shall be put to you by the
      officer of the court, you shall answer, 'Not guilty,' with what a
      transport shall that glorious negative be welcomed! How will you be
      blessed, adored, worshipped! And when retiring from the scene of
      excitement and of passion, you shall return to your own tranquil homes,
      how pleasurably will you look upon your children, in the consciousness
      that you will have left them a patrimony of peace, by impressing upon the
      British cabinet that some other measure beside a state prosecution is
      necessary for the pacification of your country." On the thirteenth day Mr.
      Moore addressed the jury on behalf of the Reverend Mr. Tierney, and Mr.
      Hatchell for Mr. Ray. On the fourteenth day Mr. Fitzgibbon spoke on behalf
      of Dr. Gray, his address occupying two days. In the course of his address
      an extraordinary scene took place, in consequence of a challenge which the
      attorney-general had sent to Mr. Fitzgibbon to fight a duel. Of this
      circumstance Mr. Fitzgibbon took every advantage. After handing the note
      to the judges which contained the challenge, he said that he left him to
      their lordships to answer for his conduct. Mutual recriminations and
      explanations followed; but the matter resulted in Mr. Smith's withdrawing
      the note, which was allowed by the consent of all parties. On the four
      following days, Messrs. Fitzgibbon, Whiteside, M'Donnah, and Henn,
      successively addressed the court for different clients. On the nineteenth
      day, Mr. O'Connell commenced his defence. He began by showing that he had
      a right to demand from the jury a favourable verdict; after which he came
      to the consideration of the case itself; in doing which he retraced, with
      more or less of variety, arguments already employed. In referring to the
      indictment, he said that it was the history of the last nine months; and
      that he defied the most brilliant imagination to grasp the monstrous
      accumulation of matter. Its entire strength rested on the meaning of that
      cabalistic word, "conspiracy." He continued:&mdash;"If, my lords, I look
      into the dictionary for the meaning of that word, I find that it is 'a
      secret agreement between several to commit a crime;' and that is the
      rational, common-sense definition of it. This word, however, in recent
      times, has been taken under special protection by the government; and the
      definition of it now is, not only a secret agreement between several to
      commit crime, but they have taken two loops to their bow, and the further
      depiction given of it is, to effect, or attempt to effect, a legal object
      by means that are considered illegal; and thus a conspiracy is spelt out
      by the construction put upon the means that are used to attain the object
      sought, however legitimate that object may be. It has been admitted even
      by the crown, that in this case there is no privacy, no secresy, no
      definite agreement to do anything whatsoever; but, above all, no secret
      agreement, no secret society, no private information. It has been admitted
      by the crown that there has not been even one act of private
      communication; that everything was openly avowed, published to the world;
      that this 'secret conspiracy' had no secrecy at all. What a monstrous
      thing it would be to hold that that was a conspiracy which everybody knew
      of, everybody heard of, and three-fifths of the people of this country
      were engaged in. And what was the evidence of those conspirators
      assembling together? That Mr. Such-a-one attended at such a meeting; that
      Mr. Barret attended at a certain meeting; and that Mr. Duffy attended once
      or twice; that I. myself attended; and this is the way the charge of
      conspiracy is to be spelt out. Is it common sense that that should be
      denominated a conspiracy? Conspiracy! where was it made? when was it made?
      how was it made? Was it made in winter, or in summer? in spring or in
      autumn? Was it made on a holiday, or on a Sunday, or on a week day? Tell
      me the hour, the week, the month, the year it was made? In which of the
      three quarters of the twelve months did the gestation of this conspiracy
      commence? Who proposed it? Who seconded it? Who was present at it? I don't
      know whether it was said that I was present at the concoction of this
      conspiracy, or this agreement, private or public, or who else was there.
      When and where did it take place? Ought I not, at all events, to have the
      advantage of being-able to prove an alibi? No; but you must go over nine
      months, and toss up which time or place you may select. Do you not believe
      that if there was a conspiracy it would be proved, and that the only
      reason it was not proved, is, because it did not exist? The
      attorney-general told you it did exist; that it must have existed: but
      that is all imaginary; and you are called upon to find me 'guilty' if you
      imagine that this agreement was entered into. I don't want to speak of the
      talents of the attorney-general. I admit the ingenuity, the talent, and
      the industry with which he conducted this case. He was eleven hours,
      eleven mortal hours detailing the facts to you. What did he tell you the
      conspiracy consisted of? He made a long statement, and when he came to the
      end, he told you to go back to the beginning, find out the conspiracy, and
      what it consisted of. I say, gentlemen of the jury, without tire least
      affectation, if any gentleman could have found out evidence of a
      conspiracy, it would have been found by the attorney-general." Mr.
      O'Connell proceeded at great length to defend the means of his agitation,
      and then proceeded to vindicate its object&mdash;the repeal of the union.
      On the latter subject he remarked:&mdash;"I mean first to demonstrate that
      the English Parliament has, from the remotest period at which she
      possessed the power, governed Ireland with a narrow, jealous, restrictive,
      and oppressive policy. By way of parenthesis, I would first beg of you to
      recollect the history of the woollen manufactures of Ireland, in the reign
      of a monarch whom you are not disposed to condemn. I shall next
      demonstrate in succession, that the transactions of 1782 were intended to
      be a final adjustment, and that it was then intended and agreed that the
      Irish parliament, after having achieved its independence, should maintain
      it, and that the union was forced upon the Irish people against their
      consent, by the most criminal means. I shall next show you in detail the
      many evils that resulted from the union, and the gross injustice of the
      enactment of that statute. I shall show you the increasing distress and
      destitution which have arisen from that statute; and that there is no
      probability of restoring prosperity to this country, or of avoiding
      ultimate separation from England, save by the restoration of her
      parliament." In support of these propositions, Mr. O'Connell read extracts
      from the writings and speeches of various statesmen, both native and
      foreign. In conclusion he said to the jury:&mdash;"I leave the case in
      your hands. I deny I have done anything to stain me. I reject with
      contempt the appellation of conspirator. I have acted boldly, in the open
      day, in the presence of the magistracy: there lias been nothing secret or
      concealed. I have struggled for the restoration of the parliament of my
      native country. Others have succeeded before me; but, succeed or fail, it
      is a struggle to make the fairest land in the world possess those benefits
      which nature intended she should enjoy." On the next day some evidence was
      gone into on behalf of the defendants, in the course of which it was
      proved that on the 16th of July, when an arch was erected bearing the
      inscription, "Ireland, her parliament, or the world in a blaze," Mr.
      O'Connell expressed disapprobation of it, and Mr. Steele stood by to see
      that it was taken down before the people were fully assembled. The next
      two days were chiefly occupied by the solicitor-general's reply, which
      recapitulated the principal points of the evidence, and stated its
      bearings upon the different charges laid in the indictment. After he had
      concluded, the lord-chief-justice commenced the charge: in doing which he
      first explained the nature of the indictment, and of the single offence
      with which the traversers were charged, "conspiracy;" then explained the
      law of public discussion and public meeting; next proceeded to consider
      the evidence that had been given; then commented on the large funds
      collected in Ireland, England, Scotland, and America, towards the
      "exchequer" of the association; and finally, alluding to the scheme for
      bringing into disrepute the courts of justice as established by law
      through the arbitration courts, showed in what maimer the conspiracy was
      to be inferred. He asked:&mdash;"Have you or have you not Dr. Gray coming
      forward and telling the assembled multitude that the time was coming when
      they would be taken out of the hands of those petty tyrants who at present
      preside in their courts of justice? Have you or have you not Mr. O'Coimell
      himself adverting to the same system at the Clifden and other subsequent
      meetings; recommending the appointment of arbitration courts, and the
      placing thereon the magistrates who had been dismissed? And have you or
      have you not Mr. John O'Coimell making a speech recommending the same
      systems, and appearing himself to act under the appointment of the repeal
      association, in presiding over an arbitration court established in
      Blackrock?" The jury retired about half-past seven o'clock, and the judges
      withdrew. Later in the evening, Mr. Justice Crampton returned, and
      remained in court to await the return of the jury. They brought in a
      verdict of "guilty" against all the traversers on various counts; but
      stated "no finding" upon others, deeming them too comprehensive. This
      verdict was handed back by Mr. Justice Crampton, saying, that it was
      imperfect: they must find a verdict of "guilty" or "not guilty" upon every
      part and every person. Finally, they were ordered to be locked up till
      Monday, on which day they were summoned, and an issue paper was given
      them, which set forth the five several issues in the indictment in a
      distinct shape, against which they were directed to write their finding.
      This was done, and all the prisoners were found guilty on one or other of
      the counts, and some of them, including Mr. O'Coimell, on them all,
      Sentence was pronounced on the 30th of May against the traversers, with
      the exception of the Reverend Mr. Tierney, against whom the
      attorney-general did not press judgment, by Mr. Justice Burton in these
      terms:&mdash;"With respect to the principal traverser, the court is of
      opinion that he must be sentenced to be imprisoned for the space of twelve
      calendar months; and that he is further to be fined in the sum of £2000,
      and bound in his own recognizances in the sum of £5000, and two sureties
      in £2500, to keep the peace for seven years. With respect to the other
      traversers, we have come to the conclusion that to each shall be allotted
      the same sentence: which is, that they be imprisoned for the space of nine
      calendar months, each of them to pay £50 fine, and enter into their own
      recognizances of £1000, and two sureties of £500, to keep the peace for
      seven years." In accordance with this sentence the traversers were
      imprisoned: but in consequence of the sympathy, real or supposed, which
      they met with in the English parliament, their full sentence was not
      carried into execution. On the 9th of August, Messrs. Shiel, Wyse, Lord
      John Russell, and others, called upon government to release them from
      imprisonment; and the result of this appeal was, that on the 4th of
      September, the judgment of the house of lords was pronounced, reversing
      the judgment of Mr. O'Connell and his co-defendants. The prisoners were
      freed from confinement; but the result of the trial was, that the
      virulence of the agitation for repeal abated.
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    <h2>
      CONTINENTAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      France this year was engaged in a war with the Emperor of Morocco, over
      whose forces the French troops triumphed on the banks of the river Isly on
      the 14th of August. The result of this battle was a treaty between the two
      countries, in which the Emperor of Morocco engaged to prevent troops from
      assembling on his frontiers for the invasion of Algeria. During the
      autumn, Louis Philippe and the Emperor of Russia paid a visit to Queen
      Victoria, and stayed a few days in England, where they were treated with
      all due honours. In Spain the civil war which had so long convulsed the
      nation was ended; but it was succeeded by a state of doubtful
      tranquillity, and isolated insurrections broke out in various parts of the
      country, which were only put down by force of arms. The same fate awaited
      Portugal: there was a revolt of troops at Torres Novas, headed by Count
      Bomfin; but the rebels having shut themselves up in Almeida, that place
      was invested with government troops, and finally surrendered, the leader
      of the insurrection taking refuge in flight. In Greece the most important
      event was the framing of a constitutional charter by the National
      Assembly, consisting of one hundred and seven articles, which was signed
      and ratified, after some hesitation, by King Otho. During this year the
      King of Prussia narrowly escaped assassination at Ischl by the Burgomaster
      Tschech, who fired two shots from a double-barrelled pistol in quick
      succession against the carriage. In the early part of the year a
      conference took place at Vienna of plenipotentiaries from the different
      German states to frame measures to secure themselves by all the means in
      their power against the slightest change in the existing order of things,
      which at this time were threatened by a formidable parly, in the different
      states hostile to all authority. In Sweden this j'ear witnessed the death
      of Bernadotte, the king of that country, the most permanently successful
      of all the generals who took part in the French revolution. Although of
      obscure birth and a foreigner, he was called upon to wear the crown of
      Sweden by the unanimous voice of the nation; and he so identified himself
      with their interests, that he reigned in peace and died universally
      beloved by his subjects. In Switzerland disturbances took place this year
      in the Valais and at Lucerne: but order and tranquillity were quickly
      restored by the federal troops of that country.
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1845-1846
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Meeting of Parliament..... Finance and Commercial
     Policy..... Retention of the Income Tax, &amp;c...... The Sugar
     Duties Question..... Corn Laws and Free Trade..... The
     Affairs of Ireland..... Maynooth Improvement Bill, &amp;c......
     Academical Education in Ireland..... Colonial Policy.....
     Question of the Oregon Territory..... Miscellaneous
     Measures  of   the   Session..... Prorogation of
     Parliament..... The Affairs of India..... The State of the
     Continent.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1845
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by the queen in person on the 4th of February. The
      speech first referred to the prosperous state of trade and commerce; to
      the royal visits made to her majesty by the Emperor of Russia and the King
      of France; to the estimates for the ensuing year; and to the peace which
      at this time prevailed in Ireland. Her majesty continued:&mdash;"I
      recommend to your favourable consideration the policy of improving and
      extending the opportunities of academical education in Ireland. The report
      of the commission appointed to inquire into the law and practice in
      respect to the occupation of land is nearly prepared, and shall be
      communicated to you immediately after its presentation. The state of the
      law in regard to the privileges of the Bank of Ireland, and to other
      banking establishments in that country, and in Scotland, will no doubt
      occupy your attention. The health of the inhabitants of large towns and
      populous districts in this part of the United Kingdom has been the subject
      of recent inquiry before a commission, the report of which shall be
      immediately kid before you. It will be highly gratifying to me if the
      information and suggestions contained in that report shall enable you to
      devise the means of promoting the health and comfort of the poorer classes
      of my subjects. I congratulate you on the success of the measures which
      three years since were adopted by parliament for the purpose of supplying
      the deficiency in the public revenue, and arresting the accumulation of
      debt in the time of peace. The act which was passed at that time for
      imposing a tax upon income will shortly expire. It will be for you to
      determine whether it may not be expedient to continue its operation for a
      further period, and thus to obtain the means of adequately providing for
      the public service, and at the same time of making a reduction in other
      taxations. Whatever may be the result of your deliberations in this
      respect, I feel assured that it will be your determination to maintain an
      amount of revenue amply sufficient to meet the necessary expenditure of
      the country, and firmly to uphold that public credit which is
      indispensable to the national welfare. The prospect of continued peace,
      and the general state of domestic prosperity and tranquillity, afford a
      favourable opportunity for the consideration of the matters to which I
      have directed your attention; and I commit them to your deliberation, with
      the earnest prayer that you may be enabled, under the superintending care
      and protection of Divine Providence, to strengthen the feelings of mutual
      confidence and goodwill between different classes of my subjects, and to
      improve the condition of my people."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL POLICY&mdash;RETENTION OF THE INCOME-TAX, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The great scheme of commercial reform alluded to in her majesty's speech
      at the opening of the session was brought forward by Sir Robert Peel, in a
      committee of ways and means, on the 14th of February. The right honourable
      baronet commenced by saying that though he had considerable experience in
      the discharge of official duties, and though he had often addressed the
      house on matters of great public concern, he could not approach the
      subject on which he had then to address the committee without great
      anxiety, and a deep consciousness how inadequate and imperfect the
      explanation would be which he should endeavour to place before it. After
      the declaration made in her majesty's speech, that it was the intention of
      ministers to propose the continuance of the income-tax for a certain
      number of years; he had no other alternative than to submit to the house
      the general views which the government took of the financial condition and
      the commercial policy of the country. In explaining their views, after
      referring to the estimate of the probable revenue and expenditure made by
      the chancellor of the exchequer in April, 1844, and, after showing that
      the surplus revenue, on which he had calculated for the whole year had
      been greatly exceeded by the actual amount of revenue received on the 5th
      of January, 1845, he proceeded to estimate the surplus revenue which would
      be in the exchequer on the 5th of April in the present year, at a sum not
      less than £5,000,000. He next submitted to the house an estimate of the
      probable receipt of the revenue for the year ending the 5th of April,
      1846, on the assumption that the house would not sanction the income-tax.
      He calculated that the receipts up to that period would be £51,000,000,
      and the expenditure £48,557,000; but if they deducted from this surplus
      the revenue derived from half a year's income-tax, which would become due
      in the interim, and from the payment of the instalment from China, there
      would then be a small deficiency in the revenue as compared with the
      expenditure of the year. The question then arose, whether ministers were
      justified in demanding, under such circumstances, an increased expenditure
      on account of the public service. He was satisfied that they were
      justified. He did not propose an increase in the army, but he could not
      consent to its diminution. The military estimate for the present year
      would be £6,600,000; and there were reasons which induced him to propose
      an increased estimate for the navy; namely, the growing necessity for a
      further protection to our commerce in every part of the globe, and in the
      establishment of three new naval stations&mdash;one on the coast of
      Africa, another in the Pacific, and a third in the Chinese seas. He should
      propose an increase of four thousand men, which would cost £184,000; and
      in respect of the vote for the navy, and tire ordnance connected with the
      navy, there would be in the votes of this year an increase of nearly one
      million. He thought the revenues of the next year would meet this
      increased expenditure, even if the house would not consent to continue the
      income-tax. It was quite clear, however, that if it did not continue the
      income tax, there would be a decrease of revenue in the following year.
      The question, therefore, which he must put to the committee was, whether
      they would run the risk of deficiency by making no provision to meet it,
      or whether they would postpone the consideration of the deficiency till
      the year 1846. But ministers were induced to propose the continuance of
      the property-tax for a further period. If the committee sanctioned it, the
      revenue on the 5th of April, 1846, would amount to £53,700,000; and so
      long as the other sources of revenue were productive, might be calculated
      at that sum, deducting only a sum of £600,000 from China, which would only
      be receivable for one year more. He would take the amount then at
      £53,100,000, and deducting £49,000,000, the estimated expenditure, from
      that sum there would be a net surplus of £4,100,000, or if the committee
      acquiesced in the increased naval estimates, £3,409,000. Sir Robert Peel
      next approached the most important question of all; namely, the mode in
      which this surplus was to be applied to the relief of taxation. If the
      property-tax were continued, ministers intended to make a great experiment
      with respect to taxation; and in explaining their views Sir Robert Peel
      said that he would first take the customs, and submit to the house a
      proposition with respect to the duty on sugar. On brown Muscovado sugar,
      which now paid a duty of 25s. 3d., he proposed to reduce the duty to 14s.;
      on free-labour sugar he proposed that the protecting duty should not
      exceed 9s. 4d., and therefore the duty would be 23s. 2d.; on British
      plantation sugars he proposed that the duty should be 16s. 4d., instead of
      25s. 3d.; that the duty on sugar imported from India should be 21s. 9d.;
      and that the duty on free-labour foreign sugar should be 21s. 9d.&mdash;thus
      retaining the whole amount of discriminating duty which was imposed last
      year, but applying that discriminating duty in a different manner; giving
      9s. 4d. as a protection on Muscovado sugar, and an increased protection of
      lis. 4d. on the more valuable and costly article. Sir Robert Peel said
      that he proposed to reduce the duty on molasses; and after giving an
      estimate of the supply of sugar which he considered likely to come from
      our possessions this year, stated that the effect which would be produced
      on the price of sugar by this reduction in the duty would be a reduction
      of three halfpence per pound. The estimated loss to the revenue from this
      source would be £1,300,000. Sir Robert Peel next proceeded to state that
      in the tariff of 1842 he had abolished generally the duty on all exports,
      with the exception of some few articles: he now proposed to abolish the
      duty on all articles. By this plan the export duty on coal would cease to
      exist, which would be a loss to the revenue of £120,000. He next proceeded
      to a consideration of the duties on raw materials used in manufactures:
      the tariff included eight hundred and thirteen such articles, and he
      proposed to remove the duties applicable to four hundred and thirty of
      them; which would occasion a loss to the revenue of about £320,000. He
      next stated that he was prepared to abolish the duty on cotton-wool, which
      would cause a loss to the revenue of not less than £680,000. These were
      all the alterations he proposed in the customs; and the right honourable
      baronet next proceeded to the excise-duties. Among the duties which he
      proposed to to repeal was the auction-duty on the transfer of property. He
      likewise proposed that auctioneers, instead of taking out several
      licences, at an expense of five pounds each, for selling different
      articles, should take out one general licence only, at fifteen pounds
      each; and as the number of auctioneers was 4000, this would produce a
      revenue of £60,000. Sir Robert Peel next stated that he proposed to
      relieve the article of glass from all duty, the loss of revenue arising
      from which would be £642,000. This was the whole of the articles, he said,
      on which he proposed a remission of taxation; and the total immediate loss
      which the revenue would sustain by their repeal or abolition, would amount
      to £3,338,000, which would nearly absorb the surplus of £3,409,000. He
      confessed that this was a bold experiment; but, responsible as he was to
      parliament for its success, he was not afraid to ran the risk of making
      it. He then proposed to the committee to continue the income-tax for a
      further limited period of three years; because he had a confident
      persuasion that the reduction in the price of articles of great importance
      would be, if not a complete, yet a great compensation for its burden. He
      would not say that it might not be wiser to give a longer time than three
      years for testing this experiment; but he thought that parliament ought to
      have a control over the duration of such a tax. Sir Robert Peel concluded
      by expressing a hope that the house would be prepared to decide on the
      principle of his resolutions on the following Monday, the 17th, and after
      several members had made some brief remarks on isolated parts of the plan,
      most of them expressive of satisfaction with it, he moved that the
      chairman report progress; and gave notice that on the following Monday he
      would move&mdash;"That it is the opinion of the committee, that, towards
      raising the supply to her majesty, the respective duties on property,
      professions, trades, and offices, and the stamp duties in Ireland, granted
      by two several acts passed in the fifth year of her present majesty, be
      continued and further granted to her majesty for a time to be limited."
      This resolution was read in a committee of ways and means on Monday, the
      17th of February, after which Lord John Russel addressed the committee,
      factiously opposing the scheme of the premier, without offering any sound
      practical suggestion, or propounding any principle. Several amendments
      were moved by various members; but they were all negatived, and the bill
      passed through committee. A discussion of considerable length was renewed
      on the 10th of March, by Mr. Charles Duller, but the bill was read a third
      time and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the house of lords the principal discussion on the income-tax took
      place on the 4th of April, when the third reading of the bill was moved by
      the Earl of Ripon. The bill was read a third time and passed.
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    <h2>
      THE SUGAR-DUTIES QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 24th of February, the house of commons having resolved itself into
      a committee of ways and means, Mr. Gibson, with a view of obtaining a
      permanent arrangement of the sugar-duties, moved, as an amendment upon the
      resolution of Sir Robert Peel, a resolution stating that no arrangement of
      these duties would be satisfactory and permanent, which did not involve an
      equalization of duty on foreign and colonial sugar. In support of this
      resolution Mr. Gibson called the attention of the house to a plain matter
      of justice in taxation, and asserted that it was not consistent with the
      fair performance of their functions, when they were resolving themselves
      into a committee of ways and means to consider of a supply to her majesty,
      in order to enable her to meet the expenditure of the country, to levy
      another tax, which was not paid either to the crown or to the exchequer,
      but to a class of men who had not made good their claim to any
      compensation fora grievance inflicted on them. The protection afforded to
      the West India proprietors, he said, was not for revenue, for it defrauded
      revenue; not for the protection of the producer, for his produce had not
      been increased; not for the benefit of the exporter at home, for the
      export to those colonies were stationary; and not to be defended on the
      score of consistency, since Sir Robert Peel was going to admit cotton, the
      produce of the East Indies and the United States of America, on the same
      terms. The motion was seconded by Mr. Ewart, and supported by Lord Howick,
      and Messrs. Ricardo, Cobden, Villiers, Miles, and Bright. On the other
      hand, it was opposed by Sir George Clerk, and Messrs. James, Gladstone,
      Labouchere, and Goulburn. On a division it was rejected by a majority of
      two hundred and seventeen against eighty-four. Subsequently several
      amendments were moved, but without success, with the exception of one
      proposed by Mr. Hawes; namely, to the effect&mdash;"that provision be made
      in the bill for the drawback of the amount of the duty reduced on such
      duty-paid sugar as now remains in the queen's warehouses." This amendment
      was at first resisted by Mr. Goulburn; but finding that the house was in
      favour of it, Sir Robert Peel consented to make arrangements, not to
      return the whole duty, but to make compensation for the loss. On this
      understanding Mr. Hawes withdrew his amendment, and the bill passed
      through committee. Various discussions took place, during the progress of
      the hill, upon the other parts of the ministerial tariff, but they were
      all affirmed, and the bill then passed. Its progress through the upper
      house was speedily effected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CORN-LAWS AND FREE TRADE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This long-agitated and great question formed a prominent subject of debate
      during this session. The first occasion which led to a general discussion
      of the policy of the protective laws as regards agriculture, was furnished
      by a motion made by Mr. Cobden, on the 13th March, "for a select committee
      to inquire into the causes and extent of the alleged existing agricultural
      distress, and into the effects of legislative protection upon the
      interests of landowners, tenant-farmers, and farm-labourers." In support
      of this motion Mr. Cobden endeavoured to prove the existence of distress
      among the farmers; asserting that half of them were in a state of
      insolvency, and that the other half were paying rents out of their
      capital, and were fast hastening to the same melancholy condition. Mr.
      Cobden next contended that there was a want of security in tenure, and
      that this fact not only prevented the application of capital, but that it
      also kept the land in a bad state of cultivation. The farmer without a
      lease was afraid that if he made any improvement in his farm, he should be
      called upon to pay a higher rent; and he proved this fact by reference to
      the language used by many distinguished members of agricultural
      associations. He asked why land should not be let on the same condition as
      manufactories, which were let with a schedule of the state of the
      manufactory; and when the tenant left them he was bound to make
      compensation for any damage which it might have suffered. Having advocated
      the plan of leasing farms at great length, Mr. Cobden proceeded to contend
      that a free trade in corn would be more beneficial to the farmers and to
      the labourers than to any other class of the community. He had thought so
      before the new tariff; and he contended so now with tenfold confidence. He
      then described the lamentable condition of the agricultural peasantry; and
      asked the landlords, after they had brought their labourers to such a
      melancholy state, whether they could have anything to fear from risking
      this inquiry? What had government done for them in their financial scheme?
      Nothing that was calculated, if he had heard aright, to benefit the
      agricultural population. Well, then, what would they do? Protection had
      been a failure when it reached a prohibitory duty of 80s. a quarter; it
      had been a failure when it reached the pivot price of 60s.; and it was a
      failure now when they had got a sliding-scale; for they had admitted the
      lamentable condition of their tenantry and peasantry. Let them accede,
      then, to his proposition for a committee, and he would pledge himself to
      explode the fallacy of agricultural protection, and to put an end to the
      present system within two years from the publication of its report. Mr. S.
      Herbert, secretary at war, announced that government would meet Mr.
      Cobden's motion with a direct negative. On a division the motion was
      negatived by a majority of two hundred and thirteen against one hundred
      and twenty-one.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of June Mr. Ward resumed his exertions to obtain a select
      committee to inquire into the existence of the peculiar burdens and
      exemptions of the landed interests. Taking advantage of an admission
      contained in a speech of Sir James Graham, that during the last twelve
      months pauperism had diminished, and trade and commerce had improved in
      the country because the price of wheat was low, Mr. Ward said that he was
      not going to underrate the benefit produced by an abundant harvest, but he
      believed that still greater benefit had been effected by the the liberal
      policy of government. The idea that there were any peculiar burdens on the
      land, was a fallacy peculiar to English gentlemen brought up in the school
      of the corn-laws. He denied that the land-tax, poor-rates, tithes,
      county-rates, highway-rates, the malt-tax, and similar impositions, were
      peculiar burdens on land; but if they were, he contended that there were
      to be set against them the exemptions enjoyed by the land in not being
      liable to the legacy and probate duty, and in the cultivation of it being
      relieved from the horse-tax, from the tax on husbandry servants if
      employed for domestic services, and various other taxes. Mr. Ward moved
      for a select committee of inquiry into this subject; and his motion was
      supported by Dr. Bowring, and Messrs. Cobden and Vernon Smith. Sir John
      Tyrell opposed it, as did also Messrs. Sidney Herbert and Newdegate. On a
      division it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two
      against one hundred and nine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subject of the corn-laws was taken into more complete consideration on
      the 26th of May, when, pursuant to notice, Lord John Russell moved the
      following resolutions:&mdash;"That the present state of political
      tranquillity, and the recent revival of trade, afford to this house a
      favourable opportunity to consider of such measures as may tend
      permanently to improve the condition of the labouring classes. That those
      laws which impose duties, usually called protective, tend to impair the
      efficiency of labour, to restrict the free interchange of commodities, and
      to impose on the people unnecessary taxation. That the present corn-law
      tends to check improvements in agriculture, produces uncertainty in all
      farming speculations, and holds out to the owners and occupiers of land
      prospects of special advantage which it fails to secure. That this house
      will take the said laws into consideration, with a view to such cautious
      and deliberate arrangements as may be most beneficial to all classes of
      her majesty's subjects. That the freedom of industry would be promoted by
      a careful revision of the law of parochial settlement which now prevails
      in England and Wales. That a systematic plan of colonization would
      partially relieve those districts of the country where the deficiency of
      employment Iras been most injurious to the labourers in husbandry. That
      the improvements made of late years in the education of the people, as
      well as its more general diffusion, have been seen with satisfaction by
      this house. That this house will be ready to give its support to measures
      founded on liberal and comprehensive principles, which may be conducive to
      the further extension of religious and moral instruction. That a humble
      address be presented to her majesty to lay the foregoing resolutions
      before her majesty." In support of these resolutions, Lord John Russell
      made a long and comprehensive speech, embracing the several topics to
      which they had reference. Adverting to the corn-laws, he said, that
      experience had shown that the present system was founded in error, and
      produced the very evil against which it was intended to guard. The
      graduated scale was a complete failure, and equally injurious to the
      purchaser and consumer. It was contrary to all true commercial principles,
      and was perfectly ruinous to the farmer. It also tended to check all
      improvements in agriculture, and to render the cultivator of the soil
      careless as to the system of cultivation which he pursued. Mr. Sharman
      Crawford moved as an amendment that the following words be inserted after
      the word "opportunity," in the first clause:&mdash;"To give immediate
      attention to the claims, so repeatedly urged in the petitions of the
      people, for the extension of the parliamentary suffrage, as well as&mdash;."
      Sir James Graham, in reply, said that he agreed to the first resolution
      moved by Lord John Russell, but not to the rest; and, therefore, he moved
      the previous question. The house divided on Mr. Crawford's amendment,
      which was negatived by a majority of two hundred and fifty-three against
      thirty-three. Sir James Graham then moved the previous question, which was
      carried by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two against one hundred
      and four.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. C. Villiers, according to his annual custom, on the 10th of June
      submitted to the house of commons a motion for the appointment of a
      committee of the whole house for the purpose of considering his
      resolutions for the abolition of all restrictions on the importation of
      foreign corn. On a division, the motion was negatived by a majority of two
      hundred and fifty-four against one hundred and thirty-two.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF IRELAND&mdash;MAYNOOTH IMPROVEMENT BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of April, Sir Robert Peel brought in a measure for improving
      and increasing the grant to the college of Maynooth. The intention of the
      premier had been made known before, and a large number of petitions were
      on that evening presented against any such grant; in reference to which
      Sir Robert Peel said that he had given timely notice of his intention to
      consider the case of Maynooth in a friendly spirit; and therefore he was
      not unprepared for the demonstration which had been made, and which no
      doubt proceeded from persons actuated by conscientious scruples. In
      continuation, he observed, that it appeared to the ministers there were
      three courses which they might pursue:&mdash;to continue the present
      system, and grant without alteration; to discontinue the vote altogether,
      and to repudiate all connexion with Maynooth; or liberally to adopt,
      improve, and extend the institution provided for the education of the
      Roman Catholic priesthood. He proceeded to discuss these three courses in
      succession; and after showing that they could not conscientiously adopt
      the two first, he said:&mdash;"There remains, therefore, but one other
      course, and that is the course we are prepared to take. We are prepared,
      in a liberal sense and confiding spirit, to improve that institution, and
      to elevate the tone of education there. Will you not take that course?"
      Sir Robert Peel then stated the proposals of government to the house. The
      trustees of Maynooth college, he said, could purchase land to the extent
      of £1,000 per annum; but they could not receive it on any other terms than
      for the lives of the trustees; he proposed to incorporate the trustees by
      the title of "the trustees of Maynooth college;" and to enable them to
      hold real property to the amount of £3,000 per annum, should members of
      the Roman Catholic faith be desirous to contribute to the college so
      incorporated. The stipend of each professor did not now exceed £120 per
      annum; instead of defining what should be the amount paid to each
      professor, he proposed to allot to the trustees a certain sum, which
      should be placed at their discretion for the payment of salaries. The sum
      would admit of a payment of £600 or £700 per annum to the president of the
      college; of £260 or £270 to the professors of theology; and of £220 or
      £230 to the other professors. A sum not exceeding £6,000 would be allotted
      to the trustees for making provision for the officers of that institution.
      At present there were about four hundred and thirty students in the
      college, divided into three classes: the twenty Dumboyne students, the
      three senior classes, and the four junior classes. It was proposed to
      allot £40 per annum to each of the Dumboyne students: and to make
      provision on the whole for five hundred free students; that there should
      be two hundred and fifty students in the four junior classes, and two
      hundred and fifty in the three senior classes, these being divinity
      students. For the maintenance of each of these students, it was proposed
      that a sum should be placed at the disposal of the trustees of £28 on the
      average. It was further proposed that to each of the students in the three
      senior classes, £20 per annum should be allowed for their own personal
      expenses. The sum required for the students would be £14,560; the total
      sum for the establishment, £26,360. It was further proposed that the
      college should be made, in appearance and in fact, worthy of an
      institution of the kind; and that proper provision should be made for the
      accommodation of the presidents and professors; and for every purpose
      ministers asked for a vote, not annual, of £30,000. Sir Robert Peel
      further stated, that it was proposed the board of works should undertake
      the repairs of the college, as they did of the other public buildings, in
      order that they might be conducted with the greatest economy; and that the
      expenses of the repairs should be an annual vote, included in the annual
      estimates for the board of works, as in other cases. Instead of the
      present <i>ex-officio</i> ministers&mdash;the lord-chancellor and the
      judges&mdash;it was further proposed that the crown should appoint five
      visitors, who were to visit the college once a year, and as often as the
      lord-lieutenant might direct. These visitors were not to interfere with
      any matters relating to the doctrine and discipline of the church of Rome;
      but for those objects three more visitors would be elected by the other
      five, as at present to be members of the Roman Catholic church. Such, Sir
      Robert Peel continued, was an outline of the measure. It had not been the
      subject of any stipulation with the authorities of the Roman Catholic
      church: but the ministers had intimated their intentions to these
      dignitaries; and they had every reason to believe they were satisfied
      with, and grateful for, the measure. He added, in conclusion:&mdash;"We do
      not think that there is any violation of conscientious scruples involved
      in our proposition. We believe that it is perfectly compatible to hold
      steadfast the profession of our faith without wavering, and at the same
      time to improve the education, and to elevate the character of those who,
      do what you will&mdash;pass this measure or refuse it&mdash;must be the
      spiritual guides and religious instructors of millions of your
      fellow-countrymen." Sir Robert Inglis met the motion for leave to bring in
      this bill by a direct negative. Messrs. Law, Bruce, Grogan, and others,
      followed with similar expressions of sentiment. Mr. Plumptre especially
      expressed in strong terms his repugnance to the proposal on religious
      grounds; avowing, as the basis of his objections, the belief that the
      Roman Catholic religion was idolatrous. On the side of the liberal, all
      were in favour of the motion, except Mr. T. Duncombe, who expressed
      himself averse to all religious establishments supported out of the public
      revenue. Some on the conservative side, as Lords Francis Egerton and
      Sandon, and Mr. J. S. Wortley, spoke in favour of the measure. Several of
      the Irish members anticipated a great improvement in the Roman Catholic
      priesthood, and Lord John Russell, while he supported the motion,
      expressed a hope that it was the commencement of a series of measures
      which would unite the two countries in an enduring bond. On a division,
      the motion for leave to bring in the bill was carried by a large majority;
      but the measure, though destined to become law, was subsequently most
      strenuously opposed, both in and out of parliament. Those who were
      ardently attached to the vital principles of Protestantism felt an
      apprehension that the endowment of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in
      Ireland, and the rapid downfall of the established church in that country,
      if not in England also, was involved in such a measure; and their zeal
      being thus awakened, no exertions were spared to frustrate the plans of
      government. On the second reading of the bill being moved on the 11th of
      April, the measure was opposed by Mr. Colquhoun. Mr. Colquhoun concluded
      by moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr.
      Grogan followed on the same side; and the Earl of Arundel and Mr.
      Gladstone supported the measure: the latter stating that he did so in
      opposition to the prevailing opinion, and to his own deeply cherished
      prepossessions. Mr. D'Israeli said that Sir Robert Peel had declared there
      were three courses open to him. "In a certain sense, and looking to his
      own position, he is right: there is the course the right honourable
      gentleman has left; there is the course that the right honourable
      gentleman is following; and there is usually the course which the right
      honourable gentleman ought to pursue. Perhaps, sir, I ought to say that
      there is a fourth course; because it is possible for the house of commons
      to adopt one of those courses indicated by the right honourable gentleman,
      and then having voted for it, to rescind it." Mr. D'Israeli proceeded to
      complain of the course pursued by Sir R. Peel towards his supporters, in
      which he indulged in private personalities, which was strongly condemned
      by Mr. Roebuck, who described his speech as being poor in execution as it
      was malicious in motive. Mr. Roebuck proceeded to defend the measure; and
      he was followed by Messrs. Fox Maule and Stafford O'Brien, both of whom
      opposed it. Mr. Macauley considered it merely a matter of pounds,
      shillings, and pence: it was not a question of principle, but purely a
      question between £9000 and £26,000. Mr. Shaw energetically opposed the
      endowment; and Lord Lincoln and Mr. Sidney Herbert supported it. Mr. Byng,
      the venerable member for Middlesex, also declared himself in favour of the
      measure; and Lord Ashley and G. A. Hamilton opposed it; Lord Ashley had
      never known a measure more important for good or evil, not even excepting
      the Roman Catholic relief bill. His lordship contended that the proposal
      of government amounted to almost a declaration, that, as far as the power
      of enactments and statutes extended, the Roman Catholic religion should
      never cease to be the religion of Ireland. But while Lord Ashley opposed
      the measure, he disclaimed being actuated by any feeling of hostility
      towards the people of Ireland. If he thought, indeed, that this concession
      would really content the people of Ireland, he would pause before he came
      to a decision in the matter. The bill was further supported by the
      Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lords John Manners and Russell, Sirs George
      Grey and James Graham, and Messrs. Cobden, Smyth, and Shiel. On the other
      hand it was opposed by Messrs. Bright, dimming, Bruce, Blackstone,
      Ferrand, Sharman Crawford, T. Duncombe, Muntz, and Law. The debate was
      closed by Sirs Robert Inglis and Robert Peel; the former against, and the
      latter for the measure. On a division the second reading was carried by a
      majority of three hundred and twenty-three against one hundred and
      seventy-six. The battle, however, was not yet ended. On the order of the
      day being read for going into committee, Mr. Ward moved the following
      resolution as an amendment:&mdash;"That it is the opinion of this house,
      that any provision to be made for the purposes of the present bill, ought
      to be taken from the funds already applicable to ecclesiastical purposes
      in Ireland." A long debate ensued on this motion, which was continued for
      two nights; but on a division it was negatived by a majority of three
      hundred and twenty-two against one hundred and forty-eight. On the 25th a
      resolution, authorising a grant of £30,000 for improving Maynooth college,
      and for the payment of the amount requisite for salaries and other
      expenses, out of the consolidated fund, was passed by the house; but on
      the motion for bringing up the report, opposition to the measure was
      renewed by Mr. Law, who moved as an amendment that it be brought up on
      that day six months. Another lengthened debate took place, but the motion
      was negatived by one hundred and twenty-eight against fifty-two; and
      several other amendments, subsequently moved by Mr. Hindley and other
      members, were rejected by large majorities. The whole question was
      reopened on the motion for the third reading, and a discussion commenced
      which continued for three nights; but the third reading was carried by a
      majority of three hundred and seventeen against one hundred and
      eighty-four. The last attempt to defeat the measure was a motion by Mr. T.
      Duncombe, on the question, "That the bill do now pass," proposing a clause
      to limit its operation to three years. This was objected to by Sir Robert
      Peel, and the proposal was negatived by a large majority, after which the
      bill was passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading was moved by the Duke of Wellington in the house of
      lords, on the second of June. Lord Roden had given notice of intention to
      move, as an amendment, for a select committee to inquire into the
      character of the education given at Maynooth; and he now rose for the
      purpose of thus endeavouring to get rid of the bill. Instead of the
      measure being looked upon in Ireland, he said, as a boon, it was looked
      upon as one extorted by fear. He quoted a letter from Dr. Higgins, one of
      the Roman Catholic bishops, to show that no conciliatory effects could
      result from the measure. Nor was it his opinion that it would improve the
      education given at Maynooth: rather, it would afford facilities for
      recruiting the priesthood from the lower classes of the people. He
      maintained that the system of instruction given there had anti-social and
      disloyal tendencies, which he illustrated by a reference to the
      text-books, and details in the history and conduct of the institution. The
      Bishop of London supported the amendment: he could not consent to any
      measure which would make the college of Maynooth an integral part of the
      constitution. The Earl of St. Germains and Lord Beaumont vindicated the
      measure; and the Duke of Manchester and the Bishop of Cashel opposed it.
      The debate having been adjourned, was resumed by the Earls of Hardwick and
      Carnarvon, who supported the bill. The Earl of Winchilsea followed, and
      condemned the bill in vehement terms; and the Marquis of Normanby defended
      it as a proper concession to a nation of which seven-eighths were Roman
      Catholics. The Archbishop of Dublin supported the measure. The Bishop of
      Exeter argued against the measure that the college was not originally
      meant to be endowed by the state; and denied that the improved visitation
      which the bill professed to give would be a system of education. The
      debate having been again adjourned, was resumed by Earl Spencer and the
      Bishop of Norwich. On a division, Lord Roden's amendment was negatived by
      a majority of one hundred and fifty-five to fifty-nine; and the house
      having again divided on the original resolution, the second reading was
      carried by a majority of two hundred and twenty-six against sixty-nine.
      Subsequently, a discussion took place on the committal of the bill. On the
      motion for the third reading another debate took place; and the Bishop of
      Llandaff moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months; but
      on a division this amendment was negatived by a majority of one hundred
      and eighty-one against fifty. On the question that the bill do pass, the
      Earl of Winchilsea moved another amendment to the effect that the
      operation of the bill should be limited to a period of three years; but
      tins also was negatived, and the bill then passed.
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    <h2>
      ACADEMICAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another scheme, emanating from government, for the improvement of the
      Irish people, was a plan for the extension of academical education in
      Ireland. This measure was developed by the secretary of state for the home
      department. On moving for leave to bring in the bill, on the 9th of May,
      Sir James Graham said that the object in bringing it forward was to
      improve the social condition of Ireland. The difficulty of accomplishing
      such an object, he said, would be discerned, when he stated that the plan
      which he conceived to be the most essential was the diffusion of the
      benefits of education among the higher classes of the people. Religious
      differences formed the great obstacle to the adjustment of the general
      question of education in Ireland. For a long series of years the religion
      of the majority of the Irish people had been treated by the state as
      hostile. That notion, however, had been gradually abandoned: the penal
      laws had either been removed, or were in the course of removal, although
      traces of them were still perceptible, and operating most noxiously in
      their interference with the education of the people. Sir James Graham next
      proceeded to discuss what was the best mode of educating the people of
      Ireland, contending that it consisted in the absence of all religious
      tests. It wras on this principle that the bill he proposed was founded.
      Government recommended to the house the establishment of three provincial
      institutions for education in Ireland, and founded upon the same
      principles as the metropolitan colleges of London and Edinburgh. Cork was
      proposed as the site of the college for the south; Galway, or Limerick,
      for the west; and Deny, or Belfast, for the north of Ireland. He could not
      pledge himself for the exact amount of the expense which would be
      necessary to carry this proposal into execution; but he conceived that
      £30,000 would be wanted for the erection of each college; and he would
      therefore mention £100,000 as a sum amply sufficient for that purpose. He
      further recommended the sum of £6000 for each of the colleges, to meet the
      annual expenses of the officers of these institutions, and of the prizes
      to be established for the encouragement of learning. Sir James Graham then
      gave a sketch of the different officers whom he would establish in these
      institutions. In each college there was to be a principal and ten or
      twelve professors; and at Belfast and Cork there would be a medical school
      attached to each college. The professors were to be nominated by the
      crown; and the crown was to possess the power of removing them for good
      cause. There were no professorships of divinity to be established; but
      religion was not to be neglected; on the contrary, every facility would be
      given for the voluntary endowment of theological professorships; but the
      attendance at these lectures would not be compulsory, for the fundamental
      principle of the measure would be the avoidance of all interference,
      positive or negative, in all matters affecting the conscience. The right
      honourable baronet went on to state that there was already an academical
      institution at Belfast for the Presbyterians of the north of Ireland,
      which was supported by a parliamentary grant, at the cost of £2100 per
      annum; and government proposed to continue this grant. There was another
      subject, he said, with which, although a difficult one, he was prepared to
      grapple. The bill only founded colleges in Ireland: the question was:&mdash;"Should
      these three colleges be incorporated into one great central university, or
      should parliament invest each of them with the power of granting degrees
      in the arts, sciences, and medicine?" He proposed that the bill should
      afford her majesty means to establish a new university in Dublin for this
      purpose&mdash;Trinity College being founded on Protestant principles, and
      therefore excluding Roman Catholics or dissenters from all privileges&mdash;or
      to incorporate into the existing university these colleges. Lord
      Palmerston promised ministers the fair and honest support of the Whigs.
      The measure was opposed by Sir Robert Inglis; but leave was given to bring
      in the bill, and it was read a first time. On the motion for the second
      reading, which was moved on the 2nd of June, a debate was commenced, which
      continued by adjournment for two nights. The debate was opened by Lord
      John Manners, who moved that it be read a second time that day six months:
      his belief was, that if it passed in its present shape it would prove a
      curse, and not a boon to Ireland. Sir James Graham defended it from this
      charge. He proceeded to state some proposed alterations in the bill. The
      first change proposed was with regard to the visitorial power of the
      crown. He proposed to give the crown the power of appointing visitors,
      which visitors would have authority to inquire into any abuse which might
      arise in these institutions, and to apply an effective remedy thereto. He
      also now thought that there should be attached to each of the colleges a
      hall or halls in which religious instructions might be given to the
      students by pastors of their own religion; and he was disposed to add a
      clause to that effect. The Roman Catholic bishops had presented a memorial
      praying that a fair proportion of the professors and office-bearers in the
      new colleges should be members of the Roman Catholic church; that Roman
      Catholic professors should fill the chairs of history, logic, metaphysics,
      moral philosophy, geology, and anatomy; that there should be a Roman
      Catholic chaplain in each of the colleges, to superintend the moral and
      religious instruction of the Roman Catholic pupils, and that each of these
      chaplains should be provided with a suitable salary; and that all Roman
      Catholic professors should be appointed to a local board of trustees. Sir
      James Graham could not consent to such demands: as a majority of the
      students would belong to the Roman Catholic church, it was probable that a
      majority of the professors would belong to it also; but they could not be
      exclusively provided by the measure. Mr. E. B. Roche, who had at first
      hailed the measure as a boon, now declared his intention of opposing its
      further progress, because the nomination of all the professorships was in
      the crown, and there was no "fixity of tenure" for any administration
      which entertained friendly sentiments toward the Roman Catholic population
      of Ireland. Sir Robert Inglis repeated that this bill was "a gigantic
      scheme of godless education;" and agreed with Mr. O'Connell in thinking
      that these new institutions would be deficient in that species of
      education which was the only legitimate one for an immortal being&mdash;education
      in the duties which every man had to perform, and the principles on which
      those duties rested. The second reading was supported by Lord John
      Russell, who nevertheless wished to amend it in committee, and Lord Mahon,
      and Messrs. Redington, Milnes, Osborne, Wyse, and R. M. O. Ferrol; and
      opposed by Messrs. Acland, B. Hope, and Hamilton. Mr. Acland called
      attention to the fact that some of the speakers in behalf of the bill gave
      an unqualified support to it; and contended that not one of them had
      proved that it would give such education as would be useful in any respect
      to Ireland. Sir Robert Peel spoke at great length in behalf of the
      measure; and announced that, if adopted, and the plan worked well,
      government would consider whether the three colleges should be
      incorporated into a university, and what power that university should have
      in conferring degrees. After a few words from Messrs. M. J. O'Connell and
      Shaw in favour of the second reading, though not of entire approval of the
      measure, the amendment was negatived by a majority of three hundred and
      eleven against forty-six, and the bill was read a second time. Upon the
      resolution of the committee of the whole house for the grant being
      reported, Mr. O'Connell took occasion to declare his protest against it;
      and to thank Sir Robert Inglis for calling it "a godless system of
      education." Subsequently, on the committal of the bill, he again declared
      his objections to its principle: and Lord John Russell coincided with him
      in his statement, that unless the bill was made acceptable to the Roman
      Catholics, by providing for the religious instruction of the pupils, it
      would be useless. On the first clause, relating to the grant of £100,000
      for building the three colleges and necessary buildings, Lord John Russell
      proposed, as an amendment, to include among the buildings to be thus paid
      for, halls for the accommodation of the students. This motion, however,
      was negatived; as was also another, moved by Mr. Wyse, on the clause which
      declared that the appointment of professors should be vested in the crown,
      and after a time limited should revert to parliament. Mr. Wyse desired
      that the professors should be chosen, after an investigation into their
      qualifications, by a competent board of examiners; but Sir Robert Peel
      opposed the amendment, as premature, and likely to operate to the
      discouragement of the students.. Several other amendments were proposed in
      committee, but they were all rejected; and on the third reading Mr. Bernai
      Osborne introduced a collateral discussion upon the revenues and
      management of Trinity College, Dublin, by proposing the following
      resolution:&mdash;"That an humble address be presented to her majesty,
      praying that she will be graciously pleased to direct an inquiry to be
      made into the amount of the revenue of Trinity College, Dublin, from rents
      of college-lands, endowments, and bequests, fees on matriculation, on
      taking degrees, and from every other source; also into the manner in which
      that income is expended; the number of senior and junior fellows, of
      professors, scholars, and all other officers of the college, with the
      amount of salary and allowances to each of them, with a view to ascertain
      whether the income or funds at present applied solely to the benefit of
      Protestants in Trinity College, Dublin, might not be beneficially extended
      so as to make Roman Catholics and Protestant dissenters eligible if
      otherwise qualified, to all scholarships, and to all such fellowships,
      professorships, and other offices in Trinity College, Dublin, as are not
      intended for ecclesiastical purposes immediately connected with
      ecclesiastical endowment." Mr. Osborne, in support of this resolution,
      contended that Trinity College was not founded with Protestant money, but
      with the property of the Roman Catholic Earl of Desmond, confiscated by
      Elizabeth in 1592; and that it was not until forty years afterwards, in
      the time of Strafford, that Roman Catholics were mentioned, and rendered
      ineligible for the professorships. The motion was opposed by Sirs Thomas
      Freemantle and R. Inglis, the latter of whom denied that the college was
      founded with Roman Catholic money. It was erected on the site of the old
      monastery of All-Hallows, which having become vested in the mayor and
      citizens of Dublin, by grant from Henry the Eighth, was by them given for
      the establishment of this college. The funds for its erection and
      endowment were raised by a contribution among the gentry of Ireland, for
      which purpose a circular letter was sent to them by the Lord-deputy
      Fitzwilliam, the archbishop, and the lords of the council in 1791: the
      original foundation of the college might, therefore, he said, be as purely
      Protestant as could be imagined. The motion was supported by Messrs.
      War-burton and Shiel, the latter of whom contended that Queen Elizabeth's
      charter did not contemplate exclusively Protestant objects. But it was
      rather on the ground of justice than on such grounds, he said, that this
      subject ought to be discussed. He remarked:&mdash;"There are seventy
      scholarships; the scholars have lodging and commons for a nominal sum,
      with £10 a-year and £40 a-year in the last three years: the scholarships
      being exclusively Protestant. So long," he continued, "as you keep up
      Trinity College in its supremacy you will make your measure of academical
      education, for all political purposes, an entire failure. Your provincial
      academies will be marked with all the characteristics of mediocrity, which
      will only render the elevation of Trinity College more conspicuous by the
      inferiority with which it will be surrounded. How stunted and dwarfed the
      groves of our new academies when compared with the rich luxuriance of the
      gardens of Trinity! I had a thousand times rather you had applied your
      £18,000 a-year to the establishment of new fellowships and new
      professorships in the metropolitan and national institutions; because if
      you had done so, Englishmen would have got a value&mdash;a value in peace,
      a value in contentment, a value in pacificatory results&mdash;for their
      money. Now your measure, for political purposes&mdash;I say, for political
      purposes, though I won't deny that the advantages of education will be
      distributed to a certain extent&mdash;but your measure, though for
      political purposes it may partially succeed, yet as a message of peace it
      will be a failure." Sir Robert Peel contended that he and his colleagues
      had exerted themselves to make equality in Ireland, at the expense of
      giving umbrage to the majority of the people in this country. He appealed
      to the enlarged grant to Maynooth, and to the way in which the charitable
      bequests act had been carried out, as showing the conciliatory disposition
      of the government. Yet, after all their exertions for peace they were
      doomed to be disappointed. He regretted Mr. Shiel's speech on account of
      the use that would be made of it in this country. It would be said&mdash;"See
      how unavailing all attempts are to conciliate the Roman Catholics of
      Ireland. Regardless of the warnings, the feelings, and fears of their
      friends, they hoped by proposing certain measures, that they would make an
      impression on the Irish mind; but, instead of this, the leading Roman
      Catholic member in the house of commons gets up and tells them that,
      unless they went ten times as far as they had yet gone, they would have an
      insurrection in Ireland." This he believed, however, was not the feeling
      of the Irish people; he believed that government had made an impression on
      the feelings of the Irish people. After a few words from Lord John
      Russell, the house divided on Mr. Osborne's amendment, which was negatived
      by a majority of one hundred and sixty-eight against ninety-one, and the
      bill was then read a third time and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading of the Irish education bill was moved in the house of
      lords by Lord Stanley on the 21st of July. The Earl of Shrewsbury opposed
      the measure. Government he said, had been overawed by the fanatic feeling
      of the English people; and he urged ministers to withdraw the bill for a
      season, and reintroduce it in a shape better suited to the wants and
      wishes of Ireland. The bill was further opposed by the Earl of Carnarvon,
      who protested against the divorce of religion from education, and
      expressed his fears that such a precedent might be applied to Oxford and
      Cambridge. The bill was defended by the Duke of Newcastle, the Marquis of
      Lansdowne, the Bishop of Norwich, and Lords Brougham, Beaumont, and
      Clifford. The second reading was affirmed without a division; and
      subsequently the bill passed through committee, and was read a third time
      without any fixed opposition.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL POLICY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this session intelligence had arrived which announced
      a disastrous collision in New Zealand between the natives and the settlers
      at the Bay of Islands, and which terminated in defeat and serious loss on
      the part of the latter. This intelligence produced considerable sensation
      in the public mind, more especially among those connected with the
      colonists in those islands. The New Zealand Company loudly accused the
      colonial office, and the administration of the governor, Captain Fitzroy;
      while other parties contended that the evil which had arisen had been in a
      great measure induced by the company itself. The event became the subject
      of several discussions in parliament. The first of these discussions took
      place on the 11th of March, when Mr. Somes moved for all copies of
      correspondence between the colonial office and the governor of New
      Zealand, respecting the issue of debentures and the rendering them a legal
      tender in that colony, the taxes proposed in the legislative council, the
      outrages recently committed by the natives in the Bay of Islands, and a
      proclamation issued by the governor of New Zealand, allowing the sale of
      land by the natives at a less price than that fixed by the act of the 5th
      and 6th Victoria. This motion was seconded by Mr. Aglionby, who asked
      whether government was not aware that in that colony inconvertible paper
      had been made by the governor a legal tender for sums as low as two
      shillings? whether the governor had previously received authority by
      warrant from the colonial department to issue such debentures to the
      amount of £15,000? whether it was true that in a colony that was to
      flourish by its agriculture a tax of 10s. had been levied on every sheep
      imported, and a similar tax on every dog imported to herd them? what the
      house thought of a governor who placed a tax of £1 on every house in which
      more than three rooms were inhabited? and whether the governor had
      vindicated the character of this country by protecting the whites from the
      outrages of the natives? Nine of our countrymen, he continued, had been
      tomahawked after they had given up their arms: had the governor made
      inquiry into the circumstances of this massacre? or had he gone, as was
      reported, to the murderous tribes, and declared himself satisfied? He also
      wanted to know in what manner the honour of the British flag had been
      vindicated, after it had been cut down at the custom-house; and made
      several inquiries respecting the sale of lands in New Zealand, observing
      that when he had obtained an answer to his questions, he should bring
      forward a distinct motion on the subject, and should call for further
      information. Mr. Hope, the under-secretary, protested against the course
      pursued by Mr. Aglionby, demanding why he did not boldly come forward,
      make his charge against government, and endeavour to substantiate it. He
      proceeded, however, to answer the questions put by Mr. Aglionby. The
      government, he said, had disapproved of the debentures issued by the local
      governor, ami they had been withdrawn. Respecting the taxes imposed in New
      Zealand he knew nothing, as government had been an unusually long time
      without intelligence from that colony. With respect to the outrages at the
      Bay of Islands, troops had been sent for their repression; and the
      governor, he thought had sufficiently vindicated the honour of the British
      flag. On the other subjects of interrogation he had no information to
      communicate. Other members took part in the discussion; and finally the
      motion was agreed to.
    </p>
    <p>
      A more lengthened discussion on the condition of this colony took place on
      the 17th of June, on which occasion Mr. Charles Buller brought forward a
      series of resolutions relating to the policy pursued towards New Zealand.
      In his speech he contended that the colonization of New Zealand, after it
      had been successfully commenced by the New Zealand Company, had been
      marred by the interference of her majesty's government. He proceeded to
      show the superiority of the scheme of colonization adopted by the company
      with that pursued by the colonial office. After pointing out the great
      importance of New Zealand in a national and political point of view, and
      the fair field which it afforded for the development of the capital and
      labour of England, he showed that at the time when it was first colonized,
      strong reasons existed for colonizing it regularly, lest it should be
      colonized irregularly. The whole of the native population did not exceed
      100,000 souls, and they were principally concentrated in the northern
      parts of the island. Was that a circumstance which ought to prevent any
      other country from colonizing the southern parts of it, which were almost
      totally unoccupied, or the northern parts, which were almost all left
      uncultivated? It was wicked to deny the right of civilized man to
      cultivate the wilderness; but he was bound to treat the savage with
      kindness, and to communicate to him the advantages of civilization. The
      New Zealand Company had treated the savage with kindness, making him ample
      compensation for the land purchased of him, by setting a part of it to his
      service after it had been brought into cultivation. The colonial office,
      however, conceived that its duty was discharged towards the savage when it
      had obtained for him a large price for his land, and had not taken any
      measure to apply it to his future amelioration. Mr. Buller next entered
      into a minute history of the proceedings of the colonial authorities in
      New Zealand, from the time of the conclusion of the treaty of Waitangi,
      down to the present period; and vindicated the conduct of the New Zealand
      Company, showing that their settlements had been founded on a scale of
      liberality and munificence hitherto unknown in the history of English
      colonization. Their principal object had been merely to protect themselves
      from loss, whilst engaged in diffusing the arts and industry along with
      the laws and language of England; yet Lord Stanley had adopted measures
      which had marred all their prospects of future success. Mr. Buller
      proceeded to enter into a discussion of the land question between Lord
      Stanley and the New Zealand Company. He contended that the company had a
      right to expect to be put in possession by government of the number of
      acres awarded to them; yet, after spending £800,000 of its own, and
      £300,000 more on credit, obtained from the public, it had not obtained the
      grant of a single acre. Its capital was exhausted; its proceedings were
      suspended; and, what was worse, the unhappy emigrants had been debarred
      from all access as owners to the land which they had purchased with hard
      cash in England. The crops which they had raised were destroyed by fire,
      and their lives had been menaced; and when they applied for redress to the
      colonial office, that aid had been coldly refused. They now apprehended a
      general massacre; and yet Captain Fitzroy prohibited them from arming
      themselves in self-defence. His policy had inspired the New Zealanders
      with an overweening confidence, and our countrymen with fierce resentment;
      and the consequence would be that the first would perish under the attacks
      of the last, as they would be no more in the hands of Englishmen than mere
      children in the hands of full-grown men. In conclusion, Mr. Buller
      expressed his conviction that Lord Stanley had put down the most promising
      experiment of colonization that had ever been attempted by England; and
      moved that the house resolve itself into a committee of the whole house to
      consider the resolutions. The motion was seconded by Mr. Milnes, who
      contended that a case had been made out for the interference of the house.
      Mr. Hope defended the character of Lord Stanley at great length, denying
      that his lordship was influenced by any hostility either to colonization
      or to the New Zealand Company. He was not prepared, he said, to justify
      all the acts of Captain Fitzroy; but he was convinced that he did himself
      frequent injustice by the scanty reports he sent home. In reply to the
      allegation that the colonial office was chargeable with all the disasters
      of the colony, he insisted that they were mainly attributable to the hasty
      proceedings of the New Zealand Company, in taking possession of that
      island without authority from the crown. Mr. Hope next proceeded to give
      an account of the state of the colony according to the latest advices
      received from thence; endeavouring to show that the settlers and the
      natives generally were on good terms, and that there was no fear of a
      collision between them. He concluded by entering into a consideration of
      the resolutions, and by declaring that government would not consent to
      them. The debate was then adjourned, and on the following day it was
      resumed by Captain Rous, who brought some grave charges against the New
      Zealand Company. He did so, he said, for the purpose of giving the
      directors of that company, who had been described as philanthropic
      gentlemen, an opportunity of replying to those charges. Mr. Aglionby, in
      reply, protested against them; but declined to enter into a refutation of
      them on the present occasion: the details of them all had been inquired
      into in the previous session by the select committee, and on every one of
      them a verdict of acquittal had been given by that committee. Other
      members who took part in the debate for the motion were Lords Howick and
      John Russell, and Messrs. Ellice, Hawes, Mangles, Colquhoun, and Shiel;
      against it, Sirs Robert Peel, James Graham, Robert Inglis, and Howard
      Douglas and Mr. Cardwell. After a brief reply from Mr. Buller, the house
      divided on the motion, which was negatived by a majority of two hundred
      and twenty-three against one hundred and seventeen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Towards the end of the session the New Zealand question again became the
      subject of a lengthened investigation. Intelligence continued to be
      received from New Zealand of the hostile disposition and violent conduct
      of the natives, and the precarious tenure on which the lives and
      properties of the settlers depended. Under these circumstances, on the
      21st of July, a petition was presented by the New Zealand Company, praying
      the house "not to separate without taking measures calculated to allay the
      apprehensions prevalent among the colonists of New Zealand, and to revive
      confidence in the company, by which its usefulness would be restored, the
      friendly communication between the colonists and the aboriginal races
      renewed, and the prosperity of New Zealand secured." On the same day Mr.
      C. Buller proposed a resolution to the effect, that "the house regarded
      with regret and apprehension the state of affairs in New Zealand, and that
      those feelings were greatly aggravated by the want of any sufficient
      evidence of a change in the policy which had led to such disastrous
      results." A long debate ensued, which was continued by adjournment; but on
      a division the motion was negatived by one hundred and fifty-five against
      eighty-nine. A few nights afterwards, on the vote being proposed, in a
      committee of supply of £22,565 for New-Zealand, Mr. J. A. Smith stated
      that negociations had been resumed between the Colonial office and the New
      Zealand Company, and that the result only waited the final approval of
      Lord Stanley, who was absent from town. He asked, if the hope of a
      favourable issue were not realized, whether Sir Robert Peel would afford
      another opportunity, before the close of the session, for some remarks on
      the present state of New Zealand, Sir Robert Peel promised to do so; but
      expressed a strong desire to co-operate in the colonization of New
      Zealand, and to bring the differences with the company to a conclusion. It
      would seem that government were now, indeed, convinced that the policy of
      the government of New Zealand was unfavourable to the prospects of the
      colony; for about this time Captain Fitzroy was recalled. Government also
      appears to have been convinced that some better policy must be adopted;
      for Mr. Hope, on the occasion of the last debate on New Zealand, stated,
      that a gentleman unconnected with the subject had been called in to give
      his advice, and he was now engaged in arranging the matter for his full
      consideration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      QUESTION OF THE OREGON TERRITORY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The great question of this year between Great Britain and the United
      States was the boundary-line running through the Oregon territory. The
      proposals of the British government to Congress were not acceded to; and
      up to this period, negociation, in which the British cabinet had shown
      themselves desirous of terminating the dispute amicably, had failed. The
      American authorities asserted a valid claim to all the territory, and were
      unwilling to allow any portion of it to be given up to England. In the
      present year, the dispute assumed more the aspect of war than it had
      hitherto done; for Mr. Polk had been chosen president, and he was
      decidedly hostile to the claims of the British to this or any portion of
      this territory. His hostility was clearly unfolded to the world by his
      presidential message to congress.
    </p>
    <p>
      The inaugural address of President Polk being of such a belligerent
      nature, naturally created strong apprehensions in the public mind of
      England of an intended encroachment upon our rights in the matter of the
      Oregon territory. The subject was introduced in the house of lords, by
      Lord Clarendon, on the 4th of April, with a view to elicit from government
      some information as to our relations with the United States upon this
      question, and the course it was intended to pursue, in case congress,
      acting upon the president's express opinion, should proceed to take
      possession of the country. His lordship expressed an anxious hope, that,
      while whatever could be justly claimed by the United States should be
      readily conceded, government would not shrink from vindicating, if
      necessary, the nation's honour, and upholding her interests. In reply,
      Lord Aberdeen said that our position was precisely the same as it had been
      for the last eighteen years, under the treaty of 1827. The provisions of
      that treaty had been prolonged for an indefinite period, subject to the
      right of either party to terminate it by giving a year's notice. This
      could not be done without a vote of congress, and that body would not
      assemble until December; so that sufficient time was still left to bring
      the matters in dispute to a satisfactory conclusion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The same subject was brought before the commons on the same day by Lord
      John Russell.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Oregon question was introduced into the discussions of the American
      Senate on the 15th of December, by General Cass, who made a violent speech
      in favour of President Polk's views of the subject. Referring to the above
      debate in Parliament, and particularly to the speeches of Lord John
      Russell and Sir Robert Peel, he dwelt strongly upon the rapacities of
      England; and congratulated his country that it had secured Texas in spite
      of her attempts to wrest it from America. The object of the speech of
      General Cass was clearly to involve the United States in a war with Great
      Britain; but there were men in the American senate who, conscious of the
      weakness of their cause, stood in the breach. This year closed, however,
      before the dispute was terminated: it was still left open to arbitration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MISCELLANEOUS MEASURES OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the present session Lord-chancellor Lyndhurst introduced a bill
      into the upper house, having for its object the relief of persons, of the
      Jewish persuasion from certain tests which had previously been required
      from them upon their election to municipal offices. The bill was read a
      second time in the house of lords on the 10th of March, without a
      division; and having passed through that house, it came down to the
      commons, where the second reading was moved by Sir Robert Peel on the 17th
      of July. It was opposed by Sir Robert Inglis, who regretted that Sir R.
      Peel had lent the sanction of his name to it. And moved that it be read
      that day three months. On a division the amendment was negatived by a
      majority of ninety-one against eleven. The second reading was then
      carried, and the bill subsequently became law.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session a bill was introduced by the Lord-advocate for the
      amendment of the poor-laws in Scotland. The chief objects of this bill
      were thus described by Sir James Graham on the debate on the second
      reading:&mdash;"Provisions had been made for local inspection; for a
      responsible supervision by a board sitting in the capital; for perfect
      publicity; for an appeal to the sheriff of the county on the part of the
      poor man to whom relief was refused; for empowering the sheriff to order
      relief; and, if the quantum were too small, for a power of appeal, without
      expense, to the central board, which had complete power, without
      limitation, to deal with the quantum of relief; and on the other hand, if
      the quantum was too great, the parish might appeal to the court of
      session. Provision had also been made for subscription to lunatic asylums;
      for the education of pauper children; for medical attendants; and for
      building poor-houses in large cities." This bill encountered much
      opposition in both houses; but it finally passed into law, with very
      trifling alteration made in the house of lords.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the minor fruits of this session were two bills introduced by Lord
      Ashley; one for the regulation of juvenile labour in calico-print works,
      and the other to provide for the better care of lunatics. The former of
      these bills was a supplement to Lord Ashley's exertions in former
      sessions, for the protection of persons employed in factories. In
      introducing the latter, Lord Ashley startled the house by some distressing
      statements of the abuses by which the law had been perverted in the
      treatment of pauper lunatics.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Duncombe opposed it; but the feeling of the house was strongly in its
      favour, and it was adopted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two bills were this year brought in by Sir Robert Peel, for the regulation
      of banking in Scotland and Ireland, based on similar principles to that by
      which he had remodelled the English banking system in the preceding year.
      In explaining these measures he first touched upon a peculiarity in Irish
      banking as distinct from Scottish&mdash;the existence of the national bank
      of Ireland. It enjoyed the exclusive privilege of issuing and paying
      notes, except of large amounts and at longdates, within a circle of
      sixty-four English miles radius. Its capital was £6,729,000.; and there
      was a debt due by government of £2,630,000, on which three and a half per
      cent, interest was paid. There were eight other banks of issue in Ireland&mdash;joint-stock
      banks: those banks had four thousand shareholders, and many thousand more
      customers; to many of whom it was a serious inconvenience that they could
      not transact business through the national bank. He proposed, with the
      willing concurrence of its directors, to withdraw all the exclusive
      privileges of the national bank, except that he would continue to it the
      government business, and the present rate of interest on the government
      debt, as payment for conducting the official business. He would also
      abolish the oaths in that establishment, distinguishing Roman Catholic
      office-bearers from Protestants. The bank would also make a weekly return,
      like that of the Bank of England. In Scotland, as in Ireland, there were
      no private banks of issue: all were joint-stock banks. There were nineteen
      banks, to which number they were restricted by the acts of last session.
      Three had charters; two were incorporated under act of parliament; the
      rest were not incorporated. It would be better to give them all charters
      of incorporation; but still he would make that permissive. He would not
      abolish the power of issuing notes under five pounds in amount either in
      Scotland or Ireland&mdash;he would not run the risk of encountering the
      opposition which such a proposal would excite; though he did not know that
      the use of tire small notes could be justified by argument. He would not
      establish any fixed proportion between the notes under £5, or above; but
      he would, as in the case of the English banks, restrict the future issues
      of the banks to the amount of the average issues for a ces tain time past;
      namely, the period of the 27th of April, 1844, thirteen lunar months. In
      Ireland it was necessary to take an extended time, because there had been
      a greater increase on the issues within the last three or four months. He
      would solve the doubt in Scotland as to the question of law, whether Bank
      of England notes were a legal tender or not, by making them <i>not</i> a
      legal tender. There was in this country a security against derangement of
      the currency, in the general diffusion of gold coin, probably not less
      than £30,000,000 or £35,000,000, through every part, a security which did
      not exist in Ireland or Scotland: he would therefore oblige any excess of
      the issues of the banks, over the amounts now fixed, to be based not on
      bullion or Bank of England notes, but on bullion alone; gold or silver
      bullion; making silver under two pounds a legal tender. It would be
      advantageous to encourage an increase of silver, especially in Ireland.
      The banks would, in future, be obliged to make weekly returns of the notes
      in circulation: but in Scotland, returns of the circulation each day would
      be fallacious, on account of exchanges with other banks; and therefore he
      would continue the present system of making a return of the last day in
      each week; the average would be struck on the returns for four weeks, and
      the circulation, or any excess, calculated on that average. Several
      statistical particulars, such as the amount of gold in each bank, or
      distinction between the £5 and the lower notes, the description of issues,
      &amp;c, would be required; but the information thus exacted by government
      would be in confidence: the monthly returns published by the stamp-office
      resembling those now made in England. The average circulation of the
      Scotch banks in the thirteen months since the 27th of April was
      £3,041,000; but there was in the November of each year an excess in the
      issues of about £500,000, which would of course have to be based on
      bullion. The average circulation in Ireland would in future be, of the
      national bank, £3,706,000; of the other banks, £2,565,000; in all.
      £6,271,000. As there was in Scotland no national bank to supply any
      deficiency caused in the circulation by the failure of any joint-stock
      bank, he would give permission for any bank to dispose of its circulation
      to another bank; the aggregate of the two amounts to be taken as the joint
      circulation. To avoid any inconvenience or precipitancy, the plan would
      not come into operation until the 1st of January, 1846. Sir Robert Peel
      concluded by expressing his belief that this plan would add to the
      stability of the circulation in the United Kingdom, and would be an
      equitable way of making Ireland and Scotland bear their share of the
      burden of providing a guarantee against commercial panic. These bills
      passed through both houses without much discussion, and became law.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this session a measure was passed by government for facilitating
      the enclosure of commons in England and Wales, by appointing a board of
      commissioners with extensive powers, and removing the necessity of
      obtaining private acts of parliament for the enclosing of lands.
    </p>
    <p>
      The business of the session was closed by Lord John Russell's taking the
      opportunity for a formal motion for papers, to enter into a critical
      review of the results of the session, and the general policy of the
      administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was prorogued by the queen in person on the 9th of August.
      After the speaker had addressed her majesty on the measures of the
      session, and some bills had received the royal assent, her majesty read
      the royal speech.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of this year the important subject of railroads in India
      was taken into serious consideration. Various companies were formed in
      England, for the purpose, if possible, of carrying out schemes of railway
      communication in that country. In order that full preliminary information
      might be obtained before any project was sanctioned, the court of
      directors sent a despatch to the governor-general, directing him to take
      the subject into his best consideration, as one in which the interests of
      India were deeply concerned.
    </p>
    <p>
      Until the close of the year, peace pervaded the whole of India, and Sir
      Henry Hardinge was employed in promoting the interests of the natives, by
      giving his attention to the important question of education. While thus
      humanely employed, the state of our north-western frontier summoned him to
      engage in warlike preparations. The Anglo-Indian dominion on the left bank
      of the Sutlej was suddenly invaded by a Sikh army. What part the
      government at Lahore took in this invasion is uncertain. It is alleged on
      the part of the Ranee, the queen-mother, and the other advisers of the
      youthful monarch, Dhuleep Singh, and the Durbar at Lahore was at the mercy
      of the army; and that the restless and mutinous Sikh soldiers, in defiance
      of government, determined to cross the Sutlej, in hopes of finding the
      British unprepared, and carrying off an immense quantity of booty. This
      sounds like fiction; and it would rathe appear that the Lahore government,
      standing in awe of the Sikh army, was glad of any pretext for finding it
      employment in British India, in order to avoid violence within the Punjaub
      territory. Be this as it may, the Sikhs invaded our borders; and we had no
      alternative but to treat the invasion as a formal declaration of war on
      the part of the Lahore government, and to take measures for proceeding
      against the Punjaub government as a hostile state. On the 2nd of December
      Sir Henry Hardinge arrived at Umballah; on the 6th he removed from
      Umballah towards Loodianah; and on the 12th his whole force marched
      towards the Sutlej, and took up a position at Busseeau, an important
      point, where the roads leading from Umballah and Kurnaul meet. It was not
      till the 13th that the Sikh army crossed the Sutlej, and on that day Sir
      Henry Hardinge issued the following proclamation:&mdash;"The British
      government has ever been on terms of friendship with that of the Punjaub.
      In the year 1809 a treaty of amity and concord was concluded between the
      British government and the late Maharaja Runjeet Singh, the conditions of
      which have always been faithfully observed by the British government, and
      were scrupulously fulfilled by the late Maharaja. The same friendly
      relations have been maintained with the successors of Maharaja Runjeet
      Singh, by the British government, up to the present time. Since the death
      of the late Maharaja Shere Singh, the disorganized state of the Lahore
      government has made it incumbent on the governor-general in council to
      adopt precautionary measures for the protection of the British frontier;
      the nature of these measures, and the cause of their adoption were at the
      time fully explained to the Lahore Durbar. Notwithstanding the
      disorganized state of the Lahore government, during the last two years,
      and many most unfriendly proceedings on the part of the Durbar, the
      governor-general in council has continued to evince his desire to maintain
      the relations of amity and concord which had so long existed between the
      two states, for the mutual interests and happiness of both. He has shown
      on every occasion the utmost forbearance, from consideration to the
      helpless state of the infant Maharaja Dhuleep Singh, whom the British
      government had recognised as the successor to the late Maharaja Shere
      Singh. The governor-general in council sincerely desired to see a strong
      Sikh government re-established in the Punjaub, able to control its army
      and protect its subjects. He had not, up to the present moment, abandoned
      the hope of seeing that important object effected by the patriotic efforts
      of the Sikhs and people of that country. The Sikh army recently marched
      from Lahore towards thu British frontier, as it was alleged, by the orders
      of the Durbar, for the purpose of invading the British territory. The
      governor-general's agent, by direction of the governor-general, demanded
      an explanation of this movement; and no reply being returned within a
      reasonable time, the demand was repeated. The governor-general, unwilling
      to believe in the hostile intentions of the Sikh government, to which no
      provocation had been given, refrained from taking any measures which might
      have a tendency to embarrass the government of the Maharaja, or to induce
      collision between the two states. When no reply was given to the repeated
      demand for explanation, and while active military operations were
      continued at Lahore, the governor-general considered it necessary to order
      the advance of troops towards the frontier, to re-enforce the frontier
      posts. The Sikh army has now, without a shadow of provocation, invaded the
      British territories. Tire governor-general must, therefore, take measures
      for effectually protecting the British provinces; for vindicating the
      authority of the British government; and for punishing the violaters of
      treaties and the disturbers of public peace. The governor-general hereby
      declares the possessions of Maharaja Dhuleep Singh, on the left, or
      British bank of the Sutlej, confiscated and annexed to the British
      territories. The governor-general will respect the existing rights of all
      jagheerdars, zemindars, and tenants in the said possessions, who, by the
      course they now pursue, evince their fidelity to the British government.
      The governor-general hereby calls upon all the chiefs and sirdars in the
      protected territories to co-operate cordially with the British government,
      for the punishment of the common enemy, and for the maintenance of order
      in these states. Those of the chiefs which show alacrity and fidelity in
      the discharge of this duty, which they owe to the protecting power, will
      find their interests promoted thereby; and those who take a contrary
      course will be treated as enemies to the British government, and will be
      punished accordingly. The inhabitants of all the territories on the left
      bank of the Sutlej are hereby directed to abide peaceably in their
      respective villages, where they will receive efficient protection by the
      British government. All parties of men found in armed bands, who can give
      no satisfactory account of their proceedings, will be treated as
      disturbers of the public peace. All subjects of the British government,
      and those who possess estates on both sides of the river Sutlej, who by
      their faithful adherence to the British government, may be liable to
      sustain loss, shall be indemnified and secured in all their just rights
      and privileges. On the other hand, all subjects of the British government,
      who shall continue in the service of the Lahore state, and who disobey
      this proclamation, by not immediately returning to their allegiance, will
      be liable to have their property on this side of the Sutlej confiscated,
      and declared to be aliens and enemies of the British government." On
      crossing the Sutlej, the Sikh army, under the command of Sirdar Tej Sing,
      invested Ferozepore on one side, and took up an intrenched position at the
      village of Ferozeshah, about ten miles in advance of Ferozepore, and
      nearly the same distance from Moodkee. Ferozepore was garrisoned with
      about 5000 troops, with twenty-one guns, under the command of
      Major-general Sir John Littler. The great object of the governor-general
      was to effect a junction between the separated portions of the
      Anglo-Indian army before an attack could be made upon them by the Sikhs.
      For this purpose orders were issued by the governor-general, while on his
      route, to the force at Umballah, with Sir Hugh Gough at their head, to
      move up towards Ferozepore by rapid marches. On the 18th those troops
      reached the village of Moodkee, and on that day a battle was fought, which
      will be best told in Sir Hugh Gough's own words. In his dispatch he
      writes:&mdash;"Soon after mid-day, the division under Major-general Sir
      Harry Smith, a brigade of that under Major-general Sir J. M'Caskill, and
      another of that under Major-general Gilbert, with five troops of
      horse-artillery, and two light field-batteries, under Lieutenant-colonel
      Brooke, of the horse-artillery, and the cavalry division, consisting of
      her majesty's 3rd light-dragoons, the body-guard, 4th and 5th
      light-cavalry, and 9th irregular cavalry, took up their encamping ground
      in front of Moodkee. The troops were in a state of great exhaustion,
      principally from the want of water, which was not procurable on the road,
      when, about three p. m., information was received that the Sikh army was
      advancing; and the troops had scarcely time to get under arms and move to
      their positions, when the fact was ascertained. I immediately pushed
      forward the horse-artillery and cavalry, directing the infantry,
      accompanied by the field-batteries, to move forward in support. We had not
      proceeded beyond two miles, when we found the enemy in position. They were
      said to consist of from 15,000 to 20,000 infantry, about the same force of
      cavalry, and forty guns. They had evidently either just taken up this
      position, or were advancing in order of battle against us. To resist their
      attack, and to cover the formation of the infantry, I advanced the
      cavalry, under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Martier, rapidly to the front,
      in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain. They were speedily
      followed by the five troops of horse-artillery, under Brigadier Brooke,
      who took up a forward position, having the valley then on his flanks. The
      country is a dead flat, covered, at short intervals, with a low, but in
      some places, a thick low jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks. The enemy
      screened their infantry and artillery behind this jungle, and such
      undulations as the ground afforded; and whilst our twelve battalions
      formed from echellon of brigade into line, opened a very severe cannonade
      upon our advancing troops, which was vigorously replied to by the battery
      of horse artillery under Brigadier Brooke, which was soon joined by the
      two light field-batteries. The rapid and well-directed fire of our
      artillery appeared soon to paralyse that of the enemy. And as it was necessary
      to complete our infantry dispositions without advancing the artillery too
      near the jungle, I directed the cavalry, under Brigadiers White and Gough,
      to make a flank movement on the enemy's left, with a view of threatening
      and turning that flank, if possible. With praiseworthy gallantry, the 3rd
      light-dragoons, with the 2nd brigade of cavalry, consisting of the
      body-guard and 5th light-cavalry, with a portion of the 4th lancers,
      turned the left of the Sikh army, and, sweeping along the whole rear of
      its infantry and guns, silenced for a time the latter, and put their
      numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst this movement was taking place on the
      enemy's left, I directed the remainder of the 4th lancers, the 9th
      irregular cavalry, under Brigadier Martier, with a light field-battery, to
      threaten their right. This manouvre was also successful. Had not the
      infantry and guns of the enemy been screened by the jungle, these
      brilliant charges would have been productive of greater effect. When the
      infantry advanced to the attack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly pushed on his
      horse-artillery close to the jungle, and the cannonade was resumed on both
      sides. The infantry under Major-generals Sir Harry Smith, Gilbert, and Sir
      John M'Caskill, attacked in echellon of lines the enemy's infantry, almost
      invisible amongst wood and the approaching darkness of the night. The
      position of the enemy was such as might have been expected from troops who
      had everything at stake, and who had long vaunted of being irresistible.
      Their ample and extended line, from the great superiority of numbers, far
      outflanked ours; but this was counteracted by the flank movements of our
      cavalry. The attack of the infantry now commenced, and the roll of fire
      from this powerful arm soon convinced the Sikh army that they had met with
      a foe they little expected; and their whole force was driven from position
      after position, with great slaughter, and the loss of seventeen pieces of
      artillery, some of them of heavy calibre; our infantry using that
      never-failing weapon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only
      saved them from worse disaster; for this stout conflict was maintained
      during an hour and a half ot dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from
      the sandy plain, which yet more obscured every object." This victory,
      however, was dearly purchased: amongst those who fell was Sir Robert Sale,
      the hero of Jellalabad, and Sir John M'Caskill. After remaining encamped
      for two days, Sir Hugh Gough moved with his whole force towards
      Ferozeshah, where the Sikh army was posted in a strongly entrenched camp,
      defended by a formidable park of artillery. Here a junction was formed
      between the troops under Sir John Littler and those of Sir Hugh Gough.
      About four o'clock on the afternoon of the 21st, the united forces
      advanced to attack the entrenched camp of the Sikhs. At this time Sir
      Henry Hardinge himself had joined Sir Hugh Gough; and he took an active
      part in the events of the day, as second in command. The camp of the enemy
      was in the form of a parallelogram, of about a mile in length, and half a
      mile in breadth, including within its area the strong village of
      Ferozeshah: the shorter sides looking towards the Sutlej and Moodkee, and
      the longer towards Ferozepore and the open country. The British troops
      moved against the last-named place, and their operations were thus
      detailed by Sir Hugh Gough:&mdash;"The divisions of Major-general Sir John
      Littler, Brigadier Wallace, and Major-general Gilbert, deployed into line,
      having in the centre our whole force of artillery, with the exception of
      one on either flank, and one in support, to be moved as occasion required.
      Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division and our small cavalry force moved
      in second line, having a brigade in reserve to cover each wing. I
      committed the charge of the left wing to Lieutenant-general Sir Henry
      Hardinge, while I personally conducted the right. A very heavy cannonade
      was opened by the enemy, who had dispersed over their position upwards of
      one hundred guns, more than forty of which were of battering calibre:
      these kept up a heavy and well directed fire, which the practice of our
      far less numerous artillery, of much lighter metal, checked in some
      degree, but could not silence: finally, in the face of a storm of shot and
      shell, our infantry advanced, and carried these formidable entrenchments:
      they threw themselves upon their guns, and with matchless gallantry
      wrested them from the enemy; but when the batteries were partially within
      our grasp, our soldiery had to face such a fire of musketry from the Sikh
      infantry, arrayed behind their guns, that, in spite of the most heroic
      efforts, a portion only of the entrenchment could be carried. Night fell
      while the conflict was raging. Although I now brought up Major-general Sir
      Harry Smith's division, and he captured and long retained another part of
      the position, and her majesty's 3rd light-dragoons charged, and took some
      of the most formidable batteries, yet the enemy remained in possession of
      a considerable portion of the great quadrangle, whilst our troops, mingled
      with theirs, kept possession of the remainder, and finally bivouacked upon
      it, exhausted by their gallant efforts, greatly reduced in numbers, and
      suffering extremely from thirst, yet animated by an indomitable spirit. In
      this state of things the long night wore away. Near the middle of it, one
      of their heavy guns was advanced, and played with deadly effect upon our
      troops. Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge immediately formed her
      majesty's 80th foot, and the 1st European light-infantry. They were led to
      the attack by their commanding officers, and animated in their exertions
      by Lieutenant-colonel Wood, who was wounded in the outset. The 80th
      captured the gun; and the enemy, dismayed by this countercheck, did not
      venture to press on further. During the whole night, however, they
      continued to harass our troops by fire of artillery, wherever moonlight
      discovered our position. But with daylight of the 22nd came retribution.
      Our infantry formed in line, supported on both flanks by horse-artillery,
      whilst a fire was opened from our centre, by such of our heavy guns as
      remained effective, aided by a flight of rockets. A masked battery played
      with great effect upon this point, dismounting our pieces, and blowing up
      our tumbrils. At this movement Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge
      placed himself at the head of the left, whilst I rode at the head of the
      right wing. Our line advanced, and, unchecked by the enemy's fire, drove
      them rapidly out of the village of Ferozeshah and their encampment; then,
      changing front to its left, on its centre, our force continued to sweep
      the camp, bearing down all opposition, and dislodged the enemy from their
      whole position. The line then halted, as if on a clay of manoeuvre,
      receiving its two leaders, as they rode along its front, with a gratifying
      cheer, and displaying the captured standards of the Khalsa army. We had
      taken seventy-three pieces of cannon, and were masters of the whole field.
      The force assumed a position on the ground which it had won; but even here
      its labours were not to cease. In the course of two hours, Sirdar Tej
      Sing, who had commanded in the last great battle, brought up from the
      vicinity of Ferozepore fresh battalions and a large field of artillery,
      supported by 30,000 Ghorepurras, hitherto encamped near the river. He
      drove in our cavalry parties, and made strenuous efforts to regain the
      position at Ferozeshah. This attempt was defeated; but its failure had
      scarcely become manifest, when the sirdar renewed the contest with more
      troops, and a large artillery. He commenced by a combination against our
      left flank; and when this was frustrated, made such a demonstration
      against the captured village, as compelled us to change our whole front to
      the right. His guns during this manouvre maintained an incessant fire;
      whilst, our artillery ammunition being completely expended in these
      protracted combats, we were unable to answer him with a single shot. I now
      directed our almost exhausted cavalry to threaten both flanks at once,
      preparing the infantry to advance in support, which apparently caused him
      suddenly to cease his fire, and to abandon the field." This victory, by
      which the enemy was driven to the banks of the Sutlej, was not achieved
      without heavy loss; and among the slain were Major Broadfoot, political
      agent in the north-western provinces, Colonels Wallace and Taylor, and
      Major Fitzroy Somerset, military secretary to the governor-general. The
      Sikh army retreated on the fords of the Sutlej, and, disheartened by the
      capture of its artillery, and the loss it had sustained in killed and
      wounded, crossed over to the other side of the river. Early in the next
      year the victorious British followed them, and pressed onwards to Lahore.
      Terms of peace were agreed on; and one of the stipulations between the two
      states was the disbandment of the Sikh force. The importance of these
      victories was acknowledged by government, and the people of England at
      large; who joined in admiration of the conduct of the governor-general,
      the commanders, and the troops, by whom the victory was achieved.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the vicinity of Scinde Sir Charles Napier was employed in military
      operations against the mountain desert tribes on the right bank of the
      Indus, north of Shikarpoor.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was a hazardous service, requiring, as Sir Henry Hardinge remarked,
      "on the part of the general, the utmost prudence, skill, and foresight;
      and on the part of the troops, the greatest fortitude in enduring the
      fatigues and privations to which they were exposed." In these operations,
      however, Sir Charles Napier was completely successful. On the 9th of March
      he wrote to the governor-general an account of his victory in these terms:&mdash;"I
      have to report to you the conclusion of the war against the mountain and
      desert tribes, who, driven into their last refuge, the stronghold at
      Truckee, have this day laid down their arms: the fort of Deyrah is
      destroyed; and Islam Boogtie, the only chief not a prisoner, is said to be
      a lonely fugitive in the Ketrau country, far in the north, and ruled by a
      chief whose daughter Islam married. To detail the movements which led to
      this result, would produce a despatch of greater length than is necessary;
      nor, indeed, could it be well understood, as no map exists of this part of
      Schwistan and Cutchee; suffice it therefore to say that the mountain
      tribes occupy a country of extensive deserts and barren mountains,
      stretching about one hundred and forty miles from east to west. Into this
      apex, or smaller part, we succeeded in driving the robber chiefs; but with
      great difficulty, for this part of the country is full of the most
      dangerous defiles. To enter them with a regular force is an operation
      which threatens it with destruction. The only credit to be acquired in
      such a war is that which results from patience, under privations created
      by the dearth of water, and the difficulty of getting supplies. These
      deprivations were borne by this whole force with so much good humour as to
      show that the eager desire of every one to do his duty absorbed all other
      feelings; and deserves my highest praise. These privations fell especially
      hard upon those hard-working and much-enduring men, called camp-followers.
      The result of this campaign may be divided into two parts&mdash;the
      physical effect and the moral effect. With regard to the first the results
      are as follows:&mdash;First, the total destruction of the robber tribes;
      Deyriah Khan, chief of the Jackranies, Dinanah Moondrannee, Sooliman
      Ramdanee, and Toork Ali, and their tribes, all surrendered on the 5th,
      accompanied by Jumea Khan, nephew of Beeja Khan Doomkie, with a large
      portion of that tribe. These men I pardoned, and saved from plunder, but
      on condition of their being transplanted into the Scinde territory. The
      great chief, Beeja Khan, and the rest of the Doomkies, refused to
      surrender on the proffered conditions. They held out till this day, when
      they were forced to submit unconditionally, together with Meer Hussen
      Notanee, a leading chief ot the Boogtie tribe, and his followers; also
      Mundoo Khan Doomkie, nephew to Beejar Khan, and Wuzeer Doomkie, son of
      Beejar Khan: Ali Sher Boordie, a minor desert chief, surrendered a week
      ago, and was the first who broke the coalition. The chiefs and their
      tribes who have held out have been deservedly plundered by the troops
      which I had despatched in all directions to intercept their retreat, with
      their baggage, cattle, and household furniture; almost everything has been
      taken except what was in possession of their women and children, who have
      been in no way molested, or even approached by the troops. The moral
      effect of this expedition has been:&mdash;1st. To spread a wholesome
      respect for our arms among the neighbouring nations, who, seeing that
      tribes so warlike and honoured among them have been broken to pieces
      without daring to fight a battle, even when posted in the celebrated
      fastness of Truckee, will form a just idea of the British power. Indeed, I
      have already received, within the last few days, letters from neighbouring
      tribes, asking me to attach their territory to Scinde, to be under the
      British rule, and thus to be protected from the pillage and misery in
      which they live. 2nd. The moral effect in Scinde will be to give
      confidence to the people; especially those bordering on the desert
      frontier, whose cries against the government during the last summer, for
      not affording them protection against the robber tribes, were both
      frequent and just; but the great heat at that time rendered it impossible
      to give them that protection. The example now made of the robber tribes,
      will show the people of Scinde that the government has both the will and
      the power to protect them."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE STATE OF THE CONTINENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The war which France had waged in Algeria for a considerable period
      continued throughout the whole of this year and was marked by several
      reverses experienced by its forces.
    </p>
    <p>
      Little of interest occurs in the annals of Spain during this year. The
      chiefs, Zurbano and Muro, were captured near Logrono, and were both shot.
      The hopes of Don Carlos were now cut off, and he was under the necessity
      of issuing this farewell address to the Spanish nation:&mdash;"Spaniards,
      my faithful defenders, called to the crown of Spain by imprescriptible
      rights, my sole desire has constantly been, the happiness of my beloved
      country. That happiness now requires my renunciation in behalf of my very
      dear eldest son, Charles Louis, prince of the Asturias. No sacrifice could
      be too great to me when the welfare of my land was at stake. I have
      willingly made that of the renunciation in behalf of my son, whom you will
      acknowledge as my lawful successor, and surround with the same affection
      and fidelity. He will, on his side, know how to reward, as they deserve to
      be, your loyalty and constancy in upholding the sound principles which
      alone can save Spain. In quitting public life, I feel great satisfaction
      and consolation in expressing my gratitude for the heroic achievements by
      which you have astonished the world, and which will ever remain engraven
      on my heart. Farewell, my constant defenders and faithful companions. Pray
      unto God with me that He may take pity on the miseries of our country, and
      vouchsafe us quieter and happier days." During the year some disturbances
      occurred at Madrid, and the state of Catalonia caused government
      considerable uneasiness; but these insurrectionary movements were finally
      put down, though not without loss of life.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Rimini, in Italy, on the 23rd of September, a revolt broke out against
      the papal authority. A number of persons, armed with muskets, assembled in
      the Square-del-Corso; and when the garrison was called out the soldiers
      joined the populace, and a provincial junto was appointed. Other towns
      followed the example of Rimini, and emigrants from the Tuscan dominions
      united with the insurgents. Their leaders were Counts Biancoli, Pasi, and
      Beltrami; and they took up a position near Faenza; but being attacked by
      detachments of pontifical and Austrian soldiers at this place, they were
      finally compelled to fly for refuge into the Tuscan states, where they
      were protected by the grand duke, and whence, subsequently, they set sail
      for Marseilles.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this year the King of Holland paid a visit to her majesty Queen
      Victoria, to which event, on his return to his dominions, in his speech to
      the States-general, he thus referred:&mdash;"The visit which I have paid
      to her majesty the Queen of England will contribute, I hope, to
      consolidate the good understanding which exists between the two countries
      and their governments. For my part, I shall retain the most agreeable
      impression of the welcome which I received on that visit."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1845-1846
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     State of Public Affairs at the Commencement of this Year,
     &amp;c...... Meeting of Parliament..... Settlement of the Corn
     Law Question.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THIS YEAR, ETC.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1846
    </p>
    <p>
      The close of the last year and the commencement of the present, were
      marked by great activity among all classes on the subject of the
      corn-laws. The agents of the anti-corn-law league were everywhere active.
      Meetings were held in every part of England; and converts to the
      free-trade doctrine were made daily. Even the farmers at this time began
      to think that their interests were concerned in the matter; and some
      landowners adopted the views of the great leader of the movement, Mr.
      Cobden. A stimulus was given to the exertions of the free-traders in the
      failure of the potato crop in the autumn of 1845, both in England and
      Ireland. It was generally felt, indeed, that some alterations in the
      corn-laws must be made, and that government itself would be compelled to
      throw the trade open. While the hopes of the free-traders in Sir Robert
      Peel were thus excited, those of his own party seemed proportionably cast
      down. They, too, held meetings, and formed agricultural protection
      societies in every part of the United Kingdom. It was, in truth, evident
      to every man that a change was coming; and while the mass hailed the
      prospect with delight, the great landowners, witli some exceptions,
      stretched every nerve to stem the onward progress of free-trade
      principles. The hopes of the one party, and the fears of the other, were
      heightened by the quarrel with America concerning the Oregon territory. It
      was thought by all that the abolition of the corn-law would for ever
      destroy all chance of war between England and the United States, inasmuch
      as the latter country would see that its interest was concerned in
      cultivating that great blessing of life&mdash;peace. Coming events thus
      cast their broad and ample shadows before.
    </p>
    <p>
      From the thirteenth century, downwards, there are numerous instances on
      record of the interference of the legislature with the course of trade in
      every department. A few centuries ago, indeed, it was usual to fix the
      prices of many articles of consumption; and that of corn was more
      interfered with than any other. One circumstance which led to this
      interference was scarcity; and another, the want of adequate means of
      internal communication, which often rendered it more profitable to the
      corn-factor to ship the surplus produce of our maritime districts to a
      neighbouring country, than to send it to other counties in England. As a
      remedy for these evils, exportation was prohibited. But such a measure,
      inasmuch as exportation would not take place except when a better price
      could be got abroad than at home, was a palpable injustice to the grower.
      On the other hand, when the general supply was supposed to be more than
      sufficient, importation was prohibited; but as wheat could never be
      imported except when it was cheaper in foreign countries than in our own,
      an injustice was done to the consumer. These restrictions failed to effect
      their object, and a third party was then fixed upon as the object of
      further legislation; from alternately restricting the export and import of
      corn, stringent restrictions were laid on the buying and selling of corn
      within the country itself. The buying of corn in one place, to sell in
      another, was even looked upon as an unnecessary and improper interference
      on the part of the dealers. Both the farmers and the people looked upon
      them as interlopers: men who had no right to deal in corn, and who, to
      enhance their own gains, increased the price without any profit to the
      former, and the manifest detriment of the latter. The complaints against
      them were so general that the legislature interfered. Protection to the
      growers of corn pervaded the legislature down to the period of 1815; but
      so badly were the arrangements for this purpose laid, that the protective
      laws were often abortive. Generally, the country raised more corn than it
      consumed&mdash;a sufficient cause for rendering protection inoperative. In
      1773 the period closed during which this country commonly raised a surplus
      of corn beyond its own consumption, and the duties on importation became
      oppressive. Mr. Robinson brought forward the resolutions which were
      embodied in the celebrated corn-law of 1815. The report of a committee in
      1814 fixed the remunerating price at 80s., and it was proposed absolutely
      to prohibit the importation of foreign wheat till it reached that price,
      and of colonial wheat till it reached 67s.; when over those prices,
      respectively, the imports were to be free. This measure was in itself
      oppressive, but it was made doubly so by the mode adopted for fixing the
      averages. These were fixed every three months upon the prices of the
      previous six weeks, and continued the same until the expiration of the
      quarter. However great might be the demands of the country for import, no
      rise of price could affect the scale of duties until the arrival of the
      next period for fixing the averages. The measure created a great sensation
      throughout the country, and met with much opposition in both houses of
      parliament; but it passed into law. Agriculturalists now considered that
      the price of 80s. per quarter for their corn was certain, and cheerfully
      entered into contracts with their landlords upon that basis. It soon,
      however, proved to be mere delusion. The three next years witnessed
      deficient harvests, which had the effect at one time of raising the price
      to 112s. 7d.; but the ports were at length opened, and in September, 1817,
      the price had fallen to 74s. The harvest of 1819 was an average one, and
      the price of corn through' the year, ranged at 72s. But this was a
      remunerating price, and the farmers and landowners were induced to
      increase the breadth of land sown, in the hope of selling the produce at
      remunerating prices. They were still convinced that the act of 1815 was
      efficient to protect their interests, and they should still flourish. But
      the harvest of 1821 was abundant, and the effect was such as to surprise,
      though it did not instruct them. The price of corn in July, 1821, was
      51s., and the two next harvests being abundant likewise, the price sunk in
      August, 1822, to 42s. The law of 1815, therefore, had the effect of
      seducing the farmer into a course of conduct which induced ruin rather
      than prosperity. Committees were appointed to inquire into the causes of
      distress then prevailing among them. These inquiries were useless; but, by
      the year 1824, much of the capital invested in the poorer description of
      soils, under the stimulus of the high prices of previous years, was
      withdrawn, and less corn being brought to market, the price rose
      considerably, and an improved condition of the farmer took place
      accordingly. For several years nothing was done permanently to settle the
      terms upon which foreign corn could be admitted into the market. Colonial
      corn was still excluded till the average price reached 67s. In 1825,
      however, an act was passed, admitting corn from our North American
      colonies at a fixed duty of 5s. per quarter, till July, 1827; and by
      another act passed at the same time, corn from our other colonies was
      admitted at reduced duties: the stocks of corn in bond were further
      admitted for consumption at lower duties. In 1826 there was a partial
      failure of the corn-crops, and an order in council was issued in September
      1st, admitting for home consumption oats and oatmeal, rye, peas, and
      beans, on the ground that there was great cause to fear that much distress
      might ensue to all classes of his majesty's subjects. A meeting of
      parliament was summoned in November, to indemnify ministers for this order
      in council, on which occasion Mr. Canning announced the intention of
      government early in the ensuing session to introduce a general measure on
      the corn-trade. This measure was brought forward soon after the next
      meeting of parliament; and its plan was a sliding-scale, with a more
      regular and artificial range of duties than those of the existing law; the
      object being to keep the price of wheat somewhere between 55s. and 65s.
      This bill passed the house of commons by a large majority; but the bill
      met with so much opposition in the upper house, that Mr. Canning, whose
      health was now declining, dropped the measure, and announced another of a
      similar character early in the ensuing session. Before that period
      arrived, however, Mr. Canning died, and the task of introducing the
      measure of 1828 fell to the share of Mr. C. Grant, then president of the
      board of trade. His resolutions differed from those of Mr. Canning,
      chiefly in making the protection afforded when the average price should
      range between 60s. and 70s. more restrictive by an amount varying from 3s.
      to 7s. per quarter. The new scale was also less regular in its
      construction; and thus afforded greater inducements to the commission of
      frauds upon the averages. This bill, notwithstanding, passed both houses:
      it being accepted by the landed interest as the best to be obtained in the
      then state of parties, and by their opponents as a step towards further
      reform. The scale of duties as established by this law fixed the price of
      1s. per quarter when the average of six weeks per quarter was 73s.; but
      when the average was 60s. no less a sum than 36s. 8d. was to be paid for
      duty. From this period down to 1842 no further change took place in the
      corn-laws, though year after year the subject was agitated in one shape or
      the other, and committees were appointed to inquire into the state of
      agriculture. In the year 1842 her majesty's speech at the opening of the
      session recommended the taking of "the state of the laws which affected
      the import of corn" into consideration, and expressed regret at the
      continued distress in the manufacturing districts. For the measure brought
      forward by Sir Robert Peel, the reader is referred to the parliamentary
      debates of that year; it will be sufficient here to state, that in his
      resolutions he retained the sliding-scale, and introduced such amendments
      as he conceived would diminish the oscillations previously experienced
      under that mode of levying the duties. Up to the year 1846, Sir Robert
      Peel resolutely defended the measure passed in 1842; giving a decided
      negative to all the free-trade propositions moved by Lord John Russell and
      Messrs. Cobden and Villiers, with other members of parliament. His
      constant reply was, to these propositions, that his experience of the
      present system was not such as to induce him to propose "further change at
      present." He was at length convinced by the arguments of his opponents
      that the corn-laws were no longer tenable. He resigned office, promising
      Lord John Russell, whom he recommended to her majesty as his successor,
      his support in the final adjustment of this great question. There was no
      one, however, able to settle this question but himself; and when Lord John
      Russell failed in forming an administration, he resumed office with a
      fixed resolution, at the risk of being denominated a changeling and a
      deceiver of party, to open the English ports to all the world. How he
      grappled with and settled the question will be seen in the ensuing
      debates.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament reassembled on the 19th of February. As her majesty proceeded
      to the walls of St. Stephen, a significant incident occurred: at the
      corner of Bridge-street, one of the spectators exclaimed, "No monopoly!"
      at which her majesty smiled, graciously bowing, at which a hundred voices
      united in the shout of "God save the queen!" The speech delivered by the
      queen first referred to friendly relations with allied powers; to an
      adjustment of differences between the Ottoman Porte and the King of
      Persia, to negociations pending for the pacification of the states of Rio
      de la Plata, in which for several years a desolating and sanguinary war
      had existed; and to the convention concluded with France last year for the
      more effectual suppression of the slave-trade. On the dispute with America
      her majesty remarked:&mdash;"I regret that the conflicting claims of Great
      Britain and the United States, in respect of the territory on the
      north-western coast of America, although they have been made the subject
      of repeated negociation, still remain unsettled. You may be assured that
      no effort consistent with national honour shall be wanting on my part to
      bring this question to an early and peaceful termination." Having adverted
      to the estimates, and to the crime of assassination in Ireland, which was
      more flagrant than even in former years, her majesty proceeded to say:&mdash;"I
      have to lament that in consequence of a failure of the potato crop in
      several parts of the United Kingdom, there will be a deficient supply of
      an article of food which forms the chief subsistence of great numbers of
      my people. The disease by which the plant has been affected, has prevailed
      to the utmost extent in Ireland. I have adopted all such precautions as it
      was in my power to adopt for the purpose of alleviating the sufferings
      which maybe caused by this calamity; and I shall confidently rely on your
      co-operation in devising such other means for effecting the same
      benevolent purpose as may require the sanction of the legislature. I have
      had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measures which you have
      presented to me from time to time, calculated to extend commerce, and to
      stimulate domestic skill and industry, by the repeal of prohibitory and
      restrictive duties. The prosperous state of the revenue; the increased
      demand for labour, and the general improvement which has taken place in
      the internal condition of the country, are strong testimonies in favour of
      the course you have pursued. I recommend you to take into your early
      consideration, whether the principles on which you have acted, may not
      with advantage be yet more extensively applied, and whether it may not be
      in your power, after a careful review of the existing duties upon many
      articles the produce or manufacture of other countries, to make such
      further reductions and remissions as may tend to insure the continuance of
      the great benefits to which I have adverted, and, by enlarging our
      commercial intercourse, to strengthen the bonds of amity with foreign
      powers."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before proceeding with the address, Sir Robert Peel announced that on the
      next Monday, he should propose the appointment of a committee to consider
      the mode in which the house should deal with railway bills; and that on
      Tuesday, the following day, he would make, in committee of the whole
      house, a statement as to the intention of her majesty's government with
      respect to the commercial policy of the country, and the corn-laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address was moved in the commons by Lord Francis Egerton. Lord Francis
      had long been a noted Conservative, and a supporter of the corn-laws; but
      he now avowed himself favourable to free-trade. The address was seconded
      by Mr. Beckett Denison. Sir Robert Peel rose to explain the late
      ministerial crisis, and his own views and measures. He attributed the
      cause which led to the dissolution of the cabinet, to that great and
      mysterious calamity&mdash;the failure of the potato crop. At the same time
      he confessed, that it would be uncandid to attribute undue importance to
      that one cause. "That particular cause," he continued, "appeared to me to
      preclude any further delay, and to require immediate decision&mdash;decision,
      not only upon the measures which it was necessary at the time to adopt,
      but as to the course to be ultimately taken with regard to the laws which
      govern the importation of grain." Sir Robert Peel continued to say he
      should have wished that another parliament should have had the opportunity
      of considering this question; but in the course of last autumn occurred
      that visitation of Providence, the consequences of which it was still
      difficult to foresee&mdash;the failure of the potato crop in Ireland, and
      in some parts of England&mdash;and it became a question whether it was not
      desirable to take immediate steps to meet the threatened evil. Government
      had instituted inquiries, and had received much correspondence from
      foreign countries on the subject; and from all the accounts they had
      received, it became evident that something must be done. The right
      honourable baronet next came to the explanation of what had occurred in
      the cabinet, and how he had been led to tender his resignation. He would
      not have abandoned his post, he said, if he had been supported by an
      unanimous government; but that was not the case, and he had no alternative
      but to quit office. Her majesty accepted his resignation, and of her own
      choice sent for Lord John Russell, who undertook the task of forming an
      administration. Their appeared every probability that the question would
      have devolved on his lordship; but before he went to Windsor to take a
      final farewell of the queen, he learned that Lord John had failed to form
      a government. On meeting Sir Robert, the queen informed him that so far
      from taking leave, she was obliged to require him to continue his
      services; and the colleagues who differed from him not having advised the
      formation of a cabinet on the principles of protection, and Lord John
      having failed, he did not hesitate to withdraw his resignation.
      Accordingly he resolved to meet parliament, prepared to submit those
      measures which he thought necessary to meet the emergency. These measures
      would be brought forward on Tuesday next, and therefore he would not
      anticipate the discussion. Lord John Russell rose to explain his conduct
      during the recent negociations, and how he had failed in forming an
      administration. Having received her majesty's commands, he called together
      those with whom he had been in the habit of acting, and had stated that he
      would endeavour to frame an outline of a measure on the corn-laws. He had
      previously been informed by Sir Robert Peel that it was not advisable he
      should state the details of the measure he should have brought forward
      under the responsibility of his own government: and, therefore, he had to
      consider what it would be the duty of his government to propose, should he
      succeed in forming one. The result of his exertions on this subject would
      be best explained by reading a letter which he addressed to her majesty:&mdash;"Lord
      John Russell presents his humble duty to your majesty, and has the honour
      to state that he has found it impossible to form an administration. Lord
      John Russell was aware from the first moment, when your majesty was
      pleased to propose this commission, that there were very great
      difficulties in the way, which it required the most cordial co-operation
      on the part of his friends, and the firm support of a large portion of
      those who followed Sir Robert Peel to surmount. Those who have served your
      majesty and your royal predecessor in cabinet-offices during the
      administration of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, who were now in political
      connexion with Lord John Russell were consulted by him. They agreed on the
      principles by which they would be guided in framing a measure for the
      repeal of the corn-laws. Thus one great difficulty was surmounted. But, as
      the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both
      houses of parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they were
      likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel. Your majesty is
      acquainted with all that has passed on this subject. Lord John Russell is
      quite ready to admit that Sir Robert Peel has been willing, from the
      commencement to the end, to diminish the difficulties in the course of a
      new government prepared to attempt the settlement of the corn-laws. But
      Sir Robert Peel could not, of course, rely on the support of his political
      friends should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and unwise.
      In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the house of commons it was
      absolutely necessary that all those who were prominent in the political
      party to which Lord John Russell is attached should give their zealous
      aid, and act in concert in the new administration. Lord John Russell has,
      in one instance, been unable to obtain this concert; and he must now
      consider this task as hopeless, which has been from the beginning
      hazardous. Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment
      caused by the present state of public affairs. He will be ready,
      therefore, to do all in his power, as a member of parliament, to promote
      the settlement of that question which, in present circumstances, is the
      source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and peace of Ireland.
      Lord John Russell would have formed his ministry on the basis of a
      complete free trade in corn, to be established at once, without gradation
      or delay. He would have accompanied that proposal with measures of relief
      to a considerable extent of the occupiers of land from the burdens to
      which they are subjected. But he will be little disposed to insist, as a
      member of parliament, on what may seem to your majesty's advisers an
      impracticable course. The country requires, above all things, an early and
      peaceable settlement of a question, which, if not soon settled, may, in an
      adverse state of affairs, cause a fearful convulsion." Lord John Russell
      concluded by expressing the obligations he felt to her majesty for the
      gracious manner in which she entrusted him with the task of forming the
      administration; and by stating that, whether in office or out of office,
      he should be ready to give his assent to measures calculated to benefit
      the country, without reference to the proposer. Mr. D'Israeli was not so
      liberal in his sentiments. As the champion of protection, he asked, what
      would be thought of a statesman who, having served under four sovereigns,
      came forward and declared that, after an observation of three years, he
      had found it necessary to change his convictions on a subject which must
      have presented itself for more than twenty years to his notice?
    </p>
    <p>
      The peers waved their right to discuss these great topics on the first
      night of the session; awaiting the discussion in the commons. The Duke of
      Richmond endeavoured to bring on a debate; but ministers were taciturn;
      and after a long and discursive speech delivered by Lord Brougham, which
      touched upon the subjects of the Oregon dispute, the corn-laws, and Irish
      affairs, the address was carried. In the course of the evening, the Duke
      of Richmond wished the Duke of Wellington to explain the reasons which
      induced the government to accept and to re-accept office; but his grace
      said that he could not do so without her majesty's permission. On the
      following Monday, however, the noble duke explained their reasons in his
      own plain, straightforward, and characteristic manner. What these reasons
      were has been touched upon before.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SETTLEMENT OF THE CORN-LAW QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house of commons resolved itself into committee on Tuesday, the 3rd of
      February, to consider that portion of the speech from the throne referring
      to the commercial policy of the government. Sir Robert Peel commenced his
      speech by bespeaking the patient indulgence of the house. He was about to
      act, he said, on the assumption adopted in the queen's speech, that the
      repeal of prohibitory duties, and the relaxation of protective duties is
      in itself a wise policy. He was about to act on the presumption, that
      during the last three years, notwithstanding the relaxation of heavy
      taxes, there had been increased revenue, increased demand for labour,
      increased commerce, increased comfort, contentment, and peace in the
      country. Passing on to the explanation of his views and designs, the right
      honourable baronet said, that within the last three years, the tariff,
      that is, the whole scheme of customs' duties, had been submitted to the
      review of parliament; and the general principle of the changes then
      effected was, to remit the duty on raw materials, and to subject foreign
      manufactures to a duty of twenty per cent. Notwithstanding the fears of a
      falling revenue, those remissions were carried further: in 1844, the duty
      on wool was altogether reduced; in 1845, the duty on cotton-wool. Almost
      the only articles of the nature of raw material still subjected to duty
      were timber and tallow; and he now proposed to reduce these. Tallow, which
      was chiefly imported from Russia, had a duty on it of 3s. 2d. per hundred
      weight; he proposed, mainly with a view to our own interests, and partly
      to induce Russia to follow our liberal policy, to reduce it to Is. 6d.
      With respect to timber, he could not yet state particulars, as the details
      needed careful adjustment. The course which government would probably take
      would be a gradual reduction of the existing amount of duty, where it
      should rest a certain time lower than at present: the reduction being so
      apportioned, if possible, as to prevent any derangement of internal trade
      by inducing parties to withhold the supply of timber, in the hope of
      realising a large amount of duty; and yet at the same time, as the
      importation of timber from the Baltic partook in some respect of a
      monopoly, care would be taken that the reduction of duty should be an
      advantage, not so much to the producer as to the consumer. Having given
      the manufacturer the advantage of a free command, without any impost, of
      the raw materials which enter into his fabrics, he should call upon the
      manufacturers of the three great articles which entered into consumption
      as the clothing of the great body of the community, to give a proof of the
      sincerity of their convictions as to the impolicy of protective duties, by
      consenting to relax the protection on their manufactures. These three
      great articles were linen, woollen, and cotton manufactures; and he asked
      the manufacturers of these at once to set the example to others, by
      relaxing, voluntarily and cheerfully, the protection they enjoyed. It
      should not be said, that he considered only the "great interests," and
      injured the minor interests. As the case now stood, the great articles of
      the cotton manufacture, such as calicos, prints, &amp;c, were subject to a
      duty of 10 per cent, on importation; while cottons made up, as cotton
      stockings, &amp;c, were subject to a duty of 20 per cent. With respect to
      the former articles, he proposed that they should be duty free; and that
      the duty of 20 per cent, on the manufactured articles of cotton in a more
      advanced state should be reduced to 10 per cent. He proposed also to call
      on the manufacturers of linen and woollen to relinquish protection on the
      coarser manufactures used in the clothing of the great body of the people.
      There would be some loss to the revenue; but he believed that the
      importation of some articles competing with the production of our
      manufacturers would stimulate their skill; and, with the capital and
      enterprise of this country, he did not doubt but they would beat foreign
      manufactures. At present woollen goods which were made up were subject to
      a duty of 20 per cent.: he proposed they should be reduced to 10 per cent.
      Flax was a raw material, he continued, imported free of duty: the duty
      will be taken off the coarser manufactures; on the finest and made up
      kinds it would be reduced one half. Silk enjoyed apparently a protection
      of 30 per cent., practically ranging indeed to 78, or even 145 per cent,
      on some made up articles, such as net and bonnets, or turbans: but a false
      reliance was placed on that protection. It was a delusion: many houses in
      London and Paris undertook to introduce silken goods into this country at
      half the duty. The revenue and the trade were robbed by the smuggler; and
      the manufacturer was deluded by an unreal protection. With respect to
      silks, he proposed, therefore, to adopt a new principle. The general rule
      would be, enumerating each article of silk manufacture, to levy a duty of
      so much per pound, giving an option to the custom-house officers of
      levying for every £100 value of silk, a duty of 15 per cent. Sir Robert
      Peel went on to explain the reduction of duties on paper-hangings,
      carriages, metal manufactures, soap, &amp;c, most of which articles are
      noticed in a subsequent page. By the measure of 1842, he continued, the
      tariff was greatly simplified. There were one thousand articles still on
      the list, five hundred of which were free of duty: he proposed that many
      other articles should be relieved from duty. Brandy and foreign spirits
      were to be reduced from 22s. 10d. per gallon to 15s. With respect to
      sugar, he could not enter into details; and he feared his proposition
      would not satisfy all parties. He would still exclude slave-labour sugar;
      but on free-labour sugar, the differential duties would be reduced from
      lis. 8d. for clayed sugar, to 8s.; for Muscovado, from 9s. 4d. to 5s. 10d.
      He next came to the articles connected with agriculture; first taking
      those not immediately used as food for the people. On leek and onion seed,
      he said, the duty was 20s. per cwt.: he proposed to reduce it to 5s. With
      reference to maize, or Indian corn, he proposed that the duty upon it
      should hereafter and immediately be nominal. By removing this duty he did
      not conceive that he was depriving agriculture of any protection. Maize
      was generally used in the United States, and partly for human food: and he
      believed that, though it was disregarded in this country, on parts of the
      Continent it was made into excellent food. His object in providing for its
      free importation was the better feeding of cattle, which would be an
      advantage rather than a detriment to the agriculturist. Buck-wheat was to
      be subject to the same rule: maize and buck-wheat, and the flour of these
      corns, were to be admitted duty free. "Rice feed," as a substitute for the
      expensive article of linseed-cake was also to be introduced, for the
      better feeding of cattle, duty free. He now came to the food of man. He
      feared that his proposal would not satisfy both sides&mdash;those who
      insisted on protection, and those who insisted on its total abolition. He
      could assure both that his desire was, without any favour or undue
      partiality, to suggest that which he believed to be just, and calculated
      to terminate that conflict, the continuance of which all must regret. He
      considered that it was for the public advantage, at least, to lay the
      foundation of a final settlement of this question; but he was not about to
      propose the immediate repeal upon grain. But first he explained his course
      with reference to other articles. Butter, the duty of which was 20s. per
      cwt., hops £4 10s., and cured fish 2s., were each to be reduced one half.
      On those articles which constituted meat as distinguished from grain,
      namely, fresh or salted beef, salt or fresh pork, potatoes, vegetables of
      all sorts, and un-enumerated articles of the kind, he proposed a total
      repeal. The duties on live animals also would be abolished. Some urged him
      to make a distinction in the importation of lean or fatted cattle, as it
      was unfair to levy an equal amount on both kinds: his proposal to admit
      materials for fattening cattle would meet that objection. He hoped that
      these advantages would be considered as somewhat a compensation for any
      immediate loss that might be felt by the introduction free of the other
      animals. He asked those connected with agriculture, while he was proposing
      these reductions, to bear in mind that he had already proposed the removal
      of protection from some of the great articles of manufacture connected
      with clothing in this country. He directed their attention not merely to
      the protection connected with the land, but asked them to remember that he
      had called on the manufacturers to set the first example of the
      relinquishment of protection. They would bear in mind that their farm
      servants and domestics would be able to command a cheaper supply of
      clothing; and they would, therefore, be disposed to follow the example of
      those whom he had called upon to make the first example of relinquishment.
      Sir Robert continued:&mdash;"I will now state, with the permission of the
      house, the proposal which I mean to make on the subject of grain. I
      propose that, from the passing of the act, some articles shall be admitted
      duty free. On the one hand, I do not propose the immediate repeal of the
      corn-laws; but in the hope of a final arrangement, of preventing undue
      apprehensions, and giving time for the adjustment of agriculture to the
      new state of circumstances, though I propose a temporary continuance of
      protection, I propose it on the distinct understanding, that, after the
      lapse of a certain time, foreign grain shall be imported into this country
      duty free. I am deeply convinced that any intermediate proposal would be
      of no avail. It would have been entirely out of my power to explain or to
      suggest any modification of the existing corn-law with a guarantee that it
      should be continued. The choice is either between the maintenance intact
      of the existing amount of protection in every particular, or laying the
      foundation for an ultimate settlement by means of ultimate freedom. I
      propose, therefore, a considerable reduction in the existing amount of
      duties; and I propose that the continuance of the duty so reduced shall be
      for a period of three years; that it shall then continue till that period
      of the year in which I believe there will be least inconvenience in the
      termination of that protection. I propose that on and after the 1st of
      February, 1849, oats, barley, and wheat shall be subject only to that
      nominal rate of duty which I have proposed to apply to maize and
      buck-wheat. But what shall be the intermediate state of the law during the
      continuance of these three years?" Sir Robert Peel then explained the
      duties on wheat, oats, and barley, which will be found in a subsequent
      page; after which, he stated that the arrangement of them would be
      accompanied by other provisions, calculated, if not to give compensation,
      at least to advance the interests of the agriculturists. "Take," he said,
      "some of the burdens on land, and see whether they are not capable of
      alleviation, not by their transfer to others, but by introducing reforms
      into their administration. Take that admitted grievance, the
      highway-rates. As railways advance, the parish highways will become of
      increased importance. There are 16,000 local authorities that have charge
      of these highways. There is a nominal surveyor to each parish&mdash;a
      surveyor who knows nothing about rates. Such a division of authority makes
      lax expenditure and bad management. An existing act of parliament
      authorizes the union of parishes for the management of highways; but the
      act is permissory&mdash;the union must be voluntary; and in very few cases
      has advantage been taken of the statute. I propose to make what is now
      voluntary, compulsory. Taking the scale of the poor-law, there will be 600
      district authorities, instead of 16,000." Further aid would be given to
      agriculture in loans of public money for improvement of estates, to
      persons applying for assistance; the public to be secured against ultimate
      loss. The loans were to be made by the exchequer-bill commissioners, and
      the administration of the measure entrusted to the newly-appointed
      inclosure-commissioners; the preliminary expenses to be borne by the
      applicant for aid. An annual repayment by instalments was to be secured as
      a rent-charge, having priority over other charges; but the commissioners
      would have the discretion left to them of allowing objections made by
      parties already having a charge on the land. This alteration, Sir Robert
      said, he believed would lay the foundation for great agricultural
      improvement throughout the country. He further proposed to relieve the
      counties of the whole expense of prisoners, and place it upon the
      consolidated fund: the charges of that fund to be subject to periodical
      review in the house. The estimated cost of that change was £64,900. In
      England half the expense of the prosecutions, in Scotland all, is paid by
      the treasury: he proposed to make the treasury pay the whole in England
      and in Ireland. The relief would not be great; but it would be of
      importance, as giving greater control over prosecutions: the estimated
      expense in England was £100,000; in Ireland, £17,000. At present part of
      the police force in Ireland was borne by the land: he proposed to impose
      the whole expense on the state. He proposed, also, that government should
      bear a share in the cost of medical relief under the new poor-law act;
      half to be defrayed by government, half by local authorities&mdash;the
      estimated cost was £100,000 for England, and £15,000 for Scotland. Aid
      also would be given in providing education in workhouses; the unions to
      appoint, and government to pay the schoolmasters. The expense of this
      would be £30,000. Finally, government proposed to pay the poor-law
      auditors in England and Ireland, which would cost £15,000. Sir Robert
      concluded by thanking the house for the patience with which they had
      listened to his financial exposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      A long and desultory conversation followed this explanation of the
      ministerial measure of free trade; several members avowing their
      determined hostility, and others promising unlimited support. At the
      suggestion of Sir Robert Peel, Monday, the 9th of February, was fixed for
      the day on which the discussion should commence. In order to enable the
      reader to understand rightly the reductions and alterations proposed in
      the tariff, it is necessary to glance at the resolutions proposed by Sir
      Robert Peel in committee of the whole house on the customs and corn act.
      The first resolution related to the importation of corn, grain, meal, or
      flour, setting forth the duties to paid until the 1st day of February,
      1849, when the duties were wholly to cease. Thus, on wheat, when under
      48s. per quarter, 10s. duty was to paid; and this duty was to be lowered
      Is. on the rise of wheat up to 53s., when there was to be a duty paid of
      4s. for every quarter. Barley, oats, rye, peas, and beans, wheat-meal and
      flour, barley-meal, oat-meal, rye-meal, pea-meal, and bean-meal were by
      tire same resolution, taxed in equal proportion, until the 1st day of
      February, 1849, when these duties were likewise to cease and determine;
      or, at least, to pay only a nominal duty of 1s. per quarter on wheat, let
      the price be what it might, and the other corn in proportion to its value.
      By the second resolution, in lieu of duties of customs then chargeable on
      certain articles, reduced duties were, from the passing of the bill, to be
      exacted. These articles consisted of what might be termed the necessaries
      and luxuries of life; and the duties were reduced on some to the amount of
      one hundred per cent. The articles enumerated in the resolution were
      agates, or cornelians; ale and beer; almonds; amber (manufactures of);
      arrowroot; band-string twist; bailey, pearled; bast-ropes; twines, and
      strands; beads: coral; crystal; jet; beer or mum; blacking; brass
      manufactures; brass (powder of); brocade of gold or silver; bronze
      (manufactures of); bronze-powder; buck-wheat: butter; buttons; candles;
      canes; carriages of all sorts; casks; cassiva-powder; catlings; cheese;
      china or porcelain; cider; citron; clocks; copper manufactures; copper or
      brass wire; cotton; crayons; crystal (cut and manufactured); cucumbers;
      fish; gauze of thread; hair, manufactures of hair or goats' wool, &amp;c.;
      hams; harp-strings; hats or bonnets of straw, silk, beaver, felt, &amp;c.;
      hops; iron and steel, wrought; japanned or lacquered ware; lace, made by
      the hand, &amp;c.; latten-wire; lead (manufactures of); leather
      (manufactures of)&mdash;calashes, boots, and shoes, of all sorts; linen,
      or linen and cotton, viz., cambrics, lawns, damasks, &amp;c.; maize, or
      Indian corn; musical instruments; mustard-flower; paper, painted or
      stained paper, &amp;c.; pencils, lead and slate; perfumery; perry; pewter;
      pomatum; pots of stone; puddings and sausages; rice; sago; seeds, garden,
      &amp;c.; silk (manufactures of), &amp;c.; silk-worm gut; skins (articles
      manufactured of); soap, hard and soft; spa-ware; spirits, viz., brandy,
      geneva, and other foreign spirits, &amp;c.; steel manufactures; tallow;
      tapioca; tin; tobacco; tongues; turnery; twine; varnish; wafers;
      washing-balls; wax (sealing); whipcord; wire; woollen manufactures. If any
      of the articles here enumerated was the production of a British
      possession, they were to be admitted at a reduced duty. Thus, while the
      woollen goods of foreign countries were to pay £10 for every £100 value,
      those of British possessions were only to pay £5. By a third resolution
      the duties of customs, chargeable upon certain goods, wares, and
      merchandise imported into the United Kingdom, were to cease and determine.
      These goods, wares, and merchandise were&mdash;living animals: viz.,
      asses, goats, kids, oxen, and bulls; cows, calves, horses, mares,
      geldings, colts, foals, mules, sheep, lambs, swine, and hogs, and
      sucking-pigs; bacon; beef (fresh and salted); bottles of earth and stone;
      casts of busts, statues, or figures; caviare; cranberries; cotton
      manufactures, not being articles wholly or in part made up, not otherwise
      charged with duty; enamel; gelatine; glue; hay; hides, tawed, curried, or
      in any way dressed, not otherwise enumerated; ink for printers; inkle
      (wrought); lamp-black; linen, manufactures of linen, or of linen mixed
      with cotton, or with wool, not particularly enumerated, or otherwise
      charged with duty, not being articles wholly or in part made up;
      magna-grocia ware; manuscripts; maps, and charts; matresses; meat, (salted
      or fresh), not otherwise described; medals; palmetto-thatch manufactures;
      parchment; pens; plantains; potatoes; pork, fresh and salted; silk, thrown
      or dyed, viz., silk, single or tram, organzine, or crape-silk; thread, not
      otherwise enumerated or described; woollens, viz., manufactures of wool,
      not being goats' wool, or of wool mixed with cotton, not particularly
      enumerated or described, not otherwise charged with duty, not being
      articles wholly or in part made up; vegetables, all, not otherwise
      enumerated or described; and vellum.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Robert Peel announced the intentions of government with respect to the
      reductions in the timber duties on Tuesday, the 10th of February. He was
      anxious to make the statement at the earliest opportunity, on account of
      the importance of the subject, and as the American mail was on the eve of
      sailing from Liverpool. "We propose," he said, "to make ultimately a
      reduction in the differential duty on foreign timber, so that the duty
      shall remain after the reduction at 15s., instead of the present amount. I
      think on hewn timber the duty is now 25s.; we propose to reduce it 15s.
      But, with the view of insuring to the consumer as great a benefit as
      possible, the Baltic timber-trade partaking now very much of the nature of
      a monopoly, in consequence of the very great demand for it, we do not
      propose that the reduction shall be immediate. We propose that from the
      5th of April, 1847, the period of the year we think most suitable for
      making a reduction of duty, the duty on hewn timber shall be reduced by
      5s.; and on the 5th of April, 1848, by another 5s. With respect to sawn
      timber maintaining the same proportions, the reduction of duty ought to be
      6s. on the 5th of April, 1847, and another 6s. on the 5th of April, 1848.
      With respect to the smaller description, such as lath-wood, spars, and
      oars, the reduction will be proportionate."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the great measures of free-trade brought forward by the
      government. By the people they were not met with any national
      demonstration, or by any well-pronounced declaration. The signs of the
      prevalent opinion, however, were well seen in various quarters, particular
      as well as general, official as well as popular. Meetings were held in
      various parts of the country, but success was very partial; and if there
      was no enthusiastic and unqualified manifestation of the abolition of the
      corn-laws on the part of "the country," the opposition to it proved, to be
      disjointed and petty in the extreme. In parliament the Conservatives put
      forth all their remaining strength to check the onward progress of
      free-trade. On the 10th of February, the day fixed for the resumption of
      the discussion, a "monster debate" commenced, which, as will be seen,
      continued for some weeks. It was brought on by Mr. P. Miles, who, on the
      motion that the house resolve itself into a committee, moved that it
      should do so on that day six months. The measure was further opposed by
      Lord Norrys, Sirs W. Heathcote and J. Walsh, and Mr. W. S. Lascelles: Lord
      Sandon and Mr. Cochrane, both of whom were Conservatives, supported it.
      Lord John Russell proceeded to discuss the mode in which Sir Robert Peel
      had treated the question. With the principles of the measure he agreed;
      but he advocated immediate abolition of the corn-laws, and hoped that Sir
      Robert Peel would reconsider that part of his plan. His lordship concluded
      by drawing a contrast between the disinterested support which the Whigs
      were now giving to the free-trade measures of a Tory government, and the
      factious opposition which the Tories gave to the same measure when
      proposed by a Whig government. He thought that if the free-trade measures
      of the Whig government had been allowed to pass when originally proposed,
      much of the sufferings of 1842 would have been avoided; and that if Sir
      Robert Peel had then been true to himself, he would have escaped, much of
      the invective now heaped upon him. After a few words from Sir Robert
      Inglis and Captain Fitzmaurice in support of the amendment, and from Mr.
      S. Herbert in favour of the measure, he having "changed his opinion on the
      subject," on the motion of Mr. S. O'Brien, the debate was adjourned. The
      debate continued by adjournment up to February 28th, before any division
      or amendment took place: the opposition wishing to stop it on the very
      threshold. On the last night of the debate the house was addressed by Mr.
      Cobden, who complained that extraneous matter had been introduced into the
      discussion to a greater extent than had ever been introduced previously
      into any corn-law debate. The two main topics, he said, on which it had
      turned, were the conduct of ministers and the propriety of an appeal to
      the country. The people of England believed that the discussion on the
      first topic was a quarrel got up for no other purpose than to evade the
      real question, and to conceal from public observation that there was no
      justification for the corn-laws. He assured their opponents that the more
      they covered ministers with obloquy, the more sympathy they would obtain
      from the country. In point of fact they were making ministers popular: if
      Sir Robert Peel were to visit the manufacturing districts, his march
      through them would, be one continued triumph. Even Sir James Graham, who
      had rendered, himself unpopular by certain measures, by his magnificent
      contribution to free trade, and still more by the nightly attacks which
      had been made upon him during this debate, had become an object of popular
      sympathy in Manchester and Liverpool. As to the wish of the protectionists
      to appeal to the country, nobody knew better than they did, that they had
      no chance of obtaining a majority at the next election. Three months ago
      he had said that the advocates of a free trade had no chance of obtaining
      that majority; but now that the protectionists were a broken party, and
      had lost all the talent and intelligence which formerly directed their
      tactics, the case was altered, and it wras they who had now no chance of
      success in an appeal to the constituency. Speaking of the intelligence of
      the people on this subject, Mr. Cobden remarked:&mdash;"I will tell you
      what my thoughts were, as T sat at home patiently reading these debates.
      As I read speech after speech, and saw the fallacies which I had knocked
      on the head seven years ago reappearing afresh, my thought was, What fun
      these debates will afford the men in fustian jackets! All these fallacies
      are perfectly transparent to these men; and they would laugh at you for
      putting them forward. Dependence on foreigners! Who in the world could
      have supposed that that long-buried ghost would come again to light! Drain
      of gold! Wages rising and falling with the price of bread! Throwing land
      out of cultivation, and bringing corn here at 25s. a quarter! You forget
      that the great mass of the people now take a very different view of these
      questions from what you do. Seven years ago they gave in to your
      reiterated assertions that wages rise and fall with the price of bread.
      You had a very fair clap-trap against us, as we happened to be master
      manufacturers, in saying that we wanted to reduce wages. But the right
      honourable baronet at the head of the government, and the right honourable
      baronet, the home-secretary, are not suspected by the English people of
      having such motives on these questions. The English people have no
      disinclination to refer to high authorities on these matters. They assume
      that men high in office have access to accurate information; and they
      generally suppose that those men have no sinister motive for deceiving the
      great body of the people on a question like the present. You see I do not
      underrate the importance of your leaders having declared in favour of free
      trade. On the contrary, I avow that that has caused the greatest possible
      accession to the ranks of the free traders. Well then, the working
      classes, not believing that wages rise and fall with the price of bread,
      when you tell them that they are to have corn at 25s. per quarter, instead
      of being frightened, are rubbing their hands with the greatest
      satisfaction. They are not frightened at the visions which you present to
      their eyes of a big loaf, seeing they expect to get more money, and bread
      at half the price. And then the danger of having your land thrown out of
      cultivation! Why, what would the men in smock-frocks in the south of
      England say to that? They would say, 'We shall get our land for
      potato-ground at 1/2 d. a lug, instead of paying 3d. or 4d. for it.' These
      fallacies have all been disposed of; and if you lived more in the world,
      more in contact with public opinion, and less within that charmed circle
      which you think the world, but which is anything but the world&mdash;if
      you gave way less to the excitement of clubs, less to the buoyancy which
      arises from talking to each other as to the effect of some smart speech in
      which the minister has been assailed, you would see that it is mere
      child's play to attempt to balk the intelligence of the country on this
      great question, and you would not have talked as you have talked for the
      last eleven days." Mr. Cobden proceeded to discuss the effect of the march
      of free trade on farmers; proving to demonstration that they were not
      alarmed by it, and that they were at the very time the discussion was
      going forward, and with a certainty of the repeal of the corn-laws in
      prospect, taking farms at a higher rent, and engaging to drain lands at
      great cost. Speaking of public opinion on protection, he said:&mdash;"What
      is this boasted protection? The country has come to regard it as they
      regard witchcraft&mdash;as a mere sound and a delusion. They no more
      regard your precautions against free-trade than they regard the
      horse-shoes that are nailed over stables to keep the witches from the
      horses. They do not believe in protection; they have no fear of
      free-trade; and they are laughing to scorn all the arguments by which you
      are trying to frighten them. How can protection, think you, add to the
      wealth of a country? Can you by legislation add one farthing to the wealth
      of a country? You may by legislation, in one evening, destroy the fruits
      and accumulations of a century of labour: but I defy you to show me how,
      by the legislation of this house, you can add one farthing to the wealth
      of this country? That springs from the industry and intelligence of the
      people of this country." In conclusion, Mr. Cobden called upon the
      protectionists cheerfully to make concessions for the good of the
      community. The debate was closed by Lord George Bentinck, who condemned
      the proposition of government as vicious in principle, and likely to be
      deeply injurious, not only to agriculturists, but to all the great
      interests of the country, On a division, the amendment was negatived by a
      majority of three hundred and seven against two hundred and forty.
    </p>
    <p>
      This great fact was now apparent to all men. The Conservatives, however,
      did not yet give up the struggle, though they fought as men in despair.
      Having failed in defeating the measure in the whole, they sought to defeat
      it in its details. On the house resolving itself into committee on the
      customs' acts, amendment after amendment was moved by them; and when these
      were all negatived, they commenced another struggle to defeat the second
      reading. A division on the second reading took place on the 28th of March,
      which was carried by a majority of three hundred and two against two
      hundred and fourteen. Nor yet was the battle won. As if exhausted by the
      struggle, both parties rested awhile from the strife; but it recommenced
      on the 5th of May, on a motion that the house resolve itself into a
      committee of the whole house on the corn-importation bill. This was
      opposed by Lord George Bentinck, who was considered as the champion of
      protection; he moved that the speaker do leave the chair that day three
      months. No division took place on his lordship's amendment, and the house
      resolved into committee on the corn-law importation act. Amendments were
      moved on some of its clauses, but they were all either negatived or
      withdrawn; and by the 9th of May the report was brought up. Sir G. Burrell
      moved that the report should be received that day six months; but after a
      long discussion, which was more distinguished for personal attacks than
      for sober argument, the amendment was withdrawn, and the bill was ordered
      to be printed, and to be read a third time on the 12th. The third reading
      was on that day moved by Sir James Graham, and the final struggle in the
      house of commons on this great subject commenced. The Marquis of Granby
      moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months; and in doing
      so, he did not believe the measure would pass the legislature; but if it
      did, he hoped their anticipations of evil would prove inaccurate, and that
      the anticipations of Sir Robert Peel, however vague, would be verified.
      The debate on the third reading continued by adjournment up to the 16th of
      May, its opponents putting forth all their strength to defeat it&mdash;arguing
      and pleading for the corn-laws as though the very existence of England
      depended on their continuance.
    </p>
    <p>
      On a division, the third reading was carried by a majority of three
      hundred and twenty-seven against two hundred and twenty-nine, and the bill
      was then read a third time, and passed amidst loud cheering.
    </p>
    <p>
      The report of the customs' duties bill was brought up in the commons on
      Monday the 18th of May, and though strenuously opposed by Lord George
      Bentinck, and others of his party, was agreed to without a division; and
      on the morrow it was read a third time without either discussion or
      division, and passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th the corn-importation bill was introduced into the lords by the
      Duke of Wellington, who moved its first reading. The Duke of Richmond said
      that he could not permit the bill to be read even a first time without
      entering his protest against it. The first reading was carried without a
      division, the Duke of Richmond being the only peer who expressed dissent.
      The Duke of Wellington gave notice that he would move the second reading
      of the bill on Monday the 25th. This motion was introduced, however, on
      that day by the Earl of Ripon. The Duke of Richmond moved that the bill be
      read a second time that day six months; feeling it to be a measure likely
      to inflict a deadly blow upon British agriculture and the national
      greatness. The debate continued by adjournment up to Thursday the 28th of
      May, most of the peers being anxious to deliver their sentiments on this
      great subject. Lord Ash-burton justified the principles of protection. The
      system of protection, he said, was founded upon three grounds: it was
      necessary in order to secure industry; it secured us against dependence on
      foreign countries for food; and there were peculiar burdens upon the land,
      for which landowners were entitled to compensation. The debate was closed
      by the Duke of Wellington, who justified the measure in an emphatic
      speech, and warned their lordships, that if they rejected it, it would
      only be to have another brought before them. On a division, the second
      reading was carried by a majority of two hundred and eleven against one
      hundred and sixty-four.
    </p>
    <p>
      The customs' duties bill was read a first time, after the stern opposition
      of the Duke of Richmond, in the house of lords, on the 20th of May. The
      second reading was moved by the Earl of Dalhousie on the 4th of June; in
      doing which is lordship stated generally the ground on which it was based.
      The noble lord went through the detail of the several articles of the
      tariff on which reductions were proposed, and concluded by repudiating the
      notion that the measure was one of pure free trade, and therefore did not
      go far enough: it was no free-trade measure at all; but one for the
      removal of prohibitive, and the gradual repeal of protective duties. The
      Duke of Richmond said, that after the decision to which their lordships
      had come on the corn-importation bill, he felt it was little use to
      trouble them with any remarks; and therefore he should content himself
      with moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months. After
      a few words from the Earl of Wicklow and Lord Ashburton against the bill,
      and from Earl Grey and Lord Monteagle in its support, the bill was read a
      second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday week. Before proceeding
      with the tariff, however, their lordships went into committee on the
      corn-importation bill. The first night of the committee's sitting was
      Friday, June 12th; and the opponents of the measure brought forward so
      many amendments, that the several clauses were not gone through till the
      19th. On that day, after all the amendments had been negatived, it was
      arranged that the report should be brought up on the 22nd; that afterwards
      the tariff bill should be proceeded with, as far as possible, and
      continued on the following day; and that on the 25th the corn-bill should
      be read a third time. In accordance with this agreement the report of the
      corn-bill was brought up on the following Monday, and the house went into
      committee upon the tariff-bill. Several amendments were proposed and
      negatived, and at length the opponents of the measure gave up the contest.
      On the following day the bill was reported without amendments, and ordered
      to be read a third time on Thursday with the corn-importation bill. Upon
      the motion for the third reading of these bills several noble lords, in
      opposition, urged their previous arguments, and entered their solemn
      protests against them; but all opposition was futile: they passed their
      final stage triumphantly, and on the morrow, Friday, the 26th, the royal
      assent was given to them by commission, and they became laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus triumphed Sir Robert Peel. Yet with his triumph as a patriot came his
      downfall as a minister. Simultaneous with these great and twin measures,
      the corn-bill and the customs-bill, he had brought in a protection
      life-bill for Ireland. The premier, in bringing in this bill, was aware
      that the Whigs, who had supported him in his great free-trade measures,
      would be to a man adverse to any coercive measure for that country; and
      his only hope of success was that those of his recent colleagues whom he
      had so grievously offended by striking the final blow at their darling
      measure, the corn-laws, would forget their resentment, and act according
      to their conscience, in a matter which, under ordinary circumstances, and
      according to their usual policy, would have obtained their hearty support.
      That hope was vain. They, his former stanch adherents, considered that
      government had forfeited all claim to their confidence, and therefore
      declined "to supply them with unconstitutional powers." The protection
      life-bill was thrown out by the commons&mdash;the Tories uniting with the
      Whigs, that they might crush a man whom they had idolized&mdash;by a
      majority of seventy-three, although it was urged by stern necessity, and
      enforced with the whole weight of a triumphant cabinet. On the day after
      the triumph of the corn-bill and the customs-bill, the premier went down
      to Osborne-house to tender the resignation of his ministry, in his
      retirement he carried with him the sympathy and admiration of the great
      body of the people. All felt that he had not only benefited England by
      these great measures, but all the world. Nor must the name of Cobden be
      forgotten in this achievement. The retiring premier, indeed, nobly
      attributed the whole triumph to that long-tried champion of free-trade.
      But the names of Peel and Cobden will ever be associated in the annals of
      the country, as the names of those who struck the final blow at laws which
      enriched the few at the cost of the whole population.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1846
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Position of the Conservative Party on the Defection of Sir
     Robert Peel, and the Parliamentary   Success of his  Free-
     Trade  Measures..... Formation of a Whig Cabinet..... The
     Sugar Duties..... Dreadful Condition   of Ireland.....
     Decline of Mr. O'Connell..... The Young Ireland Leaders.....
     Colonial Affairs..... War with the Sikhs..... Foreign
     Affairs..... Coolness with France..... Spanish Marriages
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      POSITION OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY ON THE DEFECTION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL,
      AND THE PARLIAMENTARY SUCCESS OF HIS FREE-TRADE MEASURES.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1846
    </p>
    <p>
      The adoption of a free-trade policy by Sir Robert Peel disorganised the
      conservative party, then more frequently designated Protectionist. The
      chief difficulty arose from the scarcity of talent in its ranks, and,
      therefore, the apparent impossibility of procuring a leader. At last the
      commons and the country were startled by the announcement of a new
      conservative chief in the person of Lord George Bentinck. So unfavourable
      were the antecedents&mdash;at all events, the immediate antecedents&mdash;of
      this nobleman, that the announcement of his name as the leader of the
      Protectionists excited the mirth of parliament, which found a loud echo in
      the country. After the public press had lampooned him&mdash;the <i>Times</i>
      scarcely condescending to launch its thunders, only allowing a distant
      rumble to be heard&mdash;after the <i>Examiner</i> had exhausted its
      pungent and polished satire, and <i>Punch</i> had caricatured the noble
      member for King's Lynn, and while yet his own party scarcely ventured to
      hope anything from his leadership, Lord George proved himself an orator
      and a debater, a party tactician, and an energetic, vigilant, intelligent
      chief of opposition. Perhaps no public man ever burst so suddenly upon the
      house of commons as a leading party politician. He had been well known as
      a member of parliament, had conciliated general esteem, and won extensive
      respect, as a private gentleman, from both sides of the house; but as a
      politician he had scarcely been noticed, nor had he taken any pains to
      make himself felt in debate: his irruption, so to speak, upon the ranks of
      the ministerialists, was sudden and effective. Mr. Disraeli has written an
      elaborate memoir of the noble lord, which exaggerates his capabilities and
      achievements, and in a style less eloquent than showy, holds up his policy
      to the admiration of his country. Mr. Disraeli, however, pays in many
      respects a tribute that is no more than just to the memory of Lord George,
      and his book affords material for an impartial judgment. At that period
      the noble lord was a distinguished patron of the turf: all England knew
      him as a sporting gentleman, a first-rate judge of horses, and an
      extensive winner on the course. In allusion to his habits in these
      respects, it became a popular sneer that the Conservatives required "a
      stable mind," after the versatile performances of Sir Robert Peel, and
      they had at last found such in Lord George. But although his whole mind
      had apparently been given up to the turf, it was not actually so. He had
      been a member of parliament for eighteen years, and was a shrewd observer
      of party, as he was of men and things in general life. Before entering
      parliament he had for three years served as private secretary to Mr.
      Canning, whose sagacity was seldom at fault in the selection of persons of
      indisputable ability. The great statesman was connected with Lord George,
      for he married the sister of the Duke of Portland. The young nobleman's
      powers of observation were such, that he was not likely to be in constant
      and intimate communication with such a man as Canning, without gleaning
      some political intelligence and experience. After Lord George entered
      parliament he remained for some time in the army, but gradually abandoned
      his military tastes for those of the turf, and his speculations in that
      direction were carried out on a scale of unprecedented magnitude.
      Politically, his sympathies and opinions appear to have been what might be
      designated Conservative-Whig. When the partisans of Mr. Canning left the
      Duke of Wellington's administration, Lord George Bentinck ranged himself
      in opposition. Under Earl Grey's administration, he sat on the ministerial
      side of the house. The Mends of Mr. Canning, who were associated with Lord
      Grey, entertained high opinions of Lord George's talents for official and
      administrative service, so that he was requested to accept office, but he
      declined. These offers were repeatedly renewed, under the same auspices,
      and as often rejected. He desired to be unfettered in his parliamentary
      position, and freely gave up the chances of Downing Street for those of
      the race-course. He voted for the reform bill, and afforded a cordial and
      constant support to that and nearly every measure of the whig
      administration, until Lord Stanley abandoned the party. To that noble lord
      he was personally and politically much attached, and of Mr. Spring Rice,
      afterwards Lord Monteagle, he also had a high opinion; but no friendship
      nor influence was sufficient to retard what may be called his retrograde
      course: like his friend, Lord Stanley, he became less and less a Whig, and
      finally stood in the foreground of Conservatism. He was a warm supporter
      of the Irish Roman Catholics, but did not appear ever to have understood
      their political tactics. His sympathy for what is termed Pusey-ism may
      have accounted for his leanings to the Irish Romanist party, although in
      this respect, according to Mr. Disraeli, "he was for the Established
      Church, and nothing more." According to the same author he was a Whig of
      1688. It is admitted that his personal prejudices were strong; but those
      who allow this maintain that he had no prejudice as to things, but
      examined all doctrines and theories with a strong common sense and a clear
      judgment. His painstaking to inquire after truth is much vaunted by his
      biographer; but his speeches as leader of the Protectionists do not reveal
      this quality,&mdash;for while no orator of the time, not even Sir Robert
      Peel, relied more upon statistics, or at least made a larger use of them,
      no advocate of any cause was ever more unfortunate in the data selected as
      groundwork for argument. Such was the man in whom the conservative
      opposition found a leader, when despairing of being again able to form an
      effective and organised opposition. It was on the 27th of February, 1846,
      that Lord George made his <i>début</i> in his new capacity. His speech was
      excellent in everything but its logic. Modest yet courageous in manner,
      plain but not ungraceful in style, his address told upon the house. The
      tone, however, was too aristocratic for the place and the times, and his
      arguments proved that he had not mastered the controversy, into the midst
      of which he had so chivalrously launched. He brought forward numerous
      details; but his facts were, as they say in Ireland, "false facts." He had
      not investigated the science of political economy, or the condition of the
      nation, but had only "crammed," as they say in college phrase, for the
      occasion and the controversy. He had industriously read whatever was
      written, and listened to whatever was said on the side of protection, but
      had not followed the counsel of an ancient adviser&mdash;<i>audi alteram
      partem</i>; and the result was that even the most transparent fallacies of
      the Protectionists were uttered by him with an air of serious but honest
      importance, as if they were truths which he was raised up irrefragably to
      establish by new and original arguments. When a free trade in corn was at
      last sanctioned by the legislature, Lord George continued to offer an
      industrious, courageous, and ingenious opposition, and by the vigour of
      his mind and the incessant energy of his attacks, kept up the party life
      of the opposition, which he resuscitated and led. Lord George looked upon
      himself as the champion of a class; to save or serve the aristocracy,
      irrespective of the interests of the masses of the people, was, in his
      opinion, patriotism, and he was willing "to spend and be spent" in that
      service. Throughout the debates on the customs bill, and upon the measures
      of reduction of duties generally which Sir Robert Peel proposed, Lord
      George offered an animated and pertinacious, although unavailing
      opposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this juncture the state of Ireland was melancholy in the extreme.
      Unlawful confederacies were formed among the peasantry and small farmers,
      and outrages of the most sanguinary character were perpetrated in the open
      day. Disaffection pervaded the masses of the Roman Catholic population,
      and language of daring menace was employed towards the government by the
      popular leaders of every rank, both in and out of parliament. Neither life
      nor property was safe, in any part of the country, except where the
      Protestants predominated. The loyal and peaceable petitioned for some
      measures of protection, and this class was indignant that the government
      did not propose laws which would afford security to the well-disposed. Sir
      Robert Peel listened to these demands, and prepared a bill, known as the
      "life-protection bill," which was very stringent in its nature, and
      proposed utterly to disarm the whole population, except under restrictions
      which would not be felt by the peaceable inhabitants, but would reach
      effectually the disaffected masses. This bill was at first supported by
      both the Whigs and Tories, acting under a sense of the common danger to
      society in Ireland, which would exist so long as the refractory populace
      had easy access to arms. The efforts to procure both fire and side-arms,
      all over the country, were extraordinary; this fact alarmed the Whigs, and
      made them feel disposed to support Sir Robert: the Conservatives were
      always ready to entertain repressive measures for Ireland. Both parties at
      last perceived that the tendency of the bill was to strengthen Sir
      Robert's government, and, therefore, although they supported the first
      reading, they determined to give it, in its future stages, a determined
      opposition. The ground taken by Lord John Russell, as the whig leader,
      was, that if Ireland was criminal she was also oppressed; that measures of
      coercion and redress should proceed <i>pari passu</i>. He would not
      support repression, unless accompanied by relief. Lord George Bentinck, as
      the conservative leader, took different ground. He admitted that the state
      of Ireland was such as to require extra constitutional remedies, but such
      ought not to be entrusted to any but constitutional ministers; that Sir
      Robert did not advise her majesty in the spirit of the constitution, and
      he (Lord George) would not therefore confide so large a responsibility to
      his administrative discretion. The union of the two parties ensured the
      minister's defeat, although the first reading was carried after seven
      nights' debate. Sir W. Somerville, then a popular and influential member
      of the whig party, proposed an amendment on the 9th of June, when the bill
      was brought up for a second reading; the amendment was its postponement
      for six months, and was carried by a large majority. This decided the fate
      of the Peel administration. During the debate Lord George Bentinck gave an
      unhappy proof of his inaccuracy of statement and party spirit. He accused
      Sir Robert Peel of having made up his mind in favour of Roman Catholic
      emancipation, before he turned Mr. Canning out of office on that very
      question. This allegation was made in terms of the bitterest reproach, and
      was placed in such a form and light before the house, as, if true, must
      have left the impression that Sir Robert was a man destitute of all
      principle and honour. The following Friday, the 12th of June, the
      honourable baronet exculpated himself in one of the happiest speeches
      which he ever delivered in parliament. On this occasion Mr. Roebuck
      defended Sir Robert, and assailed Lord George with much justice and more
      acrimony; but the speech was well received by the house, and by the
      country, and increased the honourable member's reputation as a debater and
      a politician. Mr. Hume, then in the zenith of his influence, followed up
      the blows so heavily dealt by Sir Robert and Mr. Roebuck. The efforts of
      Lord George's followers to cover his disastrous defeat were feeble and
      fruitless. It was not until the 20th that the amendment proposed by Sir
      William Somerville on the 9th was carried, and on the 29th the
      announcements were made in the lords and commons that ministers had
      resigned. The Duke of Wellington made it known to the lords, as the
      ministerial leader in that house, and never was a similar communication so
      laconically delivered. Sir Robert made a long speech, vindicating his
      policy and his personal consistency, and declaring his unabated confidence
      in the measures in favour of free-trade, which he had been enabled to
      carry, and which he averred would bring peace, contentment, and prosperity
      to the country. The farewell address of the minister was rendered still
      more remarkable than it otherwise would have been, by his announcing that
      the Oregon dispute with the United States had been amicably adjusted. This
      was well received by the house and by the country, although, perhaps,
      neither had given such attention to the nature of the differences between
      the two countries on that subject, or the character of the adjustment. The
      foreign policy of Sir Robert had neither been firm nor dignified, and the
      basis of the settlement of the Oregon dispute was simply concession on the
      part of England. There can be no great merit in a minister preserving
      peace by giving up everything, or nearly everything, for which he might
      have to go to war. On this principle our foreign politics would be easy
      enough to all administrations, and the only talent really necessary would
      be, the ability to persuade parliament that, in conceding what was justly
      ours, we saved the expense of defending it, and that such a course was
      wise, honourable, and statesmanlike. The spirit infused into our foreign
      policy by Sir Robert, and which the Earl of Aberdeen too faithfully
      represented, proved, afterwards, costly alike to our resources and our
      honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the resignation of Sir Robert, her majesty sent for Lord John Russell,
      and confided to him the task of forming an administration. His lordship
      succeeded in this object, and presented himself to parliament as first
      lord of the treasury and prime-minister, with Lord Cottenham as
      lord-chancellor, Lord Lansdowne as president of the council, Mr. Charles
      Wood as chancellor of the exchequer, and the three chief secretaries of
      state&mdash;home, foreign, and colonial&mdash;were Sir G. Grey, Lord
      Palmerston, and Earl Grey.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public were not displeased with the formation of a whig ministry,
      although, had the parliament been dissolved upon the question simply of
      Sir Robert or Lord John, the former would have had an overwhelming
      majority. Some discontent was expressed with the prevalence of the Grey
      family in the cabinet&mdash;three members of that connexion in three of
      the principal offices gave too much patronage and influence to a single
      family, especially as their nepotism had brought discredit upon the late
      earl, even in the height of his popularity. The chancellorship of the
      exchequer, and the home and colonial secretaryships, being now in the
      hands of this aristocratic house, the departments, it was alleged, would
      be overwhelmed with scions and <i>proteges</i> of the noble lord, the
      representative of the race. Some of the liberal journals sneered at the
      administration as "the Grey government" from the beginning, and prepared
      the minds of the more radical portion of the people for an administrative
      failure. The conservative press caught up the tone of the Radicals, and
      ridiculed the new whig government in similar terms, affecting to feel a
      constitutional alarm and jealousy at the prevailing influence of "the Grey
      sept."
    </p>
    <p>
      When Lord John appeared in the house as the head of the government, Mr.
      Duncombe, one of the members for Fins-bury, a popular and patriotic
      commoner, challenged the premier to make a full and explicit statement of
      the principles upon which he intended to administer the affairs of the
      country. This appeal met with a noble response in a clear, manful
      enunciation of free-trade principles, justice to Ireland, peace as far as
      that could be maintained in justice and honour, and the "maintenance and
      extension of religious liberty, which, together with its civil liberty,
      had made England conspicuous as one of the greatest nations of the world."
    </p>
    <p>
      The first parliamentary measure introduced by the Whigs was a plan for the
      better regulation of the sugar duties. On the 20th of July Lord John
      introduced his plan, which he professed would meet the wishes and
      expectations of the producer, the consumer, and the treasury. His proposal
      was substantially a protective duty of twenty shillings the cwt. upon all
      foreign Muscovada sugar, to be diminished annually in a certain ratio, so
      that in 1851 it would be only fifteen shillings and sixpence, and after
      that year permanently fourteen shillings. This was a great advantage to
      the consumers as compared with the old prohibitory duty of sixty-three
      shillings, and the protective duty of twenty-three shillings and
      fourpence. Lord John met the objections of "the negroes' friends," as to
      the admission of slave-grown sugar, by showing that the exclusion of such
      sugar was impracticable, inasmuch as by treaty, states producing
      slave-grown sugar were entitled to demand its admission under "the most
      favoured nation clause." To conciliate the West-India interest, his
      lordship announced that it was his intention to introduce a bill giving
      the queen power to assent to any act of the West-India legislatures,
      modifying or abolishing the differential duties established there in
      favour of British goods. As these differential duties were only five or
      seven per cent., the West-India interest considered that his lordship
      mocked them by a show of concession. The whole of that interest was "up in
      arms," as their parliamentary and colonial opposition, moral and
      political, was described. This interest had not joined the Conservatives
      in resisting the repeal of the corn laws, but, nevertheless, it now
      supplicated conservative support in impeding the measures of the ministry.
      The English landed interest was anxious to strengthen itself by the aid of
      the West-India planters and merchants, and therefore affected to be
      generous, and to repay evil by good. Lord George Bentinck's boastful words
      were paraded before all monopolists to induce their co-operation with his
      party&mdash;"If we are a proud aristocracy, we are proud of our honour,
      inasmuch as we have never been guilty, and never can be guilty, of
      double-dealing with the farmers of England, of swindling our opponents,
      deceiving our friends, or betraying our constituents." The West-India
      party was happy to gain help from any quarter, and joined "the farmers'
      friends" in adopting Lord George Bentinck as their leader. The premier had
      proceeded by "resolution," as it is constitutional to do in all measures
      affecting the public revenue. When the resolution was reported, Lord
      George moved as an amendment, "That in the present state of the sugar
      cultivation in the East and West-India possessions, the proposed reduction
      of duty upon foreign slave-grown sugar is alike unjust and impolitic, as
      tending to check the advance of sugar produced by British free labour, and
      to give a great additional stimulus to slave labour." In support of this
      amendment the noble mover paraded a vast array of "facts and figures,"
      which made a wonderful show of industry and knowledge; but his statistical
      statements were illusory as his logic was unsound. The awkward manner in
      which his amendment was expressed embarrassed his arguments and those of
      his party, justifying the description of him in the following passage of
      his memoir, written by Disraeli:&mdash;"He had not much sustained his
      literary culture, and of late years, at any rate, had not given his mind
      to political study." Sir Robert Peel gave the government a qualified and
      hesitating support. He started so many objections to the government
      measure that the opposition might have fairly looked for his support, but
      he answered his speech by his vote. In the course of his oration he
      predicted evils which never came to pass, and after all that had occurred,
      even his own glorious triumph in repealing the corn laws, the speech
      proved that he was not only an unwilling reformer, but that he had not
      clear and fair convictions of the truth of the great principles of
      political economy, that he was still the man of mere political expediency,
      and almost as jealous as ever of all bold attempts at theoretical or
      practical reform. The support of Sir Robert, such as it was, saved the
      government, for on this question, at all events, he held the balance of
      power. The debate lasted through the nights of the 27th and 28th, the
      West-India interest affecting great horror of slavery, and depicting the
      encouragement the measure would give to that evil in terms of great and
      even pious alarm. Never did a party resort more scandalously to cant and
      hypocrisy to serve a purpose than this, on the memorable occasion of "the
      sugar debate." The resolution was carried, and a bill embodying it rapidly
      passed the commons, but was resisted in the lords with much tenacity of
      purpose. This was in a considerable measure the result of a remarkable
      petition presented to that house by Mr. Clarkson, of whom Mr. Wilberforce
      had been a disciple. Mr. Clarkson was a philanthropist and a Christian,
      but neither a political economist nor a politician. The Bishop of Oxford
      proposed an amendment, on the second reading, which would have virtually
      destroyed the bill; but the original motion was carried, and the remaining
      stages were unobstructed.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was a most important measure to the comfort of the people and the
      commerce of the country. The government was logically and politically
      right; and the Whigs left the impression upon the country, by the bill
      itself, and the arguments by which they conducted it through the house,
      that they had been of late successful students in the important department
      of economics. A considerable stir among the wealthy and influential body
      of English citizens, the Society of Friends, was created, by the support
      which Mr. Bright, Mr. Crewdson, and others of the Quakers of the north of
      England, gave to the sugar bill. The body at large considered that support
      inconsistent with their professed principles. Mr. Bright, and those who
      took his views, eloquently defended themselves against the criticisms of
      the Friends, and Mr. George Thompson, the celebrated anti-slavery
      lecturer, espoused their cause with great ardour. Mr. Bright and his
      fellow-labourers of the Quaker persuasion were in a minority. The great
      body of the Friends disapproved of his conduct, and the old anti-slavery
      party throughout the country joined in the disapprobation. Mr. Bright was
      not a man to be deterred by friends or foes from pursuing a course which
      he thought right, and he persisted in giving to the government a very
      hearty and efficient support. The Manchester school accepted the bill with
      great favour, and upheld the ministry in carrying it. Large assemblages
      were convened in Manchester and the manufacturing districts, but
      especially in South Lancashire, Cheshire and Staffordshire, on behalf of
      the measure, and the various chambers of commerce and commercial
      associations passed resolutions or sent petitions in its favour. It was a
      good beginning for Lord John as premier, and conduced to the tenure of
      office which he was enabled to maintain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CONDITION OF IRELAND.&mdash;DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY.&mdash;DISAFFECTION
    </h2>
    <p>
      OF THE POPULACE.&mdash;FAILURE OF THE POTATOE CROP.&mdash;DISTRESS.&mdash;AGITATION
      BY THE YOUNG IRELANDERS.&mdash;DECLINE OF O'CONNELL.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some notice has been taken of the condition of Ireland as leading to the
      dissolution of the Peel ministry. It is appropriate to resume here the
      thread of Irish history. The affairs of that country, politically and
      socially, became rapidly worse. From day to day the people of England were
      startled with tidings of fierce conflicts which faction waged, the
      disloyalty of the great majority of the people, the relentless cruelty
      with which the Ribbon Society exacted its victims, and the continued
      pressure of famine and sickness upon the physical life of the people.
      Ireland, so long conversant with misery, was still to taste the cup in all
      its bitterness. Everything meant for her good by the legislature brought
      with it some new form of evil, or aggravated some that existed. She had
      sought and obtained emancipation, but while her arms wore no longer a
      manacle, she still clanked her broken chain, and with it smote her
      benefactors or wounded herself. The removal of restrictions from commerce,
      effected by Sir Robert Peel, she regarded as an injury; the majority of
      Irishmen believed that the repeal of the corn laws was designed to enrich
      England at the expense of Ireland, and that it was the most fatal blow
      ever given to her agricultural and commercial prosperity. There were many
      enlightened Irishmen who advocated the repeal of the laws which made the
      food of the people dear;&mdash;of seven men who met in Manchester to form
      the anti-corn-law association, out of which sprang "the League," at least
      two were Irishmen. Perhaps the man to whom that cause was originally
      indebted, more than to any other, was Archibald Prentice of the city just
      named, a native of Scotland; but among his earliest and most earnest
      coadjutors were Irishmen. The merchants of the three principal cities in
      Ireland&mdash;Dublin, Cork, and Belfast&mdash;favoured Sir Robert Peel's
      law, especially those of the enlightened and enterprising town last named;
      but the Irish agriculturists, and the inhabitants of the country
      generally, resented it as a new Irish grievance! Lord George Bentinck did
      not misrepresent the feeling of the Irish people towards the free-trade
      movement, when he claimed the country, with some exceptions only, as on
      his side. Even the educational boon, so recently accorded by parliament,
      was regarded as a religious affront. "The Queen's colleges" were denounced
      by Mr. O'Connell and the priests as "godless colleges." In parliament he
      opposed, in Ireland he vituperated it.
    </p>
    <p>
      A new phase of mischief gradually ripened during the year 1846. O'Connell
      had taught the people habits of political organisation, and while he had
      so wielded the masses thus organised as to prevent insurrection, he kept
      the government in continual alarm, lest some sudden outbreak should rend
      society and deluge the country with blood. The "agitator" professed to
      hold the doctrine of moral force in opposition to physical force; but
      while he proclaimed that the liberties of Ireland were "not worth the
      shedding of one drop of blood," and in long letters and speeches declared
      that whoever committed crime was his enemy, and the enemy of Irish
      freedom, he palliated those crimes, when committed, defended the
      criminals, shifted the blame to the Protestants, the local authorities,
      the government, the law, or the Saxon; and so wrote and spoke as was
      calculated to lead the perpetrators of outrage to regard themselves as
      having an excuse for their crimes, in their own condition or that of their
      country. The general feeling of the disaffected in reference to Mr.
      O'Connell's exhortations of peace was, that he was only sincere so far as
      expediency dictated; that he had no other objection to physical force than
      his conviction that the prospects of success did not warrant recourse to
      it. Accordingly, whilst a great display was made of carrying out his
      "moral force" policy, and his "pacificators" were the ostensible
      preservers of the peace,&mdash;taking the credit themselves, or claiming
      it for their chief, of preventing an open insurrection,&mdash;murder,
      incendiarism, assault, and religious persecution were carried out in
      detail. When any were arraigned, no scruples were entertained as to the
      means by which conviction might be prevented; perjury, intimidation, and
      assassination were among these instrumentalities. When convicted, the
      criminal was regarded as suffering for his religion and country, although
      the crime for which he was condemned was some cruel and cowardly
      assassination, or attempt to commit such. "The liberal press," as the
      newspapers devoted to the agitation were designated, was filled with
      extenuations or denials of the culprit's guilt, and the most vengeful
      attacks were made upon all who sought to enforce the laws, and preserve
      peace and life from the ruffian hands of the Ribbonmen, and "the moral
      force agitators." Lord John Russell has often resorted to <i>finesse</i>
      in his parliamentary tactics which has not always done him honour, but he
      never erred in this respect more egregiously than when, withdrawing the
      Irish arms bill, he reported that the law had its unimpeded course, that
      juries did their duty, and that crime was effectually restrained. So far
      from juries doing their duty, it was difficult in the provinces to obtain
      convictions, where a portion of the jury were O'Connellites, if the person
      before them was arraigned for an agrarian offence, or an outrage against
      the persons of those who were loyal. Neither Whigs, nor Protestants who
      were politicians of a school yet more free, nor liberal Roman Catholics
      who respected the law, or enforced their rights as landlords, were spared
      by the secret societies, any more than the most rabid Tories or the most
      flaming Orangemen. A reign of terror prevailed through the country; the
      perpetrators of outrage were everywhere, and the popular masses
      sympathised with them. An illustration of the state of things then
      prevailing was afforded in the following paragraph from the <i>Illustrated
      London News</i> of the 21st of February, 1846:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Friday (last week) Bryan Seery was executed at Mullingar. The
      conviction took place under the following circumstances:&mdash;Some time
      since Sir Francis Hopkins was shot at by a man in Westmeath; Sir Francis
      tried to seize the assassin, but he escaped; and afterwards Seery was
      captured. The sole witness to the prisoner's identity with the assassin
      was the prosecutor: the defence was the common Irish defence&mdash;<i>alibi</i>,
      which was of course sworn to stoutly, as it always is in Ireland. One jury
      could not agree to the verdict, two Roman Catholics standing out against
      conviction: a second jury condemned the man: efforts to procure
      commutation of his sentence failed, and he was left for execution. Seery,
      at the place of execution, solemnly denied his guilt. A circumstance
      highly characteristic of the feeling of the public occurred. The morning
      was calm&mdash;the sounding of bugles and peeling of drums were heard in
      all directions: there was a perfect cessation of business in the town.
      About ten o'clock all the shops were closed, and not a single human being
      was to be seen in the streets&mdash;not one individual came in from the
      country. Thus the people determined to mark their opinion of this awful
      tragedy, for all regard Seery as a martyr. At eleven o'clock the military
      were paraded before the gaol, and not one human being appeared before the
      scaffold but themselves and the police. Even the magistrates of the county
      stayed away&mdash;not one of them appeared, except Mr. Uniacke, who walked
      up and down with Captain Despard. Under the imposing head of the
      'Mullingar Tragedy,' the reporter of the <i>Dublin Freeman</i> furnishes
      that journal with a long and highly-coloured account of the interment of
      Bryan Seery. The melancholy spectacle took place on Sunday, in the
      presence of vast multitudes of the country people, whose numbers were
      estimated by the writer to amount to fifty thousand or sixty thousand
      souls."
    </p>
    <p>
      On other occasions the populace attended the execution of criminals in
      large numbers, and exhibited their sympathy by demonstrations of respect
      and of regret for their fate, speaking of them as "the blessed martyrs"
      for their religion, or their country, or both. An execution took place at
      Nenagh, in the county of Tipperary, early in June, which was thus noticed
      in a paper, neither unfavourable to the rights of the people, nor the
      exercise of the utmost clemency on the part of the government towards the
      misguided:&mdash;"Three men were executed at Nenagh on Friday (last week),
      pursuant to their sentences; two&mdash;namely, Patrick Hayes and Patrick
      Rice&mdash;for conspiring to murder the late Mr. Patrick Clarke; and one,
      named William Fogarty&mdash;for shooting at Mr. M'Donald, a steward in the
      slate quarries. An immense multitude collected to witness the scene. The
      three men were accompanied to the drop by Roman Catholic clergymen. They
      died after a brief struggle, having made no public confession of their
      crimes. A large police force of one hundred and fifty men, and a company
      of the 72nd depot, comprised the guard in attendance. All was quiet and
      peaceable, says a local paper, and nothing heard but the moanings of the
      friends of the culprits. After the usual time of hanging, the bodies were
      lowered into coffins, and given to the relations. The long respite
      obtained by these men whilst various points of law were urged in their
      favour, gave much additional interest to their cases."
    </p>
    <p>
      Executions did not, however, extinguish the prevalence of crime, nor were
      the precautions of the executive sufficient to wrest the weapon from the
      murderous hand. A Galway paper, in "the liberal interest," recorded a
      murder near the junction of that county with the county of Clare,
      immediately after the execution at Nenagh, and various others of a similar
      character throughout the country. This atrocity was very much in character
      with those which disgraced the whole south and west of Ireland, and which,
      to a less extent, took place in the north and north-eastern portions of
      the land:&mdash;"We regret to state that, on the night of Thursday (last
      week), a barbarous murder was committed at a village near Woodford, in
      this county. The unfortunate object of the assassin's vengeance was a man
      named Pat Hill. Two persons came into his house, and brought him out of
      his bed to a place about forty yards distant, and there inflicted no less
      than forty-two bayonet wounds on his person, besides a fracture of the
      skull. His wife, hearing his screams, went to his assistance, and, having
      begged for mercy, she was told by the heartless ruffians that if she did
      not go away, she would herself be treated in a like manner. Having
      completed their purpose, the miscreants, who are unknown, walked off, and
      their victim almost immediately expired. An inquest was held at Portumna,
      when a verdict of 'Wilful murder' was returned against persons unknown.
      Deceased was in rather comfortable circumstances, and bore a most
      excellent character."
    </p>
    <p>
      While disaffection, secret societies, fanatical intolerance, and
      wide-spread personal outrage cursed unhappy Ireland, the failure of the
      potato crop intensified every other form of evil to which the country was
      subjected. Very early in the year it was obvious to intelligent observers
      that the failure of 1845 would be exceeded in 1846. The distress developed
      itself very early. In February the Rev. W. B. Townend, rector of Aghadda,
      in the diocess of Cloyne, county of Cork, published a letter, in which he
      thus described the sufferings and the prospects of the people:&mdash;"In
      this part of Ireland we are in a frightful state&mdash;the humbler classes
      are all living on the contaminated potato; the sides of fields and gardens
      literally covered with rotten ones, thrown away. The detail of destruction
      is endless. That employment should be wanted for the people, while
      one-third of Ireland is as much waste as the woods in Canada, and the rest
      badly cultivated, not affording half labour, is a strange anomaly."
    </p>
    <p>
      Later in the year the Rev. J. B. Tyrwhitt, an English clergyman of the
      Established Church, settled in Keny, published an account of the
      sufferings and prospects of the people of the south and west of Munster,
      truly appalling. The reverend gentleman wrote in the celebrated Vale of
      Iverah, where the O'Connells held property, and exercised an almost
      absolute sway:&mdash;"The prospects of the people of this very poor
      barony, and all along from the River Kenmare, Sneem, Darrynane, to
      Cahirciveen, and thence towards Killorglin, is harrowing and startling.
      The whole potato crop is literally destroyed, while over a very wide
      surface the oat crop presents an unnatural lilac tinge to the eye; at the
      same time, in too many instances, the head is found flaccid to the touch,
      and possessing no substance. The barley crop, too, in many places,
      exhibits the effect of a powerful blight. In some places, also, where
      turnips have been grown, they present&mdash;as, indeed, has been the case
      in other parts of the county&mdash;a healthier exterior in top and skin,
      but, on being opened, are found deeply impregnated with a taint similar to
      that which has smitten the potato, to such an extent, that one cannot
      stand in the blackened fields without being overpowered by the offensive
      effluvia."
    </p>
    <p>
      From the county of Clare statements arrived in London, if possible, more
      appalling. Early in April pestilence manifested itself in various places,
      and the county of Tipperary was disturbed by famine riots, independent of
      the normal disturbances which subjected that county to such misery, and
      earned for it so terrible a reputation. At Clonmel food riots assumed a
      formidable appearance, and the military had to guard the flour mills. The
      Roman Catholic clergy exerted themselves successfully to soothe the minds
      of the peasantry, and prevent that increase of their sufferings, which
      would result from the plunder of private property. The peasantry of
      Ireland were not addicted to robbery, and whatever outrages fanaticism,
      political and religious, might goad them to commit, the necessities of
      their famishing wives and children alone could cause them to resort to
      plunder. Thus, at a large and peaceable meeting of the peasantry in the
      county of Galway, at the end of April, they made this declaration:&mdash;"If
      employment be not immediately given, we can no longer stand the distress
      under which we are suffering." Of course it was necessary to put down
      tumult and protect property, and very painful were the duties which in
      consequence devolved upon the civil and military power. <i>Ex uno disce
      omnes</i>. At Kilsheelan, between the counties of Tipperary and Waterford,
      an occurrence took place, which was described in the language of one of
      the leading journals of the south of Ireland in the following terms:&mdash;"On
      Thursday morning, in consequence of information received by the
      magistrates, they very prudently had cars stationed in the barracks for
      the prompt conveyance of the troops in case of necessity; and subsequent
      proceedings will show how very judicious and prudent their arrangements
      were. In a short time an express arrived in town stating that an immense
      mob was plundering the boats at Kilsheelan, within four miles of Clonmel,
      and forthwith a party of the 33rd got on the cars and proceeded to the
      scene of outrage, together with a party of the 1st Royal Dragoons, under
      the command of Major Galloway. Mr. J. Bagwell, Mr. W. Riall, Major Shaw,
      and Sub-inspector Fosberry accompanied them, and when within a short
      distance of the scene of plunder, word reached them that the robbery going
      on was most extensive. Mr. Fosberry and a mounted policeman immediately
      galloped on, and when they reached the spot, the scene which met their
      view is more easily imagined than described. An immense multitude were
      plundering the boats; a vast quantity of Indian corn, the property of Mr.
      Going, of Caher, was destroyed or made off with, and a quantity of wheat,
      the property of Mr. T. Hughes, was also stolen and destroyed. The military
      quickly came up, and a regular engagement took place. Stones were firing
      in all directions&mdash;several soldiers were struck; Mr. Fosberry
      received a blow of a stone in the leg, and it was not until some time had
      elapsed that this lawless rabble were subdued, and thirteen of them taken
      prisoners and brought into our gaol. Nothing could exceed the coolness of
      our magistrates, officers, and soldiers during this rencontre, and we are
      happy to say that a portion of the wheat was retaken."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the state of Ireland up to the harvest time of 1846, when,
      unhappily, all the fears of men, such as have been quoted, and the
      predictions of Sir Robert Peel, were fulfilled. There was another failure
      of the harvest; the crops of potatoes and oats suffered to such an extent
      as to increase, many fold, all the miseries previously experienced, and
      the dangers previously apprehended. Five millions, five hundred thousand
      tons of potatoes, and five millions two hundred thousand quarters of oats,
      below the average, was produced that harvest. The estimated loss in money,
      from the deficient produce of the year, was sixteen millions pounds
      sterling!
    </p>
    <p>
      The efforts to mitigate these evils were manifold. Subscriptions were
      raised in every part of the British Isles, and, indeed, in every part of
      the British empire. From various places on the continent, especially
      France, donations were transmitted in either money or food. The Sultan of
      Turkey sent a generous contribution to the common stock of relief. From
      the United States of America supplies also came. The world might be
      represented as laid under contribution to relieve the miseries of Ireland.
      The government also made great exertions. Sir Robert Peel's administration
      made secret and extensive purchases of Indian corn, which were sold, or
      distributed gratuitously, according to circumstances. By donations for
      public works, and "general presentments," Sir Robert Peel also prepared
      for the coming disaster. He had expended in this way more than eight
      hundred thousand pounds, a little more than the half of which had been
      repaid by rates levied in Ireland under the powers intrusted to the grand
      juries. Lord John Russell, soon after he passed his sugar duties bill,
      made proposals to parliament calculated to meet the distress as it then
      existed, and in some measure to anticipate the relief which he foresaw
      would be required. He proposed to empower the lord-lieutenant to summon
      sessions of counties and of baronies, to consider the propriety of making
      public works for the relief of the poor, and to give to those sessions,
      under certain circumstances, authority to determine upon what works were
      desirable or necessary, which the board ot works would upon such decision
      execute. The imperial treasury was to make advances for carrying on these
      works, to be repaid in ten years at three and a half per cent, interest.
      Grants of £50,000 each would be made to certain poor districts which would
      be unable to repay advances. His lordship moved resolutions embodying
      these proposals, which were carried, and a bill founded upon them passed
      through both houses with the utmost rapidity. The introduction of these
      measures seemed to produce a good effect on Ireland, for crime and outrage
      abated. The ministers took advantage of this circumstance to claim great
      merit for their administration, and, on the 28th of August, when
      parliament was prorogued by commission, the speech delivered ascribed to
      her majesty great satisfaction in the relief so cordially provided by
      parliament for the Irish poor, and the beneficial effects produced. These
      tokens of returning peace were as the morning dew, which soon passes away,
      and the measures of parliament, notwithstanding their magnitude, were soon
      proved to be inadequate. The government acted, however, with generosity
      and courage, although their wisdom and administrative aptitude were not
      equally conspicuous. During a portion of the interval of the reassembling
      of parliament, in January, 1847, the government, unauthorised by
      parliament, expended a million sterling per month. The cabinet felt
      assured that parliament would indemnify and England approve. Immense
      supplies of Indian corn and other articles of food were carried by
      government steamers to such points of the coast as were convenient for
      their prompt dispersion to the interior. The labourers on the public works
      were paid from one shilling to one shilling and sixpence per day. In the
      county of Mayo, where the distress was peculiarly aggravated, nearly half
      a million sterling was expended in public works, in districts the Ordnance
      valuation of which was little more than half that amount. These works were
      unproductive, and baronies were pledged to their whole value, some for a
      year, and others for several years, in repayment of the grants, although
      the plan of repayment to the government was, that only half the amount
      advanced should be refunded. Many private individuals, both in Ireland and
      in Great Britain, exhibited a noble generosity; and the heroic
      self-sacrifice of clergymen, medical men, and others, in the midst of the
      famine and plague-stricken people, cannot be too much commended. The
      liberality and exertions of the Irish residents in England and Scotland
      was much to their own honour and to the reputation of their country.
      Notwithstanding all these exertions, the aid of the government and of
      private individuals was abused, and the annals of the world do not contain
      any narrative of ingratitude and selfishness more base than those which
      record the transactions of certain classes of the Irish people during that
      terrible crisis. Many of the landed gentry took occasion to have their own
      fences and private roads repaired at the public expense, and there were
      few parts of the country where "public works" did not mean improvements of
      the domains, and the creation of roads to the mansions of the gentry. The
      Roman Catholic chapels, and the ways of access to them, were also treated
      as "public works." The conduct of "the Board of Works" was far from
      unimpeachable, and men distinguished in her majesty's service cut a poor
      figure in connection with the inquiries and discussions to which the modes
      of managing the public relief ultimately led. The moral effect of the
      charity was most injurious to the country, whatever its material advantage
      in the urgency of the occasion. This was exemplified in many ways. The
      peasantry were unwilling to bestow a fair amount of labour upon works of
      acknowledged utility, although paid nearly double the ordinary rates of
      wages; they lazily preferred public works, so that there was a scarcity of
      hands to gather in the imperfect harvest until the government partially
      withdrew its competition from the labour market. Considerable numbers of
      farmers, some of whom held as many as sixty acres of land, applied for
      tickets from the relief committees, and were placed upon the public works,
      thus drawing off the money from the legitimate objects of aid. Small
      farmers in numbers received gratuities of Indian corn and other food,
      whose means were such as ought in common decency and common honesty to
      have prevented such an application. The local committees acted with
      partiality and injustice, and numbers of the peasantry perished of
      starvation, while the greedy, who were not necessitous, preyed upon the
      public charity. In the county Clare, five thousand persons were struck off
      the lists of those who were employed by the labour rate, and who, it is
      scarcely necessary to add, rendered no return for the money they had
      received, for the ostensible labour was in these cases a sham. The most
      scandalous of all the exhibitions of want of probity which the crisis
      developed was the revival of efforts to procure arms. The peasantry,
      farmers, town-population&mdash;all of every rank&mdash;sought to possess
      themselves of weapons of war, especially firearms. The demand for powder
      and percussion-caps was as eager as for weapons. Birmingham was kept busy;
      every hand in the gun-making trades there was employed; Sheffield was also
      labouring at sword cutlery, and in the manufacture of daggers and
      bayonets; while the smithies of Ireland were extensively engaged in the
      manufacture of pike heads. The money expended by benevolent persons and by
      the government on the vast scale which the emergency and a noble
      compassion dictated, was employed to procure arms which those who
      purchased them intended to turn upon the hands that fed them as soon as
      opportunity allowed. Whatever thanks might be felt by the peasantry
      towards those who on the spot gave of their private store to mitigate the
      pangs of the sufferers, no gratitude was entertained to the British public
      or to the government. Starving Ireland armed to strike down her
      benefactors with weapons procured by the misuse of the boon whicli these
      benefactors had extended. However painful it may be to relate the story of
      such turpitude, truth constrains it: the Irish peasant begged, that he
      might arm against the charitable hand that succoured him. Persons actually
      perished leaving some, money, with which surviving relatives, in the
      depths of their misery, purchased arms. It was thought that no other
      opportunity so favourable would arise to turn the gold of the Saxon into
      steel, which might be pointed against his own breast. The object most at
      heart with the famishing crowds was the ascendancy of their religion, to
      be accomplished by the subjugation of British authority; for this they
      famished and bought muskets and horse-pistols, powder and percussion caps,
      old swords and bayonets. To such an extent was this carried that in
      Clonmel, a town of about 18,000 inhabitants, and where the people rioted
      for food, as already recorded, nearly twelve hundred stand of arms were
      sold in a few days. These were purchased by the silver which the
      government Board of Works had paid in the charitable employment of the
      people on non-productive labour.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much difficulty arose, in the distribution of gratuitous supplies of food,
      from the routine of the public offices. So complex were the details which
      the under-officials were obliged to observe, that men actually perished
      while a useless routine correspondence was being conducted. It was
      satirically said by an English observer, "the delivery of a few quarters
      of English corn to those who want it requires as much correspondence and
      documentary forms as a chancery suit."
    </p>
    <p>
      The refusal of grand juries to "present" was another obstacle to the
      prompt relief of the people. They were unwilling to carry into force the
      presentment act, because the money advanced should be one-half repaid,
      and, while held as a loan, be chargeable with interest. These bodies,
      which refused presentments on grounds that it was not desirable or
      necessary to make them, were amongst the most clamorous in the kingdom for
      their share of patronage in dispensing the money and food for which no
      repayment was to be made.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      POLITICAL AGITATION.&mdash;YOUNG IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the progress of all this misery and turbulence, and while the
      government required to put forth all its energies to mitigate the one and
      suppress the other, Ireland was torn by political factions, and the voice
      of party was never for a moment silent. On previous pages the reader will
      find the state of Irish parties depicted as they stood in 1845. Throughout
      the year 1846 some new phases of the political spirit of the people were
      presented. O'Connell still declared that the only remedy for Ireland was
      the repeal of the union; and that while he gave a modified support to a
      whig government, so long as it sincerely attempted the melioration of
      Irish circumstances, he merely did so to prove that he was not a partisan,
      and in the hope of eventually bringing all men to believe that no
      effectual redress for the wrongs of Ireland was to be expected from the
      imperial legislature&mdash;that Ireland's only hope lay in "a native
      parliament." This the great agitator declared he would obtain by moral
      force only, if the people of Ireland abstained from rebellion, and
      preserved the moral attitude of a united demand for the repeal of the
      legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland. Gradually there arose
      in "the Repeal Association" a more spirited section, which went by the
      designation of "Young Ireland." These men laughed at O'Connell's moral
      force doctrines, or denounced them with disdain. At first they professed
      unbounded respect for himself, and an approval of his aims, but an
      irreconcileable antipathy to his measures. They maintained the right of
      all men to use arms in defence or in the assertion of liberty; proclaimed
      that Ireland was too noble a country, and the Irish too fine a race, to be
      subjected to a provincial <i>status</i>. "Ireland a nation&mdash;not a
      province," so often proclaimed by O'Connell, became in earnest the
      watchword of this new and vigorous party. They derided the time-serving
      and place-hunting of O'Connell's partisans, and declared that, by asking
      places from the English government for his followers, O'Connell had
      corrupted and dishonoured his country. They also opposed "the rent," which
      O'Connell received as a tribute from the people, and a means of enabling
      him to employ various agencies for the prosecution of his labours. He had
      given up the practice of his profession, to him most lucrative, in order
      to devote himself wholly to what he believed to be the good of his
      country, and, accordingly, the people contributed liberally to enable him,
      as the leader of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, to hold his place without
      indignity in the face of the parliament and people of England. In theory
      this contribution was at all events creditable to the generosity and zeal
      of the Irish people, and no discredit to O'Connell himself. Nor can it be
      alleged with truth that he accepted it from mercenary motives, or used it
      selfishly. His fortune was small; his position required large expenditure;
      and it is notorious that the money he received was not hoarded, nor used
      to enrich his family, but employed for political and often charitable
      purposes which had the entire approbation of the donors. The Young
      Irelanders, however, at first furtively and anonymously, afterwards more
      or less openly, and, finally, in the columns of the newspaper press, and
      in the Repeal Association itself, stigmatised the rent as mercenary. This
      new party divided influence with "the Liberator" upon the boards of the
      Corn Exchange, and in public meetings generally, and was the cause of
      great distraction in the councils and operations of the Repeal
      Association. At first they treated O'Connell as conscientiously
      wrong-headed on the subjects of moral and physical force; but they
      gradually widened their ground of attack, and suggested that he was
      actuated by corrupt motives, not for his own advantage, but in order to
      obtain places for a host of needy adventurers who constituted what was
      termed his "tail." Finally, they denounced him as a coward, and the
      abettor therefore of a cowardly policy: that being afraid to place himself
      at the head of his armed countrymen, he affected to abhor bloodshed, and
      held out a hope which he knew to be delusive&mdash;that Ireland could
      conquer the restoration of her legislature by moral, in contradistinction
      to physical force.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before noticing further the effect of these differences upon O'Connell and
      the Irish repeal party, it is desirable to glance at the character and
      talents of the leading Young Irelanders, as these men will occupy much
      prominence in the history of succeeding years. Thomas Davis was generally
      alleged to be the founder of this section of the repeal party. He was only
      a student in Trinity College, Dublin, when he first entered upon political
      life. He imbibed early in youth a passionate love of country, and retained
      it until his death, which, to the general regret, occurred in a few years
      after he had entered upon political life. Mr. Davis was a poet, although
      not of a high order; several specimens of good ballad composition are
      amongst his remains. He cultivated classic literature with success; as an
      antiquary and an historian acquired reputation; wrote energetically and
      fluently; spoke in public with earnestness and force, but had none of the
      graces of the finished orator, and he despised all "rhetorical artifices."
      In conversation he was persuasive, but in public debate deficient in this
      quality; and while he possessed courage to confront mobs, or dictators, as
      he did also to meet an armed host in his country's service, he was not
      characterised by that presence of mind in public discussion, so necessary
      for effective repartee and popular power. He was in religion a Protestant,
      and a member of the Established Church; but it is obvious, from his
      various papers in connection with Irish affairs, that he was not a very
      earnest Protestant, and was entirely unacquainted with theological
      studies. His letters and speeches also show that he was not conversant
      with political economy, and that his social views were unsound. He was a
      man of many excellences, a true friend, an amiable companion, an honest
      and brave patriot, a gentleman, a scholar, and a <i>litterateur</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next most notable person among the leaders of the Young Irelanders was
      William Smith O'Brien. Like Thomas Davis, his integrity was indisputable.
      A member, and the representative of probably the oldest family in Europe,
      descended from the celebrated Brien Boroighome, who was monarch of Ireland
      in the twelfth century, he was proudly jealous of the honour of his
      lineage and of his name, and never did man bear a proud name with more
      unsullied honour than O'Brien. He mourned over the sufferings of his
      country with a tender and compassionate heart, and he ascribed these
      sufferings to bad government. It was his desire to remove all grievances
      by constitutional means, but his experience as a member of the imperial
      parliament led him to believe that Ireland never could receive proper
      legislative consideration until the union was repealed. Perceiving that
      O'Connell's agitation was never likely to effect that object, despising
      the mean and corrupt practices by which that agitation was attended, and
      being filled with horror at the occurrence of so much agrarian crime, he
      came to the conclusion that an armed attempt to sever Ireland from Great
      Britain was the duty of Irishmen, and the only hope left for her political
      or social redemption. Mr. O'Brien was a member of the Church of England,
      and his sympathies were with the evangelical section. He was well
      acquainted with the great fundamental differences between the church of
      Rome and Protestant communions, and was conscientiously and firmly a
      Protestant, while his mental habits and religious principles alike made
      him the consistent friend of religious liberty. It was generally supposed
      that his views of government were monarchical; and as he was the undoubted
      representative of the Irish monarchy, it was also believed that he had
      sufficient ambition to look forward to the time when independent Ireland
      would restore to him his family honours. The personal and moral influence
      of Mr. O'Brien were such as to qualify him to be a leader. He was much
      loved, and deserved to be so. As a man he was amiable, as a gentleman
      courteous, as a friend true. Intellectually, he was not fit to conduct a
      powerful party through great dangers. Scholarly and accomplished, he was
      yet not profoundly read, nor did he possess any great power as a writer or
      speaker. He could not shake the senate like Grattan, Flood, or Curran, nor
      could he move the popular will by his pen, like Moore or Davis. Whatever
      he undertook for Ireland was in the spirit of a patriot, and his courage
      was as unquestionable as his truth. He had studied too little the
      character of his countrymen, and the political influence of their
      religious predilections, or he probably would never have embarked upon the
      stormy sea of the repeal agitation. Had he pondered deeply the philosophy
      of Irish character, and of the Protestant and Roman Catholic religions, by
      which the people were so extensively and sincerely influenced, he must
      have foreseen that the Irish Roman Catholic population would never enter
      upon any political enterprise to which their priests were opposed; that
      the priests would never favour any political scheme that did not comprise
      the ascendancy of Rome; and that the Irish Protestants, deeply and
      thoroughly convinced of that fact, would not extensively join any
      confederacy for political purposes where the priesthood could possibly
      exercise any authority. All these things William Smith O'Brien, from his
      position as an Irish Protestant gentleman, ought to have known; knowing
      these things, he never could have plunged into the raging surge of an
      Irish popular insurrection. He meant honestly, failed signally, and
      suffered himself to be involved in a hapless enterprise, because he had
      not sufficiently studied the people among whom he lived, nor the religious
      influences to which they were subjected.
    </p>
    <p>
      A third leader of this party was Thomas Meagher, who afterwards called
      himself O'Meagher, son of a wealthy and respectable Roman Catholic citizen
      at Waterford. Mr. Meagher was the youngest of all the Young Ireland
      leaders.
    </p>
    <p>
      He had been educated at the Jesuit College, Stonyhurst, Lancashire, where
      it would appear that one principle undermined another in his education;
      for while he came forth a Roman Catholic politician and a patriot, he
      found that the consistent profession of the one came into such frequent
      collision with the other, that his honest and manly mind could not
      reconcile them, and, as some regarded it, he sacrificed his creed to his
      country. Sir Jonah Barrington represents the Roman Catholic leaders of his
      day as sacrificing their country to their church. Thomas Meagher certainly
      appeared to perform the converse of this. His enunciations of religious
      opinion were boldly liberal, and utterly incompatible with the ascendancy
      of his own or any other church. In this respect, as, indeed, in every
      other, he preserved throughout his course a most laudable consistency. He
      probably comprehended the principles of civil and religious liberty better
      than any other member of the Young Ireland confederacy. Young Meagher was
      full of ardour for the cause of repeal. Like Davis and Smith O'Brien (to
      both of whom he was attached by the tenderest friendship), he believed it
      to be the salvation of his country. His soul was inflamed with love of
      her, and he consecrated his genius and his life to her resuscitation by
      the modes which alone appeared to him calculated to restore her from
      political death. Intellectually, Mr. Meagher was superior to any other
      leader of the party. Davis had neither the compass nor versatility of
      Meagher, who was the only finished orator of the remarkable group of men
      whom he intellectually outshone. Some of his orations are as chaste and
      fervent as Emmet's, as rich and varied as Curran's, as intellectual as
      Grattan's, as logical as Flood's, and as graceful and eloquent as Shiel's.
      There are few specimens of political oratory in the English language which
      rival some of the speeches of this young tribune. He was almost as gifted
      with his pen as with his tongue. His letters abound with pathos, and
      poetry of thought and feeling; his descriptions are graphic and lifeful;
      his analysis of character accurate and discriminating; his aspirations
      noble and pure. There was a pleasing fascination in his oratory and
      writing which never passed away. One can hardly think of his sad story
      without remembering also the simile of his national poet:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "You may break, you may ruin the vase if you will,
     But the scent of the roses will hang round it still."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      John Mitchell was another remarkable member of this fraternity. He was a
      solicitor, a Protestant, and a Dissenter. He was the most fiery of all
      "the rebels," as these agitators ultimately became. Mitchell was a native
      of Ulster, and possessed much of the spirit of the old Presbyterian United
      Irishmen of 1798; indeed, some of their leaders were his relations. He
      possessed a vigorous intellect, great energy of thought and action,
      overbearing-purpose, and unflinching courage. His information was not
      extensive, nor his judgment profound, and yet he was a well-educated,
      well-read, and very thoughtful, reflective man. He was adapted to be the
      sole leader of an insurrection where the object might be clear, the
      undertaking desperate, and the work short. His nature was not adapted
      either to lay an extensive plan, or co-operate with other men of mental
      power in the execution of such. He was crotchetty and impracticable, a man
      of rash judgment and hasty action-as brave and as tenacious as a bulldog.
      In private life he was gentle and loving; it was easy, as a friend or
      companion, to argue with John Mitchell, but impossible to co-operate with
      him as a compatriot. He had not the mind of a statesman, nor had he the
      prudence and policy requisite for a popular leader anywhere, much less in
      Ireland, at a crisis of her history so peculiar. This gentleman did much
      to precipitate the insurrection which drew down upon Ireland, so soon
      after the period of which we write, disgrace and ridicule. Like Smith
      O'Brien, he did not thoroughly understand the people he was to lead, nor
      those of his countrymen to whom he and they were so certain to be opposed,
      nor did he compute the religious prepossessions by which those distinct
      parties were respectively influenced. Mr. Mitchell was nominally a
      Unitarian in his religious creed, but he held very lax notions of this
      theology, and verged to Deism.
    </p>
    <p>
      His views of political economy were erroneous and impracticable; yet he
      seemed to pride himself upon his absurd economical theories. He seemed to
      have no fixed views of government; he was neither monarchist, aristocrat,
      nor republican: his opinions seemed to be incompatible with all organised
      government, except a popular despotism, such as the French empire
      exemplified. Hatred to England, her name, race, and institutions, seems to
      have amounted to a monomania with him; yet he was not himself of Celtic
      lineage. His intolerance of opinion and rashness of action would have been
      utterly unendurable, were it not for the directness of his aims, the
      sincerity of his motives, the disinterestedness of his spirit, and the
      suavity of his disposition. The only other member of the Young Ireland
      party deserving notice as a chief was Charles Gavin Duffy, the editor and
      proprietor of the <i>Nation</i> newspaper. Mr. Duffy was a Roman Catholic,
      and professed unbounded respect for the priests. He was generally
      suspected of coquetting with them to secure their patronage of the Young
      Ireland cause, and that at heart he despised the popular subserviency to
      them. There was much in his speeches and literary articles to confirm this
      view, but there was also a great deal to lead to the belief that he was at
      heart "a priest's man." Certainly their reverences did not think, or, at
      all events, appear to think him, a very particular friend to their order,
      for they frequently opposed the circulation of his paper, and denounced
      himself. He bravely,-'-but respectfully battled with them, and lost the
      game-the circulation of his paper fell as the Roman Catholic tone of it
      was lowered. Whether this circumstance had any influence, as was alleged,
      it is beyond doubt that, while he continued to maintain his young Ireland
      theories, he became more chary of combat with the clergy, and no paper put
      forth a more wild and daring ultra-montanism than the Dublin <i>Nation</i>,
      at the very time that its columns were filled with passionate poetry
      dedicated to the rights of country and of kind. Articles asserting that
      all Irishmen should be held equal before God and the law, and that Orange
      ascendancy and all party ascendancy was destructive to Ireland, were
      strangely in contiguity with others asserting the most despotic claims for
      the church of Rome that ever were put forth in her name. On the whole, the
      inference might be fairly drawn from the writings and speeches of Mr.
      Duffy that he hated England with an indiscriminating and malignant
      rancour; that her peculiar virtues were as hateful to him as her vices,
      her glorious deeds as her errors; and that he hated her for the power with
      which she supported a certain degree of civil and religious liberty, as
      much as from any grievances of which his country had to complain, or any
      distaste he entertained to her race, her habits, or the idiosyncracies of
      thought by which her people were characterised. He was anxious to see his
      country independent and prosperous, and in order to be so, wished to see a
      severance from England, and a full and unmitigated ascendancy of the Roman
      Catholic religion. Personally, Mr. Duffy was too generous, kind-hearted,
      and manly to persecute, and would have been among the first to endanger
      himself by interposing to protect another from the chain or brand of the
      persecutor; but the tone of his writings, and the writings of those who
      found readiest access to the columns of his journal, was relentlessly
      bigoted. If mobs fell upon zealous, or, it may be, over-zealous clergymen
      or Scripture-readers, the Nation always extenuated the ruffianism, and
      abused the objects of popular violence. Some reason for this course,
      applicable only to the particular case, or to a class of cases under which
      it was ranged, was always relied upon in justification of these bitter
      outbreaks of intolerance, but the paragraphs in which the vituperation
      found vent always disclosed some bigoted principle which constituted the
      core of the article. O'Connell obtained an unhappy celebrity for his
      violence in religious disputation, but there was always a waggery in his
      most virulent sectarian harangues which relieved them, and left the
      impression that his bigotry was professional or forensic rather than
      heartfelt, but the <i>Nation</i> newspaper allowed no humour to shed a ray
      of relief upon the dark sentences of its intolerance. If indomitable
      fortitude, endurance, and perseverance could win a cause, Charles Gavin
      Duffy would have secured all for which he afterwards struggled and
      suffered. The political economy of Mr. Duffy, judging from the columns of
      the <i>Nation</i>, was not much more enlightened than that of his
      coadjutors.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the men who constituted the leaders of the Young Ireland section
      of the Repeal Association. There were others who possessed eloquence,
      courage, and patriotism, but they did not occupy the front rank. With this
      fresh, youthful, earnest, intellectual, and uncompromising body of young
      men O'Connell had to compete almost single-handed; for although he was
      well supported by the priests, and by the old hacks of the association, he
      alone could confront intellectually so gifted an array of antagonists, or
      maintain, with any chance of victory, his side in the logomachy which was
      perpetually proceeding within the circle of the Repeal Association. Moore,
      in one of his melodies, represents the demon of discord as annually
      appearing in the Boyne, and casting forth the burning arrows which were
      ignited by his breath; but the scene of the fiery fiend's operations might
      be well supposed as changed to "Conciliation Hall," and his arrows thence
      flung over the inflammable isle. However indifferent the loyalists might
      be to the conflicts between Old Ireland and Young Ireland, the government
      could not be so, for "O'Connell's tail" was, if no ornament, of some use
      on the ministerial benches. O'Connell denounced the Whigs, but intrigued
      to keep them in power, or help them to obtain it. The old Ireland party
      had votes in parliament, and gave them with more or less fidelity on the
      side of Lord John's administration; whereas the Young Irelanders had yet
      to gain the heart, if not the ear of their country, and were not
      recognised as a power, except so far as they constituted an <i>imperium in
      imperio</i> within the circle of the Repeal Association. The bolder
      doctrines of this young party tended also to inspire a spirit of
      determined and organised revolt, which the government could not observe
      without concern, and the temper of the people was so embittered by the
      feuds of their leaders, as to be at least an unfavourable set-off against
      the probability that these contests would impair the moral influences of
      those who waged them. As a specimen of the state of feeling between these
      two parties, the proceedings of the Repeal Association for June 22nd may
      be adduced. At that time Sir Robert Peel was still in office, if not in
      power; but every one in Ireland believed that the Whigs would soon resume
      place, and that O'Connell would pass from the sphere of unqualified
      opposition to that of qualified support. The Young Irelanders took
      advantage of these impressions to weaken O'Connell's influence as a
      leader. This cut him to the heart: he received the tidings in London, and
      chafed under the vigilant restraint which this opposition in his own
      parliament placed him as to the policy he might adopt at St. Stephen's. He
      wrote to the association a letter, which showed his annoyance and
      apprehension; the following is an extract, the most pertinent to the
      purpose for which the reference is made:&mdash;"It is with the bitterest
      regret and deepest sorrow that I witness the efforts which are made by
      some of our juvenile members to create dissension and circulate
      distractions amongst the repealers. It is manifest that the great majority
      of the Repeal Association must exert themselves strenuously to support the
      association, or the persons to whom I allude will divide its ranks, and
      finally destroy the association itself. For my poor part, I will not be an
      idle spectator of such a struggle. 'Tis true that the people may be
      induced to desert me, but I never will desert the people. I perceive that
      it is&mdash;I will not use the proper term&mdash;but I will say, most
      unhandsomely suggested that, in the event of the Whigs coming into power,
      the repeal cause is to be abandoned, or postponed, or compromised. I
      utterly deny the assertion. While I live the repeal cause shall never be
      abandoned, postponed, or compromised, to advance any persons to power, to
      support any party or faction. I have long since; nailed the colours of
      repeal to the mast, and they shall, during my life, never be taken down,
      unless to cover the entry of the Irish members into the Irish parliament
      in College Green."
    </p>
    <p>
      The contests between the two sections of repealers ended in the secession
      of the Young Irelanders from the Repeal Association. O'Connell was at
      heart glad of this, for his physical and intellectual energies were
      flagging, and the constant tantalising to which he was subjected in the
      association by these young men irritated his nervous system, and impaired
      his health. He made a show of conciliation, and sent a Roman Catholic
      clergyman of considerable importance, the Rev. Dr. Miley, to open
      negotiations with Smith O'Brien, whom he did not hesitate publicly to
      declare was the only man of weight among them. O'Brien was not to be won
      by the voice of the charmer, and O'Connell became furious, attacking the
      literary men, who principally led the Young Irelanders, in terms which
      gave offence to the whole press, and strengthened the ranks of his
      opponents. The Whigs treated the Young Irelanders contemptuously, but
      endeavoured by every means in their power to conciliate the old repeal
      party. Not only was the arms bill dismissed from parliament, but place and
      patronage was at the beck of O'Connell; and many of his followers,
      notwithstanding their anti-English feeling, and the need of their services
      which they supposed their country had, accepted situations in England and
      the colonies. The magistrates who had been dismissed by Sir Robert Peel's
      government for attending repeal meetings, or joining the association, were
      all restored to the commission of the peace. Dublin Castle unbarred its
      venerable portals to those who had ceased to be welcome there, because of
      their connection with the repeal agitation. O'Connell's reiterated
      declaration, that the Young Ireland leaders did not possess the
      intelligence, experience, tact, or discretion to conduct any great
      movement, much less one of such magnitude and peril as they proposed, made
      a deep impression on the minds of the people, and checked the insurgent
      progress of these eloquent declaimers.
    </p>
    <p>
      A circumstance occurred in the English house of commons, in the early part
      of the year, which damaged the <i>prestige</i> of Smith O'Brien, and
      although O'Connell exerted himself in parliament on his behalf, the event
      gave the arch-agitator satisfaction. He had many a private joke at the
      expense of O'Brien, and few men could wound with a brighter point than
      O'Connell in his best moods of satire. Mr. O'Brien was nominated on a
      committee, and refused to serve, alleging that the affairs of his country
      were so neglected that he would not attend to any other business than such
      as related to it. This was untrue, the affairs of Ireland had for some
      years occupied much of the attention of the house, and, moreover, if Mr.
      O'Brien did not choose to be amenable to the rules of the assembly, he
      ought to have resigned his seat. Persisting in his refusal to serve on the
      committee, he was, by order of the speaker, taken into custody by the
      serjeant-at-arms, and confined to a chamber within the precincts. After
      some time he was released, upon the motion of Mr. Shaw, an Irish
      Conservative member. The obstinate conduct of Mr. O'Brien, on this
      occasion, vindicated no principle and asserted no right; it caused his own
      pure patriotism to be suspected, and brought his country and himself into
      ridicule.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the political condition of Ireland when 1846 closed in cold and
      gloom over its sickening, starving population. The year expired in the
      midst of the most frightful social condition to which any European people
      had ever been reduced. O'Connell too truly described it, in one of his
      strange and varied harangues in the Repeal Association, in the following
      manner:&mdash;He commenced by saying, that he deeply regretted to be
      obliged to announce that the state of the country was tenfold worse than
      it was that day week. The frost had set in, and cold and hunger were doing
      their work&mdash;in fact, starvation was stalking through the land. In
      Connaught there were no less than forty-seven deaths from starvation
      within the week&mdash;not merely reports of deaths, but forty-seven cases
      in which coroners' juries returned verdicts of death from starvation. This
      was a horrible state of things, and he hoped that they would soon be put
      an end to. The landlords had come forward to give relief&mdash;at least,
      to some extent; but the merchant classes, he regretted to say, were
      holding back. He had seen no meeting of these men; however, he soon hoped
      to hear of one; and, in the name of the forty-seven starved and murdered
      victims, he would implore of them, and the men of all classes, to come
      forward and render every assistance in their power to relieve the
      distress.
    </p>
    <p>
      The orator on that occasion was less than just to the merchants, and
      somewhat more than just to the landlords. It was brought to light by
      certain correspondents of the London press, that on Mr. O'Connell's own
      land the state of the people was most deplorable; that this was so even
      before the failure of the crops; that the ordinary condition of his
      tenantry bordered upon famine. Mr. O'Connell was, in fact, "a middle man;"
      he rented extensive lands, and sub-let at a very large profit. The persons
      who were his tenants were ground down with an oppressive rent, and vainly
      endeavoured, without capital, profitably to cultivate their "takings." On
      the land over which he had himself full control, the people had little
      ground of complaint, and much cause for gratitude. Although he did not
      come out unscathed from the controversy, which was raised about the state
      of the people on his own lands, he was as much sinned against as sinning&mdash;there
      was an unfair effort to fasten upon him an imputation of selfishness,
      which, at all events, he confuted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was Ireland in 1846. Much was done for her; but she suffered not only
      in spite of these benevolent efforts, but even by them. She sorrowfully
      exemplified the song of her bard&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Thy suns, with doubtful gleam.
     Weep while they rise."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The effect of the opposition of the Young Irelanders upon O'Connell was
      signal; he evidently began to droop; his physical power no longer endured.
      The attacks made upon him by the London press, in connection with his
      conduct as a landlord, deeply depressed him; for although he positively
      denied the imputations, and furiously assailed his critics, he felt to the
      core the exposure of whatever was wrong in his conduct on that matter. The
      failure of the potato crop, and the starvation of the people, were all
      that seemed necessary to complete the physical decline of this remarkable
      man. It was remarked in Dublin, at the close of the year, that his voice
      had so far failed that he could scarcely be heard in the Repeal
      Association; indeed, similar complaints had been made in parliament months
      before. He walked as if weary; his head drooped, and he wore a prodigious
      mass of clothing, especially about his throat and chest. He might be
      sometimes seen walking between his sons, leaning on their arms, his head
      bowed down, as if to escape the winter's blast, and his body bent as if
      unable any longer to walk upright. Sometimes he might be seen passing to
      or from the association on a "jaunting car," so muffled up that only those
      conversant with his habits could have identified him. The public power of
      O'Connell was evidently drawing to a close.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkD2H_4_0167" id="linkD2H_4_0167">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF INDIA.&mdash;BATTLE OF ALIWAL.&mdash;TOTAL EXPULSION OF THE
      SIKHS
    </h2>
    <p>
      FROM THE WEST BANK OF THE SUTLEJ.&mdash;SUBMISSION OF THE LAHORE
      GOVERNMENT.&mdash;INSURRECTION OF THE CASHMERE PEOPLE.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1846 was an eventful one for India and for British interests
      there; it opened in the midst of one of the most formidable warlike
      straggles ever witnessed since the English first began their conquering
      progress under Clive. Although the Sikhs had experienced such defeat at
      Mood-kee and Ferozashooshah, they were not yet disheartened, but were
      determined to maintain the war. By the close of 1845 they had been driven
      from all their posts of importance on the left bank of the Sutlej, except
      their strong works at the bridge of Sobraon. Early in January, 1846, they
      began operations by crossing the river, so as to draw supplies from the
      fertile resources of the territory from which they had been so recently,
      and after such hard fighting, expelled. The Sirdar Runjoor Singh Majeethea
      crossed over to the bank opposite Philoor, and occupied Baran Hara. This
      place was situated between the old and new courses of the Sutlej, and was
      favourably situated for the purpose of cutting off the communications of
      the British, and of alarming the garrison of Loodiana, then one of the
      most important places in that part of the country. Brigadier-general Godby
      held command of the garrison at Loodiana, which consisted of only three
      regiments of native infantry; but other troops were rapidly moving up to
      reinforce it. Some of those troops had to march from Umballah. While
      Runjoor Singh was crossing the Sutlej and taking up a position at Baran
      Hara, the British were also engaged in active operations. Lord Gough had
      sent a detachment from the division of Sir Hairy Smith against
      Dhurrumkote. The town was defended by a fort, and it was reported that the
      garrison would make a desperate resistance. Sir Harry Smith in person
      commanded the troops sent against the place, and proceeded with such
      celerity, that the town and fort became an easy conquest. The garrison
      proved to be entirely composed of irregular auxiliaries to the Khalsa, and
      they made no show of determination. The movements of the sirdar, already
      described, became so threatening to Loodiana, that Sir Harry Smith was
      ordered, upon the reduction of that place and the security of the stores
      of grain which it contained, to manouvre for the defence of the menaced
      British garrison; and Brigadier-general Wheeler was ordered, with the
      second brigade of Sir Harry's division, to follow in support. General
      Smith marched rapidly from Dhurrumkote to Jugroon, and then, to use the
      language of General Gough, "breaking down" from Jugroon, he marched
      towards Loodiana. This movement was extremely hazardous, for the sirdar's
      forces were by far the more numerous, and his infantry, active and well
      disciplined, burned to avenge the previous disasters. Runjoor marched his
      forces parallel to those of the British general, opening upon him, as
      occasion allowed, a heavy cannonade; for the Sikh forces were well
      supplied with cannon, and their gunners were capable of maintaining, with
      coolness and skill, a well-directed fire. Both parties showed great skill
      in manoeuvring, and the major-general required all the ability which he
      displayed to extricate himself from the superior force, which pursued his
      march and harassed all his movements. On several occasions, the whole
      force of Major-general Smith was in imminent peril, but its gallant
      commander never quailed, was never thrown off his guard, and was not in a
      single instance out-generalled. On one occasion the enemy obtained, by his
      superior numbers, a most advantageous position, which placed the small
      British force in great peril, for, bending round one wing of his army, the
      sirdar enveloped the flank of the British. The English general with
      admirable coolness, extricated his brigade, retiring by <i>échelons</i> of
      battalions, suffering heavily, but maintaining the order and steadiness of
      his troops until the imminency of the peril was over, when he opened his
      communications with Loodiana, at once securing his own force, and
      affording safety to the garrison. Brigadier-general Wheeler was unable at
      once to follow up these movements; the skilful and complicated manoeuvres
      which Sir Hairy made to evade the enemy threw the brigadier off the
      communication. The Sikhs were, on the whole, encouraged by these
      proceedings; they had interrupted the communication of Generals Smith and
      Wheeler, captured considerable baggage, acted for some time on the
      aggressive, and inflicted loss upon the British. It was, therefore, with
      some confidence, that they took up an intrenched position at Budhawal,
      resting for support on the fort connected with that place. The position
      was not, however, a safe one. Smith and Godby were on one Hank, and
      Wheeler, cautiously feeling his way, hung dangerously upon the other. The
      sirdar became alarmed lest Wheeler should be reinforced, and the British
      generals should then fall on both his flanks; he accordingly fell back
      upon the Sutlej, a movement bad in strategy, but which was forced upon him
      by the movements of the English generals&mdash;unless, indeed, he had
      suddenly, with great rapidity and boldness, attacked them in detail.
      Wheeler and Smith formed a junction, and moved clown upon the abandoned
      post of Budhawal. Here General Smith was further reinforced, and he found
      himself at the head of a body of men, European and native, sufficiently
      formidable to justify him in acting at once upon the offensive. Before
      General Smith could attack the new position of the sirdar, the latter was
      reinforced by a brigade of cavalry, twelve guns, and a small division of
      infantry, probably numbering about four thousand men. Finding himself at
      the head of a force numerically so superior to the British, the
      enterprising sirdar once more took the offensive; but instead of attacking
      the army of Sir Harry Smith, he attempted to intercept his communications
      with the main army, by the occupation of Jugroon. To prevent the
      accomplishment of this object, the English general determined to bring on
      a general engagement. Accordingly, on the morning of the 28th of January,
      the British force made directly for the enemy, with whom they came up
      after a march of six miles. The Sikhs were in position along a ridge of
      elevated ground, close to the village of Ullewall, or, as it is called in
      the British despatches, Aliwal. The right of the enemy rested upon a
      somewhat precipitous ridge, while the left was defended by intrenchments.
      As the British cavalry came near the enemy, they deployed, and advanced
      boldly, presenting an imposing array, especially the European lancers. The
      ground was favourable for cavalry; it was like a fine English sward. The
      troopers then took ground to the right and left by brigades, the infantry
      advancing in column. From the Sikh camp the scene was more brilliant; as
      the cavalry broke away the columns of the advancing infantry appeared full
      in view, the sheen of their bayonets brightly gleaming in the eastern
      morning sun. Still more brilliant was the scene as the advancing columns
      deployed into line, for what sight so impressive, where masses of men
      constitute the objects of interest, as lines of British infantry drawn up
      in the array of battle '? The cavalry now assumed direct échelon to the
      rear of both flanks of the infantry. The artillery were placed on either
      flank and in the centre. A review day in Hyde Park, Aldershot, or in the
      undulated and picturesque Phoenix Park, at Dublin, could not present a
      more orderly and trim appearance than this magnificent line of British
      soldiers, drawn up before the acclivities of Aliwal. There was no wind, no
      dust. The sun was bright, but not so hot as might be expected in that
      climate, and the troops moved with noiseless foot, hoof, and wheel over
      the hard grass, as if it were a fairy scene, and the baton of the British
      chief were the wand of an enchanter, every movement of which called into
      gay and brilliant reality some new feature of the "glorious pomp and
      circumstance of war." Viewed from the British lines, the Khalsa host was
      also imposing, as its dark masses of infantry were ranged along the
      position, from whence they looked sullenly down upon their skilful and
      gallant foe. The Sikh cavalry, in constant and unnecessary motion, gave
      some life to the stillness which brooded over the long lines of the
      compact and motionless infantry of the Khalsa army. It was a moment of
      extreme suspense, for upon the fortune of this battle much depended. If
      the sirdar repulsed the British, he would undoubtedly cutoff their
      communications, oblige them to fall back upon Loodiana, and paralyse the
      advance of Lord Gough upon Sobraon. If the British conquered the enemy's
      lines, the sirdar's army had no retreat; the river was in his rear, and it
      was in no place easily fordable, nor had he other means of crossing,
      adequate to the safe retreat of such an army&mdash;defeat and destruction
      were to him the same. It was a day for valour to aid men; life, hope,
      honour to both armies depended upon the deeds to be that day enacted upon
      the grassy slopes of Aliwal.
    </p>
    <p>
      The superiority of the enemy in numbers enabled him, by his left, to
      outflank the British; Sir Harry Smith, accordingly, ordered the troops to
      break into open columns and take ground to the right. The British line had
      advanced one hundred and fifty yards; it was now ten o'clock, and suddenly
      from the whole of the Khalsa position a fierce cannonade was opened. At
      first the balls fell short, but as the British advanced, the enemy's shot
      told fearfully upon their ranks. Still, under this heavy fire, the line
      was halted, that the general might execute a manoeuvre which appeared to
      open a prospect of more speedy victory. The village of Aliwal was
      discovered to be the key of the position, and the British general, by
      moving his right successfully upon it, could with great advantage operate
      against the left and centre of the enemy's line. This the English
      commander executed in the most brilliant manner: the first brigade of his
      own division, under Brigadier Hicks, immediately supported by Brigadier
      Godby's brigade, which had constituted the garrison of Loodiana, gallantly
      stormed the village of Aliwal, and from this new vantage-ground opened a
      deadly fire upon the right of the enemy's left, and his left centre. Sir
      Harry then ordered his whole line to advance, which was gallantly
      achieved, the 31st (or Young Buffs) European regiment distinguishing
      itself, although the native regiments showed a noble emulation to be first
      in front. The cavalry on the enemy's left were now in a position to act
      effectively against the British, but the brigade of cavalry on our right
      flank, commanded by the skilful and clashing Brigadier Cureton, charged
      them, sabring numbers, and driving the rest pell-mell upon their infantry,
      whom they threw into confusion. Another body of British cavalry,
      consisting of the light-horse and the body-guard, made a second charge
      equally brilliant. The intrenchments of the enemy, filled with infantry,
      were now brought into view; but General Smith ordered Godby's brigade to
      change front and take them <i>en revers</i>; this manouvre increased the
      confusion of the enemy, whose infantry gave way, leaving several guns in
      the hands of the victorious brigade. These movements on the enemy's left
      were decisive of the action, but the British behaved equally well on other
      portions of the field. Brigadiers Wheeler and Wilson assailed their right,
      storming their lines and capturing their guns. The Khalsa army reeled
      back, broken and despairing, and sought the river, in the vain hope that
      they might manage to cross by fording or by boats. The rapid movements of
      the British turned the retreat of the enemy into a disorderly and
      desperate flight. The sirdar had, however, made some provision for defeat;
      he had occupied strongly the village of Bhoardec, so as to cover the
      retreat to the river, and if possible to cover also the passage. Here the
      16th Lancers behaved splendidly. The enemy had a strong force of infantry
      drawn up on one flank of the village; the 16th charged them; the foe stood
      the charge heroically; the 16th penetrated their square; the Sikh square,
      notwithstanding the efficiency of the lance in such warfare, closing
      behind the cavalry as they charged through. The lancers wheeled, and this
      time used the sword more than the lance, disconcerting the arrangement of
      the enemy, and breaking their square. The 3rd Light Cavalry completed the
      work of destruction, bursting through the formation of the infantry, and
      putting great numbers to the sword. The fighting might be said, to be in
      some sense more desperate after the battle was lost and won than during
      the operations upon which stragetically its issue depended. While these
      brilliant, cavalry charges were occurring on the right of the village, her
      majesty's 53rd carried the village itself by storm, and the 30th native
      infantry, wheeling round by the left of the houses, took the fugitives in
      rear. The same masterly skill and heroic valour which was shown in taking
      Aliwal conquered Bhoardee, the last hope of the defeated; for although
      about 1000 Khalsa infantry rallied under a high bank to check the
      destructive advance of the English, there was no longer any hope of
      covering a retreat across the river. Even this rally only added to the
      slaughter and the ultimate confusion: a heavy fire of musketry from 1000
      men, closely directed, was galling to our soldiers, but the 30th native
      infantry took them, at the point of the bayonet, and as they retreated,
      twelve guns which were previously moved up to within three hundred yards,
      opened a deadly fire of canister, mowing down the fugitives in a manner
      which even those engaged in deadly strife thought it awful to witness. To
      complete the horror of this flight, her majesty's 63rd, who moved up to
      the support of the 30th native infantry, pursued the fugitives, pouring in
      a close, deadly, unremitting stream of musketry. With wild cries of
      despair, casting away their arms, and lifting up their hands as if
      beseechingly to their victors, the whole of the Khalsa troops cast
      themselves into the river, except such of the earliest fugitives as
      secured the boats and made good their passage. The river was swollen; at
      the shallowest place the infantry were up to their necks, and were under
      the fire of the artillery and musketry of their pursuers. Those who
      succeeded in crossing drew up with a few guns, but the fire of the
      artillery caused their speedy departure, leaving their cannon behind.
      Lieutenant Holmes, of the irregular cavalry, and gunner Scott, of the 2nd
      brigade horse-artillery, here performed a gallant exploit; they swam their
      horses across the stream, and spiked the guns, exposed to the fire of the
      enemy's skirmishers, but covered by the British fire from the left bank.
      The conflict of Aliwal was over, and one of the most skilfully fought and
      completely won battles of modern times reflected its glory upon the name
      of Sir Harry Smith, and the valour of the British army of India.
    </p>
    <p>
      The scene after the battle was horrible; the whole field of combat was
      covered with the slain; the river's banks were thickly strewn with the
      dying and the dead; the Sutlej itself bore to the Sikhs at Sobraon the
      tidings of the battle, for not only "redly ran its blushing waters down,"
      but the corpses of the slain Khalsa soldiery were borne along in such
      numbers by the current as to reveal the horrible nature of the slaughter,
      and to fill with dismay the Khalsa host.
    </p>
    <p>
      The slain of the enemy was computed variously, from eight to ten thousand
      men; the trophies of war were, nearly all the Khalsa standards, fifty-one
      pieces of cannon, and a vast quantity of ammunition, small arms, and camp
      equipage.
    </p>
    <p>
      Every arm of the British force behaved with admirable gallantry and skill;
      the infantry carried every point under the most galling fire, preserving
      their formation in a manner beyond all praise; the cavalry swept the
      horsemen of the enemy from the field, as the tide rolls the wreck upon the
      shore; the artillery could not be surpassed by that of any army in Europe:
      towards the close of the action, the manner in which two 8-inch howitzers,
      ordered up by Sir Harry Smith himself, were worked, excited the admiration
      of the troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      This battle, however, did not determine the war. The Sikhs occupied such
      strong positions on both sides of the river at Sobraon, that they were
      willing to believe their post impregnable, that an attempt to storm it
      would be fruitless, and that in fact there a barrier existed, against
      which the surging wave of British power would be broken. This was the only
      point of occupation then held by the Khalsa army on the left bank of the
      Sutlej. All fears for Loodiana having now subsided, the mission of Sir
      Harry Smith at the head of a separate <i>corps d'armée</i> was over, and
      he marched to join the grand army under the command of the intrepid
      veteran Sir Hugh Gough, one of the noblest soldiers that ever served in
      the British army. General Sir Charles Napier, in his own eccentric way,
      said of him that he was "as brave as ten lions, each with two tails and
      two sets of teeth." Sir Charles rivalled Mr. Roebuck, the radical English
      commoner, in the scantiness of his commendations; his droll eulogy of Sir
      Hugh Gough will therefore be appreciated. On the 8th of February, Sir
      Harry Smith made his junction with the army of his chief, and was received
      in terms not more flattering than just from a general who never refused to
      merit its just meed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first duty of the English commander-in-chief was now to capture the
      stronghold of the enemy, which was extensively fortified, mounted more
      than seventy heavy pieces of cannon, and was garrisoned by 30,000 men, the
      select troops of the grand Khalsa army. Even with the addition of Sir
      Harry Smith's division, the brave old chief was hardly strong enough for
      the task imposed upon him; but happily his artillery, which very much
      needed it, was reinforced from Delhi by several howitzers and mortars.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 10th, General Gough considered himself in a
      condition to proceed against the works of Sobraon; these had been well
      reconnoitred previously, and never was an army more confident in its
      chief, its resources, and its own will than the British army of the
      Sutlej. The enemy had been ceaselessly employed since the battle of Aliwal
      in throwing up fieldworks on the right bank of the river, so as to command
      the flanks of the works on the left bank. Easy communications between the
      two camps were preserved by an excellently constructed bridge. As this is
      a general History of England, and not a History of India, or of the War in
      India, the space allotted to our task will not allow of more minute
      particularisation of the defences.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Hugh Gough made his dispositions of battle on the evening of the 9th,
      according to which, at daybreak on the 10th, the cannonade was to open. A
      dense mist, however, covered the sphere of intended operations, rendering
      it impossible to open fire until the sun had penetrated the obscure
      atmosphere. On the extreme right of the works, close by the river,
      Major-general Sir K. Dick, with two brigades of infantry, awaited the
      signal to begin. On this point the attack was to be led by
      Brigadier-general Stacey, at the head of her majesty's 10th and 53rd foot,
      brigaded with two native regiments: the 10th now, for the first time, came
      under fire during this war. Brigadier Wilkinson, at the head of the sixth
      brigade, was posted within 200 yards in support of Brigadier Stacey. The
      reserve was commanded by Brigadier Ashburnham. The right of the attack was
      occupied by the division of Major-general Sir Hany Smith, its extreme
      right approaching the river. The centre was commanded by Major-general
      Gilbert, whose division was posted with its right resting on the Little
      Sobraon. Brigadier-general Cureton threatened the ford at Hurrakee, and
      remained in observation of the enemy's horse, posted on the other side.
      The force under Cureton was to make a feint of attempting the ford.
    </p>
    <p>
      The supports were commanded by Brigadier-general Campbell and
      Major-general Sir Joseph Thackwell; the former in support of Smith's left
      and Gilbert's right, the latter in support of Gilbert's left and the right
      of General Dick.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as the mists were dispersed by the morning sun, the Sikhs appeared
      behind well-constructed redoubts and breastworks of planks and fascines.
      The British field-batteries opened fire, and received a terrible response.
    </p>
    <p>
      At nine o'clock, Brigadier Stacey advanced, supported on either flank by
      artillery. The movement was orderly and beautiful, the infantry preserving
      its line in double quick time, the artillery galloping up to take
      possession of every advantage of the ground, until the infantry again
      occupied the advanced position; thus mutually supporting, the artillery
      and infantry arrived within three hundred yards of the ponderous batteries
      of the works. Here a terrible fire opened upon the advancing force, before
      which many fell, and few believed, who could see what was passing, that
      Stacey and his brigade would ever reach the intrenchments of the enemy.
      The troops of Brigadier Wilkinson were well up in support, and under cover
      of the fire of our fieldpieces and horse-artillery. Stacey's brigade
      charged' the intrenchments, entered them, drove the enemy in at the point
      of the bayonet, fighting desperately as they receded. This took place
      within view of a large portion of the army, and the exultation and
      assurance of victory which was consequently excited, materially affected
      the fortunes of the day. The whole of this brigade, European and native,
      behaved with the greatest intrepidity, "the brave Irish of the 10th," as
      Major Edwardes on another occasion described them, were especially
      distinguished. They never fired a shot until within the intrenchments;
      they discharged their pieces into the breasts of such of their enemies as
      withstood them, or in pursuing volleys upon those who retreated within the
      inner area of the works. The 53rd regiment also, as in the battle of
      Aliwal, behaved with great courage, and showed the highest discipline.
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as General Gough perceived the success of Stacey, supported by
      Wilkinson, he directed brigadier the Hon. T. Ashburnham to follow the
      supports, and Generals Gilbert and Smith's divisions to throw out their
      light troops against the enemy's centre and left, and to open a heavy fire
      of artillery. The cannonade against the enemy's centre, and more
      especially against his left, was delivered with amazing rapidity, at a
      close range, and with deadly aim. The Sikhs, at the same time, worked
      their very heavy pieces with skill, so that while a fierce bayonet
      encounter went on within the trenches on the enemy's extreme right, one
      hundred and twenty pieces of cannon sent their messengers of death across
      the opposing lines, and rolled their thunders over the valley and the
      waters of the Sutlej. The Sikhs began to expect that the British centre
      and right would confine the attack to an artillery battle, and therefore
      detached their infantry in masses from those points against Stacey's
      brigade, which had then fought their way well within the works. General
      Gough, thereupon, ordered the centre and left trenches to be attacked, so
      that the whole semi-circle of the works was stormed. At the first onset
      the Sikhs gave way on every point, but they returned with desperation to
      the conflict, especially where there was a chance of precipitating
      themselves upon the native regiments. Three British divisions of infantry
      fought hand to hand with the enemy; but the battle seemed doubtful, from
      the numbers and desperation of the enemy. A manoeuvre was now executed
      which was generally regarded as novel, but which, on a small scale,
      British cavalry accomplished also in America. The sappers and miners of
      the left attack broke passages through the intrenchments, through which
      the cavalry of Sir Joseph Thackwell rode, in single file, forming as they
      passed through, and then charging within the area of the defences, cut
      down the Sikh gunners and infantry mercilessly. The 3rd Dragoons, with
      less assistance from the sappers, and making many "break-neck leaps,"
      sprang within, the defences, and used their swords with the skill for
      which that gallant corp had obtained so high and so well-deserved a
      reputation. The conduct of that intrepid regiment surpassed, if that were
      possible, its own glory at Moodkee and Ferozashooshah. Light field-pieces
      were brought in through every opening, and were worked in murderous
      proximity to the enemy. Infantry, cavalry, and artillery were now within
      the works, which were no longer tenable, and the Khalsa soldiery fled
      precipitately to the bridge, pursued with a carnage similar to that at
      Aliwal. Here, however, the bridge befriended the fugitives, but an
      artillery and musketry fire was directed upon it, making havoc in the
      confused and dense masses&mdash;men whose hurried flight impeded their
      progress, and increased the slaughter. As they gained the bridge their
      pursuers were at hand, precipitating them over it into the Sutlej. Another
      column of fugitives attempted to ford the river, but the waters were high,
      and swept them from their feet. The horse artillery galloped into the
      river, and discharged showers of grape upon the unresisting masses who
      struggled through its dark waters. Little quarter was given, for, true to
      Eastern usage, those who now were fugitives and cried for mercy, murdered
      the prisoners whom in the early part of the action they had captured.
      Their conduct resembled that of another Asiatic nation which calls itself
      European, years afterwards, on the slopes of Alma, and on the plateau of
      Sebastopol. To the circumstance of the Khalsa soldiery refusing to give
      quarter the unsparing vengeance of our troops was to be attributed; and it
      must also be admitted that when the Sepoy soldiery are thoroughly excited,
      they display a ferocity which none who are only acquainted with their
      ordinary conduct and character would ever suppose possible. The battle was
      over by eleven o'clock. History furnishes few instances of such a signal
      victory so soon won. On no occasion, not even excepting Aliwal, did the
      Company's troops fight better: the testimony of Sir Hugh Gough was very
      much to their honour in this respect. He especially selected for encomium
      the Ghoorkhas, as bravest where all were brave. "I must," wrote the
      general in his despatch, "pause in this narrative to notice the determined
      hardihood and bravery with which our two battalions of Ghoorkhas met the
      Sikhs wherever they were opposed to them. Soldiers of small stature, but
      indomitable spirit, they vied in ardent courage in the charge with the
      grenadiers of our own nation, and, armed with the short weapon of their
      mountains, were a terror to the Sikhs throughout this great combat."
    </p>
    <p>
      The battle of Sobraon destroyed the Khalsa army, and humbled the military
      power of the nation. The spoils of war were sixty-seven pieces of cannon,
      more than two hundred camel swivels, numerous standards, ammunition,
      small-arms, side-arms, accoutrements, tools, and every appendage of a
      fortified place. The loss of the British army was very serious in
      effecting such important achievements.
    </p>
    <p>
      Major-general Dick, one of the heroes of Waterloo, was killed; also
      Brigadier-general Taylor; and Major-general McLaren was mortally wounded.
      In all, thirteen European, and three native officers, were killed; one
      hundred and one European, and thirty-nine native officers, were wounded.
      The total of men killed was only three hundred and twenty, but more than
      two thousand were wounded, many of them mortally. The loss on the part of
      the Khalsa army was enormous; notwithstanding that they fought behind
      works, a larger number were slain than at Aliwal.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Hugh Gough lost no time in utilising his victory, for the same day he
      passed a division of native infantry over a bridge of boats across the
      Sutlej, the bridge of Sobraon having been broken and burnt at the close of
      the action, and the ford at Hurrakee being impassable, the river having
      risen some seven inches in a short time. The destruction of the bridge of
      Sobraon does not appear to have been a politic measure; it was not
      necessary as a precaution, because the enemy was so totally defeated as
      not to be able to make use of it any longer.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of February, the whole of the British army of the Sutlej
      bivouaced at Kussoor, within thirty-two miles of Lahore, the Sikh capital.
      The governor-general there issued a proclamation, announcing his
      determination to prosecute the war until the complete submission of the
      Lahore government was obtained; at the same time, his excellency declared
      that he had no wish to subvert the Sikh government, but only desired to
      obtain security for the future good faith of the maharajah's ministers,
      and the peace of the bordering possessions of British India. The Lahore
      government was terror-struck at the rapid approach of the British army,
      and at the moral effect which the proclamations of the governor-general
      were likely to have upon the Sikh population. Gholab Singh, the wuzeer,
      represented to the ranee, or queen-mother, that the Khalsa army had lost
      twenty thousand men in the last two battles, and that unless terms were
      made with the governor-general, the dominions of her son would be soon
      forfeited. The ranee called a council, and it was then agreed that Gholab
      should repair to the British camp and sue for peace. The wuzeer undertook
      the task, on the condition that the ranee, the durbar, and the chief
      officers of the army, as well as the members of the punchayete, should
      sign a solemn declaration that they would abide by the terms he might
      accept, and do all in their power to enforce their observance by the Sikh
      soldiery and population. This was acceded to; and on the 15th the wuzeer,
      accompanied by Dewan Deena Nath, and Fakeer Kboroodeen, proceeded to the
      British camp. These three persons were conjointly empowered to negotiate,
      and they were attended by many influential Sikhs, anxious for peace; among
      them was the Banuhzie chief, Sultan Mohammed Khan, and several sirdars of
      great eminence. Thus a strong moral guarantee was given to the British
      that the negotiations were sincerely opened by the Lahore government. Sir
      Henry Hardinge admitted the deputation coldly, refusing to receive the
      muzzars offered and accepted on all occasions of important negotiations in
      the East. The terms demanded by Sir Henry were the surrender of the
      territories east of the Beas, in addition to the province which had in
      December been declared confiscated; the surrender of every gun which had
      been pointed at the British; the disbanding of the Khalsa army, and its
      reorganisation on the principles observed by the Maharajah Bunjeet Singh;
      the entire regulation and control of both banks of the Sutlej; a
      reorganisation of the Lahore administration, and the payment of one
      million and a half sterling as indemnification for the expenses of the
      war. It was also demanded that the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh should
      meet the governor-general eleven miles from Lahore. Sir Henry refused to
      discuss these points in person with the Rajah Gholab Singh, but referred
      him to his secretary, Mr. Currie, and to Major Lawrence. The rajah
      remained until midnight discussing the terms with these officers, and
      finally accepted them. On the 17th Gholab again renewed his interview with
      Mr. Currie and Major Lawrence, when various details were settled. On the
      18th the young maharajah, attended by a magnificent suite, presented
      himself, at Lulleeanee, to Sir Henry, who received him without a royal
      salute, or any other mark of royal distinction. The maharajah, an amiable
      and gentle prince, submitted to the governor, expressing his contrition
      for the outrage which had been inflicted upon British territory. Of course
      this was a mere formal ceremony, as the prince was too young to take any
      share in the responsibility of these occurrences. When submission was made
      in due form, a royal salute thundered from the British camp, and all the
      etiquette due to an eastern prince was observed towards the young
      maharajah.
    </p>
    <p>
      The relics of the Sikh army were at this time drawn up about eighteen
      miles from Lahore, at a place called Raebaun, under the command of the two
      notorious leaders, Sirdar Fej Singh, and Rajah Sail Singh. The soldiery of
      this force had the hardihood to request that they should be led against
      the British, and their murmurs and threats of revenge did not cease during
      the proceedings which were taking place, and which ended in the
      establishment of peace. Indications were already given that neither the
      Khalsa army nor its chiefs felt even yet vanquished. Immediately after the
      maharajah made submission, the governor-general put forth the following
      proclamation:&mdash;"The chiefs, merchants, traders, ryots, and other
      inhabitants of Lahore and Umritsir, are hereby informed that his highness
      Maharajah Dhuleep Singh has this day waited upon the right honourable the
      governor-general, and expressed the contrition of himself and the Sikh
      government for their late hostile proceedings.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The maharajah and durbar having acquiesced in all the terms and
      conditions imposed by the British government, the governor-general has
      every hope that the relations of friendship will speedily be
      re-established between the two governments. The inhabitants of Lahore and
      Umritsir have nothing to fear from the British army. The governor-general
      and the British troops, if the conditions above adverted to are fulfilled,
      and no further hostile opposition is offered by the Khalsa army, will use
      their endeavours for the re-establishment of the government of the
      descendant of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, and for the protection of its
      subjects. The inhabitants of the cities in the Punjaub will, in that case,
      be perfectly safe in person and property from any molestation by the
      British troops, and they are hereby called upon to dismiss apprehension,
      and to follow their respective callings with all confidence."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning of the 20th the British army were under the walls of
      Lahore, where not a cannon appeared in the embrasures. The
      governor-general thought it politic to send Dhuleep Singh, the young king,
      with some ceremonial to his palace, he accordingly issued the following
      general order, which made a favourable impression on the inhabitants of
      Lahore, as well as on the chiefs of the Sikh nation:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "The right honourable the governor-general requests that the
      commander-in-chief will cause the following arrangements to be made for
      escorting his highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace, in the
      citadel of Lahore, this afternoon. The escort will consist of two
      regiments of European cavalry, two regiments of native cavalry&mdash;the
      body-guard to be one&mdash;one regiment of irregular horse, two troops of
      horse artillery, one European and one native. The secretary to the
      government of India, F. Currie, Esq., will take charge of his highness and
      his suite, and will be accompanied by the political agent, Major Lawrence;
      the governor-general's private secretary, Charles Hardinge, Esq.; the
      aides-de-camp of the governor-general; two aides-de-camp of the
      commander-in-chief, one aide-de-camp from each general officer of
      division, in uniform. The escort will be formed at the nearest convenient
      spot to the governor-general's camp at two o'clock, and proceed to his
      highness's camp, and thence to his palace. On alighting from his elephant
      a salute of twenty-one guns will be fired by the horse artillery.
    </p>
    <p>
      "His highness the maharajah of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs as
      their sovereign, having on the 18th instant intimated his intention to
      proceed to the governor-general's camp at Lulleeanee, attended by his
      highness's wuzeer, the Rajah Gholab Singh, and other chiefs, was received
      in durbar on the afternoon of that day by the governor-general, the
      commander-in-chief and the staff being present. His highness's ministers
      and chiefs there tendered his submission, and solicited the clemency of
      the British government.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The governor-general extended the clemency of the British government to a
      prince the descendant of the maharajah, the late Runjeet Singh, for so
      many years the faithful ally and friend of the British government, as the
      representative of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs and the people
      to be their ruler, on the condition that all the terms imposed by the
      British government and previously explained to his highness's ministers
      and chiefs should be faithfully executed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On withdrawing from the durbar, the maharajah received the usual salutes
      due to his highness's exalted rank. His highness has since remained near
      the governor-general's camp; and, as it will be conducive to his
      highness's comfort that he should rejoin his family, the governor-general
      desires that he may, with all honour and in safety, be conducted by the
      British troops to the gates of his palace this day.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A proclamation was issued on the 18th instant by the governor-general,
      promising protection to all persons at Lahore and elsewhere who peaceably
      continue in their usual employments of trade and industry.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The governor-general is satisfied, after the experience of this campaign,
      that he can rely on the discipline of this invincible army, as fully and
      securely as he has always been confident that the clay of battle, under
      their distinguished commander, would be one of victory.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He trusts, at present, that no officers or soldiers will pass the
      advanced sentries of their encampment to enter the town of Lahore, and he
      requests his excellency the commander-in-chief to give the necessary
      instruction to carry this order strictly into effect, as well as to
      protect all persons bringing provisions into the camp."
    </p>
    <p>
      The report of the secretary concerning the installation of the young
      maharajah in his palace, under the British auspices, is very striking, and
      exemplifies the grandeur and customs of oriental courts and conquerors:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have the honour to state, for the information of your excellency, that,
      in accordance with the instructions contained in the order of the
      governor-general of yesterday's date, I proceeded in the afternoon with
      the escort ordered, and accompanied by the officers mentioned below, on
      elephants, to conduct the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace in the
      citadel of Lahore:&mdash;Major Lawrence, the govern or-general's political
      agent; W. Edwards, under-secretary of the foreign department; R. Oust,
      Esq., assistant-secretary to the foreign department; C. Hardinge, Esq.,
      private secretary to the governor-general; Lieutenant-colonel Wood,
      military secretary to the governor-general; Captain Cunningham; Captain
      Hardinge, aide-de-camp to the governor-general; Captain Grant, ditto; Lord
      Arthur Hay, ditto; Captain Mills, ditto; Captain Bagot, aide-decamp to the
      commander-in-chief; Captain Edwardes, ditto; Captain Gilbert, aide-de-camp
      to General Gilbert; Captain Tottenham, aide-de-camp to General Smith;
      Lieutenant-colonel Smith, ditto; Captain Napier, ditto; Captain Smith,
      ditto.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The procession was arranged in the following order:&mdash;9th irregular
      cavalry, 3rd light cavalry, her majesty's 16th Lancers; troop horse
      artillery, Europeans; troop horse artillery, natives; her majesty's 9th
      Lancers, the secretary, with the maharajah and suite, the
      governor-general's bodyguard.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The escort was formed in open column of troops left in front, commanded
      by Brigadier Cureton, C.B. We proceeded in this order to the encampment of
      the maharajah, about one mile and a half from our pickets, and nearly the
      same distance from the citadel gate of the city. At about three-quarters
      of a mile from the maharajah's camp I was met by the minister, Rajah
      Gholab Singh, and some of the chiefs. Intimation of our approach was then
      sent on to the maharajah, that he might be ready upon his elephant upon
      our arrival.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On reaching the maharajah's camp, the troops of our escort drew up, and
      the maharajah, with Bhaee Kam Singh on the same elephant, came forward
      from his tent, accompanied by several chiefs. After the usual salutation
      and complimentary questions and replies, I placed the maharajah's elephant
      next to mine, and the troops having fallen in, as at first, proceeded
      round the walls of the city to the gate of the citadel. On arriving,
      Brigadier Cureton drew up the escort in line in front of the gateway, and
      I took the maharajah, accompanied by the officers enumerated in the former
      part of this letter, with Rajah Gholab Singh and the other chiefs, into
      the interior of the citadel, and to the inner door of his palace. I then
      observed to the maharajah and chiefs, that by the order of the right hon.
      the governor-general, I had thus brought the maharajah, conducted by the
      British army, to his palace, which his highness had left for the purpose
      of tendering submission to the British government, and for placing
      himself, his capital, and his country at the mercy of the
      governor-general, and requesting pardon for the insult that had been
      offered; and that the governor-general had thus restored him to his palace
      as a mark of the favour which he desired to show to the descendant of the
      late Maharajah Runjeet Singh.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A salute of twenty-one guns was then fired by the horse artillery. We
      then took leave of the maharajah at the gate of his palace, and returning
      to the outside of the city, we, continuing our progress round Lahore, thus
      returned to our camp. As our camp is situated opposite the south-east end
      of the city face, and the citadel is immediately within the city walls, at
      the north-west angle, we made the entire circuit of Lahore. I considered
      this preferable to going through the city, the streets of which are very
      narrow, and would have much impeded the progress of our large escort. We
      did not see one gun on any part of the walls, all their embrasures were
      empty."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of February the governor-general occupied the citadel and the
      palace, and issued a general order, proclaiming the termination of the
      Sikh war. The army which had been engaged, and all regiments ordered up to
      its support, received a year's <i>batta</i> (pay). Fej Singh, who was
      twice wounded at Sobraon, was at the head of a very considerable force in
      the neighbourhood of Umritsir; but, notwithstanding the devotion of his
      troops, he did not dare to offer resistance; his cannons were surrendered,
      the soldiery uttering loud cries of rage, and the officers, in tears,
      uttering suppressed groans of remorse and shame. The disbanded troops
      disturbed and plundered various districts in the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th of February, the men of the 16th Lancers and of the 31st foot
      (Young Buffs) were ordered to Bombay to embark for England, permission
      being given to such of the men as thought proper to volunteer into
      regiments still serving in India. The bulk of the British army remained in
      the Punjaub for some months, various circumstances affording grounds for
      suspicion as to the good faith of the ranee and her durbar. The treaty of
      Lahore was however completed, and was sufficiently stringent. It has
      already been shown upon what terms negotiations were opened: when the
      stipulations were reduced to regular form, they assumed a more binding
      character, the following items having been introduced:&mdash;The hill
      country between the Beas and the Indus to be ceded instead of one lac of
      rupees, part of the indemnity. Fifty lacs of rupees to be paid by the
      maharajah on the ratification of the treaty. The Lahore army to be limited
      to twenty-five battalions of regular (Aeen) infantry, and twelve thousand
      cavalry. The entire control of the rivers Beas and Sutlej, to the
      confluence of the Indus at Mikenkote, and the control of the Indus from
      the point of the confluence to the borders of Beloochistan. The maharajah
      never to take into his service any British subject, nor the subject of any
      European or American state without permission of the British government.
      Rajah Gholab Singh to be recognised as an independent sovereign over such
      territories as the British should make over to him. All disputes arising
      between him and the Lahore government to be referred to the British. All
      change in the frontiers of the Lahore state prohibited without British
      sanction.
    </p>
    <p>
      In pursuance of the stipulations concerning Gholab Singh, a treaty between
      him and the British government was concluded at Neuritzen on the 16th of
      March. The following articles of it will sufficiently disclose its
      character:&mdash;In the first article, the British made over to the rajah
      all the hilly country just conceded by the Lahore government. This
      territory was situated to the eastward of the river Indus, and westward of
      the river Ravee, including Ohumba, and excluding Lahool. In consideration
      of this transfer, the rajah should pay to the British government fifty
      lacs of rupees on the ratification of the treaty, and twenty-five lacs on
      the 1st of October. The British government to give the rajah assistance
      against all external enemies. Maharajah Gholab Singh to acknowledge the
      supremacy of the British government; and in token thereof to present
      annually one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats, and three pairs of
      Cashmere shawls. The symptoms of discontent, on the part of the disbanded
      troops and the defeated chiefs, rendered necessary an extra article to the
      treaty of Lahore, for the purpose of garrisoning that city for the defence
      of the young maharajah during the reorganisation of his army on a
      different footing. It was agreed to occupy the citadel and town of Lahore
      to the end of 1846.
    </p>
    <p>
      While all these events were passing, Sir Charles Napier, the governor of
      Scinde, made great exertions to render such service as he could to the
      policy of the governor-general of India. Sir Charles hastened forward from
      the seat of his government, but on passing up the Sutlej was fired upon;
      he landed at Ooch, and proceeded to Bhawulpore, where he arrived on the
      20th of February. He there made a political visit to the rajah, and
      proceeded on to Feroze-pore, which he reached on the 22nd of February; but
      the governor-general was then in the neighbourhood of Lahore. Before Sir
      Charles could arrive, all that has been related transpired. By the same
      date, Lord Elphinstone had arrived as far as Delhi, <i>en route</i> to the
      governor-general's camp.
    </p>
    <p>
      Matters did not long remain quiet in the Punjaub. The ranee was an
      unprincipled woman; her paramour, Lall Singh, was an unprincipled man; and
      this pair began to plot further commotions before those which had so
      nearly overwhelmed them were entirely composed. Lall Singh hated Gholab;
      the installation of the latter as maharajah of Cashmere excited his
      jealousy, especially as Gholab, having been wuzeer, continued to tender
      his advice to the ranee. It was in fact determined at Lahore, that Gholab
      should never enter upon his independent sovereignty. Mohee-ood-Een had
      been governor of the district under the Lahore supremacy. A son of this
      person, entitled the Sheik Enam-ood-Een, was made Sail Singh's instrument
      for carrying out his scheme. Acting as the new wuzeer of the ranee, who
      was regent during the minority of her son, Dhuleep Singh, Lall Singh
      directed the sheik to summon a meeting of the chieftains of the mountain
      country subjected by treaty to the new Maharajah Gholab Singh, and to
      organise among them an armed resistance to his power. Gholab was more of a
      diplomatist than a soldier; he marched against the bold mountaineers, was
      defeated, and obliged to call for the aid of the English.
      Brigadier-general Wheeler, an experienced, gallant, and spirited officer,
      was ordered to march upon Cashmere and occupy the capital. The sheik,
      panic-struck, came in and made submission, revealing the treachery of the
      ranee's paramour and adviser. Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence got possession
      of such documents as proved the treacherous complicity of the Lahore
      government; a formal demand was therefore made upon that government for
      the expulsion of Lall Singh from the Lahore territory, and for a renewed
      promise that the treaty of the 9th of March between Gholab Singh and the
      British should be respected. The Lahore government was once again all
      submission, and Lall Singh was seized and carried across the Sutlej into
      the British territory. In consequence of these transactions, the
      governor-general demanded that a British resident should be received at
      Lahore, to whom all political questions should be referred before
      obtaining a practical application. Also that English troops should be at
      liberty to occupy any fort or territory, if necessary to preserve the
      public peace and enforce the due observance of the treaty. The Lahore
      state to pay twenty-two lacs of new Nameck-shee rupees, of full tale and
      weight, per annum, in order to reimburse the expenses which the British
      government should incur, in preserving by an armed force the authority of
      the maharajah, and the observance of the treaty against the refractory
      chiefs or disbanded soldiery. On the attainment of his sixteenth year, the
      maharajah to be recognised as of age, and the regency of the ranee and the
      council of regency to cease, or sooner, if the governor-general and the
      Lahore durbar so agreed. Thirteen of the principal sirdars of the Punjaub
      signed these agreements in the presence of Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence and
      Mr. Currie, not one of whom, in all probability, contemplated the
      observance of the stipulations a moment longer than suited their own
      views.
    </p>
    <p>
      Little further of importance occurred in the Punjaub during 1846. British
      India generally was quiet, but disturbances of all sorts prevailed in the
      surrounding territories. The new conquest of Scinde was consolidated by
      the genius of the eccentric and gallant man who conquered it, and his name
      was, by a strange perversion of compliment, used as a synonyme for "<i>Shatan</i>"
      all over Beloo-chistan, Affghanistan, Delhi, and the Punjaub.
      Lieutenant-general Sir G. Arthur was incapacitated by ill-health from that
      active administration of the Bombay presidency which had characterised his
      government. He had done much to consolidate British authority there by his
      firmness and humanity, his goodness and justice, and not only by those
      high moral qualities, but also by his intellectual aptitudes for
      sustaining the responsibility imposed upon him.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the causes of disquietude in various places, and more especially in
      the Punjaub, was an increasing desire of the whole native population to
      expel the British. This partly arose from fanaticism, and partly from
      hostility of race. The Sikh ranks had been mainly recruited from our
      disbanded Sepoy soldiery and deserters. Sir Charles Napier made vigorous
      efforts to correct the evils which he found to exist in the army within
      his own government, and made representations to Sir Henry Hardinge full of
      prophetic foresight as to the disposition of the Sepoys, whom the gallant
      conqueror of Scinde believed to be disloyal almost to a man. According to
      statements made long afterwards by Major-general Tucker (the
      adjutant-general), and by Major-general Lord Melville, Sir Henry Hardinge,
      while he actually eulogised the Sepoy army especially for their loyalty,
      privately expressed his alarm at the unsafe foundation upon which British
      power in India rested, in consequence of the secret unfaithfulness of the
      Sepoy troops! This very much resembled Sir Henry's procedure afterwards,
      when Lord Plardinge and commander-in-chief of the British army. Possessing
      administrative capacity, military talents of a high order, and as
      dauntless a heart as ever beat in a British soldier's breast, he had the
      soul of a "red-tapist" and a "snob," and was ready to sacrifice his own
      opinions and the welfare of the service, to official, aristocratic, or
      court influence. He fought and governed well, but not so much for the good
      of the country as the objects of his caste. His conduct in reference to
      the Sikh war was much reprehended for unpreparedness, want of promptitude,
      and for a tampering and concessive policy unsuitable to oriental nations.
      His extreme gallantry in the field, and the successful issue of the war,
      blotted out these reprehensions both from his own name and from the public
      mind. His instructions from home accounted for his time-serving
      hesitation, unpreparedness for the war, and forbearance with an enemy upon
      whom such indulgence was lost. All this vacillation harmonised with the
      foreign and domestic policy of Sir Robert Peel, under whose instructions
      he acted. It met with the disapprobation <i>ab initio</i> of all men
      competent to form an opinion on Indian affairs. The chivalry of the
      soldier covered the faults of the governor-general, and the impolicy of
      the government under whose instructions he acted.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the tidings of these events in India reached England, the rejoicing
      was very great. Never had the arms of England been more signally crowned
      with success; and never had such suspense attended the first tidings of
      the dangers to our Indian empire, menaced by the invasion of the far-famed
      and highly-disciplined Khalsa army. The country felt relieved of a great
      pressure of care, as when, after a long and gloomy night&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Man wakes again to joy, and peace, and hope,
     Day dreams, and bright reality."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Parliament was prompt to express the general admiration for the brave.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Monday, the 4th of May, the House of Commons resolved itself into a
      committee on a message from her majesty, respecting a provision for the
      governor-general and the commander-in-chief. Both these gallant men had
      been raised to the peerage. Sir Robert Peel (the minister) proposed a
      grant of £3000 a year to Lord Hardinge and his two next male heirs, and
      £2000 a year to Lord Gough and his two next male heirs. These propositions
      received the assent of the house. Mr. Hogg, on the part of the East India
      Company, announced that the company had made grants of £5000 per year to
      Lord Hardinge for life, and £2000 per year to Lord Gough. Lord Francis
      Egerton drew attention to the claims of Sir Harry Smith, which both Sir
      Robert Peel and Lord John Russell treated as an interference with the
      prerogative of the crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the following night, in the Lords, the Earl of Ripon moved an address
      to her majesty in answer to her message. On that occasion the Earl of
      Clanricarde eloquently eulogised both the gallant generals whose exploits
      in the Punjaub had added fresh wreaths to the chaplets of their fame.
    </p>
    <p>
      The civil affairs of India were occasionally the subject of discussion in
      the British press throughout this year: the Indian railway projects, the
      high price of money at Calcutta and Bombay, and the fluctuations of
      commerce in our Eastern territories, demanded the attention of economists
      and politicians.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 9th of November, an extensive list of brevet promotions in the
      Indian army was announced in the <i>Gazette</i>, which comprised
      thirty-four major-generals, twenty lieutenant-colonels, and two bunded and
      forty-one captains. This gave great satisfaction to the profession and the
      public.
    </p>
    <p>
      An interesting occurrence in connection with India took place in the
      earlier part of the year. Lieutenant Waghorn, whose enterprising genius
      led him to prosecute the problem of an overland route to India, saw his
      labours at last crowned with success. The government resolved, with
      certain modifications, to adopt the basis of his scheme.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkD2H_4_0168" id="linkD2H_4_0168">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      STATE OF AFFAIRS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.&mdash;SUCCESSES OF THE CAFFRES.&mdash;VICTORY
      OVER THE TRIBES OF STOCK AND PATO BY COLONEL SOMERSET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the many eventful matters of 1846 was a Caffre war. The tribes
      bordering the British territory were brave, restless, and predatory.
      Almost the only property which they valued was cattle, and they were
      tempted by the large flocks of the colonists to make border raids. The
      force at the disposal of the settlers was not sufficient to preserve their
      property, nor check these incursions, much less to punish them. The
      various tribes could precipitate nearly thirty thousand, and, on
      occasions, forty thousand men at once upon the colony; resolute, robust,
      wild men, physically superior to the Fingoes and Hottentots within the
      territory of her majesty, and equal in that respect to the Boers or
      British. The marauders were also mentally superior to the black races
      within the colony, and altogether more interesting savages, braver in
      battle, and capable of a higher civilisation. One of these tribes,
      numbering about ten thousand, was in alliance with the British, but the
      whole population of the Cape able to bear arms, and the troops, taken
      together, did not reach twenty thousand men. The nature of the country
      favoured the action of savage assailants, especially such as were
      intellectually so well capable of taking advantage of it as the Caffres.
      For disciplined troops it was unfavourable, where there was such an enemy
      to encounter. During the early part of the year the Caffres moved
      simultaneously on various points, capturing cattle, and slaying or driving
      the settlers into every post upon which they might fall back for safety.
      It was not war, for the Caffres literally hunted the borders, striking
      terror into the hearts of the colonists, and carrying off their property.
      As the year advanced the settlers assumed a well-organised attitude; the
      Fingoes and Hottentots were armed, and showed some courage in defence of
      the colony and the harassed troops; by dint of courage and exertion they
      appeared in various directions intime to keep the enemy at bay, and
      preserve the lives and habitations of the Dutch and English settlers. This
      was the state of matters when, on the 26th of April, the Caffres came down
      in great numbers and swept away the cattle of the colonists, driving them
      through the Fish River. In carrying away this booty they passed, with
      great hardihood, close to the fortified post called "Trompetter's Drift."
      The guns of the position opened with grape and canister, at point-blank
      range, and accomplished a dreadful slaughter, but none of the booty was
      recaptured; the enemy even earned away all his wounded and slain.
    </p>
    <p>
      On May the 5th a formidable force came upon the neighbourhood of Fort
      Beaufort. The colonists stood to their defence, and a sharp action ensued,
      in which three of the settlers were killed and many wounded. A much larger
      number of the marauders were put <i>hors de combat</i>, but the victory,
      on the whole, was with the Caffres, who brought away seven horses, three
      hundred and thirty head of cattle, and seventeen thousand sheep. At this
      juncture Colonel Somerset, of the 7th Dragoon Guards (then quartered at
      the Cape, and mounted as light cavalry), displayed an enterprise and
      courage which entitled him to much honour. He was wise in council,
      energetic in business, indomitable in resolution, and heroic in battle. To
      these qualities of a man's sterner nature, he added those of a humane and
      amiable heart. The colonel was on the watch for an opportunity to strike a
      severe blow against these freebooters, and on the 8th of June opportunity
      was afforded. On the previous evening a party of burghers and Fingoes
      scoured the Fish River bush, and performed this duty efficiently, the
      Fingoes showing spirit, and generosity to the enemy. Colonel Somerset
      formed a junction with this force on the morning of the 8th. The colonel
      had under his command the Cape Mounted Rifles, a detachment of the 7th
      Dragoon Guards, and two heavy guns. Early in the day the united
      detachments encountered a very large force, under the command of the
      notorious marauding chief, Stock. The Caffres, confident in their numbers
      and in their recent successes, challenged the British to come on, and, in
      fact, commenced the action, throwing out skirmishers with something of the
      practice of regular troops; they afterwards made some furious charges with
      the assigai. The measures taken by Colonel Somerset were marked by his
      usual ability and promptitude, and the enemy suffered a most sanguinary
      defeat. When Stock perceived that the day was going against him,
      notwithstanding a protracted combat, he sent off several mounted men
      express for Pato, another chief. The latter sent a chief named Umhala, who
      advanced at the head of his tribe, but having no conception that his
      friends had experienced defeat, and supposing that he was only about to
      aid in taking a spoil, he was astonished to find himself suddenly in front
      of the fine force of Colonel Somerset. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-colonel
      Lindsay, who commanded in Fort Peddie, perceiving that the firing of
      cannon and musketry was heavy and protracted, sent out Captain Hogg, with
      a troop of the 7th Dragoon Guards and a gun, who came upon the rear of
      Umhala's party just as Colonel Somerset met them. The Caffres, placed
      between two fires, their retreat cut off, numerous although they were,
      lost confidence and broke. They were charged fiercely, and cut to pieces.
      Estimates were given of their loss, varying from three hundred to twice
      that number. The British loss was slight; about seven troopers fell, and
      several officers were very severely wounded, in close combat, by the
      assigai, a formidable weapon in the hands of a South African. Among the
      officers hurt were Sir Harry Darell, who was wounded in the thigh and arm
      severely; Cornet Bunbury also received several wounds. Captain Walpole, of
      the Engineers, was shot in the thigh, and a blow from an assigai upon the
      neck laid bare the windpipe. Those officers, Lieutenant O'Reilly, and
      others, displayed much personal prowess, cutting down the Caffres with
      their swords in close, desperate, and successful conflict.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following letter gives a good description of the scene presented to
      the reinforcement sent out by Lieutenant-colonel Lindsay:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Colonel Somerset has been out to-day in the direction of Stock's Kraal.
      About an hour after he left we heard heavy firing, which lasted for two or
      three hours. It appears that they were challenged by a lot of Caffres in
      the bush; they went in after them and gave them a regular mauling, shot a
      great number of them, and coming out on the flat when they had polished
      these gentlemen off, they fell in with a body of about five hundred to six
      hun-, dred, whom they also charged, and shot like so many dogs. I believe,
      at the lowest computation, three hundred and fifty were left dead on the
      field. This last body that they fell in with were Pato's Caffres, who
      heard the firing at Stock's Kraal, and were hastening to his assistance,
      when, luckily for us, they were caught upon the open flat, and the 7th
      Dragoons and Cape Corps charged them, and literally rode over them. I
      trust that this affair, coupled with the attack on Peddie, will cool their
      courage considerably. One corporal of the Cape Mounted Rifles was shot
      dead, and Sir Harry Darell, Captain Walpole, Royal Engineers, and Bunbury,
      together with some men of the 7th, are slightly wounded: I think four of
      them slightly, and one very dangerously. Colonel Somerset seems the only
      man that can bring them to their senses. They were all going down to
      attack supply waggons that were to come up from Trompetter's to-morrow
      morning, but I fancy, after to-day, they will not attempt it. I must now
      give you an account of the slaughter that took place shortly after. We
      were all very tired, having been on our legs from nine o'clock last night
      to midday to-day, with hardly any refreshment; we therefore hastened to
      the camp; however, we were disappointed in having refreshment. We saw the
      colonel's division a mile or two a-head, marching quietly on. Presently we
      saw a party ride ahead, and soon after a race. Then firing commenced. I
      rode up as fast as I could to the ridge; a spectacle was then presented to
      my view which I shall not forget. A large party of Caffres had collected
      near the Kieskamma, intending to move to-day towards the Fish River to
      intercept the waggons, and stop the communication. This party heard the
      firing and thought that the waggons were attacked. They hastened to help,
      but what was their astonishment when they found a large force in front of
      them. Fortunately, there was no bush to shelter them; they fired one
      volley and dismounted from their horses&mdash;about three hundred mounted
      and seven hundred foot. The Dragoons then charged them, and killed many; a
      panic seized them&mdash;they ran off, and were shot like sheep&mdash;dragoons,
      Cape Corps, Boers, all firing at them, following them up full six miles.
      They became completely exhausted&mdash;they could not run. The slaughter
      was awful! They were followed up to near the Kieskamma. The slaughter was
      on the Gwanga, near Mr. Tainton's late place. The lowest estimate is, I
      believe, three hundred killed; very few were seen to get away. We took
      three prisoners&mdash;one at Hmpa-kati, belonging to Creili. He said the
      intention of the Caffres was to drive the Umlunguinto the sea. We asked
      how it was to-day. He said it was all finished to-day. Pato has crossed
      the Kieskamma. Umhala and Seyolo were with this command. How they fared we
      cannot tell. It is supposed that Stock was this day killed."
    </p>
    <p>
      After this Colonel Somerset followed up his success. Many skirmishes, much
      plunder, and considerable loss of life occurred, but, in the end, the
      British forces remained victors. The Caffres, however, were not prevented
      from reorganising themselves for fresh forays.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF NEW ZEALAND.&mdash;SUPPRESSION OF THE NATIVE REVOLT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was not at the Cape only that our troops had to contend with savages of
      a superior race: the year began with a conflict in New Zealand. Captain
      Grey, the governor, having in vain endeavoured to conciliate the
      disaffected chiefs, proceeded, at the head of eleven hundred men&mdash;sailors,
      marines, and soldiers&mdash;to attack the principal pal, which was
      defended by stockades, so skilfully constructed, that it was necessary to
      erect works, and mount cannon and mortars, to dislodge their occupants.
      The subjugation of the place was effected after severe loss on the part of
      the enemy, and, unhappily, considerable loss on the part of her majesty's
      force. The capture of the pal led to the surrender of the chiefs, and
      before the month of January expired, peace was restored to the colony.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BORNEO.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The proceedings of the Borneo pirates having led the British Rajah Brooke
      to demand assistance, Captain Mundy, under the direction of Admiral Sir
      Thomas Cochrane, operated during the month of July in command of an
      effective maritime force. The squadron sailed up the river to Brune, the
      capital of the country, which was defended by several strong forts, and a
      heavy battery, <i>à fleur d'eau</i>, of eight brass and two iron guns,
      sixty-eight pounders. All; these defences were carried by the British
      sailors and marines, and terrible destruction inflicted upon the pirates.
      After effecting what appeared to be a complete subjugation of these hordes
      of sea robbers infesting these coasts, the squadron retired.
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    <h2>
      OUR NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Canada.</i>&mdash;The relations between Great Britain and the United
      States were so unsatisfactory at the beginning of this year that
      considerable uneasiness existed in Canada lest war should break out, and
      that colony become the chief theatre of contest. A militia bill passed the
      Canadian legislature, which was calculated to give confidence to the
      imperial government, and which placed the colony in an armed attitude
      towards her great neighbour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The free-trade measures proposed to the British parliament caused even
      more disquietude than the differences with the United States. The Canadian
      producers were very jealous of these states as a competitor in supplying
      the English market, the legislature passed strong resolutions expressive
      of their alarm, and addressed the crown, representing that free trade in
      corn between the neighbouring states and the mother country would be
      productive of the heaviest injuries to the colony. This address was one of
      the most sturdy pronouncements of protectionist opinion which the
      discussions of the day brought forth. The Canadians were happily
      disappointed. The imperial legislature was not checked in the enactment of
      its free-trade measures by this memorial; good was done to Canada in spite
      of herself; the legislators of the parent country understood the interests
      of Canada better than her own provincial parliament did, and the great
      prosperity of that country may be said to have begun with free trade. The
      year was one of alarm and discontent in both the upper and lower
      provinces. A dreadful fire in Quebec, which nearly destroyed the city,
      added to the other causes of disquietude.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Nova Scotia.</i>&mdash;This colony also suffered some commercial
      depression, and endured apprehension of a war upon the North American
      continent. The fisheries were comparatively unproductive, and the potato
      crop failed. Happily the corn crops prospered, relieving considerably the
      pressure upon the resources of the people. A militia bill, occasioned by
      the apparently hostile policy of the United States government, provided
      for the defence of the province. Certain differences arose between the
      legislature and the crown, in connection with the crown revenues and the
      civil list, but the year closed upon the colony in peace, and with a fair
      measure of prosperity.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Newfoundland.</i>&mdash;The affairs of this colony were characterised
      by nothing remarkable during the year, in a political point of view, but a
      great social calamity attracted the attention of the American colonies and
      of the mother-country. A conflagration broke out at St. John's, which laid
      nearly the whole city in ashes. The fire happened on the 9th of June, and
      as the houses of the town were mostly built of wood, it soon spread beyond
      the power of any efforts which the population could command to restrain
      it. The Custom-house, Roman Catholic Church, Protestant Episcopal
      Cathedral, Court-house, jail, ordnance store, all the newspaper and
      printing-offices, the banks, the Hall of Legislature, post-office, and
      police-office, were all burnt clown, together with two whole streets, each
      more than a mile long, leaving 12,000 persons without a habitation. The
      shipping, near the wharves also caught fire, and some of the vessels were
      destroyed. The loss of property exceeded a million sterling.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>The United States.</i>&mdash;On another page sufficient reference has
      been made to the circumstances attending the chief subject of dispute
      between Great Britain and the North American Union. The Oregon boundary
      was adjusted, and all fear of war between the two countries removed. The
      propositions made by the Earl of Aberdeen, the English foreign minister,
      were so unfavourable to his own country, and so completely a concession to
      America, that the president and senate at once accepted them. Had the navy
      of the United States driven our fleets from the Pacific, President Polk
      could hardly have expected terms more favourable to his nation. Indeed,
      the only energy which the noble earl displayed in his management of
      foreign affairs was in conceding what his queen and country had a good
      right to claim.
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    <h2>
      SOUTH AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Brazil and La Plata.</i>&mdash;On the southern part of the American
      continent events also occurred of some interest to England. During the
      previous year a united British and French force operated successfully
      against the dictator Rosas, who, in spite of the remonstrances of England,
      France, and Brazil, persisted in hostile operations against the republic
      of Monte Video. Notwithstanding the chastisement inflicted by the European
      navies, Rosas continued his hostility to Monte Video during the year. The
      measures taken against the tyrant by the governments of England and France
      were half measures. The Earl of Aberdeen and M. Guizot seemed to be
      associated in wondrous harmony of action, or rather inaction, when the
      joint interests of the two powers were concerned.
    </p>
    <p>
      Differences arose between Great Britain and the Brazils in connexion with
      the slave-trade. A convention had existed between the two countries for
      its suppression on the coasts of Brazil; the period for which the
      convention existed expired early in the year, and the government of the
      Brazilian emperor notified to that of her Britannic majesty that it should
      not be renewed. This gave great umbrage to the latter government, which
      saw that the design of the Brazilians was to continue the infamous
      traffic. The British parliament consequently passed an act for subjecting
      Brazilian vessels, suspected of being engaged in the trade, to the
      jurisdiction of the English tribunals. Against this the Brazilian
      government protested, and sent a circular note conveying a copy of the
      protest to all other powers. On the 3rd of May the emperor delivered an
      address to the representatives of the nation, stating that he would
      support the dignity of his crown against the interference of Great
      Britain, and calling upon the assembly to support him. He at the same
      time, however, declared that he would be faithful to his engagements in
      putting an end to the trade in Africans. This was so vaguely expressed,
      and the desire of the Brazilian government was so evidently to foster that
      illicit commerce, and, if possible, involve England in a quarrel with some
      of the other maritime powers, that the English government was much
      incensed, and resolved upon stringent measures. In this they were opposed
      by the Manchester party, even by some among them who had taken a most
      active part in anti-slavery movements. The persons thus inconsistent were
      chiefly among the Society of Friends, who, while on the one hand they
      hated oppression, on the other hated war, even when waged to succour the
      oppressed. The chief movers in the Manchester agitation against the
      government policy towards Brazil, were, however, neither anti-slavery men,
      nor members of the Peace Society, but certain merchants engaged largely in
      the Brazilian trade, and whose political principles were very
      accommodating, always, somehow, being on the side of their interests, or
      supposed interests, in commercial matters. No war ensued, but the firm
      attitude taken by the English government prevented the renewal of the
      slave-trade by Brazilian merchants.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RELATIONS WITH CONTINENTAL EUROPE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>France</i>.&mdash;The year 1846 was one of much discussion between
      England and France. Louis Philippe proved himself as insincere and selfish
      as the Bourbons always were, to whatever branch of that faithless family
      belonging. M. Guizot, the chief minister of the king, was as little candid
      as his master. The same treachery which sullied the reminiscences of
      Ghent, characterised the procedure of the minister towards England in
      1846. There were various subjects of difference between the two countries;
      but that which most occupied the attention of Europe was the Spanish
      marriages. Louis Philippe had a numerous family, was avaricious to the
      last degree, and allowed avarice and nepotism to govern his policy, rather
      than the honour and interests of the great kingdom over which he presided.
      He was desirous that one of his sons should marry the Queen of Spain, and
      that another should be united to her sister. The queen-mother favoured
      this idea, as did also the chief minister, Narvaez. On the other hand, it
      was alleged that the English government was intriguing for a prince of the
      house of Cobourg. This was not the case&mdash;at all events, when the
      Whigs came into power. Lord Palmerston, on behalf of his court and
      government, disclaimed it, and demanded that the royal family of Spain
      should be left free to follow their own inclinations, excepting only as
      regarded members of the royal family of France, against a union with which
      the English whig foreign minister protested, as a breach of the treaty of
      Utrecht. Mr. Disraeli, and others of the conservative party, were of
      opinion with M. Guizot, that such marriages as the French ministry
      contemplated would not infringe that treaty, which guaranteed that the
      throne of France and Spain should not be filled by the same person, but
      made no provision against marriages upon which such an event might appear
      to be contingent. The British government was firm in regarding the
      proceedings of Louis Philippe as directed by an unprincipled ambition, in
      defiance of treaties, and of the alliance between Great Britain and France
      then subsisting. The English government did not encourage a member of the
      house of Cobourg, but advocated the pretensions to her majesty's hand of a
      Spanish prince, Don Enrique, the Queen of Spain's own cousin. To this the
      French government was opposed, because Don Enrique was of liberal
      political opinions, and it was the policy of Louis Philippe and his <i>alter
      ego</i>, M. Guizot, to keep down liberal aspirations in Spain. The
      reaction policy of the French king and his minister was now in full
      operation, and this was, unfortunately, more felt at Madrid than at Paris.
      The King of the French wished, he alleged, to see the choice of the
      Spanish princess fall within the Bourbon circle; but a ban was laid on Don
      Enrique, because of his constitutionalism, or, as Guizot was pleased to
      designate it, his revolutionary opinions. The intrigue of the French
      government was successful, so far that the Queen of Spain was married to a
      Spanish Bourbon, brother to Don Enrique, a man whom the queen personally
      hated, a bigoted devotee and reactionary, whose fanaticism against liberty
      was morbid, and who was an avowed Carlist, openly denying the right of the
      Queen of Spain to the throne. Whatever could be supposed as likely to
      influence the fortunes of the young queen and of the Spanish nation,
      unfavourably, in connection with a royal marriage, was associated with
      this; but Louis Philippe and M. Guizot cared for none of these things, so
      as their own project was accomplished. At the same time the sister of the
      queen was married to the Duc de Montpensier, a son of Louis Philippe. The
      two marriages were celebrated together with great pomp and ceremony. The
      Spanish government did not much care whether the royal lady married an
      Orleans or a Cobourg, so as France or England were engaged on its side
      against the apprehension of a republican or Carlist revolt; and, on the
      whole, France was supposed more likely to interfere for such a purpose
      than Great Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The singular dishonesty of M. Guizot and his master startled the
      politicians of Europe. The French government had pledged itself to the
      English not to take any step to secure the hand of either of the royal
      ladies of Spain for a French prince. M. Guizot afterwards justified his
      conduct by alleging that the English government was secretly abetting the
      interests of a Cobourg. He admitted that he could not prove this, but
      justified his acting upon such a strong suspicion as he entertained. When,
      in 1847, M. Thiers brought on certain stormy discussions in the French
      chambers on this subject, the admission was wrung from the French foreign
      minister that the conduct of England had been loyal and honourable&mdash;that
      no efforts had been made to press a Cobourg upon the attention of the
      Spanish court; this too celebrated person thus convicting himself of
      premeditated bad faith, and of resorting to accusations and falsehood to
      vindicate a policy which he had falsely and wilfully initiated, or, at all
      events, pursued, when initiated by his royal master.
    </p>
    <p>
      One feature of the infidelity of the French court and minister to their
      engagements excited the indignation of all honourable minds acquainted
      with it. When the English government detected the intention of Louis
      Philippe to break his engagements and to prosecute the Montpensier
      marriage, that government urged that, at all events, it was desirable, if
      the treaty of Utrecht was to be observed, that the Queen of Spain should
      have an heir to the throne before the marriage of her sister took place.
      The French minister promised that the marriages should not take place <i>at
      the same time</i>. When the English government remonstrated upon the
      disregard of this engagement, shown in the actual fact that the two
      marriages had their celebration together, M. Guizot justified himself by
      alleging that, inasmuch as the queen was married first, although her
      sister was married immediately after, the ceremonial was not celebrated at
      the same time! This audacious departure from every decent observance of
      truth and honesty was perpetrated by a man who is lauded by the <i>savons</i>
      of France to this day as one of their illustrious number. His Memoir of
      Sir Robert Peel is popular in England, and he has since been received with
      favour in London! The whole administration of M. Guizot, foreign and
      domestic, was a dishonour and a curse to France, and supplies one of the
      dark pages of her history.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was on the 10th of October that Louis Philippe and M. Guizot
      consummated their treachery to England, and their selfish policy towards
      Spain, and laid the foundation for an alienation between the French and
      English governments, which continued until the hypocrite king was hurled
      from the throne of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Spain</i>.&mdash;The policy of the King of the French to Spain was not
      regarded with any interest by the mass of the Spanish people. The English
      government and citizens supposed that the Spanish marriages would bring
      about a revolution, but the people looked coldly on. The French king
      understood the Spanish nation better than it was understood in England.
      There was, however, a large party in Spain which regarded the designs of
      the French king with an enlightened and politic alarm. Thus, when the
      Spanish government selected him as mediator with the pope, to effect a
      reconciliation between the courts of Rome and Madrid, the language of
      suspicion uttered by Senor Leijas Lozano expressed the real views of most
      men of cultivated minds in Spain:&mdash;"For my part, I admit that I had
      much suspicion, mingled with fear, when it was determined to select France
      as our mediator with Rome, and these fears I have not yet got rid of. The
      question is, are the offers of service made by France to the Spanish
      government sufficiently frank?&mdash;are they sincere? I fear they are
      not. <i>Her interests are not identified with ours</i>. I may be mistaken,
      but my firm belief is that it is the interests of France that we shall
      remain as isolated as possible until the great events she desires be
      effected."
    </p>
    <p>
      A strong conviction was entertained by many eminent men in Spain, that Sir
      Robert Peel and the Earl of Aberdeen had complicated the question of the
      Spanish marriages; that, although the Whigs repudiated with sincerity all
      interference, these two statesmen had coquetted with the question of a
      Cobourg alliance for the Spanish queen, and that in doing so they were
      only carrying out the wishes of the English court; that the knowledge
      obtained of these facts by the secret agents of the French king, and of
      the queen-mother of Spain, made both less scrupulous, and hastened the
      perfection of a plot which, but for such discoveries, the royal
      intriguants would not have had the boldness to prosecute.
    </p>
    <p>
      Ministerial changes were frequent in Spain throughout the year. The
      Narvaez ministry was broken up, and that of Senor Isturitz followed; that
      too was destroyed. Narvaez was successful in his intrigues, supported by
      the queen-mother and the King of the French. England looked on with
      jealousy; and it was supposed in Spain that, but for the disasters and
      conflicts which occurred within the bounds of her own empire, she would
      have interfered in a more tangible manner. French gold was freely spent in
      Spain to facilitate French policy; and so corrupt were the public men of
      that country, that, as Louis Philippe well knew, money, applied skilfully,
      could change ministers and effect revolutions with a facility unknown to
      any other country in the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Portugal</i>.&mdash;The Portuguese government gave satisfactory
      assurances, in answer to the demands of England, that the anti-slavery
      stipulations between the two countries should be carried into effect more
      efficaciously than heretofore; the intercourse between the two nations was
      therefore peaceful and satisfactory. The intrigues of the French court
      were, however, extended to that part of the Iberian peninsula also. The
      court of Portugal was invited to reactionary measures by the French
      minister, and French political agents were busy in Lisbon, Oporto,
      Coimbra, and elsewhere. The Cabrai government became unpopular; Castro
      Cabrai was supposed to exercise an undue influence; and José Cabrai, his
      brother, the minister of justice, was unpopular everywhere, but especially
      at Oporto, from which city he had to flee for his life. The Cabrai
      government was ultimately driven from office and from the capital: these
      events occurred in May. The queen now committed affairs to the Marquis de
      Palmella, and issued proclamations restoring liberty of the press, and
      remitting the exorbitant burial fees demanded by the priests, which had
      been enforced by the government: these measures restored peace. The French
      court incessantly intrigued against this government also, and in four
      months after its formation it was abruptly dismissed; the result was civil
      war. Two distinct insurrections went on together&mdash;a republican or
      radical one in the south, and a Miguellite revolt in the north. It was
      generally supposed by the Portuguese that the faction of the court was in
      favour with the court of England, as Colonel Wylde, equerry to Prince
      Albert, attended the camp of the royal commander-inchief. The colonel,
      however, acted as commissioner of the British government, which felt a
      deep interest in the distresses of Portugal&mdash;peculiar treaties
      binding the two countries. The year 1846 closed over the Iberian peninsula
      in discord, turbulence, and woe.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>The Papal States</i>.&mdash;According to the constitution, England held
      no diplomatic connection with the court of Rome. The proceedings of that
      court, however, had an important influence upon the British empire, as
      four-fifths of the Irish population were Roman Catholics, and in Eastern
      Canada, Newfoundland, and other British colonies or dependencies, many of
      the people were of the same religion. The events of the year at Rome were
      the death of Pope Gregory XVI., and the election of Cardinal Mastei to the
      pontifical chair, who assumed the title of Pius IX. One of his first acts
      was to publish an amnesty for political offenders, which gave great
      satisfaction to the inhabitants of the Roman States. This was speedily
      followed by a tariff reform, based upon sound views of the interests of
      the Roman people. Throughout the year, his civil and sacerdotal
      administration were alike popular within the states, throughout Italy, and
      all over Europe. The French, Austrian, Neapolitan, Spanish, and Portuguese
      governments were all, however, incensed at the liberal tendencies of the
      new pope. The Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen of Great Britain and
      Ireland received the announcements of the pontifical liberality with
      favour; it was thought that by these means the objections of Protestants
      would be softened, and a way opened for the reconciliation of many,
      especially liberal churchmen, to Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Poland</i>.&mdash;The sympathies of England were aroused by events in
      Poland, which extinguished the last spark of Polish liberty. Throughout
      all the provinces, a desire existed to make one effort more for freedom.
      The hope of disenthralling their native land animated every heart. An
      ill-concerted insurrection, was the inevitable consequence of this strong
      feeling; and as Cracow was a free city, under the guarantee of the treaty
      of Vienna, the insurgents believed that they could use it as a <i>point
      d'appui</i>. In the month of February, the circle of Tarnow rose in arms.
      The peasantry of Silesia, armed with scythes, attacked the Austrian troops
      under General Collin, and drove them out of Cracow. A provisional
      government was instituted there; Poland was called upon to rise at once;
      and all nations, especially France and England, were appealed to in
      passionate terms for aid. After various successes by the revolters, they
      were at last encountered by superior forces, and repeatedly defeated:
      Cracow was taken by the Austrians, and its independence extinguished. The
      English and French ministers protested against this as a violation of the
      treaty of Vienna. Russia and Prussia supported the policy of Austria, who
      replied to the Western diplomatists that the proceedings of the Poles was
      a violation of the treaty of Vienna, and that it was necessary to the
      integrity and peace of the Austrian empire that Cracow should be no longer
      a focus of rebellion. The Western governments satisfied themselves with
      protests, and the last green spot of Polish independence had its life
      stamped out by the foot of Austrian despotism.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the general relations of England during the year 1846. Colonial
      revolt was suppressed; a powerful invader was driven back from her
      oriental territory; and she maintained with honour her European policy,
      and peace with neighbouring nations, under circumstances of great
      provocation; her star shone with more lustre in the eyes of foreign
      nations when the year terminated than when it opened.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The parliamentary events of the year have already been narrated. There
      were many home incidents which were not comprised in the records of
      parliament. In the month of January, Wales was visited with disastrous
      inundations, which destroyed a vast amount of property, and caused much
      distress. More liberal arrangements were made about this time for the
      reward and promotion of deserving privates and non-commissioned officers
      of the army. In the month of February, Captain Rous, the member for
      Westminster, having accepted office under Sir Robert Peel's
      administration, a new election became necessary. The captain was opposed
      by Lieutenant-general Sir de Lacy Evans, one of the most chivalrous and
      accomplished soldiers in the British army. The result was in favour of the
      gallant general by nearly one thousand. Sir de Lacy, being returned as a
      thoroughly liberal politician, this event was "a heavy blow, and great
      discouragement" to the administration of Sir Robert Peel. In South
      Nottinghamshire an election also occurred, in which Lord Lincoln, a
      political <i>protégé</i> of Sir Robert's, was defeated by Mr. Hildyard, a
      protectionist, by a very large majority. These events were supposed to
      foreshadow the speedy demise of the Peel administration. In the following
      month, Lord Lincoln was defeated at North Nottingham, polling only two
      hundred and seventeen votes against one thousand seven hundred and
      forty-two, polled by Lord H. Bentinck. During the early part of the year,
      a serious revulsion took place in railway speculation; the rate of money
      became high; a panic seized the speculators and adventurers in such
      undertakings: in this way many incurred serious loss. The public were
      startled in various parts of Great Britain by shocking railway accidents,
      generally the result of carelessness on the part of the officials, or
      deficient inspection and control on the part of directors.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th of May, her: majesty was safely delivered of a daughter.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much interest was excited in June by a visit from Ibrahim Pasha, the
      celebrated Egyptian prince and soldier. His highness inspected the
      dockyards and public places, paid his respects to the court, and was feted
      and entertained by public men, especially of the navy and army.
    </p>
    <p>
      A public dinner was given to the postage reformer, Mr. Rowland Hill, on
      the 17th of June, and a testimonial presented to him on the part of the
      merchants of London, which (including a first instalment handed to him in
      1845) amounted to £13,360 19s. 5d.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 25th, the infant princess was baptised: the name given to her was
      Helena Augusta Victoria. The sponsors were her Royal Highness the Duchess
      of Kent, proxy for the Duchess of Orleans; his Royal Highness the
      Hereditary Grand-duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz; her Royal Highness the
      Duchess of Cambridge.
    </p>
    <p>
      Prince Albert visited the town and port of Liverpool, on the 30th, for the
      purpose of opening the Albert Dock, and of laying the first stone of the
      Sailors' Home. The reception of his royal highness was worthy of the great
      commercial community by which he was invited.
    </p>
    <p>
      August was ushered in by one of the most terrible hailstorms ever
      witnessed in London. It lasted for more than three hours, and created
      great devastation. Inundations spread, and the windows of the public
      buildings were extensively shattered. The glass in the roof of the
      picture-gallery at Buckingham Palace was totally destroyed; the damage was
      estimated at £2000. In the Houses of Parliament and Westminster Hall,
      seven thousand panes of glass were broken; in the head office of police,
      Scotland Yard, three hundred; in Burford's panorama, ten thousand. A
      Citizen steamer on the river was struck by lightning off Battersea. The
      suburbs of London suffered from floods, hail, and lightning, and the royal
      parks were much damaged, especially that at Windsor.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much interest was excited by the marine excursions taken by her majesty
      during that summer to the Channel Islands, and various places on the
      southern coast of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 29th of September, an event occurred in London which attracted much
      attention. The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington, by Wyatt, was
      removed from the artist's studio, in the Harrow Road, to the Triumphal
      Arch, at Hyde Park Corner, where it was set upon the pedestal prepared for
      it. The illustrious spectators in Apsley House were almost as much objects
      of interest to the multitude below, as the colossal statue erected to the
      honour of the hero of Waterloo.
    </p>
    <p>
      The failure of the harvest throughout the British Isles caused in England
      a profound sensation. Prayers set apart to be used in a time of scarcity
      were offered up, and subscriptions for the poor were most generously
      bestowed by those whose means were ample, and by many from limited
      resources: British benevolence had been seldom seen to such advantage.
      During the month of November tempestuous weather prevailed along the
      coasts, causing many wrecks and much loss of life. Early in December, the
      severity of winter fell upon the British Isles. On the 10th, the mercury
      was fourteen degrees below the freezing-point in London. This severe
      weather added to the sufferings of the people, already pressed by scarcity
      of food. In the Highlands of Scotland, and in Ireland, stern destitution
      was experienced by the whole peasantry.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the year many eminent persons died whose names shed a lustre on
      British history. In January, the Eight Honourable John Hookham Frère,
      M.A., expired, who had been ambassador to Spain at the beginning of the
      century. His representations had much influence in inducing the English
      government to set on foot the expedition to the peninsula, which shed so
      much glory on the arms of Britain. Earl Granville, whose name is so
      closely associated with English political and diplomatic history, also
      died within the month. During the following month, the antiquary, Gaily
      Knight, and General Sir Henry Clinton, G.C.B., were among the celebrities
      who passed away. In the month of March, the decease of Mr. Liston, the
      comedian, attracted public notice. In June, Haydon, the celebrated
      painter, died by his own hand, impelled by want. He had frequently been
      indebted to the generous-hearted liberality of Sir Robert and Lady Peel
      for aid, and the last assistance he ever received was from these
      compassionate benefactors, the friends of so many artists and literary
      men, as well as of poor Haydon. The genius of this artist, as well as the
      record of his misfortunes, will go down to posterity. Soon after Haydon's
      melancholy death, in the month of July, "Charlotte Elizabeth," the writer
      of so many beautiful religious books, was called to her happy home. The
      same month, the Eight Honourable Sir George Murray, the friend and
      companion of Wellington, in both his military and political career, died
      in London. August witnessed the decease of the veteran anti-reformer, Sir
      Charles Wetherell. In September Lord Metcalfe died, regretted much by the
      political world; and Thomas Clarkson, the philanthropist, to whose
      exertions in the first instance humanity was indebted for the abolition of
      the slave-trade, also passed into rest. In the last month of the year the
      Eight Honourable Thomas Grenville died in his ninety-first year, after a
      political and diplomatic life very eventful.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1846 was replete with transactions of great historical
      importance; at its close England stood with a crown of many victories upon
      her brow, but with many cares and anxieties; the chief of these was the
      distress in England, and wide-spread starvation in the Highlands of
      Scotland and in Ireland. Another chapter will reveal how evils of such
      magnitude were encountered.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1847
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Colonial Affairs..... Foreign Relations..... State of
     Ireland: Progress of Famine and Disease; Political
     Agitation; Prevalence of Crime..... Death of O'Connell.....
     Old Ireland and Young Ireland Parties..... General State of
     Affairs in Great Britain..... Naval and Military Events.....
     Home Incidents..... Decease of Remarkable Persons.....
     Parliamentary Proceedings.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1847
    </p>
    <p>
      It is convenient to notice first in order the colonial and foreign
      relations of the country, as home events derived their character from
      these; parliamentary and party proceedings, more especially, turned often,
      in a great measure, upon the prospects and condition of our colonies, and
      the relations which we bore to foreign powers. This was less the case in
      1846 and 1847 than in most other periods, because the failure of the
      harvests, the consequent overwhelming distress through out the British
      Isles, and the disaffection in Ireland, demanded the most earnest
      attention of parliament and the ministry.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>India</i>.&mdash;The state of India, throughout this year, was one of
      prosperity and peace. The Punjaub, however, created some disquietude, and
      there were border disturbances within the acquired territory of Scinde.
    </p>
    <p>
      It will be recollected that in the last chapter the appointment of a
      council of regency at Lahore was recorded. This body excited the ranee's
      jealousy, whose disposition for intrigue was once more evoked; she
      endeavoured to neutralise the action of the council. Representations
      concerning this state of things were made to the governorgeneral, who
      signified his approbation of the policy proposed by the council for her
      exile from the capital. She was accordingly seized, and sent under escort
      to a distance, where she' was detained, and Lahore and the Punjaub were
      exempt from troubles throughout the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Scinde the border tribes were restless, and made frequent predatory
      incursions upon the British territory. On one occasion, a body of seven
      hunded infantry and a troop of horse, headed by several chiefs, made a
      foray. Lieutenant Merewether, of "the Scinde Irregular Horse," was sent,
      at the head of about one hundred and thirty men, to observe, and, if
      possible, disperse them. This gallant young officer came up with the
      marauders in a locality unfavourable for immediate action; they were
      moving in a direction which would have afforded them the protection of
      some sand hills and jungle. Mr. Merewether rode along their front without
      charging them, in order to gain their flank, and compel them to keep the
      open plain, in a situation 'more favourable for the action of cavalry.
      They did not understand this manouvre, and supposed it to signify that the
      lieutenant did not deem it prudent to assail them. Encouraged by this idea
      they attacked him, coming on with great exultation. This gave the skilful
      and intrepid young officer the advantage he desired; he wheeled to the
      left, formed his men in an instant, charged, and cut up the enemy
      fearfully. The infantry endeavoured to retreat; such of the horsemen as
      were left galloped away. 'Mr. Merewether allowed their infantry no
      opportunity to retire to a position where they might receive cavalry
      advantageously; but still acting upon their flank, and keeping them in the
      open plain, he again and again charged, each time cutting them down as the
      mower cuts the ripe hay. They were offered quarter, but with great bravery
      stood to their arms, until not one-fourth of their original number
      remained; they then laid down their weapons. Of the whole body, except the
      few horsemen who became fugitives after the first charge, not one escaped
      destruction or captivity. Lieutenant Merewether lost very few men; he
      himself had miraculous escapes, for he was foremost in every charge,
      exposing himself with the utmost audacity. This gallant little action drew
      upon the young soldier 'the attention and commendation not only of his
      superiors in authority, but of the army of India. The exploit was recorded
      in the papers at home, and was the theme of every news-room and club. The
      English people are always more quick to appreciate and reward valour than
      their government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Charles Napier, after conquering Scinde by the highest military daring
      and skill, ruled it with a rare political sagacity. His attempts at
      military reform brought upon him the ill-will of the Indian military
      authorities, and the directors at home. The reforms introduced by the
      gallant general bore the impress of his genius and his indomitable will.
      His prophetic predictions concerning the evils that would certainly result
      from the state of discipline in which he found the Sepoy armies, were,
      unfortunately, all fulfilled. In the memoir of this gallant general,
      written by his brother, Lieutenant-general Sir William Napier, the merits
      of the case are amply, although it must be admitted, not dispassionately
      discussed. The material is, however, afforded for a just judgment upon the
      controversy. It can hardly be doubted the gallant general was
      insubordinate; that he assumed authority to which he was not entitled, and
      ruled with a glorious and intellectual tyranny, which was not the less a
      tyranny because of the genius by which it was directed. The general's
      faults were, however, overlooked by his country, which was served by him
      through an eventful life, with much honour to himself; it is sad to say
      that his services as well as his errors were overlooked by the government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public appreciation of him was just; they regarded him as a hero, and
      a bold and skilful governor. His brother justly described the public
      opinion of England when he wrote&mdash;"His fame has been accepted by the
      British people as belonging to the glory of the nation."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Hardinge did not long continue to govern India after Sir Charles
      resigned the government of Scinde. Upon his resignation Lord Dalhousie was
      appointed, through the especial influence of the Duke of Wellington. This
      appointment has been described as the only job which the illustrious duke
      ever perpetrated, and reasons were assigned for this unsuited to the pages
      of this history. Lord Dalhousie possessed many qualifications for his high
      office, but he was pedantic, had too jealous a sense of the dignity of his
      office, and often refused to listen to the advice of officers, well
      qualified to offer it, on military matters, which, whatever might be the
      noble lord's opinions of his own parts, were rather beyond his knowledge.
      He entered upon his government under auspicious circumstances. The
      celebrated Akhbar Khan, the malignant enemy of the English during the
      unfortunate affair at Cabul, died this year, and made one less to the many
      opponents of British rule among the chiefs of India and the contiguous
      countries.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>The Cape of Good Hope</i>.&mdash;The disturbances of the previous year
      were not wholly quelled at the Cape. The Caffres continued to make forays
      within the colony, and to plunder cattle. They were pursued and punished,
      and considerable herds were recaptured. The feelings of all the Caffre
      tribes were utterly hostile, and peace was only attainable by the exercise
      of indisputable force.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Our American Colonies</i>.&mdash;Peace and prosperity characterised the
      history of our American colonial possessions during this year. The failure
      of the potato crop caused some inconvenience and distress, but the general
      agricultural and commercial success compensated for this disadvantage.
      Security was also felt, as apprehension of a war with the United States
      had entirely passed away. In the legislatures of Canada and Nova Scotia
      there was, however, discontent with the measures of the governors of these
      colonies, and the imperial administration and legislature. This discontent
      found vent in orations, and through the columns of the press, but did not
      disturb colonial tranquillity nor interrupt the progress of government:
      those free countries were gradually laying the foundation for a future and
      a glorious period of wealth and greatness.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Borneo</i>.&mdash;It was again necessary to chastise the Borneo
      pirates. On the 30th the British steam frigate <i>Nemesis</i> engaged a
      fleet of Soluprahus, off Labuam The ship was crossing over to Labuan from
      Brune, with the rajah of Sarawak on board. When off the island of Moora
      the <i>Nemesis</i> came suddenly upon a fleet of eleven pirate boats,
      pursuing a trading prahu. The <i>Nemesis</i> chased the pirates to the
      shore, who drew up in line along the beach. The pirates first opened the
      combat. For about two hours the cannonade lasted; when the fire of the
      prahus was subdued, the marines and sailors proceeded in boats to finish
      the destruction of the pirate craft. Five of these war prahus were
      destroyed, and about eighty pirates killed, and perhaps as many wounded.
      The rest and their crews escaped, but the boats were much disabled. From
      the guns and other material captured, it was plain that a Dutch merchant
      ship of considerable value had fallen into the pirates' hands. Some
      operations on shore speedily followed, from which the robbers suffered
      severely. One British seaman was killed, and seven wounded.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The conduct of the Chinese, ever since the peace executed by Sir Henry
      Pottinger, had been such as to show that the treaty was not intended to be
      kept by the authorities any longer than force constrained, and that with
      the people all intercourse with foreigners on equal terms was unpopular.
      During 1846 unoffending Europeans at Canton were frequently attacked, and
      on one occasion the factories were stormed, and only after a protracted
      conflict did the Europeans and Americans succeed in expelling the
      assailants. The government of Canton always affected to deprecate this
      violence on the part of the Cantonese, and as far as proclamations went
      there was a magnificent display of justice. Several Englishmen and other
      foreigners were murdered, and certain innocent Chinese were seized and
      executed by the mandarins, while the murderers were notoriously at large.
      In 1847 the merchants, who had often in vain called for protection and
      redress from the British government, drew up a memorial of their wrongs,
      which induced Sir John Davis, the governor of Hong-Kong, to interfere on
      their behalf. Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen seemed to adopt the policy
      of submitting to any indignities the Chinese government or people might
      offer, rather than interrupt commercial relations, or create any
      embarrassment at home. Possibly the state of parties and the general
      distress at home may have influenced the premier and the foreign minister
      to adopt this course, but its result was injurious to British interests
      and to humanity; it entailed a still greater interruption of commerce, and
      involved a larger sacrifice of human life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The demands of the merchants were:&mdash;1. A distinct recognition of
      their rights to go such distance into the surrounding country as could be
      traversed, either by land or water, in one day out and home; and full
      protection during such period from attack or insult.&mdash;2. A space of
      ground of about fifty acres at Honan, or in some other convenient part of
      the suburbs, for the erection of warehouses and dwelling-houses.&mdash;3.
      A site for a church and church-yard * for British residents.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * By a "church yard" was meant a burial-ground attached to
     the church, for Europeans only.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      &mdash;4. A burial-ground for the Parsee community, either on Dares or
      French Island, of forty thousand square feet.&mdash;5. A bridge to be
      thrown over the passage of Hog Lane, to connect the two factory gardens.&mdash;6.
      A cook-house for Lascars in Hog Lane.&mdash;7. The railing in of Lower
      China Street and the lower part of Hog Lane, and the garden walls to be
      kept free from Chinese buildings, excepting the military and police
      stations already erected.&mdash;8. Removal of the stationary boats which
      at present encumber the avenue to the factory gardens at the river-side.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir John Davis determined upon seeking redress for the various insults and
      outrages which had been inflicted, whatever might be the propriety of
      requesting the concession of such advantages as the merchants sought. In
      the opinion of Sir John, who knew the Chinese well, no demand would meet
      with attention which was not backed with military force. Orientals
      comprehend only that argument which Europeans regard as the <i>dernier
      resort</i>. The Chinese authorities were taken by surprise, or they would
      have prepared for resistance, and met the military demonstration of the
      English governor with defiance or stratagem. Major-general D'Aguilar
      commanded the British troops. As soon as he received the directions of the
      plenipotentiary, he consulted with Captain M'Dougall in command of her
      majesty's ship <i>Vulture</i>. These officers agreed that the force at
      their disposal was inadequate to the enterprise, but that, as audacity and
      promptitude were the best weapons with oriental nations, it would be well
      to act at once with such forces as they could employ. General D'Aguilar
      considered it also important to impress practically upon the mind of the
      Chinese authorities the possibility of the garrison and the naval force at
      Hong-Kong being sufficient, without aid from India or England, to chastise
      any affronts or injuries offered to British persons, honour, or interests.
      It had been well if, in subsequent events, similar views had been
      entertained by British officers and British governments. The promptitude
      of the general's action harmonised with the wisdom and boldness of his
      opinion. By midnight of the day on which he received his orders, the
      troops were embarked; and at nine o'clock the following morning the
      squadron arrived at the Bocca Tigris. The <i>Vulture</i> then lowered her
      boats, into which the general ordered two detachments, the one under
      Lieutenant-colonel Brereton, the other under his own immediate orders. On
      landing, all the batteries were seized, the guns spiked, the ammunition
      destroyed, and the garrisons sent, unmolested, away. This bold measure was
      necessary to the safety of the general's small force, for had he left
      these batteries in his rear, his return would have been endangered. At six
      o'clock, the squadron arrived at Whampoa. As the <i>Vulture</i> was of too
      large a draught to proceed higher, the troops were placed on board the
      steamers <i>Pluto</i> and <i>Corsair</i>. Sir John Davis accompanied the
      general in the <i>Pluto</i>. At eleven o'clock the squadron arrived before
      several forts, which were attacked. Lieutenant-colonel Brereton, landing,
      took two of them by a <i>coup de main</i>, blowing in the gates with
      gunpowder, and instantly seizing and spiking the guns. General D'Aguilar
      and his party were received by the other two forts with round and case
      shot, but the boats pushed in, blew open the gates, and spiked the guns,
      the garrison retreating by the rear. The expedition then proceeded to the
      French Folly Fort, a stronger place than any of those already captured,
      and situated on one of the narrowest bends of the river. The British
      swooped down upon this place as an eagle upon its prey, and their rapidity
      was rewarded by its immediate capture, for a few minutes delay and the
      guns of the work would have given our troops a reception more warm than
      welcome. Four other batteries were taken and spiked on their way up river
      by the general and commodore, and by six o'clock in the evening the troops
      were landed in the factories. Eight hundred and seventy-nine pieces of
      Chinese cannon had been spiked, to the amazement of the enemy, who had no
      time to recover from the panic into which so sudden an incursion threw
      them. The general, upon landing, placed the factories in a state of
      efficient defence by barricades, and such other means as were at his
      immediate command. The Chinese commissioner, Keying, now waited upon Sir
      John Davis, but refused to comply with his demands; the next day, however,
      the high commissioner requested another day's delay. This was granted, and
      the terms demanded were ultimately agreed to by the commissioner. General
      D'Aguilar withdrew the troops, except a company of sappers, and the light
      company of the 18th royal regiment of the line. These were ordered to
      remain until what was promised should be fully executed. This feat of the
      English general's was one of the most dashing ever executed with so small
      a body of men. The whole military force did not amount to one thousand
      men, and the naval force could only afford a few hundred sailors and
      marines for land operations. Audacity and rapidity carried the day&mdash;the
      grand secret of success in Asiatic warfare.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Chinese, however, had no intention of observing the treaty; and when
      all appeared to be adjusted, six British subjects, who made a short
      excursion, in agreement with one of its clauses, were barbarously
      murdered. They were attacked by the whole population of the place which
      they visited. The Englishmen, when at last compelled to defend themselves,
      slew one and wounded several of their assailants. It required much
      negotiation to secure the punishment of some of the murderers, four of
      whom were decapitated, and a few others received minor punishments.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whenever the French found that the British displayed vigour towards the
      Chinese, they made out a grievance, and sent an armed force to demand
      redress somewhere. Their object seemed to be to show that France also was
      a great nation, and could enforce respect. Two French ships of war
      appeared in the Bay of Touron during this year, to demand redress from the
      government of Cochin China, for injuries alleged to have been inflicted
      upon French Roman Catholic priests. Their demand not having been at once
      complied with, and some treachery on the part of the natives having been
      detected, the French ships opened fire upon the war-junks, sinking and
      destroying many, and slaying more than a thousand men.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of the Chinese to Europeans generally, during the year 1847,
      kept them, the British more especially, in a constant sense of danger.
      Applications were made for reinforcements, but, notwithstanding the
      prodigious armaments of England in India, and her resources elsewhere, it
      was with extreme difficulty that any additional force could be obtained.
      The following parliamentary papers show the perilous routine necessary on
      every occasion when our officers require even the most paltry
      reinforcement. General D'Aguilar applied to Major-general Smelt, the
      officer commanding at Ceylon, for two guns and a few artillerymen. In a
      month after, General Smelt wrote to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, the military
      secretary at the Horse-Guards, informing him that if he (General Smelt) <i>heard
      again</i> from General D'Aguilar that the reinforcement was necessary, he
      would send it! but that, in doing so, he should leave Ceylon all but
      utterly unprotected, so far as artillery was concerned. Lord Torrington,
      the governor of Ceylon, at the same time communicated this "great fact"&mdash;that
      two guns and a few men were wanting at Hong-Kong&mdash;to Earl Grey, the
      colonial minister, who, at the latter end of November, sent a despatch to
      General D'Aguilar, telling him not to do anything against the Chinese
      without authority from home! The discretionary power in the hands of Sir
      John Davis, and the promptitude, energy, and enterprise of the general,
      obtained, with less bloodshed than frequently occurred in a street riot in
      Canton, redress of grievances, a recognition of rights, and a series of
      important concessions. If it had been necessary to refer these disputes to
      the Colonial Office at home, everything would have been frustrated.
      Possibly a grand expedition, at an enormous expense, would have gone out
      in a year or so afterwards, and an expenditure of British as well as
      Chinese life on a large scale have resulted. In spheres so distant, men
      thoroughly competent to act ought, in both civil and military matters, to
      be appointed, and the honour of the country should be committed to their
      hands. With a small force, complete in itself, at the disposal of such
      men, more could be effected at the moment for the honour and interests of
      the country than by long and roundabout despatches, passing through so
      many hands that one fool in authority nullifies all, as a bad link in an
      otherwise good chain renders the whole useless. Omitting the other
      portions of the correspondence, the following letter from Major-general
      D'Aguilar, dated Hong-Kong, August 21, 1847, to Major-general Smelt,
      reveals sufficiently the incompetent arrangements for British interests in
      China, in 1847:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Although I have not the pleasure of your personal acquaintance, your
      character and services are so well known to me, that I venture to address
      you without form or ceremony. I have every reason to hope that things will
      settle down here peaceably, but I have no positive assurance of it; and if
      circumstances should occur to oblige me to go to Canton again, I am but
      badly off for artillery. I can never hope to surprise the Chinese defences
      a second time; and whatever I do must be done in form, and with reference
      to the altered position of things.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Under these circumstances, I write to ask if you can spare me half a
      company of artillery, with their proportionate number of field-guns and
      ammunition complete. I should only want them for six weeks, and I promise
      you to send them faithfully back the moment the service is over.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Should the contingency&mdash;the possibility of which is on the cards&mdash;occur,
      I shall endeavour to avoid taking the field before the end of November,
      when the cool weather will add strength to our exertions; and I will take
      care to give you the earliest notice of my intention. In the meantime,
      perhaps, you would kindly prepare Lord Torrington for this request on my
      part, and afford me your interest in giving effect to it, should
      circumstances render it necessary.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A couple of 9-pounders, with the half-company of artillery, would be the
      best; but if they are not to be had, then anything your people are
      supplied with."
    </p>
    <p>
      On receipt of the above, Major-general Smelt wrote as follows to
      Lieutenant-general Lord Fitzroy Somerset.
    </p>
    <p>
      The letter was dated Colombo, Ceylon, September 22nd, 1847:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have the honour to inform your lordship that I received, two days ago,
      a letter from Major-general D'Aguilar, commanding in China, informing me
      that it is likely that he would require a reinforcement of artillery in
      the event of operations being carried on at Canton towards the end? of
      this year, and requesting me, if I could spare it, and circumstances
      rendered it necessary, to afford him a half company of artillery, with two
      9-pounder guns complete, with ammunition, &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I shall therefore be prepared, should I hear again from General D'Aguilar
      that their services would actually be required, to send such force as, in
      the present strength of artillery in this command, would be in my power.
      But your lordship is aware that the whole amount of artillery throughout
      this island only consists of two weak companies, reduced in their number
      of Europeans in consequence of a proportion of gun-lascars; and the only
      ordnance that I could spare, at present equipped for service, are 4 2/5
      inch howitzer guns, having neither 9-pounder nor 6-pounder guns, excepting
      two of the latter, which have no carriages.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Under these circumstances, and with the recommendation of his excellency
      the governor, I should be able to afford a detachment of one officer and
      twenty-five gunners, with a proportion of non-commissioned officers and
      the two howitzers above mentioned. I am informed by General D'Aguilar, who
      will give me the earliest notice of his plans, that he would only require
      this force for six weeks, and that it should be sent back to me
      immediately the service is over; in the meantime, as this draft would
      reduce my strength of European artillerymen in this island by about
      one-third, I shall, in order to repair the deficiency, cause a portion of
      the soldiers from the line regiment, equal to about five men per company,
      to be trained and exercised at the gun drill.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have to add that a draft of one hundred and twenty men of the Ceylon
      Rifle Regiment are under orders, and will probably sail the end of this
      month for Hong-Kong, to complete the six companies at present serving
      there to their full complement of one hundred rank and file; these
      companies having been sent to China so much under their establishment with
      a view to their being completed by recruits sent from Singapore, but the
      uncertain state of things there rendering it quite necessary now that
      trained soldiers should be sent from this place, which I trust will meet
      with the approbation of his grace the commander-inchief."
    </p>
    <p>
      The foregoing offer of assistance was finally countermanded by Earl Grey,
      in a despatch to Major-general D'Aguilar, dated Colonial Office, November
      the 24th, 1847:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "The governor of Ceylon has communicated to me an application which you
      have made to the major-general commanding her majesty's troops in that
      island, for a reinforcement of half a company of artillery, with two guns,
      and a proportionate supply of ammunition, to be held in readiness to be
      forwarded to Hong-Kong, should circumstances render it necessary to
      undertake any further military operations at Canton.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have desired the governor of Ceylon not to send to Hong-Kong the
      detachment for which you have made application; and I have further to
      signify to you that her majesty's government peremptorily forbid you to
      undertake any further offensive operations against the Chinese without
      their previous sanction. Her majesty's government are satisfied that,
      although the late operations in the Canton River were attended with
      immediate success, the risk of a second attempt of the same kind would far
      overbalance any advantage to be derived from such a step. If the conduct
      of the Chinese authorities should, unfortunately, render another appeal to
      arms inevitable, it will be necessary that it should be made after due
      preparation, and with the employment of such an amount of force as may
      afford just grounds for expecting that the objects which may be proposed
      by such a measure will be effectually accomplished without unnecessary
      loss."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Grey was right, that a similar expedition, if made with the same
      force, would probably fail. General D'Aguilar knew that rather better than
      Lord Grey, and did not need a pompous despatch from the Colonial Office to
      inform him of it. But the general did not mean to attempt the same thing
      with the same force, and therefore sent for aid where he might naturally
      have expected to derive the little he sought. There can be no doubt that
      if matters had been left to the general's own discretion, and his forces
      been adequately strengthened, he would have performed what was proper to
      the occasion, and, perhaps, all that English safety and interests
      required, and thereby have averted future conflict, as well as the
      humiliations which Englishmen had to endure, and to punish at a great cost
      of treasure and immense sacrifice of blood.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>France</i>.&mdash;The Spanish marriages caused stormy debates in the
      French chambers, which reflected much moral discredit upon the King of the
      French, his minister Guizot, his ambassador M. Bresson, the queen and
      queen-mother of Spain, and Narvaez, the chief abettor and tool of the
      faction of Christina. The eloquent denunciations of M. Thiers against
      Guizot and his policy told upon the French mind, and led to modifications
      in the cabinet; but this clever invective was purely in the spirit of
      party: the honour of France and the love of truth were as little
      considered by the one leader as the other. The British government
      maintained an attitude of coldness to that of France, but it was not
      possible to act independently of it: in many of the affairs of other
      countries to which England stood related, and in every instance, the
      influence of the French king was prejudicial to the interests and moral
      influence of England. On the completion of the Spanish marriages M.
      Bresson returned to Paris, and had the impudence to demand, as his reward
      for his share in that transaction, the embassy to London. This was
      refused, on the ground that the relations of France to Great Britain were
      too delicate to be committed to the minister who had the chief part in
      producing the coldness which existed. He then demanded the embassy to St.
      Petersburg, but this post required higher qualifications than were
      conceded to M. Bresson by his government. He was nominated to the French
      ministry at Naples, and proceeded to his destination reluctantly,
      considering the appointment a slight after sustaining French affairs with
      the government of a superior country. Soon after he arrived at Naples,
      perceiving the evil consequences of the Spanish marriages, his chagrin was
      so increased that he put an end to his own existence.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Spain and Portugal</i>.&mdash;Spain passed a year of disorder and bad
      government, but, excepting as regarded the affairs of Portugal, England
      had no especial connection with the proceedings of the Spanish government.
      The state of Portugal was desperate. The Miguellites and liberals
      continued to maintain the civil war against the queen. The former were
      repeatedly defeated. Their leader, M'Donnell, perceiving that all hope of
      inducing the party to adopt measures sufficiently bold were at an end,
      collected around him a chosen band, and precipitating himself upon the
      queen's cavalry, fell fighting sword in hand. The radical or
      constitutional party made their head-quarters at Oporto, where they set at
      defiance the queen's government. Meanwhile the French and Spanish
      governments were desirous to interfere on behalf of the queen, whose
      opinions and sympathies were despotic, and in harmony with those of the
      French king and the Spanish queen. To prevent such an interference the
      English government reluctantly consented to a joint interference of
      England and Spain only. Accordingly, the British navy co-operated with a
      Spanish army for the purpose of putting down all armed opposition to the
      queen's government, at the same time obtaining indemnification for all in
      arms against her majesty, and a guarantee on the part of her majesty, by
      her solemn promise and the dismission of her reactionary ministry, that
      she would respect the constitutional rights of her people. This was
      effected, and Louis Philippe was balked of his desire to interfere in
      Portugal to promote a reactionary policy. The queen, however, did not keep
      faith with her allies; she did not dismiss her government until the
      English minister made such demands as compelled compliance. Peace was by
      these measures restored to Portugal; but no party within or beyond the
      bounds of her kingdom had any confidence in the good faith, good sense, or
      good feeling of the queen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston was much censured as the originator of the British policy
      in Portugal, but an impartial examination of the course he took will show
      that it was politic, and that by it he enforced upon Portugal the only
      plan possible to secure her independence of foreign despotic interference,
      and her release from internecine war. Portugal was saved for the time, and
      the designs of Louis Philippe were permanently baffled.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF IRELAND.&mdash;PROGRESS OF FAMINE AND DISEASE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1847 opened upon Ireland in many respects as gloomily as that
      which preceded. During the early months of the year the weather was very
      severe, and this added materially to the miseries of an already famine and
      disease-stricken people. The most heart-rending events connected with
      these disasters occurred everywhere throughout the country. The government
      continued its efforts for the mitigation of the prevailing evils; but the
      plans put forth for this object were not always wise, and the conduct of
      the people, high and low, baffled the projects of relief. All the
      mischievous proceedings of a social nature narrated in the previous
      chapter continued, and many of them were aggravated. The result was that
      great numbers perished in all parts of the country, especially in the
      south and west; and philanthropic men in Europe, in America, and
      throughout the whole world where civilised man dwelt, perused the records
      of Ireland's sufferings and infatuation with horror and awe. This state of
      matters continued even to the harvest, and although there was then the
      prospect of abundant crops, that circumstance neither revived the hopes,
      nor assuaged the political rancour, of the people. Late in the month of
      June a clergyman addressed a letter to a Dublin newspaper, describing the
      condition of the peasantry in his locality, and it but too faithfully
      depicts the sufferings prevalent in most other places. It was as follows:&mdash;"The
      population of the district for which I would plead amounted at the last
      census to eight thousand seven hundred souls, but, owing to the dreadful
      ravages of famine and disease, it is generally considered that two
      thousand have perished during the past brief season of unexampled horror.
      Notwithstanding the relief administered through the medium of public
      works, and the subsequent distribution of rations, many instances have
      recently occurred of horses being stolen and destroyed for human food, and
      great distress still extensively prevails. During previous years, every
      available spot of land was alternately cultivated with potatoes and wheat
      or oats; but this year, owing to the utter destitution of the farmers,
      generally speaking, it is computed that one-third of the land last year
      under the potato crop still lies waste, while almost all the stubble
      ground remains untouched. If then, after the harvest of last year, when
      all the existing tillage was cultivated, and some proportion of the potato
      crop, such as it was, was available for food, such wholesale destruction
      of human life has taken place in this district, under circumstances of
      such a character that their mere recital fills the mind with horror and
      dismay&mdash;if, after two thousand have been swept away by the
      devastating power of famine and disease, four thousand eight hundred and
      twenty-nine of the survivors are at this moment kept from impending death
      by the daily distribution of rations,&mdash;what are we reasonably to
      anticipate for the time to come, unless prompt and energetic measures are
      adopted to provide means for sustaining those who may be spared?"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINUED POLITICAL AGITATION.&mdash;DREADFUL PREVALENCE OF CRIME.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Unfortunately, the progress of crime and outrage kept pace with that of
      famine and pestilence, until the moral condition of the people seemed to
      be worse than their physical. Men were murdered in the open day, in the
      presence of numbers who made no effort to stop the deed of blood, and who
      would make no revelations to the officers of justice calculated to bring
      punishment upon the coldblooded assassins. The motives for these
      sanguinary outrages were various: sometimes it was purely agrarian;
      sometimes for the purpose of plundering food or money. Some were murdered
      from purely political hostility, and others on account of their prominence
      in religious movements distasteful to the people. Intolerance, contempt
      for law, a sense of wrong under the influence of the laws of landlord and
      tenant then in existence, and despair caused by their sufferings,
      constituted the incentives to atrocities which threw a hue of blood and
      gloom over the pages of Irish history.
    </p>
    <p>
      The political differences which had long rent the country were
      exasperated, although men of all sects and parties united with equal zeal
      for the relief of the poor. No charities seemed to soften the heart of the
      Irish peasant towards those who entered strongly into political or
      religious combinations to which he was averse.
    </p>
    <p>
      The new political disputes gathered strength; the different sections of
      repealers waged not only a wordy war with one another, as in the previous
      year, but the "Old Irelanders" frequently committed outrages upon the
      "Young Irelanders," characterised by insolent intolerance and ferocity.
    </p>
    <p>
      Foreign nations saw, with admiration, the magnitude of the scale upon
      which government extended relief. By an act of parliament a loan of eight
      millions sterling was contracted by government for the purpose of
      mitigating the wants of Ireland. On the first of March it was adjudicated;
      Messrs. Barings and Rothschilds having coalesced, they were declared the
      contractors. The loan was in 8 per cent. Consols; the bidding was 89 1/2.
      The total amount of stock created by the transaction was £8,938,548. The
      annual charge for the dividend was £268,156 8s. 10d. The scrip, which
      opened at 2 premium, rapidly fell to discount, and gradually declined,
      showing the feeling of the monied interest regarding the monetary
      prospects of the period as affected by Ireland. The commercial distress in
      Ireland, partly consequent upon the famine and partly upon the general
      causes then operating in England, was extensive and profound. Heavy
      failures, in connection with houses of much reputation, shook the general
      credit, and aggravated the other existing influences by which suffering
      was originated or increased.
    </p>
    <p>
      A new form of lawlessness appeared along the Irish coasts. Piracy had not
      been known there for a great length of time: the coast-guards and revenue
      cutters prevented that crime, as well as smuggling; but, early in the
      spring, formidable piratical attempts were made along an extended line of
      coast. Generally such attempts were frustrated when any weapons of offence
      were possessed by the attacked; for these enterprises, although furtive
      and made by considerable numbers, were seldom conducted or maintained with
      spirit. Thus, in April, the <i>Christian</i>, while on her passage from
      Liverpool to Westport, with a cargo of Indian corn, was suddenly boarded,
      seven or eight miles off Broadhaven, by three boats' crews, who broke up
      the hatches, and carried away thirty-three bags of corn. On the following
      day they again approached, but the circumstance of the master presenting a
      gun was sufficient to deter them from any attempt to board. The men
      effecting these robberies seem to have been actuated by distress; they
      seldom committed violence, and bore all the aspect of famine and despair.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF O'CONNELL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The political events of the year were much influenced in every way by the
      absence of Mr. O'Connell from public life, and by his death. Early in the
      year his powers of mind and body became so much enfeebled, that his
      physicians insisted upon his leaving London, and upon his excluding all
      intelligence concerning Ireland. In obedience to these directions, he took
      up his abode at Hastings; but, although some intervals of apparent
      recovery occurred, he sank gradually until the imminency of his danger
      became evident to his friends and to himself. He had a wish to live,
      probably that he might continue the struggle for the great object of his
      life&mdash;the ascendancy of his religion, and the greater political power
      of his country. As the spring advanced, his friends were of opinion that a
      journey to Italy might benefit him; he, believing that his illness was
      fatal, wished to go to Rome, that he might die there with the blessing of
      the pope to sanctify the closing scene. His illness increased so rapidly
      that he was not able to reach Rome, and died at Genoa. A <i>post mortem</i>
      examination revealed that his brain was extensively diseased, accounting
      for the melancholy which pervaded his illness. Old age, the failure of his
      hopes, prophecies, and schemes after the Emancipation Act, and deep mental
      anxieties about the distress of his country, the divisions in the repeal
      party, and the hopelessness of his agitation, caused his death. He had
      attained a good old age (seventy-four), and departed this life on the 15th
      of May. His latest anxieties were lest he should be buried alive, and he
      gave to his confessor, physician, and servant, constant and peculiar
      directions to guard against such a casualty. His heart he bequeathed to
      Rome! The tidings of his death reached Dublin on the 25th. Immediately
      placards were issued from Conciliation Hall, and were posted in town and
      country, announcing the event. The people gathered in crowds wherever a
      placard was seen, and perused it with deep sorrow, the men moving silently
      away, or gathering in groups to talk earnestly concerning the deceased and
      the prospects of their country&mdash;the women in many cases uttering loud
      lamentations. The bells of the Roman Catholic chapels tolled mournfully,
      and arrangements were made to offer public prayers for the soul of the
      deceased. Probably there was not a Roman Catholic in Ireland that did not
      privately offer such petitions upon the reception of the intelligence. The
      Repeal Association summoned an especial meeting to prepare an address to
      the people of Ireland suitable to the occasion. The corporation met and
      adjourned for three weeks as a mark of respect. The Roman Catholics of
      Ireland, and such Protestants as were considered liberal, made every
      manifestation of respect for the memory of the great leader. Ireland, in
      the midst of her starvation and sickness, felt a still deeper sorrow&mdash;the
      whole land appeared in mourning.
    </p>
    <p>
      The mortal remains of the great popular chief were conveyed to Dublin, and
      on the 5th of August they were interred in the Glassnevin Cemetery. The
      day preceding the Reverend Dr. Miley preached his funeral sermon at the
      Metropolitan Chapel, Marlborough Street. It was an eloquent eulogy upon
      the character of the departed; his errors, personal and political, were
      passed over, and the idea pervaded the discourse that the departed was a
      martyr and saint.
    </p>
    <p>
      The funeral procession was one of the most remarkable which had ever been
      witnessed in Ireland,&mdash;when the character of the deceased, his
      influence upon public affairs, the national feeling, the intense curiosity
      excited, and the conduct of the ceremonial, were considered. At twelve
      o'clock the corpse was removed from the Metropolitan Chapel. The
      procession was a mile and a half (Irish) in length, composed of the
      Trades' Unions on foot, followed by the triumphal car which had been used
      to convey him from Richmond Penitentiary to his house in Merrion Square,
      when his acquittal of the charge upon which he had been incarcerated was
      pronounced by the House of Lords. The coffin was placed on a large open
      hearse, constructed with very little regard to taste. The hearse was
      covered with rich Genoa velvet. It was immediately followed by the family
      of the deceased, his personal and political friends, and a large assembly
      of the Roman Catholic bishops and clergy. All along the route to
      Glassnevin, multitudes were assembled in the streets and windows, and even
      upon the house-tops. Persons came from very great distances in the country
      to be present at the interment, or take some part in the ceremonial. At
      the cemetery the services appropriate to the Roman Catholic religion were
      conducted, and the coffin was consigned to a vault prepared for its
      reception. The site selected for the place of sepulture was the best which
      the cemetery afforded, and the whole scene was solemn and impressive. It
      was a public funeral, worthy of a great man, by a people whom he had
      zealously, faithfully, and disinterestedly served. It was computed that
      one hundred thousand persons were present. There was a deep gloom upon the
      people when the ceremony was over. The religious ceremonies prescribed by
      the Roman Catholic Church for eminent persons deceased, were continued for
      a considerable time.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus passed away a man whose name will long remain upon the pages of his
      country's history, and whose influence upon the whole empire of Great
      Britain was greater than was publicly recognised at the time, and than
      historians have since recorded.
    </p>
    <p>
      The fate of the reform bill very much depended upon the support accorded
      to it by Daniel O'Connell. It is probable that the bill would have been
      lost without the support of the Irish liberals, led by the agitator. To
      the repeal of the corn laws he also rendered effective aid, although his
      oratory in favour of that measure appeared to be less hearty than that on
      behalf of the reform bill. The impression prevailed very extensively among
      the great body of the free-traders that, while O'Connell agreed with their
      theory, and deemed it politic to co-operate with them, he did not regard
      it as immediately beneficial to Ireland, and did not feel personally
      cordial to the movement. On many local church questions, also, and to a
      very great extent, on colonial matters, the influence of the Irish leader
      was felt in parliament by the parties most interested, and by the
      governments. For a time the scale of office was held in his hand; he made
      and unmade ministers. He was not corrupt, or place, power, and pension
      might have been obtained by him and his. After his death some members of
      his family did receive government situations, and even before his death
      connexions of his obtained such advantages; but they were in all cases fit
      for the posts to which they were appointed, and filled them with honour&mdash;nor
      was the emolument much, in any case. On the whole, the Whigs did not treat
      the family of O'Connell with gratitude. He had more than once put them
      into power, and frequently, when the certainty of their losing office
      without his aid occurred, he gave them the requisite assistance. He was
      often&mdash;indeed, always&mdash;in some measure their opponent; but this
      rather strengthened them in Great Britain, while on great party divisions
      "the tail" was always to be relied upon by the Whig cabinet. Never had a
      public man such opportunity of raising himself to the most elevated
      offices, and securing emolument for himself and his family&mdash;never
      were these temptations more faithfully resisted. Yet O'Connell did not
      disdain office, and he especially valued promotion and honours in his own
      profession: but these things were nothing to him in comparison with what
      he regarded to be his mission. He was fully convinced that God had raised
      him up for the especial purpose of serving the Roman Catholic religion,
      and, in connection with that of serving his country, he pursued this
      object with unswerving fidelity. If he could have obtained high office,
      and thereby have inflicted no injury upon the cause which he espoused, he
      would have eagerly sought a position in the cabinet or on the bench; he
      would have been as much opposed to the repeal of the union as Mr. Lucas,
      the editor of the <i>Tablet</i>, and other English Roman Catholics, if he
      had believed that it would injure the Roman Catholic religion. Many
      supposed that he was never sincere in prosecuting repeal; while others,
      whose opportunities of judging were ample, believed that he was most
      honest in that agitation: in fact, both were right. As an Irishman, he had
      a desire that his country should cease to be a province, and he probably
      believed that her resources, moral, intellectual, and material, were
      sufficient to maintain the dignity and power of a nation; it was also his
      conviction that the repeal of the union would be a means of improving the
      government and social condition of Ireland, but he chiefly regarded it as
      an instrument for the aggrandisement of his religion. It would enable the
      Roman Catholic party to suppress the distribution of Protestant tracts and
      bibles, to silence Protestant controversialists, and to treat
      bible-readers and circuit-preachers as vagabonds and disturbers of the
      peace. O'Connell's speeches abound with expressions of opinion, that it
      was the duty of the British government to do all these things in deference
      to the wishes of the Roman Catholics, they being a majority. He invariably
      held up all attempts to "proselyte the people" as a crime which ought to
      be punishable by law; and where the government failed "to protect the
      people from the bible men, saints, soupers, and fanatics" (the names which
      he generally applied to earnest Protestants in his abusive and bigoted
      polemical speeches), then the people should use all means within the law&mdash;a
      sort of qualification never intended to be accepted by those to whom it
      was addressed&mdash;"to put down" all persons obnoxious to the religious
      hostility of the priests. In the earlier part of his career he was
      accustomed, with the assistance of Brick, O'Dwyer, and others of his
      followers, to disturb the religious public meetings called by Protestants,
      especially associations for the distribution of the bible. O'Connell and
      his colleagues would intrude upon such meetings, often attended by a
      violent rabble, whose language and behaviour on these occasions were
      coarse and brutal. The intruders would propose amendments to the
      resolutions submitted to the members of these societies, and make violent
      speeches at the meetings, full of ridicule and abuse, which were loudly
      applauded by the mob, who forced their way in to support these
      proceedings. When the advocates of the resolutions attempted to reply,
      they were met by hootings, and sometimes by violence. There was always a
      perfect understanding between the mob who intruded below, and the
      gentlemen who made their way or were invited to the platform. The latter
      affected to protest against the tumult while it went on, but afterwards
      extenuated or denied it in the newspapers, or in speeches elsewhere,
      averring that the clergymen and laymen, who convened the meeting, were
      unable to answer the arguments of the Catholic champions. In many of these
      meetings free discussion was secured, and faithful reports of the
      arguments on both sides were published in newspapers and pamphlets, with
      the result of shaking the faith of many Roman Catholics in various parts
      of the country: the agitators, under O'Connell's advice, then gave up this
      mode of procedure, and shunned all such meetings. O'Connell also perceived
      that he had created a prejudice against himself, his country, and his
      creed in England, by the violence he connived at, and the bigotry which he
      uttered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Repeal of the union, besides enabling him to accomplish the class of
      religious objects thus described, would also have given him power to
      transfer the funds of the Irish Established Church to the Roman Catholic.
      He and most of his followers having loudly professed "the voluntary
      principle," it may seem to readers, cognisant of that fact, and
      unacquainted with the modes of procedure adopted by the Irish popular
      party, as unlikely that those who composed it, or, at all events, he who
      led it, would ever desire the establishment of the Roman Catholic Church
      in Ireland. The truth is, that most of the men who declaimed in favour of
      the voluntary principle were chiefly actuated, like O'Connell himself, in
      their political agitation, by the desire and hope of Roman Catholic
      ascendancy. The great repeal leader proved at last that he was utterly
      insincere in these protestations of voluntarism, for afterwards, during
      the English agitation concerning the Maynooth grant, he turned "the
      voluntaries" and their principle into open ridicule. He had served his
      turn of them, and then held them and the principles he pretended in common
      with them to support, in derision. Yet O'Connell was not a dishonest
      politician, apart from his religious mission. He was a man to be trusted
      in political engagements; few public men of the day would act with such
      truth and honour to party, and in any purely political contest or
      interest. When the promotion of his Church was concerned, his conduct
      proved that he believed a doctrine which he often repudiated&mdash;that
      the end sanctified the means. He was educated a Jesuit, was one in spirit,
      was allied with them in the purposes and objects of his private life, and
      his public policy. If any considerable amount of Romish influence could
      have been introduced to the British cabinet, with the hope that it would
      become a permanent element in the government of England, O'Connell would
      have been the deadliest enemy of repeal: the Roman Catholic Church in
      Ireland would have put down repeal as injurious to it. The Young
      Irelanders would have still agitated for Irish independence; but they
      would have been mobbed, or assassinated, or otherwise soon crushed as a
      party. The Protestants would then have been the repealers. The argument of
      Mr. Lucas, that repeal would weaken the Irish Roman Catholic body, through
      the influence of the English government upon the colonies and foreign
      states, was that which prevailed with so many Romanists of respectability
      in Ireland, and with the English Roman Catholic party, in keeping them
      aloof from the repeal agitation, and inducing them even to oppose it; nor
      was O'Connell himself free from the effect of such a consideration. His
      professions of the supreme value of repeal were based upon the conviction
      that it was hopeless to overcome the religious hostility of the British
      people to any increased influence of Romanism in the government; yet he
      lingered on, hoping against this conviction, and feeling the difficulty,
      if not desperation, of the task he imposed upon himself, declaring still
      that he would only turn to repeal as the <i>dernier ressort</i>, and that
      his first cry was "Justice to Ireland." Had everything been conceded which
      was claimed, "Justice to Ireland" would still have been, the cry, on the
      ground that, being an integral part of the United Kingdom, she was
      entitled to see her religion established in a fair proportion of the
      colonies, or placed on a par with the English Church in them all. With
      O'Connell and with Ireland the grievances were religious; the social evils
      of Ireland were abetted by many who were repealers: yet there was a sense
      of political injustice, and a patriotic desire on the part of O'Connell
      and the people for the glory of Ireland, so far as it was not necessary to
      merge that in the glory of Rome. Civil and religious liberty for Ireland
      and for the world were not desired by either the Irish Roman Catholic
      party or their political champion. The spirit of the speeches at
      Conciliation Hall, of the Irish press in that interest,&mdash;even of the
      Irish press in the Whig service, which was conducted by Romanists, and the
      tone of confidential conversation among Irish Roman Catholics at that
      period, all proved this allegation. Foreign despotisms, if Protestant,
      were abused and denounced; if Romish, they were treated with respect, and
      sympathy in case of any disturbance in their dominions; or if it were not
      for the moment politic to abet their proceedings, their misdeeds were
      passed over in silence. All the social wrongs and civil tyrannies
      practised at Rome were upheld as warmly in Ireland, and especially in
      Conciliation Hall, as they could have been in the conclave of cardinals.
      One of the favourite topics of the day among the Roman Catholics of
      Ireland, even amidst their sufferings, during 1847, (and subsequently
      still more so), was the prospect of the Roman Catholic religion becoming
      the established religion of the United States, through the instrumentality
      of the Irish and German Roman Catholics of the immigration. While they
      cried aloud for religious equality for themselves, they carried on in
      Ireland a fierce and brutal religious persecution, which was only
      restrained by the influence of the more enlightened and liberal laymen of
      their own communion, and by fear of the law; the impolicy of such a cause
      was not sufficient to check the raging zealotry which so extensively
      prevailed. All this O'Connell sanctioned and fostered, and, except when
      doing so would hamper his policy or political relations in England, he
      invited it.
    </p>
    <p>
      Intellectually, O'Connell was a giant. His grasp of mind was comprehensive
      and tenacious; and he was capable of reasoning clearly whenever his
      religious bias allowed of his doing so dispassionately. His perception was
      quick, keen, and discriminating, especially where character was concerned.
      His knowledge of human nature was profound, although he had not been a
      successful student of metaphysics. His eloquence was more varied than that
      of any other man of his times; and he possessed the faculty of adapting
      himself to his audience, and to the changing feelings of an audience, to a
      degree which few men ever attain. In a moment he could melt a popular
      audience to tears or convulse it with laughter. He could be plain or
      ornate, coarse or courteous. The eloquence of invective and vituperation
      was carried by O'Connell to a very inglorious perfection. His eulogies
      were as dextrous and expressive as they were, nevertheless, morally
      repugnant to honest minds. The writer of these lines has heard him address
      a mob of peasants in the county of Waterford on repeal, and an assembly of
      Quakers, Methodists, and "other sectaries," as he would himself call them,
      in the city of Cork, on an anti-slavery occasion, with equal effect. His
      broad-brimmed and sedate audience were as much delighted with his elegant
      and pathetic eloquence in favour of humanity and natural rights, as his
      peasant mob were while he discoursed to them upon the certainty and glory
      of repeal, and declared that "they were the finest peasantry in the
      world." On the one occasion his action was graceful, and at times
      expressive even to sublimity; on the other, it was bold and broadly
      natural, nor less expressive of the passion he felt or simulated, and
      endeavoured to excite. He possessed the oratory necessary for an Irish
      tribune, and that which was adapted to the English senator: In his
      profession he held a high place. Having given up his life to politics and
      polemics, he could not have become a first authority in law, but he was
      unsurpassed as a counsel, especially in criminal cases. Most men thought
      that he had not the mental and moral qualities necessary for the bench,
      while he was pre-eminently the man of the bar. This, however, is hardly a
      fair estimate of him. He possessed in a remarkable degree all those
      qualities in an advocate which entitle him to cherish the ambition of
      becoming a judge. From the judgment-seat, when his bigotry did not blind
      him, O'Connell would have given charges as luminous and just as his
      speeches in court were powerful specimens of effective advocacy. His
      general attainments were very considerable. The writer of this history
      once took part in a conversation where O'Connell displayed a knowledge of
      Biblical criticism, and a capacity to apply what knowledge of that
      description which he possessed, which was very astonishing. On the same
      occasion he brought forth stores of ecclesiastical history, which proved
      that, although his studies had been confined to a particular school on
      that subject, his reading within the limits of that school were very
      extensive, and his memory altogether extraordinary. He had the faculty of
      attaching men strongly to him, not only as a party-leader, but as a man
      and a friend. Many thought him jealous of the fame of other orators of his
      time; but there is no just ground for this. No man approached him in
      reputation except Richard Lalor Shiel. O'Connell did not betray in public
      any jealousy of this great oratorical rival; but he often indicated, where
      he did not profess it, a distrust of his good faith&mdash; and the
      suspicions of the leader were not ill founded: Shiel was never in earnest
      in his arguments for the separation of the Irish from the English
      parliament, but preferred the policy of infusing Roman Catholic influence:
      he also preferred a high imperial position to that of a provincial
      demagogue. This, in the opinion of the Irish popular party, was treason to
      Ireland; and no doubt O'Connell sympathised with that feeling, and
      suspected that the man second only in power to himself was neither so
      ardent an Irishman or Roman Catholic as his countrymen desired him to be.
      This feeling on O'Connell's part will account for many acts towards Shiel
      which were set down to personal jealousy. Dr. Michelsen is very unjust to
      O'Connell in the following critique upon his character:&mdash;"His
      greatest fault was no doubt his egotism; he could not endure a rival at
      his side, and would not have hesitated to annihilate any one who did not
      follow him with implicit obedience." O'Connell would have hailed with
      delight any accession of eloquence or personal power to Conciliation Hall;
      but a particular policy had been arranged between O'Connell and the
      priests&mdash;they intrusted their cause to him, and when men started up
      and questioned, or attempted to modify this policy, O'Connell regarded it
      as rebellion, not merely against his leadership, but his party, and the
      church itself; hence, it was necessary for him to put down the disturber;
      and he was backed by clergy and people in doing so, which would not have
      been the case had not the understanding between him and the Roman Catholic
      hierarchy of Ireland been complete. Dr. Michelsen again says:&mdash;"It is
      a mistake to suppose that O'Connell entertained an irreconcilable hatred
      to England; he had never ceased to regard her as his second fatherland, as
      the land of his glory, of his intellectual activity. His partiality for
      England was only surpassed by his excessive love for his native home, and
      many apparent contradictions in his life can only be reconciled by this
      double sympathy in his character."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "England since the Accession of Queen Victoria," by Edward
     H. Michellen, Ph.D.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      It is obvious that the writer of this paragraph has neither studied
      O'Connell, his country, or the party which he led. One of the grand causes
      of O'Connell's failure in many things was his rancorous hatred to England.
      Thomas Gaspey, Esq., in his "History of England," views this matter
      correctly in writing of O'Connell's death, and the feeling in England
      concerning him:&mdash;"In England his departure was regarded with
      indifference. The hostility and scorn he frequently expressed for the
      Saxons, and his disparaging remarks on English women, had precluded him
      from gaining any of the popularity he had enjoyed in Ireland."
    </p>
    <p>
      The hatred of O'Connell to England was threefold&mdash;that of race, of
      nation, and of creed. He regarded England as the chief abettor of heresy
      in the world, and therefore would have rejoiced over her downfall; this
      was the common feeling of his party. So far as his animosity was connected
      with race and nationality, it was not unprovoked. The English people
      cherished deep prejudices against Ireland and the whole Celtic race; and
      the English newspapers frequently discussed the universal claims of the
      Anglo-Saxon to dominancy, and every social and national virtue, thereby
      creating a feeling of resentment in all countries where these articles
      were reprinted. The chief invidiousness, however, was to the Celt, and
      among Celts to the Irishman. This circumstance made repealers of numbers
      of Irishmen who were neither Celtic in race nor Roman in creed.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      MR. JOHN O'CONNELL ASSUMES THE PRESIDENCY OF THE REPEAL
    </h2>
    <p>
      ASSOCIATION&mdash;INFLUENCE OF THE REPEAL AGITATION UPON THE GENERAL
      ELECTIONS IN IRELAND.
    </p>
    <p>
      The death of Mr. O'Connell, it was generally supposed in England, would
      allow agitation in Ireland to die of itself. Others supposed that it would
      now assume a worse form, in consequence of the absence of those restraints
      which the superior sagacity of the arch agitator laid upon the more fiery
      and imprudent ringleaders. The latter opinion was the correct one, and the
      people of England were astonished to find that Mr. O'Connell's son John
      not only became the chairman at Conciliation Hall, but the recognised
      leader of the agitation. The priests gave him their confidence, and, at
      first, the people very generally; but he was not possessed of those
      qualities which enabled him to hold the reins of power. As Richard
      Cromwell to the deceased Oliver, so John O'Connell exhibited a contrast to
      his father, which soon caused the people to fall off from his leadership:
      his name, and the influence of the priests, were the means of retaining it
      for him for a time. After the death of his father, the temporary inheritor
      of his position indicated much energy and activity, although, even in this
      respect, none of the agitators approached their late chief: O'Connell's
      powers of physical endurance and toil had been prodigious.
    </p>
    <p>
      A general election, the policy of which will be noticed on another page,
      called out the leadership of John O'Connell, and the action of the
      committee at Conciliation Hall, in a manner to test whether the people
      were disposed to follow them. The general impression in England was, that
      the popular fervour had ebbed, and that the repeal members would not
      generally be returned: the English press made confident predictions to
      that effect. John O'Connell and the clique at Conciliation Hall accepted
      the ordeal, and were backed by priests and people in their policy. An
      extraordinary meeting was convened, and an address to the electors of
      Ireland resolved upon. It was a document which ought to be retained upon
      the page of history, for it discloses the spirit and temper of the repeal
      party, and of the Roman Catholic electors who responded practically to
      such an appeal. The repealers, as has been already shown, were not
      confined to Roman Catholics, nor were all that communion repealers; but,
      on the whole, the religious division of Protestant and Romanist defined
      the boundary between anti-repealers and repealers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is copied from <i>Saunders' News Letter</i> of the 12th of
      June:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Address of the Loyal National Repeal Association to the Electors of
      Ireland.</i>
    </p>
    <p>
      "'God prosper the cause!&mdash;oh! it cannot but thrive, While the pulse
      of one patriot heart is alive. How sainted by sorrow its martyrs have
      died! Far, far, from the footprint of coward or slave, The young spirit of
      freedom shall shelter their grave!"
    </p>
    <p>
      "On you&mdash;fellow-countrymen&mdash;electors&mdash;at this moment
      devolves the good and holy task of protecting the graves of the
      sorrow-sainted martyrs of Ireland from the polluting tread of coward or of
      slave. None such will be found amongst you&mdash;none such will dare to
      show themselves if you be true.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In this year of death, our country still survives! Weeping, fainting,
      bleeding, yet she lives; and lives to claim, aye, and to have&mdash;the
      services of her true children.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Yes! although from him whose life's devotion to Ireland was repaid by her
      confidence and her love, and from those without whose potent aid his
      labours had been vain&mdash;the beloved clergy of the people&mdash;down
      throughout all ranks and orders of the national organisation, Death has
      been busy, still enough remain of devoted, determined, patriot hearts, to
      carry out the good work he began, and to make it, with the blessing of a
      merciful God, speedily triumphant!
    </p>
    <p>
      "Rally, then&mdash;rally, electors of Ireland&mdash;your country calls!
      Your dead brethren, even from their graves, invoke you. Drive from your
      hustings the men who shall have dared to think you cowards&mdash;who shall
      dare to ask you to continue slaves! And there are those who will so dare;&mdash;mark
      you not the exulting tone of Whig and Tory, and every other class of
      panderers to English passions and prejudices:&mdash;'Repeal,' they say,
      'is gone!' 'Ireland is at last subdued&mdash;she begs for bread, and is
      fearful to demand her rights lest we withhold our alms!' It is false; how
      foully false you know, and at the elections you will prove. Deep as is the
      baseness of those who build their party hopes upon a nation's misery,
      deeper still would be our baseness if ever, even amid all the
      heart-crushing calamities of the time, we shrunk in aught from our high
      purposes, and from our vows for Ireland's regeneration.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Nay, if but the hope of relief from our present distress were to animate
      us, even so should we cry out for that home parliament which alone can
      bring back wealth and abundance to the land&mdash;alone can guard her from
      recurring season after season of want, of pestilence, of death!
    </p>
    <p>
      "Be ready then in time, fellow-countrymen, the elections are at hand; give
      us repealers&mdash;true and trusty repealers&mdash;men pledged to the
      safe, peaceful, constitutional principles you have been taught by him whom
      you followed so devotedly, and whom you mourn so affectionately and
      sincerely!
    </p>
    <p>
      "On you&mdash;on each one and all of you together, and on none but you,
      the task now lies of helping Ireland at this fearful crisis of her
      fortunes. Yours, and yours alone, will be the glories of success, or the
      shame of not having sought it. Your distress has left the Repeal
      Association without funds to aid your contest, and we can do no more than
      to exhort and to advise. Let not the wily enemies of your freedom delude
      you. The duty is upon you; the means are in your hands, not in ours; if
      the duty be not done, poor Ireland will suffer the disastrous and ruinous
      consequences; but the blame of them, and the shame, will be upon you.
      Fellow-countrymen, this must not be&mdash;nay, this will not be. We answer
      for you. Unaided, undirected, as you are, you will bestir yourselves&mdash;on
      yourselves will depend, and you will achieve the victory. Meet in your
      committees; encourage the timid, cheer up the desponding; turn away with
      contempt from the whig or tory dependent, who would counsel you to
      dishonour, and vote for none but a staunch repealer&mdash;for one who will
      maintain the peace principles of the association, and aid it to work out
      and re-establish the inalienable and imperishable right of Ireland to
      legislate for herself.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Had our own parliament ruled us, the landlords would not have had their
      tyrannies sanctioned and increased in license till the suffering people
      were reduced down to the lumper potato for a wretched, and, alas! a
      fatally precarious subsistence. Our manufactures would yet exist, giving
      comfort to our skilful artizans, and offering refuge to the peasant,
      unable to obtain a maintenance upon the land. In every village
      neighbourhood, the money raised by the hard toil of the labourer would be
      finding its way back, and briskly circulating there, by reason of the
      thousand sources of employment that would arise around the restored
      residence of the large proprietor. Irish money would thus stay at home to
      create and increase Irish wealth, and to support Irish poverty; and the
      grudging doles of an alien parliament would never more be needed in the
      land.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Fellow-countrymen, for such results the association has been struggling&mdash;for
      such objects you are now called upon to work. By all that this wretched
      land has yet endured from English misrule,&mdash;by the accumulated and
      aggravated suffering of the last disastrous forty-seven years, with their
      fell climax in this year of death,&mdash;by the myriads of fresh graves,
      the fearful husbandry of death, that are ridging your fields and even your
      humble homesteads,&mdash;by the holy and most adorable name of the Deity,
      who chasteneth whom He loveth,&mdash;we entreat, we implore, we exhort, we
      adjure you to stand true to Ireland at these elections; to spurn Whig and
      Tory, and to prove yourselves worthy of your rights by returning none but
      those who will unflinchingly assert them;&mdash;and foremost amongst those
      rights, before all and above all, the right to make your own laws in your
      own parliament at home."
    </p>
    <p>
      The elections issued in a triumph for which the Repeal Committee itself
      was hardly prepared. There was a great increase in "repeal members." This
      arose from a variety of causes. The Conservatives had lost heart in
      connection with the expenses which the famine had imposed upon their
      estates. The people universally attributed their distress to the
      government, and to their connection with heretic England. The priests made
      great exertions throughout the country. Fearful scenes of violence took
      place, "the moral-force repealers," lay and clerical, inciting the people
      to these outrages by the most inflammatory appeals to their fanaticism,
      and by examples which were calculated to encourage them. The most awful
      denunciations were heaped upon the heads of "all bad Catholics who should
      vote against their religion and country." These denunciations came from
      sacerdotal lips, and from the altar as well as the pulpit. The popular
      press rivalled the priests in anathemas against all who were not willing
      "to vote for Ireland against the Saxon." Public placards might be seen in
      town and country, headed, like the address of the Repeal Committee to the
      electors, with inflammatory poetry: a favourite couplet on these occasions
      was&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "On our side is virtue and Erin,
     On theirs is the Saxon and guilt."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The context of these lines was judiciously omitted from the placards, but
      not from the speeches of the electioneering agents and orators&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Then onward&mdash;our green banner rearing&mdash;
     Go, flesh every sword to the hilt."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      If this injunction was not obeyed to the letter, it was nearly so, and at
      all events it was carried out in spirit.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of green banners there was abundance, and if the sword gave place to the
      brickbat and the bludgeon, the consequences were pretty much the same&mdash;"Green
      Erin" gained a great victory over Erin of the Orange preferences, and over
      the Saxon in general. The spirit in which this result was received at
      Conciliation Hall, and its effect upon the hopes and aspirations of the
      people, may be gathered most readily from the address of the General
      Election Committee of the Repealers to the people of Ireland, when the
      elections had closed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Fellow-countrymen</i>,&mdash;Even in this hour of triumph&mdash;even
      now, when you have so nobly vindicated at the elections the glorious cause
      of repeal&mdash;our congratulations must, in sad accordance with the
      unvarying fate of Ireland ever since Englishmen have controlled her
      fortunes, be mingled with considerations of mournfulness and peril! It is
      not merely&mdash;and, alas! that such a calamity should have to be treated
      as of secondary magnitude&mdash;it is not merely that the niggard state
      charity of England is now at once to cease and be entirely withdrawn, but
      we have to contemplate a still more fearful and far wider-spreading misery
      at the end of autumn and in the early winter.
    </p>
    <p>
      "All-bounteous Heaven has blessed our fields with abundance; but Ireland's
      poverty&mdash;the unholy doing of man&mdash;must cause the produce of her
      harvest to be exported away from her starving people, and sold at the rich
      markets of England, to meet the enormous rents of cruel absentees. Five
      millions of your money go annually to those absentees; and so many have
      lately fled from the sight of the calamities their carelessness for their
      country had allowed England to inflict, that more than an additional
      million must be drained away this year!
    </p>
    <p>
      "What is there to save our people? The potato has not been sown in
      one-third of the extent of former years. The substitute crops, though
      promising, will be fearfully short of the deficiency caused by the loss of
      the potato; and those crops would be taken from us by the high prices in
      England, even if we had not to send them there to get money for the
      absentees. Food gone, and money gone, what is to become of us? The stinted
      relief that England gave us is out. The means voted with grudging and
      insult are expended and gone. Her representatives are pledged to give us
      no more, and not only to refuse if the government should propose a further
      advance, but to call upon the minister to insist strictly and speedily on
      repayment of that which has been given. We therefore have no hope of money
      from England! Have we then any money at home? Alas! it is but as the
      dribblings of the mountain stream when the winter floods have passed, and
      the summer heats are exhausting and absorbing its waters; and had we
      tenfold what little remains, how are the rates to be paid, when, according
      to even the starvation scale of the government soup-kitchens, the cost of
      maintaining our poor will exceed by nearly double the whole rated value of
      the property in Ireland! No Whig nor Tory can tell us of the means of
      meeting the coming disaster. The members of the ministry have not touched
      upon it at any of their elections. The press of England is mute, save when
      it gives utterance to calumnies and insults. Ireland is not in the
      thoughts of any of our English fellow-subjects. Their own interests, their
      own monetary perils, their own necessities, absorb their whole attention.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Should we not then take counsel from ourselves? Should not our
      newly-elected members agree to come together here in Dublin, and consult
      for the safety of the country, and decide upon the matters they will urge
      upon the reluctant ear of the English parliament? Should they not meet, if
      only to concert how best to recall the absentees to their long-neglected
      duties at home; how best to compel all the monies of the country to be
      spent at home; and thus to give a chance of saving our unhappy people from
      being swept off the face of the earth by widely-desolating famine, or the
      yet more desolating and dreadful agency of a bloody, a bootless, a
      criminal, and all-destroying civil war?
    </p>
    <p>
      "Again we shall address you, when the time is near that parliament is to
      assemble, and ask of you to announce to your representatives your
      opinions. We shall carefully make use of the intervening time to collect
      and concentrate the expression of your sentiments respecting each
      particular point of policy that should be pressed upon your members'
      attention, as well as respecting the great leading principles of the
      national movement. Thus shall the 'Council of National Distress and
      National Safety' come to its labours with materials prepared and suitably
      digested, and thus be enabled all the readier and speedier to take, boldly
      and explicitly, its decisions and resolves, and maintain them firmly,
      undauntedly, and perseveringly in the British House of Commons. Thus shall
      the Irish members best show themselves to be worthy of the high trust with
      which they have been honoured, and of the far higher and prouder
      distinction of being again, and at no distant time, deputed to represent
      their beloved country in her restored native parliament."
    </p>
    <p>
      The representation that the relief England had given to the people was
      stinted, was a vile calumny, showing the utter want of principle of the
      party from which it emanated. The intimation that it was not the intention
      of government to do more; that the "stinted relief" which England gave was
      "out;" and that nothing but ruin remained, although rich England was at
      hand to save, if she were only charitable and just,&mdash;was well
      calculated to keep up disaffection in the public mind.
    </p>
    <p>
      The success of the repealers at the elections might be supposed as tending
      to quiet the country, as it afforded a constitutional medium of expressing
      their views. But it had not that effect: the desire to procure arms which
      showed itself in 1846 continued through 1847, and notwithstanding the
      great distress so generally felt, the expenditure of money upon aggressive
      weapons was in some parts of the country larger than in the previous year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BITTER DISPUTES BETWEEN "OLD IRELAND" AND "YOUNG IRELAND."
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Young Irelanders were encouraged by the death of O'Connell to believe
      that they could take the lead in public affairs among the Roman Catholics,
      and they supposed that the Protestant population were more likely to
      listen to arguments in favour of an effort to achieve national
      independence, coming from them, than they were to hearken to the old
      repeal arguments from the Old Irelanders. In this they were disappointed;
      notwithstanding that several of the leaders were Protestants, no
      considerable number of that persuasion followed the new faction. The true
      tendency of that agitation was seen by the Protestants, who rather
      prepared to resist both the Old Ireland and Young Ireland parties, in the
      struggle which might be brought about by a coalition of these parties.
      Such a coalition was the policy of the Young Ireland party; but they made
      the doctrine of physical force a <i>sine qua non</i> in the creed of the
      coalesced parties; and the Old Irelanders, still clinging to the policy of
      their deceased chief, refused the terms. John O'Connell and his adherents
      were then made the objects of unsparing ridicule by the <i>literati</i> of
      the new party, and the lampoons and caricatures of which the chairman and
      committee of Conciliation Hall were the victims, told upon the people, and
      gradually insinuated a contempt for the weak and vacillating policy, as it
      was described, by which they were guided. The party of John O'Connell, as
      when under the guidance of his father, was not slow to resort to physical
      violence, whenever there was a chance of doing so with impunity, while
      they continued to proclaim the sanctity and permanent obligation of the
      O'Connell doctrine of moral force. The Young Irelanders endeavoured to
      reunite Irishmen to lift the arm of a manly and brave revolt against
      English connection. The Old Irelanders had no objection to kill
      scripture-readers, break church windows, waylay Protestants, and maltreat
      them at market or fair, and riotously disperse the assemblages of Young
      Irelanders, while they preached passive resistance as alone justifiable to
      the government. Of course the leaders of Old Ireland denounced all
      breakers of the laws; but when outrages were committed, especially on
      Young Irelanders or Protestants, they palliated them, or denied them in
      the face of evidence which was conclusive. John O'Connell found himself in
      a hurricane of political passion, which he could not quell, and through
      which he had neither power nor skill to direct his course. By the end of
      the year he found the reins of authority slipping through his hands; Smith
      O'Brien and his compeers were rampant; and Ireland, stained with blood,
      blackened with pestilence, exhausted by famine, raged with impotent fury
      against the imperial government and Great Britain: in all the folly of
      domestic faction, she was pitied and scorned by Great Britain when she
      supposed herself feared. There were no men amongst the leaders of the
      disaffected in Ireland to command the respect of England, in that sense
      which a dominant nation respects the power of a rival, or of an insurgent
      province. The wish became very extensive in Great Britain that all Irish
      grievances should be redressed, and that in every respect Ireland should
      be placed on a footing with the other portions of the United Kingdom, if
      in any a sense of injustice were experienced; but to the honest menaces of
      the Young Irelanders, and the hypocritical reliance on moral persuasion of
      Conciliation Hall, the people of Great Britain only gave their ear from
      curiosity, perfectly regardless of any power which any faction or union of
      factions might put forth. Great Britain awaited the outburst of passion
      which was in Ireland so rapidly coming to a crisis,' as unmoved as the
      crag abides the eddies of the current which bubble and burst against it.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL STATE OF AFFAIRS IN GREAT BRITAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year was one which, in many respects, tested the power and resources
      of Great Britain. In her colonies she had conflicts to wage of great
      magnitude. Ireland was smitten with famine and disease, and turbulent. In
      the Highlands of Scotland the hardy peasantry suffered from the scarcity
      of provisions caused by the failure of the potato and other crops during
      1846.
    </p>
    <p>
      The commercial embarrassments of the year were felt from the beginning,
      and continued, with more or less pressure, to the close. From the
      operations of various causes, money was dear both on the European and
      American continents. Early in January, so severely was this circumstance
      felt in Paris, that the Bank of France applied to that of England for aid,
      which was granted; but the consequence, of course, was a rapid rise in the
      rate of interest in Great Britain and Ireland. This continued until all
      speculative transactions were paralysed. The timely increase in the price
      of accommodation by the Bank of England did much to mitigate the evils of
      the crisis. These were produced by recent bad harvests, and the failure of
      the potato crop. The great extent to which railway transactions had been
      carried, and the consequent drainage of capital; the wild speculations
      which began to prevail in France, and were so marvellously developed in
      England, also conduced to the monetary disturbance. Besides the operation
      of all these causes, there was an uneasy feeling on the continent
      connected with political affairs, which communicated itself to England,
      and made capitalists timid.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of September panic pervaded the monetary and commercial
      world. Failures in every branch of business in London and in the provinces
      were numerous and disastrous. The following were among the most extensive
      in London:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                              Liabilities.

     Sanderson and Co......................    £1,725,900

     J. and S. Woolley  .....................     90,500

     Reid, Irving, and Co...................    1,500,000

     Gower, Nephews........................       450,000

     Cockerell and Co......................       600,000

     Bensusan and Co......................         60,000

     Perkins, Schlusser, and Mullens......        150,000

     Luall, Brothers, and Co................      400,000

     Philips and Co.........................      150,000

     Prime, Ward, and Co...................       100,000

     Robinson and Co.........................      96,000

     Castellain.................................  100,000

     Giles and Co............................     160,000
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Some of these persons, and many others who incurred like misfortune, had
      been regarded as opulent merchants or bankers, and were men of position
      and influence. Mr. Robinson was, at the time of his failure, a governor of
      the Bank of England; Sir John Rae Reid had lately filled that office. Mr.
      Gomer and Mr. Settle were bank directors at the time of their stoppage.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Bank of England not only raised its rate of interest to eight per
      cent., but contracted the time of accommodation to thirty days. The funds,
      always susceptible of the influence of an uneasy state of public affairs,
      and of violent changes in the money market, were at this juncture
      peculiarly so, falling as much as two per cent, in a single day. Consols
      were as low as eighty-four. Railway shares suffered more than any other
      kind of stock or scrip, becoming so depreciated in the market as to be
      unsaleable. A great outcry was raised against the monetary policy which
      had been initiated by Sir Robert Peel. "Peel's bill" was the subject of
      unmeasured denunciation by all who were accustomed to obtain bank
      accommodation, but to whom that advantage was no longer open. Early in
      October a deputation from the city bankers waited upon the government for
      the purpose of inducing some relaxation upon the stringency of Sir Robert
      Peel's bill. The deputation consisted of most influential men&mdash;such
      as Mr. Masterman, Mr. Abel Smith, Mr. Glynn, Mr. Bevan, Mr. Barnett. The
      chancellor of the exchequer addressed the deputation in terms which led
      them to expect that the object for which they were deputed would be
      accomplished. Their expectations were not disappointed, for the following
      letter was addressed to the governors of the Bank:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Her majesty's government have seen with the deepest regret the pressure
      which has existed for some weeks upon the commercial interests of the
      country, and that this pressure has been aggravated by a want of that
      confidence which is necessary for carrying on the ordinary dealings of
      trade. They have been in hopes that the check given to transactions of a
      speculative character, the transfer of capital from other countries, the
      influx of bullion, and the feeling which a knowledge of these
      circumstances might have been expected to produce, would have removed the
      prevailing distrust. They were encouraged in this expectation by the
      speedy cessation of a similar state of feeling in the month of April last.
      These hopes, however, have been disappointed, and her majesty's government
      have come to the conclusion that the time has arrived when they ought to
      attempt, by some extraordinary and temporary measure, to restore
      confidence to the mercantile and manufacturing community. For this
      purpose, they recommend to the directors of the Bank of England, in the
      present emergency, to enlarge the amount of their discounts and advances
      upon approved security; but that, in order to retain this operation within
      reasonable limits, a high rate of interest should be charged. In present
      circumstances they would suggest that the rate of interest should not be
      less than eight per cent. If this course should lead to any infringement
      of the existing law, her majesty's government will be prepared to propose
      to parliament, on its meeting, a bill of indemnity. They will rely upon
      the discretion of the directors to reduce as soon as possible the amount
      of their notes, if any extraordinary issues should take place within the
      limits pi escribed by law. Her majesty's government are of opinion that
      any extra profit derived from this measure should be carried to the
      account of the public, but the precise mode of doing so must be left to
      future arrangement. Her majesty's government are not insensible to the
      evil of any departure from the law which has placed the currency of this
      country upon a sound basis; but they feel confident that, in the present
      circumstances, the measure which they have proposed may be safely adopted;
      and that, at the same time, the main provision of that law and the vital
      principle of preserving the convertibility of the bank-note may be firmly
      maintained."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Bank directors passed resolutions consequent upon this letter, which
      were of great importance to the trading community. These resolutions were
      conveyed to the government by a letter from the governor and deputy
      governor of the Bank:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Bank Resolutions</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Resolved,&mdash;That this Court do accede to the recommendation contained
      in the letter from the First Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor of
      the Exchequer, dated this day, and addressed to the Governor and Deputy
      Governor of the Bank of England, which has been read;
    </p>
    <p>
      "That the minimum rate of discount on bills not having more than 95 days
      to run be 8 per cent;
    </p>
    <p>
      "That advances be made on Bills of Exchange, Stock, Exchequer Bills, and
      other approved securities, in sums of not less than £2000, and for periods
      to be fixed by the Governors, at the rate of 8 per cent, per annum."
    </p>
    <p>
      The immediate effects of this measure can be most briefly shown by the
      following reference made a few days afterwards by an authority in such
      matters:&mdash;"As soon as the correspondence between the Bank of England
      and the Government was made public, a rise of nearly two and a half per
      cent, immediately ensued. Consols on Saturday left off at 80 3/4 to 7/8,
      and on Monday 83 1/2 5/8. Several fluctuations, however, occurred in the
      course of the day; and a fall of one per cent, on the announcement by the
      Bank broker of the truth of the correspondence alluded to above, excited
      much surprise. On Tuesday, the market was very unsettled, operations being
      nearly confined to Consols. The opening quotation was 83 5/8, and the
      highest quotation 84 3/8, with numerous fluctuations. A tendency to
      reaction was visible on Wednesday; the first price was 83 1/4 for money,
      which declined to 82 3/8, but afterwards rallied to 82 1/2-3/4, at which
      price they closed. On Thursday, there was scarcely any fluctuation until
      towards the close of business. The news of a banking failure in the West
      of England caused a fall of nearly 1/2 per cent.; and, at closing, 82 1/4
      for Money, to 82 3/8 to 1/2 for Time, were the current quotations.
      Exchequer Bills have considerably fluctuated during the week; about 20s.
      dis. for large bills is the closing quotation. Bank Stock has rather
      improved, but India Bonds continue very much depressed, quoting about 30s.
      dis."
    </p>
    <p>
      The prevailing feeling among political economists was unfavourable to the
      measure; and there were many effects attending upon it which vindicated
      their judgment. In the provinces banks gave way, and mercantile houses of
      eminence were closed; a general apprehension among the more skilful
      financiers was entertained that no <i>ultimate</i> benefit, but
      considerable ultimate injury, would ensue. The judgment of this class of
      persons may be best combed in the following review of the event:&mdash;"On
      this resolve being generally circulated, nothing could exceed the
      agitation that prevailed. Everywhere it became the engrossing subject of
      conversation; and, while many who were favourable to the 'expansion'
      objected to the high rate of interest, others, more experienced,
      remembering 1825 and 1836, with all the train of evils that resulted upon
      the withdrawal of the notes then issued, loudly expressed their
      disapprobation of this invasion of the most valuable clause in the Bank
      charter bill. Its mere relaxation, it was observed, robs the measure, at
      once and for ever, of the powerful check to over-trading that a knowledge
      that, under no circumstances whatever, a relaxation would be resorted to,
      was calculated to produce. The immediate effect in Liverpool has been to
      raise the value of cotton one per cent. This is a direct hindrance to
      manufacturing, and Manchester, Leeds, &amp;c, consequently suffer. It is
      remarked at Liverpool that eight per cent., although high, is nothing in
      comparison with being obliged to sell. It follows, therefore, that, when
      sold, all the charges incident to withholding must be paid by the
      purchaser, and ultimately by the consumer. From Manchester, advices have
      been received of the failure of Messrs. Fairbridge and Mr. Robert Gardner
      (the latter is greatly regretted); from Leeds, of a firm it would be
      premature to mention. In the meantime, money in London is rather dearer
      than cheaper. Discount houses, and the joint-stock banks, are taking money
      repayable at short dates at six percent., five having hitherto been the
      current rate. Good bills will not be done under eight per cent., and
      second-rate at scarcely any price. The Directors of the Bank of England at
      present have not been subject to any great demands since Monday; the
      difficulty of offering good security being at once an obstacle to firms
      partially insolvent. At present, it is almost premature to judge, but
      doubts are entertained whether the benefits resulting, even for the
      present, from the 'relaxation,' will at all balance the baleful effects
      anticipated."
    </p>
    <p>
      The government did not expect that such opinions would be entertained by
      so large and influential a portion of the public, and were desirous to
      retrace their steps as soon as they could do so with a good grace, for
      before a month had passed measures were taken to that effect. The
      following letter was addressed by the cabinet to the governors of the
      Bank:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Her majesty's government have watched with the deepest interest the
      gradual revival of confidence in the commercial classes of the country.
      They have the satisfaction of believing that the course adopted by the
      Bank of England on their recommendation, has contributed to produce this
      result, whilst it has led to no infringement of the law. It appears, from
      the accounts which you have transmitted to us, that the reserve of the
      Bank of England has been for some time steadily increasing, and now
      amounts to £5,000,000. This increase has in great measure arisen from the
      return of notes and coin from the country. The bullion exceeds
      £10,000,000, and the state of the exchange promises a further influx of
      the precious metals. The knowledge of these facts by the public is
      calculated to inspire still further confidence. In these circumstances it
      appears to her majesty's government that the purpose which they had in
      view in the letter which we addressed to you on the 25th October has been
      fully answered, and that it is unnecessary to continue that letter any
      longer in force."
    </p>
    <p>
      The harvest of 1847 was such as to restore confidence in some degree, and
      from that and other causes, especially the cessation of all speculative
      undertakings, money became easier. The government, however, claimed credit
      for their plan, which, in the opinion of so many qualified to judge, did
      more harm in some directions than it did good in others. If the number and
      magnitude of the different commercial failures were to be taken into
      account, there appeared as much necessity for the government measure when
      it was withdrawn, as when, twenty-eight days before, it was introduced.
      The following were announced to the end of November:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  GLASGOW.                                Liabilities.

     Campbell of May.........................     £600,000

     A. and J. Bournie......................      200,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  LIVERPOOL.

     Ashburner  ............................      30,000

     Napier of Camlachie.....................      40,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  NEWCASTLE.

     Carrand Co..............................      70,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  MANCHESTER.

     David Ainsworth   .....................      30,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  BLACKBURN.

     Roget and Co.............................     76,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IN  LONDON.

     Freemanand Cook..........................    350,000

     Sargeant, Garden, and Co.................    150,000

     Thurbonand Co............................    120,000

     Coates and Co............................    100,000

     Leaf, Barnet, and Co.....................    100,000

     Farmer and Ward.........................      55,000

     Ryder, Wimbolt, and Co..................      50,000

     Pemberton and Co........................      30,000

     Abbot and Co............................      30,000
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Besides the great number of mercantile firms which failed, several banks
      were reduced to the same necessity: the West India, the Shrewsbury, Market
      Drayton, and the Honiton, were among the principal. Many foreign
      mercantile establishments which had connections with British houses also
      stopped payment, adding to the distress and alarm.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the ensuing month large imports of bullion arrived from the
      continent and America, and the aspect of affairs became more hopeful.
    </p>
    <p>
      Throughout the year the English populace experienced much distress, and
      bore it with patience; still there were food riots and disturbances of
      various sorts, which had to be put down by the strong arm of the law.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the gloomy condition of all monetary and mercantile
      transactions, there were men of enterprise, who contemplated future
      undertakings of great magnitude. Among these projects was one proposing
      the formation of a ship canal across the Isthmus of Suez, which, however,
      was not carried into effect. The French government and people were very
      desirous to have such a work accomplished; but English politicians
      regarded it with jealousy, especially Lord Palmerston, then the highest
      authority in England on foreign affairs. By him the measure was regarded
      as impracticable, at all events, as a pecuniary speculation; and in its
      political tendency, likely to separate Egypt from Turkey, and to give
      France, as a great Mediterranean power, an undue preponderance. He also
      regarded it as endangering, and not remotely, English empire in India. At
      all events, Mr. Stephenson, the great English engineer, investigated the
      subject, and surveyed the line through which certain French speculators
      proposed that the canal should be cut. As the subject is technical, Mr.
      Stephenson's views are given in his own words, used ten years afterwards:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "In 1847, in conjunction with a French and Austrian engineer, he
      investigated the matter, feeling how important would be the establishment,
      if possible, of a communication between the Red Sea and Mediterranean. The
      levels given by a French engineer, who visited Egypt in 1801, during the
      French invasion, indicated a difference between the Red Sea and the
      Mediterranean of something like thirty-two feet. It was suggested that if
      the old canal of Ptolemy were opened again, a current might be established
      between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, which would not impede steam
      navigation, and would at the same time scour the canal and enable a
      perfect channel to be maintained. However, after investigation, he and the
      other engineers found that, instead of there being thirty-two feet
      difference of level between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, there was
      no difference at all, though the notion of that difference of level had
      been entertained for upwards of fifty years. While that notion existed it
      was believed by professional men that a canal, or a new Bosphorus, as it
      was called, might be maintained between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean;
      but the difference of level being found to be <i>nil</i>, the engineers
      with whom he was associated abandoned the project altogether, and he
      believed justly. Since that time he had walked over the district, at some
      considerable inconvenience, and investigated the feasibility of opening a
      canal between the two seas, assuming them to be on a level, and supposing
      the canal to be supplied with water from the higher level of the Nile, but
      he had come to the conclusion that the thing was, he would say, absurd,
      were it not that other engineers, whose opinion he respected, had been to
      the spot since and declared it to be practicable. He coincided in opinion
      with the first lord of the Treasury. Money, it was true, would overcome
      any difficulty, but, commercially speaking, he must frankly declare that
      he believed this scheme to be unfeasible. Whatever its political import
      might be, he believed it to be an undesirable scheme, speaking as an
      engineer. In his opinion, the railway now nearly completed would be more
      effective, as far as India and postal arrangements were concerned, than
      this new Bosphorus between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POLITICAL AGITATION IN ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The commercial distress gave an opportunity for certain political
      charlatans to stir up the minds of the people. The Chartists, headed by
      Fergus O'Connor, took advantage of the privations of the populace by
      appealing to their passions and their sufferings, representing them as the
      dupes of the upper and middle classes, especially the latter, who were
      described as enriching themselves at the expense of the poor. The
      "people's charter" was declared to be the panacea; all social evils were
      to vanish before the application of that political remedy. Some of the
      political demands of the chartists were just; all classes of liberal
      politicals felt that the people were entitled to a wider distribution of
      the franchise, but many who thus felt were deterred from the concession by
      the intemperate language and impracticable schemes of Fergus O'Connor and
      the lesser leaders of the confederacy. Whatever might be supposed
      imprudent as a measure of political agitation in a rich country, and where
      the vast mass of the people had a strong aversion to all constitutional,
      or as it was the fashion to name them, "organic changes," by sanguinary or
      violent means, was resorted to by Mr. O'Connor and his coadjutors. He
      propounded principles of political economy so absurd, that it was
      difficult to suppose he could have any faith in his own theories,&mdash;holding
      out the hope of an ultimate division of the land among the people: others
      propounded the doctrine of a law by which every man should be provided
      with "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work," and the duty of supplying
      that "fair day's work" for him rested, it was alleged, with the
      government. These men, in fact, did their utmost to bring about a social
      war, and the doctrines of communism were actively propagated and eagerly
      received among large numbers of the operatives in the metropolis and the
      north of England, and among the labourers elsewhere. There was, probably,
      no important town in England that had not its chartist association, which
      looked forward to a violent political revolution by which high wages could
      be procured by little labour. The Chartists, like the Irish repealers,
      were divided into sections, characterised respectively by their profession
      of physical force or moral force. The moral force Chartists were like the
      Old Irelanders, not generally very sincere in their belief of its
      efficacy. They professed it merely as a cover to conceal what they
      meditated; they were as much physical-force men as those who were so
      designated, but did not deem it politic to make the avowal.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the dissolution of parliament (which will be recorded in its details
      upon another page), Mr. O'Connor succeeded in gaining his election. This
      circumstance filled his followers with revived hopes, and the agitation
      became more enthusiastic and demonstrative. Large public meetings were
      convened, which were conducted with order, and dispersed peaceably,
      although the speeches on these occasions were very inflammatory. The
      government regarded these "monster meetings" with uneasiness, and they
      were closely watched. The loyalty of the middle and of large sections of
      the poorer classes, however, gave the government a sense of security,
      notwithstanding the menacing attitude of the Chartists; and this loyal
      feeling was extended as the peaceably disposed became alarmed by the
      seditious and unprincipled harangues which the chartist orators addressed
      to such large assemblages. Many of the most active Chartists were
      socialists, and used the confederacy as a means of propagating their
      atrocious doctrines. As a specimen of the tone and method which
      characterised the chartist gatherings where order was maintained, the
      following account of one which took place after the elections will
      suffice:&mdash;"A meeting of Chartists, to the number of nearly ten
      thousand, took place at Newton Common, on Sunday. The object was to
      address the operatives in the manufacturing districts of Manchester,
      Oldham, Rochdale, Bolton, Buy, Preston, Liverpool, Wigan, &amp;c., on the
      land and labour questions. Shortly after one o'clock, Mr. Fergus O'Connor,
      M.P., accompanied by Mr. W. H. Roberts, the miners' attorney-general,
      appeared in the crowd, on their way to the platform. Both these gentlemen
      were received amidst the loudest demonstrations of applause. Mr. Roberts
      having been duly proposed and seconded, assumed the office of chairman. He
      addressed the meeting at much length, on the progress and prospects of
      Chartism, and encouraged the vast multitude then before him to take
      courage from the past, and work with determination and zeal for effecting
      the great cause of the people's charter. A resolution, proposing that a
      committee, or a conference of delegates, should go to London, to escort
      Mr. O'Connor into Parliament on its opening, was agreed to. Mr. O'Connor
      then came forward and spoke at great length. He reviewed the great
      progress of Chartism, abused the Whigs, and browbeat the press. He next
      narrated the plans he had adopted, and was adopting, for the benefit of
      all who became Chartists. He anticipated great results from his scheme of
      labour palaces&mdash;denied the propriety of being placed in the election
      returns as a feather in the quill of Whiggery&mdash;was an earnest
      advocate for the amelioration of Ireland, and still willing and determined
      to agitate for their cause. He would go to parliament, and record his
      first motion for 'The people's charter, and no surrender.' The meeting was
      conducted in a very orderly manner."
    </p>
    <p>
      As very considerable numbers of the working classes in Lancashire and
      Yorkshire had been taught in Sunday-schools, and the Sabbath day was much
      regarded in that part of the country, the collection of such a vast
      concourse of persons from great distances, on a day so sacred, created
      prejudices against the chartist confederacies even in their own
      strongholds, which, irrespective of every other difficulty, ensured their
      defeat. The agitation, however, did not come to a head during the year of
      which we write, and it is unnecessary further to trace its progress in
      this chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      This was not the only agitation which disturbed the equanimity of Great
      Britain throughout the year. The Protectionists, led by Lord George
      Bentinck, were active and acrimonious. Agricultural dinners and public
      meetings gave opportunities for the most violent denunciations against Sir
      Robert Peel, the government, and free trade. The manufacturers&mdash;the
      creators of wealth, and who sustained so large a portion of the public
      burdens&mdash;were represented as a selfish, callous set of men, eager
      only to acquire riches, even at the expense of all other classes of the
      community. They were described as disloyal and revolutionary, and bent
      upon the destruction of throne and constitution. It would be difficult to
      determine whether the orations at the protectionist groupings, or those at
      the chartist gatherings were most characterised by class invidiousness;
      nor could it be adjudged in which the less sound views of political
      economy were enunciated. The eloquence greatly preponderated on the side
      of the Chartists. Cotton was also quite as patriotic as corn. The
      operatives declared that "the country" was ruined by class legislation,
      and therefore desired that their own class should thenceforward possess
      the legislative power. The landowners declared that "the country" although
      not yet destroyed, was on the brink of destruction, and must speedily
      perish amidst blood and bankruptcy, unless the landed interest had again
      the power to make laws of which the Reform Bill had deprived it, and
      unless agricultural produce was "protected," by legislatively enhancing
      its price for the benefit of the producers. "A fair day's wages for a fair
      day's work," and the state to have the responsibility of securing it to
      the liking of those who made the demand, was as much the principle of
      squires as of operative cotton-spinners. Lord George Bentinck was a Fergus
      O'Connor for "the country party," and Fergus was the Lord George Bentinck
      of the labouring town populations.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public demonstrations of both these parties were often very
      unfortunate, in consequence of mismanagement by those to whom the getting
      up of these affairs were committed. These occurrences tended to lower both
      Chartists and Protectionists in public estimation, as various witty
      publications lampooned the prominent actors, and exposed them to
      overwhelming ridicule. The most signal opportunity afforded to the wits in
      this way was by the Chartists. On the 25th of October they announced a
      great public dinner to be given in London to eighteen members of
      parliament, whom they alleged had been returned to the House of Commons by
      their influence, and to represent their opinions. When the dinner-party
      assembled, not one of the eighteen honourable gentlemen appeared, nor did
      it transpire that even one had given any acceptance of the invitation!
      Fergus O'Connor was an exception from the application of these remarks. He
      was there as a matter of course, and elaborately puffed his absurd land
      scheme, by which so many were afterwards ruined.
    </p>
    <p>
      The anti-slavery party were in many respects active, notwithstanding the
      home incidents which occupied the public mind. It was necessary to watch
      the conduct of government in reference to the recent enactment concerning
      the sugar duties, and also their general policy in regard to the sugar
      question, and the West India interest. The conduct of the West India party
      was suspicious, and required the vigilance of the anti-slavery men; and
      the coalition between that party and Lord George Ben thick added another
      motive still for watchfulness. Many of the anti-slavery people turned
      their attention to India, and were supported by gentlemen of influence,
      military and mercantile, in efforts to rouse public interest in the
      resources of India, and the adaptation of these resources to English
      requirements, rendering the importation of commodities produced by slave
      labour unnecessary. George Thompson, Esq., who had been returned for the
      Tower Hamlets, one of the largest and most influential constituencies in
      the kingdom, a man of surpassing eloquence, took a very active part in
      this movement. A correct insight as to its object and spirit may be
      imparted to the reader by a resolution passed at a great meeting of the
      inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets on the 26th of October:&mdash;"After an
      eloquent address, expository of the subject, G.Thompson, Esq., M.P., moved
      a resolution to the general effect that it had been demonstrated that
      India had the capacity of producing every tropical raw commodity required
      by England for the constant and profitable employment of her population.
      That England, although mistress of India, was rendered year by year more
      dependent upon the United States for her supply of raw cotton and tobacco;
      both being the produce of slave labour. That, consequently, the prosperity
      of this country, and the stability of a large portion of the public
      revenue, were made dependent upon the vicissitudes of the seasons, upon
      the maintenance of peace between England and America, and upon the
      continuance of internal peace among the Slave States. That such
      dependence, besides perpetuating slavery, was to a great extent, the
      source of existing calamities, and pregnant with future evils to the
      interests of England. That the free agricultural population of British
      India would become the natural customers of this country in the exact
      measure that they would if permitted to become the producers of
      commodities for the wants of England, but that they were rendered
      incapable of competing with the United States, by reason of the burdens
      imposed upon their soil and industry. Therefore, resolved&mdash;That it is
      the duty of the people of England, for the sake alike of England, of
      India, and of the enslaved throughout the world, to require of the
      legislature the immediate removal of all imposts which depress the
      agricultural energies of the native population; and the institution of a
      strict and impartial inquiry, in India, into the condition of the natives,
      and into the conduct and the acts arising out of the peculiar government
      ruling over them, which affect their wellbeing, and retard their
      prosperity. Mr. W. Howitt seconded the resolutions, which were carried
      unanimously, and the meeting separated."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There were few incidents of interest connected with the court during the
      year. In February Prince Albert was proposed to the University of
      Cambridge as candidate for the chancellorship. He was opposed by Earl
      Powis, and with such effect as to prove very mortifying to the court..
      Prince Albert was elected by a majority of only one hundred and sixteen
      votes, and it was obvious that but for the prodigious exertion of
      government patronage, that result would not have been obtained. His royal
      highness was installed publicly at Cambridge early in July. Her majesty,
      having determined to accompany her husband on this occasion, a vast
      concourse of persons repaired to Cambridge, and the government made every
      effort to give <i>éclat</i> to the event. The royal party travelled by the
      Eastern Counties railway, and were received by the mayor and corporation
      of Cambridge with much pomp. Repairing to the Hall of Trinity, they were
      received by the dignitaries of the university. There her majesty took her
      seat on a chair of state on a dais. The new chancellor, accompanied by the
      Duke of Wellington (Chancellor of Oxford), and other great personages,
      presented an address to her majesty, congratulating her on her arrival.
      The prince, having read the address, retired with the usual profound
      obeisances, which not only amused the spectators, but afforded much
      diversion to her majesty, whose mode of smiling indicated how much she
      enjoyed the burlesque of the scene.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following day, the Installation Ode was performed in the presence of
      the new chancellor. Her majesty was present as a visitor. The ode was
      composed by Wordsworth, the poet-laureate, and set to music by Professor
      Walmisley. Flower-shows, public breakfasts, concerts, levees, grand
      university dinners, entertained the numerous visitors of rank during the
      stay of the royal party. Her majesty had seldom before been attended by so
      august and splendid a retinue, consisting of Prince Waldemar of Prussia,
      Prince Laurenstein, Prince Peter of Oldenburg, the Prince of Saxe-Weimar,
      Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith (the hero of Aliwal), the Bishop of
      Oxford, and nearly all the gentry of the eastern counties. Cambridge had
      probably never witnessed such a festal occasion, and never before did her
      majesty seem so much to enjoy herself. It was generally observed that her
      fondness for the prince was carried to excess, and that her enjoyment was
      mainly derived from the honour done to him. That this amiable character,
      so much calculated to ensure her own domestic happiness, and to set a good
      example to her people, belonged to her majesty in a degree seldom evinced
      by royal personages, many proofs had been given before, and many were
      given after, the visit to Cambridge. A work entitled "The Journal of
      Thomas Baikes, Esq.," professed to make many singular revelations to that
      effect. Mr. Baikes, the son of a wealthy London merchant, had somehow an
      early introduction to <i>haut ton</i>, and continued, in London and Paris,
      to live in the society of men of rank and fashion, a species of Beau
      Brummel. The Duke of Wellington gave to Mr. Baikes the following incident,
      which took place at the marriage of the Princess Augusta: "When we
      proceeded to the signatures, the King of Hanover was very anxious to sign
      before Prince Albert, and when the queen approached the latter, he placed
      himself by her side, watching the opportunity. She knew very well what he
      was about; and just as the archbishop was giving her the pen, she suddenly
      dodged round the table, placed herself next the prince, then quickly took
      the pen from the archbishop, signed, and gave it to Prince Albert, who
      also signed next, before it could be prevented. The queen was also very
      anxious to give the precedence at court to King Leopold before the King of
      Hanover, and she consulted me about it, and how it should be arranged. I
      told her majesty that I supposed it should be settled as we did at the
      Congress of Vienna. 'How was that,' said she, 'by first arrival?'&mdash;'No,
      ma'am,' said I, 'alphabetically, and then, you know B comes before H.'
      This pleased her very much, and it was done."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was hardly fair to the Duke of Cumberland, and shows her majesty's
      strong attachment to the Cobourgs; but his grace of Cumberland and majesty
      of Hanover never acted as an uncle to the queen, and would have gladly
      made the Orange party available to mount her throne. The Duke of
      Wellington knew all this; and as he regarded it to be one of his especial
      missions to watch over her majesty, he willingly lent himself to those
      little artifices which tended to place the King of Hanover in an inferior
      position relative to that of Prince Albert, or of the King of the
      Belgians.
    </p>
    <p>
      The only other event connected with the court, except such as will appear
      in the history of parliamentary transactions, was the visit to Scotland in
      August. This visit was paid in compliance with the wishes of the prince,
      who had on a previous occasion greatly enjoyed the opportunities of
      sporting which Scotland afforded. On the 11th of August, the queen, the
      prince, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and suite left Osborne
      House in the <i>Victoria and Albert</i> yacht, with the <i>Fairy</i> as
      tender, and escorted by a fleet of war-steamers. Her majesty stayed one
      night at the Scilly Islands, then passed through the Menai Straits, and
      steered for the Isle of Man. The fleet sailed close to the island, but her
      majesty did not land. On Monday, the 16th, the fleet anchored in Loch
      Ryan: their entrance to the mouth of the Clyde was very picturesque, and
      was observed by great numbers, in yachts and steamers, who had made
      excursions for the purpose. On the following day her majesty landed at
      Dumbarton, and inspected the old castle. The squadron anchored for the
      night under the castle of Rothsay, from which place the Prince of Wales
      derives his Scottish ducal title. On the Wednesday they proceeded up Loch
      Fyne; at Tarbut her majesty gazed with long and deep interest upon the
      glorious scenery. The royal party landed at Inverary, where the Duke of
      Argyll and the Campbells paid feudal homage, the clansmen assembling in
      their national costume.
    </p>
    <p>
      From Inverary the court proceeded to Staffa, where they examined the cave.
      The prince also landed at Iona, where so many ancient kings and heroes of
      Scotland found sepulture. On Friday morning they arrived off Fort William,
      where, on Saturday morning, her majesty and suite left the squadron and
      proceeded by land to her Scottish autumn residence. The accounts of this
      expedition published in the journals of the day greatly interested the
      British public. A periodical not remarkable for its loyalty thus referred
      to the voyage:&mdash;"Never, certainly, were the habitual life and
      disposition of a sovereign exhibited to a nation in more favourable guise
      than those of Queen Victoria during her sea voyages. The history of the
      cruise to Scotland is like those which have preceded it. It displays the
      chief traveller in the most engaging light. We see her, the ruler of a
      maritime people, recurring for her holiday pleasures to the enjoyment of
      the sea; riding the waves with a fearless familiarity that yet has in it
      nothing unfeminine. The sovereign is pleased to gratify her people by
      going among them and reciprocating courtesies. Less reserved than some
      other predecessors, Queen Victoria, surrounded by her family, still seems
      attended by a thoroughly English spirit of domesticity; the manner in
      which the children accompany their parents, share the walks of their
      father on shore, and enter into the whole spirit of the voyage, is simply
      a model of the national manners according to their best type. And while
      her husband and the children are 'stretching their legs' on shore, the
      accomplished lady is seen with her pencil, exercising her talents by
      sketching the scenery around."
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty's progress after the landing was such as to give her the
      happiest assurances of the loyalty and love of the Scottish people. The
      following description of the latter part of her journey is picturesque:&mdash;"The
      road to Ardverikie passes round the north end of Loch Laggan, crossing the
      Padtock Water by an ingenious boat bridge. At this point Macpherson, of
      Cluny Macpherson, with about thirty of his tenantry in the costume of his
      clan; Duncan Davidson, of Tulloch, and a few of his followers; Sir John
      Mackenzie, of Selvin, and others, were assembled, the Highlandmen armed
      with broadsword and target. About eighty, thus armed, lined one side of
      the road, and the same number, unarmed, lined the other; while about five
      hundred persons of both sexes, in holiday costume, posted themselves on
      the face of the hill. The Marquis of Abercorn, in full Highland costume,
      and wearing the order of the garter, with the Duchess of Bedford, was also
      present. Shortly after eleven o'clock a signal was made from Ben Nead that
      the royal party were approaching, and' presently the royal carriages were
      seen rounding a hill half a mile distant. Cluny then put himself at the
      head of the Highlandmen, and behind him stood the standard-bearer, with
      the venerable green silk flag of the Macphersons, which was 'out' in the
      rebellions of 1715 and 1745. Cluny himself wore the shield which Prince
      Charles Stewart carried at Culloden. The royal carriage drew up opposite
      the bridge, the path to which, as well as the bridge, was carpeted. Having
      greeted the marquis and Cluny, her majesty shook hands with the Duchess of
      Bedford, and, with the prince, repeatedly acknowledged the cheering of the
      people. Prince Leinengen was also in the royal carriage, and shared the
      attentions of the people. Next to her majesty and her royal consort, the
      Prince of Wales was the object of interest, as, led by his royal father,
      and wrapped in a tartan cloak, he walked down to the bridge. The royal
      party then entered a carriage in waiting on the south shore, and drove
      slowly off to the lodge. The Duchess of Norfolk and Lady Jocelyn followed;
      and in a third carriage came the Duke of Norfolk, Earl Grey. General
      Wemyss, and Sir J. Clark, who were received with demonstrations of
      respect. The last carriage having passed, an anker of whiskey was brought
      forth, with cakes and cheese, to feast both great and small. Cluny then
      proposed 'Health and happiness to her majesty,' which was drank with nine
      cheers enthusiastically given; and the crowd, after discussing some forty
      gallons of whiskey, dispersed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Her majesty was not accompanied by military, and in the evening all the
      county police were dismissed, the force of seven London police being
      considered more than sufficient for the protection of her majesty and the
      royal party."
    </p>
    <p>
      Ardverikie, where her majesty sojourned during her visit to the north, was
      formerly a hunting park of Fergus, King of Scotland. In front is Loch
      Laggan, which is very extensive, being about eight miles in length,
      although not so picturesque as most of the Highland lochs.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of September, her majesty left her Highland residence, and
      sailed from Fort William to the Isle of Man, where the prince landed.
      Thence the royal party steered to Fleetwood, in Morecomb Bay, Lancashire,
      whence they proceeded by rail to London.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conjugal and parental love shown by her majesty, and, indeed, her
      affectionate interest in all her royal relatives, endeared her to her
      people, the more so because it was the general impression that the house
      of Brunswick was deficient in these virtues. In proof of that absence of
      family kindness which has in most instances characterised her majesty's
      royal predecessors, the following was extensively circulated in the
      periodicals of the day, which, at the same time, held up the queen's
      loving spirit to public admiration:&mdash;"Ever since the accession of the
      house of Guelph royalty has freed itself from one of the most universal
      and honourable, though somewhat expensive duties of kindred, and this,
      too, without observation, much less censure. The poorest of mankind mark
      the grave of parents, wife, and children by some humble memorial; the
      richer place tablets or raise tombs to their relatives. So gratifying to
      the heart is this duty, that rarely, if ever, is it omitted from any other
      cause than poverty. A foreigner visits the royal depository in St.
      George's Chapel, and asks where are the royal monuments? But no son,
      daughter, brother, nephew, or niece of the present dynasty has erected a
      funeral monument of any kind to the kindred dead. Even if affection did
      not produce such a testimonial, it might have been expected from regard to
      ancient custom, and from desire to conform to the habits of civilised
      life. The only monuments to our kings and their descendants, with the
      exception of the statue to George III. in Windsor Park, by George IV., and
      of the beautiful mausoleum which the King of Hanover is building in memory
      of his consort, have been erected by the public; and in the instance only
      of the Princess Charlotte's monument, which was raised by subscription,
      has one been placed in church or chapel. There is absolutely nothing&mdash;not
      even an engraved slab&mdash;to tell where the ashes of George I., II.,
      III., and IV., and William IV., or of any one of all their numerous
      progeny, repose. No doubt the world knows; and the omission is only
      remarkable or important from its being at variance with the custom of the
      country, from the injury which it has caused to art, and from the idea
      which it creates of heartlessness in the survivors; not one of whom has
      expended a shilling on what would appear to be the most natural of social
      duties."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME NAVAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The naval and military incidents of the year at home, which were of a
      nature to record in history, were not numerous. The most important of them
      was the organization of a coast defence, which was thus described in a
      paper of the day, having a character for accurate naval and military
      intelligence:&mdash;"The organization of the coast-guard for the national
      defence, is the plan of the Earl of Auckland, first lord of the Admiralty,
      under the approbation of the commissioners of customs. The carrying out of
      the system is vested entirely in the hands of Captain Houston Stewart,
      C.B., the controller-general of the coastguard, in whose hands a sum of
      money has been placed for the purpose. It will be recollected that this
      gallant officer commanded the <i>Benbow</i>, 72, at the siege of Acre.
      Commander Jerningham is an additional commander appointed to the <i>Excellent</i>
      gunnery-ship, and has been selected for the purpose of carrying into
      operation the plans and arrangements of Captain Stewart, and to
      superintend the system of instruction of the men at great gun exercise,
      which is precisely the same as that laid down in the 'Rules for exercise
      and service of great guns in her majesty's ships.' Wherever guns have been
      placed for the instruction of the coast-guard, warranted gunners from the
      <i>Excellent</i> have been appointed to instruct the men, under the
      superintendence of Commander Jerningham, who was gunnery-lieutenant of the
      <i>Wellesley</i>, in China. They receive four shillings a day, in addition
      to their present pay, and the men who are brought to the guns for
      instruction receive one shilling a day for six days, during which time
      they are excused from all other duty. It is proposed to instruct the
      coast-guard by means of ship platform batteries of one gun each,
      constructed exactly similar to the ports of a man-of-war, placed in a
      position in each district convenient for the drill of fifty men, and in a
      situation in which it may be rendered available for defence, as well as
      affording a range to sea for practice."
    </p>
    <p>
      In after years this institution proved of great value. Lord Auckland's
      administration of the Admiralty will, on this account, be memorable,
      although certainly on no other.
    </p>
    <p>
      The return of Sir Harry Smith from India was hailed by the public, who
      sought every opportunity of demonstrating their respect for a hero who had
      so nobly sustained the military reputation of England. Theregiment of
      lancers, upon which so much depended in Sir Harry's separate command
      connected with the events of Loodiana and Aliwal, had also returned to
      England. The following exciting and singular scene occurred in the autumn
      at Brighton. The address delivered by the general was remarkable for the
      interesting incidents which it brought out, and its reference to the
      opinion of the Duke of Wellington:&mdash;"On Friday afternoon, Sir Harry
      Smith paid a visit of inspection to the 16th Lancers at Brighton. The
      gallant general arrived by railway at two o'clock, and was met at the
      terminus by Colonel M'Dowall who went out with the regiment in 1822 as a
      lieutenant. He accompanied the general to the cavalry barracks, situate a
      mile north-west of Brighton. Shortly after his arrival at the barracks,
      Sir Harry and Colonel M'Dowall, went into the barrack yard, where the
      regiment was drawn up for an undress parade. As soon as the general made
      his appearance the band struck up, 'See, the conquering hero comes.' The
      regiment was drawn up in squadrons by Lieutenant-colonel Smithe, who so
      gallantly led it into the field at Aliwal. Sir Harry inspected the troops,
      occasionally stooping as he proceeded down the line, addressing some of
      the veterans, who bore upon their breasts medals and stars, presented to
      them for their victories in India. Sir Harry inspected them on foot; but
      afterwards mounted a horse, and put the regiment through a variety of
      evolutions, which were performed to his great satisfaction. This done, the
      regiment was drawn up in close column. Sir Harry rode up to the front, and
      addressed the troops as follows:&mdash;'Soldiers of the 16th Lancers, I
      hope you are now as happy as you made your enemies unhappy. You served in
      India with the highest honour. Whenever you were called on, you were ready
      to obey your officers, either in the field or in quarters. If I have not
      this day addressed each separate individual whom I know, it is not because
      I do not feel towards you all as I know you all feel towards me, but
      because I do not keep you and your officers on the ground. I have served
      many years, and commanded many soldiers; but never did I know a regiment
      of dragoons or of infantry superior, either in the field or in quarters,
      to my gallant comrades of the 16th Lancers. I think I now see you on the
      morning of Aliwal, marching in that order which would have done honour to
      a barrack parade&mdash;your hearts in the right place, your hands on your
      lances, and doing what I believe was never before done&mdash;charging
      twice through a dense mass of infantry. On the following morning I saw
      half of you, I believe, with your heads bound up, looking in the field of
      battle for your dead and wounded comrades. I saw you also, when the enemy
      had taken your baggage, with a cheerful heart and ready hand, willing to
      redeem what was considered to be a reverse, when I asked you to do it, and
      to make the enemy and the world know that you were equal to all trials.
      The Duke of Wellington has often talked to me about this regiment of
      dragoons, who have frequently distinguished themselves under his command,
      and also of the memorable morning of Aliwal. Soldiers of the 16th, I have
      on this occasion more particularly addressed you. I beg to address Colonel
      M'Dowall and the officers of the 16th Lancers: That you are gentlemen we
      all know, and none know it more than the privates of the regiment, and
      that they have a commander and officers who will ask nothing of them which
      they will not obey. I regard the 16th Lancers as the nucleus of another
      corps, which in future times will achieve another Aliwal. I tell you
      again, what I told you at Lahore, where Runjeet Singh asked if you were
      all gentlemen, and if her majesty had many such regiments of gentlemen; on
      that morning I told you I loved you. I repeat it, and the love of a
      comrade is known to none but to soldiers. My dear fellows, I rejoice to be
      amongst you again.' Sir Harry then said (turning to Colonel M'Dowall)&mdash;'
      Pray do not let them be kept any longer.' The troops then gave a loud
      huzza, and marched off the ground with the band playing."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of June a general order was issued from the Horse-guards, to
      the following effect:&mdash;"Her majesty having been graciously pleased to
      command that a medal should be struck to record the services of her fleets
      and armies during the wars, commencing 1793, and ending in 1814, and that
      one should be conferred on every officer, non-commissioned officer, and
      soldier of the army who was present in any battle or siege, to commemorate
      which medals had been struck by command of her majesty's royal
      predecessors, and had been distributed to the general or superior officers
      of the several armies and corps of troops engaged, in conformity with the
      regulations of the service at that time in force,&mdash;general and other
      officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, who consider that they
      have claims to receive this mark of their sovereign's respect, are each to
      apply to the secretary of the board of general officers, Whitehall,
      London, and to send in writing a statement of their claim, for what
      action, at what period of time, and the names of the persons, and the
      titles of the documents by which their claim can be proved."
    </p>
    <p>
      The occasions for which medals were granted, in pursuance of the general
      order of which the above is an ex~ tract, were:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Maida, 4th July, 1806.

     Bolein, 17th August, 1808.

     Vimeira, 21st August, 1808.

     Sahagun Benevento, December and January, 1809.

     Corunna, 16th January, 1809.

     Martinique, February, 1809.

     Talaveia, 27th and 28th July, 1809.

     Guadaloupe, January and February, 1810.

     Busaco, 27th September, 1810.

     Barrosa, 5th March, 1811.

     Fuentes d'Onor, 5th May, 1811.

     Albuera, 10th May, 1811.

     Java, August and September, 1811.

     Ciuclad Rodrigo, January, 1812.

     Badajoz, 17th March and 10th April, 1812.

     Salamanca, 22nd July, 1812.

     Fort Detroit, America, August, 1812.

     Vittoria, 21st June, 1813.

     Chateauguay, America, 26th October, 1813.

     Nivelle, 10th November, 1813.

     Chrystler's Farm, America, 11th November, 1813.

     Nive, 9th to 13th December, 1813.

     Orthes, 27th February, 1814.

     Toulouse, 10th April, 1814.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The Admiralty issued an order similar to that of the Horse-guards. Gold
      medals to flag officers and captains were issued by the Admiralty for the
      actions undermentioned:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Howe's victory over the French fleet, 1st June, 1794.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord St. Vincent's victory over the Spanish fleet, 14th February, 1797.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Duncan's victory over the Dutch fleet, 11th October, 1797.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Sir Edward Hamilton. Surprise and recapture of the <i>Hermione</i>,
      15th October, 1799.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Nelson. Battle of Trafalgar, 21st October, 1805.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir R. Strachan. French squadron taken, 4th November, 1805.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir J. Duckworth. Action off St. Domingo, 6th February, 1806.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Bresbane, of the <i>Arethusa</i>, and three other ships, take
      Curaçoa.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain M. Seymour, of the <i>Thetis</i>, captured the <i>Amethyst</i>,
      10th November, 1808.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Stewart, of the <i>Seahorse</i>, captured Turkish frigate, <i>Badere
      Zaffer</i>, 6th July, 1809.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Mounsey, of the <i>Bonne Citoyenne</i>, captured the <i>Furieuse</i>,
      6th July, 1809.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain C. Cole, of the <i>Caroline</i>, captured the <i>Banda Neira</i>,
      9th August, 1810.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain W. Hoste, with the <i>Antphion</i> and three other ships, action
      off Lissa, 13th March, 1811.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Talbot, <i>Victorious</i>, captured Rivoli, 22nd February, 1812.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain Broke, of the <i>Shannon</i>, captured the <i>Chesapeake</i>, 1st
      June, 1813.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain E. Palmer, of the <i>Helvis</i>, captured <i>L'Etoile</i>, 27th
      March, 1814.
    </p>
    <p>
      Captain E. Hope, of the <i>Endymion</i>, defeated the <i>President</i>,
      25th January, 1815.
    </p>
    <p>
      The issue of these orders, and the grant of the medals, gave general
      satisfaction; but severe animadversions were offered in the London press
      against the want of public spirit, on the part of successive governments,
      in allowing such actions so long to remain without the honour thus tardily
      accorded. Many of the heroes who contributed to this glorious list of
      victories by sea and land, had passed away, their breasts unhonoured by
      the badge which they would have prized so much. It was no new thing for
      England's braves to be neglected by their country, or rather, by those to
      whom the government of the country was so often unworthily committed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL HOME INCIDENTS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year was remarkable for many railway accidents, resulting from the
      carelessness and mismanagement of the various companies, exciting public
      indignation, and causing uneasiness generally, in respect to personal
      safety in railway travelling. In the first six months of the year,
      according to parliamentary returns, one hundred persons were killed, and
      an equal number more or less injured.
    </p>
    <p>
      In September an interesting event occurred in connection with the memory
      of the great national poet. In pursuance of the will of the deceased
      owner, the house at Stratford-upon-Avon, popularly known as the birthplace
      of Shakspere, was sold by public auction. When the writer of these lines
      visited the place, the house had nothing very remarkable in its
      appearance. It was old, of course, but did not look so venerable as might
      be expected. It was situated in the High Street of the obscure little
      town. It had been originally a mansion, but, at the date of its sale, part
      had been removed and the rest was let in small tenements. It was "knocked
      down," in auctioneers' phraseology, for the price of £3000, the purchasers
      being a committee appointed by an association formed for the purpose of
      obtaining possession of the building. The house was given to the
      government in trust to be preserved as a public memorial of the great man
      who first saw the light beneath its roof. This proceeding was very
      creditable to the national feeling, for though no certain proof exists
      that Shakspere was born there, still, as it was in possession of his
      father before, at, and after the birth of the great dramatist, there is
      probable ground for believing that it was his birthplace. It had been
      purchased from the descendants of the original possessor for £250, by the
      gentleman under whose will it was put up to auction.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the autumn and winter, numerous disasters occurred at sea,
      especially on the east coasts of England and Scotland. By these wrecks
      many lives and much property were lost.
    </p>
    <p>
      Few events in England excited such general interest among all classes as
      the arrival of Jenny Lind, the celebrated vocalist and actress. She made
      her first appearance at the Italian Opera House on the 4th of May, and was
      received with an enthusiasm never before lavished on any performer: during
      her stay in England this enthusiasm never abated.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under the head of "General Home Incidents," seems hardly the most suitable
      place to record the proceedings of the Hudson's Bay Arctic Expedition.
      Yet, as it did not belong to the foreign or colonial affairs of the
      country, and as the expedition had been determined upon and ordered at
      home, this may be the most appropriate place in which to introduce it.
      From the nature of the transactions, it is necessary to give the relation
      in the words of the authorised report:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "In July, 1846, the Company dispatched an expedition of thirteen persons,
      under the command of Doctor John Rae, from Fort Churchill, in Hudson's
      Bay, for the purpose of surveying the unexplored portion of the Arctic
      coast, at the north-eastern point of the American continent. The
      expedition, which has just returned, has traced the coast all along from
      the Lord Mayor's Bay, of Sir John Ross, to within a few miles of the
      Straits of the Fury and Hecla, proving thereby the correctness of Sir John
      Ross's statement that Boothia Felix is a peninsula. From Doctor Rae's
      Report to the Company the following interesting details are gathered:&mdash;Having
      divided his men into watches, the doctor started from Churchill on the 5th
      of July, 1846, and reached the most southerly opening of Wager River on
      the 22nd, where they were detained all day by immense quantities of heavy
      ice driving in with the flood and out again with the ebb tide, which ran
      at the rate of seven or eight miles an hour, forcing up the ice and
      grinding it against the rocks, causing a noise resembling thunder. On the
      24th the party succeeded in making Repulse Bay, and cast anchor within
      eight miles of the head of the bay under shelter of a small island. Here
      Doctor Rae found some Esquimaux Indians, with whom he quickly established
      friendly relations, and from a chart drawn by one of the party he inferred
      that the Arctic Sea (named Akhoolee) to the west of Melville Peninsula was
      not more than forty miles distant, in a N.N.W. direction, and that about
      thirty-five miles of the distance was occupied by deep lakes; so that they
      would have only five miles of land to drag their boat over&mdash;a mode of
      proceeding he had decided upon even had the distance been much greater, in
      preference to going round by the Fury and Hecla Strait. Here he
      established a wintering party, and having unloaded the boats, and placed
      one of them, with the greater part of her cargo, in security, the other
      was hauled three miles up a rapid and narrow river which flowed from one
      of the lakes they were to pass through. This work occupied them the whole
      of the 26th, as the current was very strong, and the channel so full of
      large boulder stones, that the men were frequently up to the waist in
      ice-cold water whilst lifting or launching the boat over these
      impediments. Their landing-place was found to be in latitude 66° 32' 1"
      north. The rate of the chronometer had become so irregular that it could
      not be depended upon for finding the longitude, and during the winter it
      stopped altogether.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Proceeding according to the course he had adopted, the party and their
      adventurous leader on the 3rd of August, at 11 o'clock a.m., rounded a
      high bluff cape, which they called after the lady of Sir John Henry Pelly,
      Bart., Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company. It is situated in latitude
      67° 28' 00" north; longitude, by account, 87° 40' west.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Having succeeded, after surmounting many difficulties, in reaching
      Melville Peninsula, he was ultimately obliged to retreat from the numerous
      obstacles that rendered his progress impossible; he therefore paid a short
      visit to the wintering party at Repulse Bay, to ascertain how they were
      getting on. Ultimately he found himself obliged to give up all hope of
      prosecuting the survey on that occasion. His reasons we give in his own
      words:&mdash;' My reasons for arriving at this conclusion I shall here
      briefly mention, as such a step may seem somewhat premature. I saw, from
      the state of the ice, and the prevalence of northerly winds, that there
      was no likelihood of our completing the whole of the proposed survey this
      season; and although part of the coast, either towards the Strait of the
      Fury and Hecla or towards Dease and Simpson's furthest, might be traced,
      yet to accomplish even this might detain us so long, that there would be
      no time to make the necessary preparations for wintering, and we should
      thus be under the necessity of returning to Churchill without
      accomplishing the object of the expedition; or, if we remained at Repulse
      Bay, run the risk of starving, for I could obtain no promise of supplies
      from the natives, and all the provisions that we carried with us amounted
      to not more than four months' expenditure, which was all that our boats
      could carry. We should have thus to depend almost altogether on our own
      exertions for the means of existence, both in regard to food and fuel.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "The party, therefore, commenced preparations for passing the winter, and
      on the 2nd of September their house was furnished. Its internal dimensions
      were 20 feet long by 14 feet broad; height in front, 7 1/2 feet, sloping
      to 5 1/2 at the back. The roof was formed of oil-cloths and morse skin
      coverings, the masts and oars of our boats serving as rafters. The door
      was made of parchment deer skins stretched over a frame of wood. It was
      named Fort Hope, and was situated in latitude 66° 32' 16" north, longitude
      (by a number of sets of lunar distances) 86° 55' 51" west. The variation
      of the compass on the 30th August, 1846, was 62° 50' 30" west; dip of the
      needle, 88° 14'; and the mean time of 100 vertical vibrations in the line
      of declination 226.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the 5th of April in the present year, Doctor Rae commenced his spring
      journeys in company with three men, the Esquimaux, Ibit-Chuck, and
      Oulibuck's son, as interpreter; and, on the 15th, which was very stormy,
      with a temperature of 20° below zero, they arrived at the steep mud banks
      of a bay, called by their guide Ak-ku-li-guwiak. Its surface was marked
      with a number of high rocky islands, towards the highest of which (six or
      seven miles distant) they directed their course, and were, before sunset,
      comfortably housed under a snow roof. Early in the morning of the 17th, he
      set out in company with two of the men, for the purpose of following the
      coast to some point surveyed by Sir John Ross, as he felt confident that
      the veteran discoverer was correct in his opinion as to Boothia Felix
      being part of the American continent. They directed their course to the
      furthest visible land, which bore N.W. (true). Cape Berens (the point
      alluded to) is equated in latitude 69° 4' 12" north, and longitude 90° 35'
      west. It is formed entirely of granite partially covered with moss.
      Thirteen miles beyond this they arrived at two narrow points in the small
      bay, between which they built their snow hut.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As they were now near the latitude and longitude of Lord Mayor's Bay of
      Sir John Ross, he struck across land nearly in a north direction, and at
      noon, when passing over a considerable lake, the latitude of 69° 26' 1"
      north was observed. Advancing three miles beyond this, he reached another
      lake. A walk of twenty minutes brought him to an inlet not more than a
      quarter of a mile wide. This he traced to the westward for three miles,
      when his course was again obstructed by land. Ascending some high rocks,
      from which a good view could be obtained, he thought he could distinguish
      rough ice in the desired direction. With renewed hopes, he set out at a
      rapid pace, plunging among deep snow, scrambling over rocks and through
      rough ice, until he gained some rising ground close to the beach. From the
      spot where he now stood, as far as the eye could see to the north-west,
      lay a large extent of ice-covered sea, studded with innumerable islands.
      Lord Mayor's Bay was before him, and the islands were those named by Sir
      John Ross 'The Sons of the Clergy of the Church of Scotland.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "The isthmus which connects the land to the northward with Boothia Felix
      is only one mile broad, and, judging by the number of stone marks set up
      on it, it appeared to him to be a favourite resort of the natives. Its
      latitude is 69° 31' north; longitude, by account, 91° 29' 30" west.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After taking possession of his discoveries with the usual formalities,
      the Doctor returned to his quarters on the island above-mentioned, where,
      as they were all more or less affected with snow-blindness, and the dogs
      were still weak, they remained on the island, which he found to be
      situated in latitude 68° 53' 44" north; longitude, by account, 89° 56' 00"
      west. It is formed almost entirely of granite, and is upwards of seven
      hundred and thirty feet above the level of the sea. From the highest point
      of it, he obtained a fine view of the bay, and was thus saved the trouble
      of tracing its shores. It extends sixteen or eighteen miles to the
      southward, and contains a number of rocky islands, the highest of them
      being that on which they encamped. The bay was named Pelly Bay, after the
      governor of the company; and the group of islands, Harrison Islands.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The party, on their return, traced the shores of the tracts across which
      they had made overland journeys when coming out. The country was low,
      flat, and very regular in outline. They arrived at Repulse Bay on the 5th
      of May, all safe and well, but as black as negroes, from the combined
      effects of frost-bites and oil-smoke. The Doctor subsequently traced the
      west shore of Melville Bay, and for that purpose started on the evening of
      the 13th of May.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The nature of the service, and the hardships to be endured on such
      expeditions, may be understood from the few short extracts from the report
      in reference to this last exploring visit:&mdash;'Our snow-house, on the
      25th, was built in lat. 68° 48' N., long. 85° 4' W., near a small stream,
      frozen (like all others that we had passed) to the bottom. We had not yet
      obtained a drop of water of nature's thawing, and fuel being rather a
      scarce article, we sometimes took small kettles of snow under the blanket
      with us, to thaw it with the heat of our bodies. Leaving two men to
      endeavour to fish and shoot, I went forward with the others, and crossed
      Garry Bay, passing inside a number of islets.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "The party returned to their snow hut on the 25th, where, says the report&mdash;'
      The men we had left here were well, but very thin, as they had neither
      caught nor shot anything eatable, except two marmots. Had we been absent
      twelve hours more, they were to have cooked a piece of parchment skin for
      supper.' The whole party returned safe and well to York Factory on the 6th
      of September last."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the year 1847, several eminent men were called away from the sphere
      of their earthly honour and usefulness. Among these was Mr. Gurney, of
      Norwich, a man who attracted a considerable share of public attention by
      his talents, energies, and benevolence. As a member of the Society of
      Friends, he became very influential in that body, and was recognised as
      one of the most enlightened of their ministers. He took part with his
      sister, the celebrated Mrs. Fry, in prison visitations. His interviews
      with M. Guizot concerning negro slavery were very influential with that
      statesman. Mr. Gurney was an author, especially on Biblical and polemical
      topics. He also wrote on scientific subjects, but chiefly in their
      relation to theology. As a writer he was more scholarly than elegant, more
      learned than profound, more discursive than logical. He lived and died an
      eminently good man.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of February, in the 66th year of his age, Sharon Turner, the
      historian of the Anglo-Saxons, departed this life. He was a distinguished
      archaeologist and historian.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd April, Thomas B. Martin, Esq., M.P. for Galway, died. He was
      the largest landed proprietor in Ireland, and a very noted man in the
      political and social affairs of that country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 27th of April witnessed the death of a very remarkable man, Lord
      Cowley, in the 75th year of his age. He was the youngest son of the first
      Earl of Mornington, and consequently youngest brother of the Duke of
      Wellington. Mr. Henry Wellesley began professional life as aprecis writer
      in the Foreign Office. After serving for two years there, he accompanied
      the embassy of Lord Malmesbury to Lisle. In 1797 he accompanied his
      brother, the Marquis Wellesley to India, as private secretary. He was,
      after twelve months' service in that capacity, appointed one of the
      commissioners to Mysore. In that office he showed not only talent but
      genius. Subsequently he was sent to Oude, on an especial mission, and
      conducted his diplomacy with so much tact, that he obtained the cession of
      territory which brought the company a revenue of nearly a million
      sterling. He was subsequently appointed to the government of the country
      thus ceded. On his return from India he entered parliament, where his mode
      of speaking very much resembled that of his brother Arthurshort, pointed,
      and to the purpose. He resumed his diplomatic engagements, and was
      appointed envoy to Spain. He resigned his position in the treasury, under
      the government of the Duke of Portland, for this office, in 1809, and
      continued in it until 1811, when he was directed to continue his services
      at that court, with the title of ambassador. In 1812 he was made a Knight
      of the Bath. He continued in Spain until 1822. He was then sent to Vienna,
      and ultimately to the court of the Tuileries, as the representative of his
      country. He was made a peer, and various other public honours were
      conferred upon him. Upon the breaking up of Sir Robert Peel's
      administration, he gave place to the Marquis of Normanby, but took up his
      residence at Paris, and remained there until the time of his decease. He
      was twice married; in the first instance to Lady Charlotte Cadogan, which
      marriage was dissolved. His second wife was Lady Georgiana Cecil, daughter
      of the Marquis of Salisbury. The talent which characterised the whole of
      the Wellesley family was very extraordinary; every member of it
      distinguished himself in some way in the service of his country, and
      obtained honour, won by his own assiduity and genius.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Robert Stopford, admiral of the red, vice-admiral of the United
      Kingdom, and governor of Greenwich Hospital, died on June 25, in the 88th
      year of his age. This distinguished sailor had entered the navy in very
      early youth, and was in most of the great actions that were fought during
      his eventful life. He was much beloved by the navy. His life was
      remarkably free from disputes with public men, especially in his own
      profession. There was one notable instance, however, to the contrary. Sir
      Charles Napier, who served under him off the coast of Syria, disobeyed
      orders, and added to the disobedience fierce attacks upon the gallant old
      admiral, who came out of the discussion with honour, while his
      disputatious antagonist suffered much in public opinion by the attacks
      which he made upon his superior officer.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of July, the death of John Walter, of Bearwood, Berkshire,
      caused a great sensation. To that gentleman the <i>Times</i> newspaper
      owes its progressive power. His inventive genius, his business habits,
      dispatch, punctuality, and enterprise, raised the paper to the pitch of
      popularity it afterwards attained, and which it has ever since preserved.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same day another eminent man passed away, Sir George Martin,
      G.C.B., admiral of the fleet, and viceadmiral of the United Kingdom. His
      services were innumerable. Through a long life he endured the perils and
      shared the glory of naval war, and died regretted by his country.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 7th of December, Mr. B. Liston, the celebrated surgeon, died; and
      during the same month many professional men, and many men of letters.
    </p>
    <p>
      The space allotted to this history would not allow of even a brief notice
      of all the eminent persons who passed from life during this year in the
      British Isles, and subjects of Great Britain in other countries. Many
      distinguished men were lost to the navy and army, whose valour and renown
      were precious in the esteem of the nation; but so numerous are the heroes
      of Great Britain, in all ages, that the names of deceased warriors are
      only noticed with ordinary respect and regret, whose death would, in any
      other nation, be an event to attract the sustained attention of the
      people. The year made sad havoc especially in the navy list, from which
      the names of many of the best and bravest were removed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF THE YEAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The distressed condition of the poor of the British Isles, the
      disarrangement of commercial affairs, the famine in Ireland, and the crime
      prevailing in that country, rendered it necessary to open the session of
      1847 earlier than usual. Accordingly, on the 19th of January her majesty,
      in person, read the speech from the throne. It referred to all these
      subjects in a manner appropriate to the occasion. The marriage of the
      Infanta of Spain to the Duke of Montpensier, was simply noticed as having
      given rise to a correspondence between her majesty's government and that
      of France. When her majesty came to the passage referring to the
      Montpensier marriage, the house was intensely still, and every eye watched
      the royal countenance to see if any indication of her private feelings
      would be given. This portion of the royal speech was read with a peculiar
      expression of displeasure by her majesty, never before witnessed in her
      countenance on a public occasion. In private, the royal lady did not
      hesitate to denounce the conduct of Louis Philippe as utterly faithless,
      and she was accustomed to refer to him as incapable of acting with the
      honour of a private gentleman, for he had given his hand to her while
      making a solemn promise that this marriage should not take place. This
      state of feeling on the part of her majesty was well known to the King of
      the French, who, while he regretted it, took credit to himself for having
      frustrated her majesty's own intention to have the infanta married to a
      Cobourg. Her reference to the extinction of the free city and state of
      Cracow was made in terms of great severity, as a manifest violation of the
      treaty of Vienna, and her intention of laying before the house copies of
      her protests to the three states was expressed. Allusion was made to the
      action of the combined squadrons of France and England in the River Plate.
      Her majesty read the passages which described the condition of Ireland
      with a subdued tone, as if mingled shame and sympathy struggled within her
      breast.
    </p>
    <p>
      The debates which ensued upon the address were neither remarkable for
      judgment nor eloquence. Lord Stanley, in the lords, was, as usual, apt,
      ready, and ingenious, but dealt in platitudes unworthy of his reputation.
      Lord Brougham was bitter against his former friends, allowing his personal
      spleen to interfere with his patriotism and the public welfare. He did not
      succeed either in embarrassing the ministry or enlightening the lords. The
      debates in the commons were regarded with more interest by the country
      than those in the lords. Mr. Disraeli's sarcasm that the house of lords
      had become "the high court of registry," had truth in it. The address gave
      rise to much animated discussion, envenomed by party spirit. Smith O'Brien
      laid the grievances of Ireland before the house in terms more patriotic
      and honest than wise. Lord George Bentinck taunted the government with the
      failure of their remedial measures for Ireland, political and material,
      and his taunts were keenly felt. The cabinet was not equal to the crisis.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st of January Lord John Russell moved that the house should go
      into committee on the corn importation acts; and he announced his
      intention to follow that up by a motion on the navigation laws, by which
      they should be suspended until the 6th of November. He accordingly first
      proposed the suspension of the duties on the importation of foreign corn
      until September. Bills were brought in, and passed both houses with the
      utmost rapidity, the standing orders being waived. On the 25th they
      received the royal assent. On that day ministers communicated their plans
      for the melioration of Irish suffering. So overwhelming was the
      wretchedness of Ireland, that the amount of relief for January was
      calculated by Lord John Russell at three-quarters of a million sterling.
      Colonel Jones, who was at the head of the board of works in Ireland, with
      very little advantage to his country, and no moral advantage to himself,
      had, in a letter dated the 19th, stated the difficulties which were
      admitted to stand in the way of employing labourers. The people were so
      reduced by famine that task-work could not be imposed upon them, and
      Colonel Jones was therefore of opinion that to give food was, on the
      whole, cheaper than to employ such labour. Lord John Russell made very
      effective use of this letter in support of the views which he presented to
      the house. He stated that the money advanced for public works should not
      be exacted in full, but half remitted upon the payment of each instalment.
      The next proposal of the premier was for a grant of £50,000 in advance, to
      enable proprietors to procure seed for the land. His lordship animadverted
      in very indignant terms upon the conduct of men of mark in Ireland, who,
      instead of paying their rates for the relief of the poor, invited them to
      make demands with which no government could comply. He instanced the union
      of Castlebar, in the county of Mayo, where there was room in the workhouse
      for six hundred persons, and only one hundred and twenty were admitted,
      while the Marquis of Sligo and Mr. Moore addressed a letter to the people
      of the district, calling upon them to meet at Castlebar and "demand their
      rights." Lord John dwelt eloquently upon the want of self-reliance and
      co-operation displayed in Ireland, and affirmed the utter impossibility of
      government or any human power interposing so as to prevent the continuance
      of many of the painful consequences of harvest failure already
      experienced. His lordship's counsels and cautions were badly received,
      both by the Irish members and by the people of Ireland, and
      notwithstanding his liberal measures of relief, his speech added to his
      unpopularity in that country. The Irish were very unwilling to adopt the
      philosophy of Mr. Disraeli, "Whether, under any circumstances, it should
      be the office of a government to supply the people with food is a very
      interesting question. When famine prevails there will always be a numerous
      party who will maintain the affirmative. Death and decimation are stern
      facts which seem to bring conviction. Yet it is the duty of a minister to
      consider whether, if the government were to interfere, the death might not
      be increased, and the rate of mortality aggravated."
    </p>
    <p>
      Another measure for the relief of Ireland was proposed by ministers to
      enable government to make advances from the treasury on the security of
      the rates, and excited a debate, when its committal was moved on the 8th
      of February. This debate was remarkable as giving an opportunity to the
      great agitator for his last parliamentary effort. He declared that two
      millions of the Irish population must perish if the parliament did not
      come forward with adequate relief; while he proclaimed their measures
      totally inadequate, and showing either ignorance of the state of the
      country, or want of sympathy for its sufferings. He affirmed that in the
      ruin which had fallen on the land, any attempt to levy rates would be
      abortive, and drive the people to desperation. The honourable and
      venerable member depicted the condition of the people with truthful
      eloquence, and he was no less correct in showing the shortcomings of the
      government schemes of relief. His speech was delivered in a faint voice,
      and with every symptom of physical exhaustion. He was heard with the most
      profound attention and respect. His predictions, unfortunately, came to
      pass. His dissolution was hastened by his inability to procure an assent
      to his views in the house, and by the consequences which he so clearly
      foresaw.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John's measures for the relief of Ireland having been carried, he on
      the 1st of March proposed a permanent measure to compel the land to
      support the pauper poor. On the 12th of March his lordship made an
      elaborate defence of his scheme, which wras warmly debated, Mr. Roebuck
      acrimoniously attacking Irish landlords, and Mr. Smith O'Brien insisting
      that the blame of the condition of Ireland rested upon the government.
      Government, however, was not left alone to initiate measures of Irish
      relief. Lord George Bentinck, on the 4th of February, brought forward a
      motion for the reproductive employment of Irish labour by the construction
      of railways in Ireland. This motion his lordship advocated eloquently, and
      it has been agreed that his oration was the best he ever delivered. His
      plan was in all respects sound considered in reference to the principles
      of political economy, and more useful, practically, than any which the
      government had devised; yet the ministerial side of the house treated it
      with ridicule. An advance of sixteen millions sterling to promote railways
      in Ireland they scouted as preposterous; but no effective answer was given
      to the facts and figures of Lord George, who was singularly careful on
      this occasion in his preparation of both. The bill was brought in without
      any opposition from the government, but it was foreseen that the influence
      of the cabinet would be used for its defeat. Accordingly, on the 12th of
      February, on the proposal of the second reading, government opposition was
      offered: the debate, after an adjournment, was resumed on the 15th, and
      continued through that day and the next, when the bill was thrown out by
      an overwhelming majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial
      statement, and made a demand for an eight millions loan on behalf of
      Ireland, noticed elsewhere. He gave an appalling picture of the state of
      the English poor, showing that, in Manchester alone, nearly thirty
      thousand workmen and labourers were out of employment, while the prospect
      of the augmentation of the unemployed there was disheartening. The grant
      for Ireland was especially opposed by two members of the house, who, while
      they sympathised beyond most other members with the political agitators of
      Ireland, looked upon her material condition without an equally warm
      interest, and regarded her rather from an English than an imperial point
      of view; these members were Mr. Hume and Mr. Roebuck. Government was
      triumphant in those measures, so far as the support of a majority in the
      commons was concerned. It was, however, felt that neither the men nor the
      measures were adequate to the exigencies of party, any more than to the
      magnitude of the occasion. Lord John Russell was vacillating and
      time-serving, although with a show of resolution in resisting and
      defeating measures which afterwards met, at all events, his qualified
      approval. This was most singularly exemplified in connection with Lord
      George Bentinck's measure for an advance of money to create railways in
      Ireland. On the 26th of April the house was taken by surprise when the
      chancellor of the exchequer proposed a loan to certain Irish railways. The
      proposed sum was £620,000, half a million of which was to be advanced to
      one particular railway&mdash;"the great South Western." This gave great
      offence to many. Mr. Hume led off the opposition, Mr. Roebuck followed, of
      course, with fiery impetuosity; Sir Robert Peel disapproved of it, and the
      whole Peel party echoed his objections. Lord George Bentinck exulted in
      the homage paid to his counsels by the tardy, trimming, half measure, or
      less than half measure of her majesty's advisers. Notwithstanding so
      rigorous an opposition from so many quarters, government was so well
      backed by the Irish members and the ministerial hacks who represented
      British constituencies, that they carried this and several other measures
      to which a similar opposition was offered. The remark that the railway
      scheme of Sir Charles Wood was the fag-end of Lord George Bentinck's
      measure, was received with loud cheers by the house, and was repeated much
      "out of doors." During these debates the grossest ignorance of Ireland,
      her people, resources, and financial relation to Great Britain, was
      evinced by English representatives. Mr. Hume and Mr. Roebuck were very
      conspicuous in this respect. Mr. Disraeli had the folly to say that the
      railway scheme of Lord George Bentinck would be beneficial to Ireland, in
      a political, moral, and social point of view, irrespective of material
      advantage, because the Roman Catholic and Protestant populations would be
      brought to work together as "navvies!" Mr. Disraeli did not know that not
      one man, probably, out of five thousand in that class of labourers in
      Ireland was a Protestant, and that if working together in the same
      employments would be sufficient to reconcile them, the reconciliation must
      have been long ago effected&mdash;over the whole of Ulster, at least. The
      differences between Irish Protestants and Roman Catholics were founded in
      principle, cherished deeply and warmly by them respectively, and were not,
      and are not, to be healed by the political or economical quackery of Mr.
      Disraeli, or politicians who, like him, share with neither party in the
      earnestness of their opinions. The Irish Protestant and the Irish Roman
      Catholic believe that the political ascendancy of their respective creeds
      is necessary to the development of their power and usefulness, and strive,
      therefore, with jealous eagerness and honesty for that ascendancy.
      Whatever concessions on this ground the Protestants might be induced to
      make, the spirit of Irish Romanism is ultramontane in every province and
      in every social grade of the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Earl of Lincoln and Lord Monteagle united in bringing under the notice
      of the commons and lords the subject of Irish emigration, and each of
      these noble persons occupied the time and attention of parliament with an
      impracticable measure. The general want of parliamentary tact and
      practical sagacity evinced by the members of both houses at this juncture
      was discouraging to those who regarded parliament as the hope of the
      nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament was much occupied with Irish and financial questions during the
      session; several other matters, however, occupied earnest attention. Mr.
      Fielden, member for Oldham, brought before the commons a measure for
      shortening the hours of labour of women and children, and young persons in
      factories. His agitation of this subject derived additional interest from
      the fact that he himself had been a poor factory boy, and had, to use his
      own expression, always "stood by his order." His measure proposed the
      limitation of labour to twelve hours a clay, allowing two hours out of the
      twelve for meals, and he would apply this rule to all young persons
      between the ages of thirteen and eighteen. On Saturday, however, he would
      limit the hours to eight, making a total of sixty-three hours in the week
      until the 1st of May, 1848, after which the total hours of labour for each
      young person in the week should be fifty-eight. These restrictions he
      would apply to all females, of whatever age, engaged in factory labour.
      The working-classes were strongly in favour of Mr. Fielden's motion. Mr.
      Cobden had said the previous year that, if the matter was postponed for
      twelve months, the feelings of the working-classes would change; but that
      eloquent and philanthropic man very often proved himself a bad prophet,
      and never more signally than in this instance. The desire of the
      working-classes for some such law had greatly increased since the time Mr.
      Cobden declared that it would abate. On the second reading of the bill a
      fierce opposition was offered, based upon principles of political economy.
      Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Hume, Mr. Trelawney, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. Mark
      Philips, and Mr. Bright, were the chief opponents of the measure. Mr.
      Bright very ably animadverted upon the vacillation of Lord John Russell
      upon this subject, and the mischief inflicted upon the interests in
      question by the noble lord's indecision.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell avowed his support of the principle of the measure,
      because parliament had already given its sanction to that principle, but
      he objected to the details. The bill was very ably supported by Mr.
      Ricardo and Mr. Duncombe. Several speeches were made on its behalf, which
      were calculated to damage it, and to awaken the alarm of the manufacturing
      interest; these were made by Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Ferrand, Mr.
      Borthwick, Sir Robert Inglis, and Mr. Newdegate. Mr. Roebuck offered an
      able and formidable opposition to it. Mr. Brotherton made a feeling appeal
      to the house, assuring it that the working-classes were borne down by the
      oppressive number of their hours of toil; that it was impossible for them
      to accomplish a better arrangement by voluntary agreement; that he himself
      had worked in a factory, and felt the oppressiveness of the burden,
      resolving, if ever he could, to contribute to the emancipation of the
      workmen from so great an evil, and declaring that he still retained in
      their original freshness the feelings he then cherished. This noble appeal
      was received by the house with warm demonstrations of applause. Sir James
      Graham endeavoured to remove the effect which it produced, setting out
      with the paltry sophism that Mr. Brotherton had risen by the long-hour
      system, ergo, he should not oppose it! The fair implication of Mr.
      Brotherton's speech was that he had risen <i>in spite</i> of the long-hour
      system, and if Sir James could have regarded the arguments of the
      honourable member for Salford with common candour, he must have drawn that
      inference. The bill was carried through both houses with rapid success,
      after undergoing certain modifications. Lord Brougham took occasion to
      launch his thunders against his former friends in the ministry for their
      varying opinions, forgetful that from him this reproach, however well
      founded, came with the worst possible grace.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of March Mr. Fox Maule moved the second reading of a bill for
      shortening the period of service in the army. The bill was opposed by Sir
      Howard Douglas, who did not on this occasion give his last mistaken
      opinion on military affairs. Colonel Sibthorp, the opponent of every
      improvement in the law, was an appropriate companion for Sir Howard
      Douglas in this opposition. Colonel Reid also denounced the measure. It
      received support from Major Layard, who exposed the injustice of the Duke
      of Wellington's Horse-guards' administration by instances of the gross
      political partiality displayed in the promotion of officers. Sir De Lacy
      Evans, the friend of the soldier, the supporter of every liberal opinion
      and just law, supported Mr. Maule. Mr. Sidney Herbert afforded a qualified
      support. The measure passed the commons, and received an eloquent and
      powerful advocacy in the lords from the Duke of Wellington. This mainly
      contributed to the success of the bill, for the lords were disposed to
      throw it out. The Earl of Lucan proposed a plan calculated to reconcile
      parties; but the Duke of Wellington was so strenuously in favour of the
      plan of the government, that it was carried, but by a very small majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GOVERNMENT PLAN OF EDUCATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Few subjects had engaged the attention of the country more than that of
      popular education. The government resolved upon an enlarged scheme, and
      submitted their views to parliament. The plan was essentially in the
      interest of the Established Church, and had the appearance of being
      intended not only as a means of proselytizing dissenters, but also to
      disparage them. No measure could be more adapted to aggravate the
      differences between the two great sections of English Protestants. An
      opposition was awakened among all the dissenting communities of the most
      hearty nature, and the government sowed the seeds of distrust of the whig
      party, which their old abettors, the dissenters, have cherished to this
      day, although ten years have since elapsed. It is unlikely that the Whigs,
      as a party, will ever regain the confidence of the Protestant dissenters
      of Great Britain. The whig government showed its usual inaptitude to
      perceive the real state of public feeling among the lower strata of the
      middle classes, and the unhappy faculty of making unpalatable measures, as
      <i>mal apropos</i> as possible in the time and mode of their introduction.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Lansdowne introduced the measure to the lords. Upon certain minutes
      emanating from the privy council the government based their measure. It
      comprised a system of educational grants, and of school inspection, which
      virtually consigned the education of the country to the custody of the
      clergy of the Established Church. In the lords the measure of the
      ministers passed with little question; in the commons numerous and stormy
      debates ensued. Mr. Macaulay, on the one hand, and Mr. Bright, on the
      other, threw some acrimony into these debates, but probably the former
      never appeared to less advantage in parliament, nor the latter to more
      advantage than in this discussion. Government succeeded in disarming the
      Roman Catholic members from opposition by a private understanding that,
      although by the minutes of the educational committee of the privy council
      then under consideration, they were debarred from any grant, separate
      minutes would afterwards be introduced in their especial behalf. There was
      also an understanding with the Wesleyan Methodists on the principle of the
      grants to their schools, the inspection to be exercised, and the selection
      of pupil teachers, which disarmed the opposition of that numerous and
      energetic body. The Unitarians were also conciliated by the explanations
      which were offered to them, and that body was so extremely anxious for the
      spread of education, that they were ready to accept a position of great
      denominational disadvantage, in order to see the extension of some plan
      that would conduce to the mitigation of popular ignorance. The
      Congregationalists and Baptists, Presbyterians and Friends, and various
      other bodies of Methodists who adopted the voluntary principle, were
      beyond conciliation. They boldly demanded equal rights for all, and
      perfect freedom of education. This large class of persons were much
      maligned by the Earl of Surrey, when he consented to have Boman Catholics
      excluded from the minutes, because, in his opinion, if they were placed
      within the circle of advantage which the government was willing to accord,
      all the dissenting sects would assail them with an increased and perhaps
      successful opposition. The objections of the "voluntary dissenters," and
      more liberal sections of churchmen, were unaffected by theological
      considerations; they desired that their schools should be protected from
      government interference, and remain uncorrupted by government patronage,
      and they objected to the unconstitutional authority, as they deemed it,
      exercised by the privy council. No public man out of their own party ever
      had so much intercourse with those classes as Lord Brougham, who, at the
      same time, understood them so little. His lordship affected to "live and
      move and have his being" in an atmosphere of liberality and enlightenment
      too high for the earnestly religious men of the country to attain. From
      this elevation he looked down upon their conflicts with an affected
      compassion, which if meant to cover his disdain was very unsuccessful, and
      it brought out more prominently his lordship's thorough ignorance of the
      tone and principles of these classes, many of whom had studied the merits
      of the whole question with far more undivided attention, and not less
      capacity, than he had.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Lansdowne could not introduce a more comprehensive plan, but he
      admitted the impossibility of his so doing, because society was divided
      into two great classes, churchmen and dissenters, who loved education
      much, but controversy more. Never was a sentence uttered in parliament
      where the religious feelings and opinions of the people were concerned,
      even by Lord Brougham himself, more unfounded in fact. The assertion was
      certainly true of a great many, both churchmen and dissenters, but there
      was a far greater number of each who loved education very much, and who
      did not regard controversy with any favour&mdash;men of strong
      conscientious principles, and of deep and earnest piety, who were not
      prepared to sacrifice their opinions to any government, or to any view of
      expediency, whatever the end proposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Instead of making these classes the object of his constant sneers, Lord
      Brougham would have rendered more service to his country, and have been
      more just, had he honoured their scruples, and devoted himself to the
      production of some scheme which, whether successful or not in passing the
      legislature, would have laid the basis of an ultimate acceptance by its
      respect for the religious rights of all. No plan of education will ever
      gain acceptance in England, so long as there is freedom of discussion and
      religious liberty, which recognises either a sectarian or a state
      ascendancy in education. As the Bishop of Oxford once said, as to the
      feasibility of a compulsory system of education&mdash;"We are too free a
      people for such a scheme ever to be carried out amongst us." Carlisle
      showed his philosophy and accuracy of historical knowledge when he
      described the Roundheads and Cavaliers as honest, earnest men,&mdash;
      heroes, because nobly true to the principles they had espoused, and
      fearless of all consequences in their avowal; but that eloquent writer
      showed, like Lord Brougham, his ignorance of the classes of men which, in
      the present age, succeed to the opinions of Roundheads and Cavaliers, when
      he declares that there are no such men in the England of to-day. They are
      now as earnest and more numerous: let the same circumstances call them
      forth and they will be found. A superior civilisation, a clearer
      understanding of the principles of civil and religious liberty, a more
      tolerant temper now prevail, but there is as much conscientiousness still;
      and now as ever, in this and in every land, men, deeply imbued with the
      principles of Christianity, will be found ready to bear the testimony of
      the advocate or the confessor, as events demand. The spirit evinced by
      Lord Brougham pervaded, to a less extent, a large number of the members of
      both houses, and produced impressions amongst the numerous classes thus
      contemptuously treated, which worked deeply into their hearts, and
      influenced for many a year the votes at elections, and the general feeling
      of the people towards the great historical parties by which parliament had
      been divided.
    </p>
    <p>
      The government carried its measure; £100,000 was devoted to educational
      purposes on the plan provided by the minutes of the Committee of Education
      of the Privy Council. The discussions so long existing on the question of
      education received, however, a new impetus, and became more acrimonious
      than before. A very large party was gradually created favourable to a
      national system of secular education, leaving the religious care of the
      scholars to denominational supervision. A very large class of earnest men
      became still more devoted than ever to the voluntary system of education,
      and prodigious efforts were made to promote it. It was found, however,
      that the expense was such as to defy voluntary efforts, except as
      sustained through a long period, while the deficiency to be met was urgent
      and extensive. To carry out any government system that would at all meet
      the necessity, and respect the scruples of all classes would also entail
      an enormous burden upon the nation. In the debate on the question to which
      this section refers, Mr. Duncombe depicted the heavy public burdens that
      would be thus imposed: Mr. Macaulay exclaimed, "A penny a-head." Mr.
      Duncombe's retort, that this statement was a romance was merited. Mr.
      Macaulay could never have examined the financial bearing of this great
      question thoroughly, or his acute mind must have discovered the fallacy of
      the opinion he so rashly hazarded.
    </p>
    <p>
      The discussions in and out of parliament brought to light a vast mass of
      statistics as to the crime and ignorance with which the worthful elements
      of society had to contend. The alarm felt by good men in the result of
      these revelations strengthened the hands of government in passing the
      bill. Objections were raised by many in view of the magnitude of the evil
      to be encountered, and a sense of responsibility in connection with some
      immediate and extensive action. The reverend Doctor Guthrie, on a
      different and subsequent occasion, eloquently expressed what was at this
      juncture so generally felt:&mdash;"When men die, corruption commonly
      begins after death, but when nations die, it always begins before it. And
      as in that man's gangrened extremities, and swollen feet, and slow
      circulation, I see the heralds of death approaching,&mdash;in these
      godless masses, sunk in ignorance, lost to the profession of religion, and
      even to the decent habits of civilised society, I see the most alarming
      signs of a nation's danger, unless remedies are promptly applied, the
      unmistakeable forerunners of a nation's death. Unless early, active,
      adequate measures are employed to arrest the progress of our social
      maladies, there remains for this mighty empire no fate but the grave&mdash;that
      grave which has closed over all that have gone before it. Where are the
      Assyrian and Egyptian monarchies? Where is the Macedonian empire? Where
      the world-wide power of Rome? Egypt lies entombed amid the dust of her
      catacombs. Assyria is buried beneath the mounds of Nineveh. Rome lives
      only in the pages of history, survives but in the memory of her greatness,
      and the majestic ruins of the 'Eternal City.' Shall our fate resemble
      theirs? Shall it go to prove that Providence has extended the same law of
      mortality to nations that lies on men&mdash;that they also should struggle
      through the dangers of a precarious infancy; grow up into the beauty, and
      burn with the ardour, of youth; arrive at the vigour of perfect manhood;
      and then, slowly sinking, pass through the blindness and decay of old age,
      until they drop into the tomb? Under God, it depends upon ourselves
      whether that shall or shall not be our fate. Matters are not so far gone
      but it may yet be averted. A great French general, who reached the
      battle-field at sundown, found that the troops of his country had been
      worsted in the fight; unskilful arrangements had neutralised Gallic
      bravery, and offered the enemy advantages they were not slow to seize. He
      accosted the unfortunate commander; having rapidly learned how matters
      stood, he pulled out his watch, turned his eye on the sinking sun, and
      said, 'There's time yet to gain the victory.' He rallied the broken ranks;
      he placed himself at their head, and launching them with the arm of a
      giant in war, upon the columns of the foe, he plucked the prize from their
      hands&mdash;won the day. There is no time to lose. To her case, perhaps,
      may be applied the words, which we would leave as a solemn warning to
      every worldly, careless, Christless man, 'Behold, now is the accepted
      time; behold, now is the day of salvation.'"
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR CREATING A NEW DIOCESS OF MANCHESTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The government brought in a bill for this purpose which excited much
      discussion in parliament, and much discontent in the locality more
      immediately interested. The second reading was proposed by Lord Lansdowne
      on the 7th of June. The bill also created a new archdeaconry of Liverpool,
      The bill proposed to exclude the new bishop from a seat in parliament.
      This evoked opposition from the high church party, but the success of the
      measure was secured by this proviso; for the opposition raised in
      Lancashire was so great that the government could hardly have proceeded
      with the bill had a seat in the House of Peers been associated with the
      new see. It was provided, however, that when a vacancy, by death or
      otherwise, occurred on the bench of bishops, the bishop of Manchester
      should succeed to a seat in that house. This introduced a new principle in
      the relations of the episcopal bench to the peerage; for a bishop would
      not in future have a seat in their lordships' house as a matter of course,
      but would occupy his see without such privilege until a vacancy occurred.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE ANNEXATION OF CRACOW.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The annexation of Cracow to the Austrian empire has been already related
      in this chapter. Several allusions were made to this in the debates on the
      address, but on the 4th of March Mr. Hume brought the subject forward in a
      formal manner. Mr. Hume, however, so mixed up the subject with the
      Russo-Dutch loan, that his resolutions as far as regarded Cracow were
      impracticable, and he withdrew them after uselessly occupying the time of
      the house by a long debate.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were few matters of interest connected with the remainder of the
      session. Lord Palmerston delivered a speech in which he animadverted so
      severely on the bad faith of the Spanish government, in reference to
      Spanish bonds, as to produce great indignation in Spain. It was supposed
      that the good effects of the speech, however, would be felt by those
      interested in the punctual disbursements of the Spanish government. That
      government had too little probity to meet the calls of honour, and too
      little shame to be moved by the disapprobation of honest men.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was resolved by the government of Lord John Russell to advise her
      majesty to dissolve parliament, so that the elections might terminate
      before harvest; various bills were therefore postponed or abandoned.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Lyndhurst had been accustomed to take a retrospective view of each
      session, in a speech which recapitulated the doings and misdoings of
      government, according to his lordship's view of them. Lord Brougham,
      ambitious to do everything, even when he knew others could do it better,
      resolved to perform the task usually sustained by his brother
      ex-chancellor. The performance was inferior to that usually accomplished
      by the noble Baron Lyndhurst, although in declamatory force Lord
      Brougham's oration was perfect. All the bills passed in the session he
      described as bad ones. Many of those lost or abandoned, if introduced by
      government, he represented as useless, and their introduction as a waste
      of time. Every epithet of contempt furnished by the English language, and
      by any other which his lordship knew, however imperfectly, was heaped upon
      the defunct bills. They were consigned to the shades below, to that "lean
      world" where&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Ibant obseuri sola sub nocte per nmbram
     Perque domos Ditis vacuas et mania regna."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      What his lordship said of the defunct measures will be true of himself,
      when his great energies are still, and his eloquent tongue silent for ever&mdash;"A
      thousand faults and a thousand freaks died with them." His lordship
      appended a condemnatory motion to his speech, which, like most of his
      motions, came to nothing. The house was greatly amused, and even
      instructed, by the noble lord's oration, but not at all edified. The
      Marquis of Lansdowne replied with that calm and graceful dignity by which
      that venerable peer was so much distinguished; and his reply carried with
      it the weight of his consistent political character, for the house
      unanimously adopted his course.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of July, parliament was prorogued by her majesty. As the
      parliament which had been called together in 1841 had been one of the
      longest during the century, the prorogation, which was made by her majesty
      in person, excited very great public interest, and the queen's speech was
      looked for with unusual public attention. The streets leading to the House
      of Lords presented the same animated appearance as is usual on similar
      occasions. Her majesty, accompanied by Prince Albert, and attended by the
      usual great officers of state, entered the royal carriage, and proceeded
      from Buckingham Palace to the House of Lords shortly before two o'clock.
      As the royal procession passed through St. James's Park, and along the
      line of road, her majesty and her illustrious consort were loudly cheered
      by the spectators who had assembled to witness this splendid pageant. On
      the arrival of the royal <i>cortège</i> at the House of Lords, it was
      announced by a discharge of cannon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty having robed, she immediately proceeded to the house, and took
      her seat on the throne. Prince Albert occupied a state chair on the right
      of the sovereign. The entrance of her majesty to the house was announced
      by a nourish of trumpets. The peers and peeresses all rose as the queen
      entered. The new house was crowded, and presented a brilliant spectacle.
      All, or nearly all, the foreign ambassadors and ministers were present.
      The dresses of the ladies were very elegant.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty having taken her seat, the Lord Chancellor directed Sir
      Augustus Clifford, Usher of the Black Rod, to summon the House of Commons
      to hear the royal speech on the prorogation of parliament. In a short time
      the speaker, accompanied by a number of members, appeared at the bar, when
      the right honourable gentleman, as is usual, addressed her majesty in a
      short speech, recounting the business of the session, and concluded by
      praying the royal assent to several bills which had passed both houses.
      Her majesty then read the following most gracious speech:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>My Lords and Gentlemen</i>,&mdash;I have much satisfaction in being
      able to release you from the duties of a laborious and anxious session. I
      cannot take leave of you without expressing my grateful sense of the
      assiduity and zeal with which you have applied yourselves to the
      consideration of the public interests. Your attention has been principally
      directed to the measures of immediate relief which a great and
      unprecedented calamity rendered necessary.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have given my cheerful assent to those laws which, by allowing the free
      admission of grain, and by affording facilities for the use of sugar in
      breweries and distilleries, tend to increase the quantity of human food,
      and to promote commercial intercourse.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I rejoice to rind that you have in no instance proposed new restrictions,
      or interfered with the liberty of foreign or internal trade; as a mode of
      relieving distress. I feel assured that such measures are generally
      ineffectual, and, in some cases, aggravate the evils for the alleviation
      of which they are adopted.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I cordially approve of the acts of large and liberal bounty by which you
      have assuaged the sufferings of my Irish subjects. I have also readily
      given my sanction to a law to make better provision for the permanent
      relief of the destitute in Ireland. I have likewise given my assent to
      various bills calculated to promote the agriculture and develop the
      industry of that portion of the United Kingdom. My attention shall be
      directed to such further measures as may be conducive to those salutary
      purposes.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My relations with foreign powers continue to inspire me with confidence
      in the maintenance of peace. It has afforded me great satisfaction to find
      that the measures which, in concert with the King of the French, the Queen
      of Spain, and the Queen of Portugal, I have taken for the pacification of
      Portugal, have been attended with success; and that the civil war which
      for many months had afflicted that country has, at last, been brought to a
      bloodless termination. I indulge the hope that future differences between
      political parties in that country may be settled without an appeal to
      arms.
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Gentlemen of the House of Commons</i>,&mdash;I thank you for your
      willingness in granting me the necessary supplies; they shall be applied
      with due care and economy to the public service.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am happy to inform you that, notwithstanding the high price of food,
      the revenue has, up to the present time, been more productive than I had
      reason to anticipate. The increased use of articles of general consumption
      has chiefly contributed to this result. The revenue derived from sugar,
      especially, has been greatly augmented by the removal of the prohibitory
      duties on foreign sugar.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The various grants which you have made for education in the United
      Kingdom will, I trust, be conducive to the religious and moral improvement
      of my people.
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>My Lords and Gentlemen</i>,&mdash;I think it proper to inform you that
      it is my intention immediately to dissolve the present parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I rely with confidence on the loyalty to the throne, and attachment to
      the free institutions of this country, which animate the great body of my
      people. I join with them in supplications to Almighty God that the dearth
      by which we have been afflicted may, by the Divine blessing, be converted
      into cheapness and plenty."
    </p>
    <p>
      An event occurred at this juncture not unimportant to the government, and
      in which the Roman Catholics of Ireland felt concern. The O'Connor Don,
      one of the members for Roscommon, and a lord of the Treasury, died. He was
      a patriotic Irishman, of superior education and intelligence, and much
      respected, not only by the county he represented, but in Ireland
      generally. In the province of Connaught he was regarded with the reverence
      paid to a Celtic chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament having been dissolved, writs were at once issued for the
      election of members for a new one. The especial feature of this election
      was the want of a definite policy on the part of the great body of the
      candidates. The Whigs seemed to have no clear notion of what they ought to
      propose to themselves or to the country. Lord John Russell, as has always
      been his custom, referred to his past life as the standard by which the
      electors should judge his future policy. A suspicion existed in the
      electoral body in Great Britain that it was the intention of government to
      endow the Roman Catholic clergy, and this injured the cause of such Whig
      candidates as were not very explicit on this matter. The previous
      parliament had added to the influence of the church by increasing the
      number of bishops, and by their education plan; this prejudiced many of
      the Dissenters against Whigism in general, and the government leaders of
      that school as its most prominent advocates. There was a general
      expectation that, whatever the complexion of the new parliament, Sir
      Robert Peel would of necessity be in power before its dissolution. The
      energy of the country party was, however, mainly directed against the
      Peelites, and their strength was sufficient to bar, for a time at all
      events, the approaches to power against Sir Robert.
    </p>
    <p>
      The elections proceeded throughout Great Britain with fairness, except
      that the landlords in some places exercised an influence which was
      unconstitutional and unjust. Tenants were evicted because they voted
      according to their conscience; and the tradespeople in country towns were
      menaced with loss of custom by the neighbouring landowners. In Ireland the
      landed interest also exercised an undue influence, and many cases of
      extreme hardship occurred. The Boman Catholic clergy used the power of
      their office for electioneering purposes, in a way injurious to their own
      moral influence, subversive of the rights of the people, and dangerous to
      law and order.
    </p>
    <p>
      The elections terminated by the return of a majority, ostensibly in favour
      of government, but there was little earnestness of principle or purpose to
      give consistency or continuity to their support.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ASSEMBLING OF A NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the public distress in Great Britain, the famine in
      Ireland, and the disturbed state of that country, it became necessary for
      parliament to assemble sooner than had been customary. Accordingly, on the
      18th of November, the first session of the new parliament began; Mr. Shaw
      Lefevre was re-elected speaker. On the 23rd, the Marquis of Lansdowne was
      commissioned to read her majesty's speech. That document referred with
      hope to the state of commercial matters in Great Britain, and with
      gratitude to Providence for a bountiful harvest. Her majesty expressed her
      sympathy for Irish suffering, and her abhorrence of Irish crime. She
      expressed her pleasure at the alacrity showed by all classes to relieve
      the destitute in Ireland; and recommended her parliament to take measures
      for repressing outrage, and preserving the public peace in that country.
      She expressed her regret that civil war had broken out in Switzerland, and
      her readiness to use her influence to heal those distractions. The speech
      announced a treaty with the republic of the equator for the suppression of
      the slave-trade, and avowed confidence in maintaining the general peace of
      Europe. The navigation laws, the health of the metropolis, and the
      revenue, were also subjects to which she called the attention of her
      parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the debate upon the address, in the lords, Lord Stanley was
      unreasonable and virulent; Lord Brougham, always in opposition to
      somebody, refuted the conservative leader. He "praised the government for
      calling parliament together so soon; justified the interference with the
      bank charter, recorded on another page; declared that Ireland stood in a
      shameful and hateful pre-eminence of crime, and trusted that effectual
      measures would be taken to disarm the people, and protect life and
      property."
    </p>
    <p>
      The debate on the address, in the commons, was chiefly remarkable for the
      boldness and extent of Mr. John O'Connell's demands upon the Treasury for
      the relief of Ireland. Sir Benjamin Hall made some very foolish replies to
      Mr. O'Connell, and added to the bitterness of the debate. Mr. Maurice
      O'Connell made the startling declaration that not more than one-fifth of
      the sum voted for Ireland had ever reached that country.
    </p>
    <p>
      A Roman Catholic archdeacon, named Laffan, at a public meeting in Cashel,
      had made a very inflammatory speech, which had excited the indignation of
      the public, and was the subject of animadversion in parliament. Mr. Mahon,
      an Irish member, was chairman of that meeting, and the mode in which he
      palliated the atrocious speech of the archdeacon caused murmurs of
      disapprobation in the house. Ireland appeared to great disadvantage in
      this debate, and the tone of English members was not so generous as it
      ought to have been. The dreadful crimes perpetrated in Ireland had
      produced a state of feeling in England which was almost resentful,
      notwithstanding the compassion entertained for the sufferings of the Irish
      poor. There could be no doubt, as Mr. Stafford O'Brien reminded the house,
      that some of the best of landlords had been assassinated. There appeared
      to be a relentless thirst for blood among the Irish peasantry, prompted by
      fanaticism, famine, and despair, which was calculated to destroy the
      sympathy of the representatives of Great Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The address in the commons was ultimately agreed to after a most
      acrimonious debate, protracted by the Irish members and their opponents
      far beyond the limits usual on such occasions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATE ON THE DISTRESS OF THE NATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th the chancellor of the exchequer rose, pursuant of notice, to
      move for "a select committee to inquire into the causes of the recent
      commercial distress, and how far it has been effected by the laws for
      regulating the issue of bank-notes payable on demand." After an
      intellectual debate, except so far as some incoherent rhapsodies of Mr.
      Urquhart made it otherwise, the motion was acceded to. Sir Robert Peel
      appeared to singular advantage in this discussion; he placed the causes of
      public distress luminously before the house, and supported the policy of
      government. In the lords there was a similar debate, remarkable for the
      extraordinary assertion of Lord Brougham, that the public distress was
      chiefly to be attributed to the obstinacy of government and parliament in
      not taking his advice and that of the Duke of Wellington, proffered for
      the last ten years. His lordship seemed ambitious of identifying himself
      with the illustrious duke on all possible occasions, although scarcely any
      two men could have entertained opinions more dissonant than these two
      noble persons.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEASURES FOR THE REPRESSION OF HOMICIDE AND OUTRAGE IN IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The party of Lord John Russell had thwarted the government of Sir Robert
      Peel when endeavouring to enact a law for the preservation of life and
      property from the lawlessness of the peasantry in Ireland: it was Lord
      John's fate, in this session, to invoke Sir Robert's aid in carrying
      measures very similar. It became necessary to pass some enactment
      calculated to hold Irish outrage in check. Lord John's influence
      ultimately suffered by so frequently opposing others in their more timely
      efforts to carry measures of which he was glad at last to avail himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the six months ending October, 1847, there were ninety-six murders,
      while the appalling number of one hundred and fifty-six attempts at
      assassination had been made. During the same period, one hundred and
      sixteen dwelling-houses had been set on fire by incendiaries. But offences
      against life, property, and the civil and religious freedom of the
      respectable inhabitants, were innumerable. Portions of Ireland were under
      a reign of terror. The sympathies of whole districts were on the side of
      those by whom rapine and assassination were committed; and there was a
      general unwillingness, even among the better class of farmers, and persons
      in higher stations still, to bring the malefactors to justice.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir George Grey introduced the remedial measures of government. The
      proposed bill was to be applicable only to such portions of Ireland as the
      lord-lieutenant should proclaim to be disturbed. The reserved force of
      Irish constabulary was to be increased from four hundred to six hundred
      men&mdash;a feature of the scheme so absurdly inadequate as to expose its
      authors to ridicule. From this paltry reserve his excellency was to send
      forces into the proclaimed districts. This force would be paid out of the
      district it was sent to protect&mdash;a most salutary arrangement, as
      giving the small farmers and clergy an interest in checking insurgent
      proceedings. All persons, unless especially exempt from the prohibition,
      were to be forbidden the use of arms in proclaimed districts, but they
      might have such in their own houses. This provision, which appeared
      reasonable in itself, was practically mischievous, for the houses of many
      became depots of arms for their companions in disaffection more suspected
      than themselves. Robberies of arms were perpetrated by <i>unarmed</i>
      bands, who were nevertheless not resisted. Any violation of the disarming
      clause of the bill would subject the culprit to three years' imprisonment.
      The lord-lieutenant had power to authorise search for arms in the houses
      of the suspected, and all prohibited weapons were to be delivered up on
      proclamation to that effect, under penalties. This also was evaded, for as
      soon as a district was proclaimed, the arms disappeared into a
      neighbouring district, not so situated, from whence incursions were made
      into the proclaimed district, where the force was generally too feeble to
      protect the numerous points upon which the depredators fell. The police
      had power to call upon all males between sixteen and sixty, in any
      district where a murder was committed, to join in pursuit of the murderer;
      and any one who refused, was held guilty of misdemeanour. This clause
      alarmed the disaffected more than any other.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill was received with loud cheers. Mr. John O'Connell, who had
      declared that he would "die on the floor of the house" rather than allow a
      coercion bill to pass, admitted the necessity of some provision against
      the outrages which had prevailed, and that Sir George Grey's bill was
      moderate and just; but he strangely added that he would oppose it at every
      stage, unless government passed such a bill regulating the law of landlord
      and tenant as he and his party approved. Mr. Fergus O'Connor bantered Mr.
      John O'Connell for his subservience to ministers, which ill accorded with
      his loud demonstrations of ministerial hostility in Conciliation Hall. Mr.
      O'Connor opposed the bill, even in its first stage. That gentleman wished
      the Irish repealers to join the chartist movement, and to place himself at
      the head of both. Mr. Horsman sensibly observed that the most appalling
      thing to him was that the government had allowed these murders to go on
      ever since, by the union, the imperial parliament had undertaken to govern
      Ireland. Mr. Maurice O'Connell did not oppose the bill. He also had been a
      man of fiery words in Ireland, and paltry deeds in the presence of the
      government and the legislature in England. Mr. Disraeli satirised the
      great outcry about suppressing outrage, if the addition of two hundred
      constables were sufficient. When the second reading was moved on the 6th
      of December, Mr. John O'Connell opposed it, and moved "that the orders of
      the day be read." The honourable member had been so pressed by
      Conciliation Hall, and the Young Irelanders had raised such an outcry
      against the measure, that although he approved of the bill, and took care
      to let the house see that he did, yet he was obliged to oppose it, or
      forfeit his leadership of "Old Ireland." His opposition, however,
      influenced the people of England against the O'Connells and their class.
      Murder and outrage stalked abroad, and whatever were the wrongs of
      Ireland, incendiarism and assassination were not the means of redress upon
      which brave men could look unmoved. That a country should fall into such a
      state of crime was horrible; that the political leaders of any party in it
      could be found to oppose measures so mild, and so little
      ultra-constitutional, to put down these dreadful deeds, was still more
      horrible. The speech of Mr. John O'Connell exposed himself and his country
      to just ridicule. A party numbering millions of persons, choosing as their
      principal leader a man so little qualified for the task, or for any great
      political undertaking, could not but sink in its relative importance. In
      spite of the opposition of a few Irish members, the bill passed the
      commons almost unanimously. In the lords but little opposition was
      offered. On the motion for going into committee on the 16th December, Lord
      Farnham brought under the notice of the house that Major Mahon was
      murdered after he had been denounced from the altar of the Roman Catholic
      chapel by a priest named M'Dermot, to whom Major Mahon had offered no
      other offence than objecting to that gentleman and his clerks constituting
      the relief committee of the district. The debate was rendered still more
      remarkable by a frank and manly speech from Lord Beaumont, a Roman
      Catholic peer, deprecating these altar denunciations, which had so
      frequently been followed by the murder of the persons denounced. Lord
      Beaumont expressed his astonishment that the bishops, clergy, and laity of
      the Roman Catholic community did not bring their moral influence to bear
      upon those priests who offended against the laws of God and man in so
      flagrant a manner. This gave rise to severe animadversions upon the whole
      body of Irish Roman Catholics for not having acted as Lord Beaumont
      pointed out. Lord Stanley especially adopted this line of remark, with the
      dextrous facility his lordship possessed for turning every occurrence and
      every admission of an opponent into an element of party attack. The
      measure was speedily passed through the house of lords, and became law.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding these weary debates upon Irish affairs, the house of
      commons was obliged to participate in another as acrimonious as any of the
      former. Mr. Fergus O'Connor moved for a committee of inquiry into the
      circumstances which led to the legislative union between Great Britain and
      Ireland, the means by which that act was attained, and its effect upon the
      working-classes of both countries. Mr. Henry Grattan denounced the speech
      of Mr. O'Connor, and his general spirit and conduct. Mr. John O'Connell
      and Mr. Smith O'Brien gave their support to the motion. It was all but
      unanimously rejected.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF JEWISH DISABILITIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Baron Rothschild, a distinguished member of the Jewish persuasion, having
      been elected member for the city of London, the question of the right of
      Jews to sit in parliament was raised and warmly discussed, in the public
      press and in the country. Lord John Russell was also elected for the city
      of London, and was bound, therefore, by his especial duty to the citizens,
      to look particularly to the settlement of this matter. He moved, on the
      16th of December, "that the house should resolve itself into a committee,
      to consider the removal of the civil and religious disabilities affecting
      her majesty's Jewish subjects." The resolution was carried by a very large
      majority, its principal opponent being Sir Robert Inglis, one of the
      members for Oxford.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.&mdash;CLOSE OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LABOURS OF
      1847.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of December the house adjourned for the Christmas holidays,
      and did not meet again until February. Thus closed the first session of
      the new parliament, and the legislative business of the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      Throughout the year the sanitary deficiencies of large cities, and their
      moral peculiarities, were the subjects of desultory conversation in
      parliament, and of extensive discussion in the newspapers and at public
      meetings. To such a degree did the sanitary question excite public
      interest, that her majesty was advised to recommend its consideration to
      the new parliament; and during the educational debates, the moral and
      intellectual condition of large towns, and especially of the metropolis,
      was a theme of desponding comment. The reverend Dr. Guthrie, of Edinburgh,
      has since then eloquently shown that the providential dispensation which
      consigns so large a portion of our people to the close confines of cities,
      like all the other arrangements of Providence, however mysterious, are
      full of goodness and mercy:&mdash;"Somehow or other, amid their crowding
      and confinement, the human mind finds its fullest, freest expansion.
      Unlike the dwarfed and dusty plants which stand around our suburban
      villas, languishing like exiles for the purer air and freer sunshine that
      kiss their fellows far away in flowery field and green woodland, on sunny
      banks and breezy hills, man reaches his highest condition amid the social
      influences of the crowded city. His intellect receives its brightest
      polish where gold and silver lose theirs&mdash;tarnished by the searching
      smoke and foul vapours of city air. The finest flowers of genius have
      grown in an atmosphere where those of nature are prone to droop and
      difficult to bring to maturity. The mental powers acquire their full
      robustness where the cheek loses its ruddy hue and the limbs their elastic
      step, and pale thought sits on manly brows, and the watchman, as he walks
      his rounds, sees the student's lamp burning far into the silent night."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1848
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Warin India..... Colonial  Affairs..... Foreign
     Relations..... Revolutions throughout Continental
     Europe..... Distress and Crime in Ireland..... Disaffection
     of the Irish Roman Catholics, and attempted Revolt.....
     Enforcement of Law and Order in Ireland..... Chartist
     Disturbances  in England, and their suppression..... Home
     Incidents..... Transactions of Parliament.
</i></pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1848
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1848 was one of the most eventful which had ever occurred in the
      history of Europe, or in the history of the world, since the introduction
      of Christianity; and the relations of England to the great transactions
      which passed like a whirlwind over the continent were such as to enhance
      her dignity and her glory. It is difficult to write the History of
      England, during a period so interesting to continental Europe, without
      enlarging upon the events which took place upon other fields of action,
      and by which England was in many respects so much influenced. It will aid
      in confining the relations of this chapter within proper bounds, to
      narrate first those transactions in which England was exclusively
      interested, so far as other European powers were concerned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE WAR IN INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Punjaub had, in 1847, as already related, been the theatre of most
      stirring incidents. The reader of this History can hardly fail to have
      observed, that although the defeat of the Sikhs was so complete, the
      subjugation of the spirit of that people was far from having been
      effected. The dispersed Khalsa army cherished a fierce hostility to the
      government of British India, and they were ready to enrol themselves under
      the banner of any chief who would lead them, in numbers sufficient to
      afford hope of success, against their recent conquerors. An opportunity
      occurred in the person of Moolraj, the chief of Mooltan. Mooltan is a
      large and fertile country, situated between the left bank of the Indus and
      the right bank of the Sutlej, and terminates at one end where these two
      rivers form a junction. It gives its name to the capital, which was
      protected by defences unusually strong for an eastern city.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the British obtained the submission of the regent of the Sikh
      monarch, Dhuleep Singh, Mooltan was governed by Moolraj. Moolraj owed
      allegiance to the government at Lahore, to which the chieftainship of
      Mooltan had been subjected by conquest. The durbar of Lahore purposed the
      deposition of Moolraj, and negotiated with him for that purpose. He
      affected to acquiesce, and, in consequence, Mr. Agnew, a political agent
      of the Honourable East India Company, and Lieutenant Anderson, of the
      Bombay Fusileers, were deputed to attend the new governor appointed by the
      government of Lahore, to instal him in his office. This official was named
      Sirdar Khan Singh, and was an object of extreme jealousy to Moolraj. The
      party arrived at Mooltan, accompanied by their respective suites and a
      small escort of cavalry. On the 17th of April, the authority was
      surrendered in due form by Moolraj, and the object of the British officers
      seemed to be accomplished. On the 18th they were attacked and desperately
      wounded; it was at first supposed from a sudden impulse on the part of the
      soldiery of Moolraj, but it was afterwards known to be the result of
      treachery. The officers, accompanied by the new governor, were carried to
      a small fort outside the town. A fire was opened upon the place from
      Mooltan, but it was ineffectual. A few days afterwards, however, the fort
      was attacked by the soldiers of Moolraj; the Sikhs who garrisoned the
      place, and among whom were the escort, treacherously opened the gates, and
      the assailants entered, foaming with rage, and demanding vengeance upon
      the infidel officers. Lieutenant Anderson was in a dying state; but Mr.
      Agnew, although so badly wounded, defended himself with resolution to the
      last: both officers were murdered. Moolraj declared that he had no
      knowledge of the transaction, but no one believed his disclaimer.
      Intelligence of these barbarities reached Lahore with the speed so
      peculiar to the East; and a force of three thousand cavalry and some
      infantry was dispatched, under Sirdar Shere Singh, against the refractory
      city. There happened to be upon the Indus, at the head of a small force, a
      young and gallant officer who had served with distinction upon the staff
      of Lord Gough, and who was favourably known by his clever contributions to
      the India press on the state of the Company's territory, civil and
      military: this officer was Lieutenant Edwardes. He was engaged in settling
      a disturbed district of country, and in collecting the land tax due to
      Moolraj, as Sikh governor of Mooltan. At the same time, Colonel Van
      Courtlandt, a native of India, and a distinguished officer in the service
      of the Company, occupied Dherra Ismael Khan, also in the neighbourhood.
      Lieutenant Edwardes crossed the river into the Deerajat, whence he wrote
      to the Khan of Bhawulpore, requesting him to make such a movement of
      troops as would prevent Moolraj from falling upon either of their forces.
      The khan's territories were so situated as to enable him to effect a
      military disposition to accomplish this object. The khan made the required
      demonstration. When Edwardes crossed the Indus, he left a detachment of
      three hundred horse to protect the collection at Serat, where, on the 18th
      of May, they were attacked by a body of cavalry exceeding their own in
      number, sent against them from Mooltan, with ten light field-guns
      (zumbooruks). The British force so manoeuvred as to attain a good
      position, although under the fire of the zumbooruks, and then charged
      brilliantly, dispersing the Mooltanese, and capturing their guns.
    </p>
    <p>
      Colonel Courtlandt was as prompt as Edwardes in the measures taken by him.
      He left the port of Dherra Ismael Khan, and proceeded by the base of the
      hills southward. On his route he was joined by a Beloochee chief, with one
      hundred of his wild followers. Courtlandt detached these, with a portion
      of his own troops, against the fortress of Sunghur, westward of the Indus.
      The commander of the fort refused the summons of surrender, and for six
      hours maintained a gallant resistance; he then brought off the garrison by
      a skilful manoeuvre, reaching Mooltan in safety.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lieutenant Edwardes and Colonel Courtlandt effected a Junction of their
      small forces, and on the 20th of May were attacked by a division of the
      Mooltan army. The united forces of Courtlandt and Edwardes were so
      disposed that not more than one thousand five hundred men could be brought
      into action, while the enemy numbered three thousand. The artillery force
      of each was about equal. Edwardes was, however, joined by a body of
      irregular cavalry, and a party of Beloochees, which brought up the British
      force more nearly to an equality of numbers. The Sikhs in British pay
      happily showed no disposition to fraternise with the Mooltan army,
      although the calculations of Moolraj were based upon such an expectation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The enemy suffered a signal defeat and great slaughter. The Beloochees
      behaved remarkably well. The skill of the British officers turned the
      balance in favour of the native army under their command.
    </p>
    <p>
      After this engagement, Edwardes, acting upon the authority which he
      possessed as a civil officer of the company, demanded a reinforcement from
      the Khan of Bhawulpore, and in the meantime recruited his force by Sikhs,
      Beloochees, Affghans, and men from the hills of various tribes. The
      faculty of organisation, the ceaseless activity, and the courage of this
      young officer were surprising. Colonel Courtlandt was also equal to the
      part assigned him; but, although senior to his colleague in military rank,
      the civil functions of the latter gave him an especial, and, in some
      respects, superior authority. The Khan of Bhawulpore responded to the
      demands of assistance, and a plan was laid for a junction of the troops.
      In pursuance of this, Edwardes and Courtlandt crossed the Indus on the
      10th and 11th of June. Moolraj was informed by his spies of every
      movement, and the intelligence was conveyed to him with astonishing
      rapidity. He accordingly marched a large force to intercept either army,
      and beat both in detail. On the 14th he crossed the Chenab, leaving a
      considerable force on the other bank. This detachment marched to Khan
      Ghur, but on the following day crossed the river, being surprised at that
      place by the advance of Edwardes's irregulars. The Mooltanese had barely
      time to cross the Chenab, when the scouts of Edwardes galloped into Khan
      Ghur. The Sikhs, instead of giving battle at that place, and practically
      attempting the scheme proposed by Moolraj, encamped on the opposite side
      of the river, in observation of the British officer and his little army.
      This delay and timidity was fatal; for Edwardes was soon joined by the
      infantry and a portion of the artillery of Courtlandt, whose cavalry were
      scouring the country. The situation of affairs became now interesting and
      important, for the Bhawulpore forces had arrived on the enemy's side of
      the Chenab, within twelve miles. Edwardes made a retrograde movement, so
      as to place himself opposite the Bhawulpore encampment. The enemy advanced
      to within four miles of that position. In the course of the night, the raw
      levies of Edwardes contrived to cross the river in a very irregular
      manner, and within dangerous proximity to the enemy's patrols, but were
      unmolested. On the 18th, early in the morning, the lieutenant crossed with
      the remainder of his little army, except the horses and artillery, which
      remained with Courtlandt on the opposite side, for a more slow and safe
      transport across the river. Scarcely had the lieutenant gained the
      opposite bank than he was attacked by the Sikh army, which had been moving
      up from Bugurrarah while he was gaining the passage. This was a terrible
      engagement. The sun had hardly risen upon river, and swamp, and undulating
      plains, when the Mooltanee forces fell upon the motley crowd of the
      British levies, and in such superior numbers that victory seemed certain.
      For nine hours the English lieutenant resisted the onslaught, and by his
      valour, activity, presence of mind, and moral influence, kept his
      undisciplined forces in firm front to the foe. At last Courtlandt's guns
      were brought over, and made the contest somewhat equal; later in the day,
      two regular regiments belonging to the colonel's division arrived, with
      six guns, and the enemy panic-struck fled, leaving a large, proportion of
      their troops upon the field, slain, wounded, and prisoners, with six guns,
      and their entire baggage and munitions of war. The conduct of Edwardes
      throughout the day was splendid, and laid a deeper foundation for his
      military reputation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Moolraj retreated to Mooltan, followed by the British, and the Khan of
      Bhawulpore, who had rendered hitherto but little assistance, and whose
      movements led to the suspicion that he had more sympathy with Moolraj than
      he dared to avow.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of June, a Sikh brigade under the command of
      Sheik-Emaum-ood-deen, which had been dispatched by the government of
      Lahore, arrived to reinforce the English. The whole army appeared before
      Mooltan, consisting of eighteen thousand men, comprising the levies of
      Edwardes, the division of Courtlandt, that of the Khan of Bhawulpore, and
      the newly arrived brigade of the sheik.
    </p>
    <p>
      Moolraj collected his army between the city and the invaders, and
      intrenched himself in a strong position, near the village of Sadoosan.
      Edwardes attacked the camp with one portion of his force, storming the
      breastwork, and with another taking the intrenchments in flank. The
      discomfited enemy was driven in disorder within the city. The loss of the
      allies was about twenty killed and less than one hundred wounded: the
      enemy suffered severely. The difficulties of Edwardes increased with his
      victories, for it was impossible for him to take Mooltan by a <i>coup de
      main</i>, and he had no siege <i>matériel</i>. To remain inactive was
      dangerous, for little reliance could be placed on the sheik, still less on
      the khan, and even the regular regiments of Courtlandt were not very
      trustworthy: he had mainly to rely upon his brave but undisciplined
      Affghan and Beloochee levies. With such an army, so collected, and without
      siege train, or heavy artillery of any kind, the conquest of Mooltan was
      an impossibility, and yet affairs demanded speedy and decided action. He
      accordingly sent to Sir Frederick Currie, the British resident at Lahore,
      acquainting him with the delicacy of his situation, and urging the
      dispatch of siege guns, and such other material of war as was requisite.
      Communication was made to Lieutenant Edwardes by the British resident at
      Lahore, that troops, material, and a general officer of experience to take
      the command, would be sent as speedily as possible, and meanwhile Edwardes
      was to watch the movements of the enenry. This he effectually did; Moolraj
      could execute nothing beyond the walls of Mooltan, for the eyes of the
      vigilant English lieutenant were constantly upon his movements.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of August General Whish arrived from Lahore with two regiments
      of native infantry, a regiment of irregular horse, a troop of horse
      artillery, and the 10th regiment of her majesty's foot. The next day a
      column arrived from Ferozepore, consisting of three regiments of native
      infantry, two regiments of native cavalry, one regular and one irregular,
      a battering train, a troop of horse artillery, and her majesty's 32nd
      regiment of the line. The forces before Mooltan then amounted to six
      thousand Europeans, and more than twenty-two thousand native troops,
      including the levies of Edwardes, and the khan's forces.
    </p>
    <p>
      Scarcely had the army under General Whish assembled before Mooltan, when
      other events still more formidable than the defection of Moolraj occurred
      elsewhere.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MUTINY OF SIKH TROOPS IN THE PUNJAUB. AND REVOLT OF CHUTTUR SINGH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sirdar Chuttur Singh (father of Rajah Shere Singh) was governor of the
      Hazareh country, under allegiance to the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, of
      Lahore. That chief took advantage of the revolt at Mooltan, and opened
      correspondence with other chiefs for the purpose of tampering with the
      Sikh soldiers in garrison in their different provinces. The government of
      Lahore was guilty of complicity in these movements, although affecting to
      be incensed against the refractory chiefs and provinces. A knowledge of
      this circumstance soon spread among the Khalsa* soldiery all over the
      Punjaub, and disposed them to follow any leader who had the boldness to
      hoist the standard of rebellion.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Khalsa," or church. This name was assumed to express the
     idea that the army was composed only of the faithful; the
     Sikh religion being a sort of eclectic religion, chosen from
     Mohammedanism, Brahminism, and other oriental systems.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Early in September the whole Hazareh country was in ostensible
      insurrection, and an attack was made upon Attock. Happily Major Lawrence
      was then, in the phraseology of the Indian political service, the
      assistant at Peshawur. He sent Lieutenant Nicholson, at the head of a
      detachment of cavalry and infantry, to take possession of: the fort. By a
      forced marched this was effected before the arrival of the rebellious
      sirdar's troops. Cabbot Abbot, the political agent in the Hazareh, joined
      Lieutenant Nicholson, and their position was very precarious. Major
      Lawrence, whose comprehensive mind was prepared for every emergency, had
      troops moved to their assistance from Peshawur and Jullundur. The revolt,
      however, spread in every direction. Peshawur was begirt, with disciplined
      and fanatical enemies, and at last, early in November, Major Lawrence and
      family had to fly for their lives from that place, the troops in the
      garrison having mutinied on the approach of Chuttur Singh and his army.
      Major and Mrs. Lawrence, with Lieutenant Bowie, found refuge at Kohat,
      under the protection of Mahomed Khan. Mahomed, either through fear or
      treachery, or both, gave them up as prisoners to Chuttur Singh. The sirdar
      treated them with kindness, and frequently conversed with them on the
      prospects of restoring the Sikh ascendancy in the Punjaub; nor were the
      dissuasions of Major Lawrence of any effect, for Chuttur believed in the
      Khâlsa confederacy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of December, when Shere Singh was at the head of a numerous
      force, Major Lawrence was brought to his camp with the object of using him
      for negotiations with the governor-general. It is necessary, in order to
      preserve the collateral relation of events, to return to the army of Whish
      before the besieged city.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF MOOLTAN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      General Whish pressed his operations against Mooltan with skill and
      energy. He was ably aided by Edwardes, Courtlandt, Brigadier-general
      Markham, and other officers. During the first ten days of September
      skirmishes were frequent, and some of these were sharp and spirited. On
      the 12th Whish determined to attack certain posts, the capture of which
      was essential to the execution of his plans. The enenry had established an
      extensive and formidable outpost in a village and garden near the walls.
      To capture this a body of the besiegers, numbering two thousand five
      hundred, were told off. They began the attack at break of day, under the
      command of Brigadier-general Harvey. The contest was very severe, but
      ended in the accomplishment of General Whish's design. The slaughter of
      the Mooltanese was signal, and the heroism of the European regiments
      extraordinary. The loss on the part of the British was heavy. Major
      Montazambert, of the 10th foot, Colonel Pattoun, of the 32nd,
      Quartermaster Taylor, also of that regiment, were the officers of the
      royal regiments which fell. Lieutenant Cubit and Ensign Lloyd, of the
      Company's service, also fell. The latter officer was treacherously cut
      down while parleying with the enemy. The 10th regiment fought desperately,
      making havoc of the Mooltanese with the bayonet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The next day the besieged made a sortie against the camp of Lieutenant
      Edwardes, but were beaten back, the pursuit issuing in the capture of
      another important outpost. The defence had arrived at its crisis, but Sikh
      treachery averted from the city the impending blow. On the morn-, ing of
      the 14th, Shere Singh, with the whole of the Lahore troops, five thousand
      in number, went over to the enemy. This event, at once lessening the army
      of the besiegers, and increasing that of the besieged, made their relative
      numbers so disproportionate, that the siege was raised, the army
      withdrawing to a position a few miles distant, where they intrenched. Soon
      after the British took up this position, Shere Singh left Mooltan and
      marched along the banks of the Chenab, forming a junction with Chuttur
      Singh, which placed the former at the head of thirty thousand men. It
      became necessary for another British army to encounter this enemy, while
      Whish and his troops could do nothing against Mooltan until strongly
      reinforced. On the 21st of December, a strong division of the Bombay army
      arrived at General Whish's camp, and thus strengthened, the general
      resolved upon active operations. His army now numbered about seventeen
      thousand Sikhs, Beloochees, Affghans, and other contingents, about fifteen
      thousand more Queen's and Company's troops, and one hundred and fifty
      pieces of cannon. On the 27th General Whish resolved upon a grand attack,
      and moved his army forward in four columns. The enemy falling back from
      their outposts, the British took a position in the suburbs within five
      hundred yards of the walls. That day and night batteries were constructed
      on all appropriate points, and early on the 28th a terrible bombardment
      began. By the 29th, the works were carried forward to within eighty yards
      of the place, breaches began to be effected, the granary was fired, and
      the batteries and buildings of the enemy suffered much under the heavy
      cannonade of the besiegers. On the 30th a shell blew up the principal
      magazine of the city. The shock was felt for two miles, and the camp of
      the besiegers literally rocked above the convulsive throes of the earth.
      The magazine contained sixteen thousand pounds of powder. The explosion
      was instant; with one fierce crash and a long-continued roar, the smoke
      and flame gushed upwards&mdash;one of the most grandly terrible sights
      upon which human eye could look. Eight hundred men perished, their charred
      limbs and whole carcasses were cast far beyond. The houses of the chief
      persons, the public buildings and temples, were shaken down by the
      vibrations; yet the walls of the fort endured, and the bulk of the city
      was intact. A fire was communicated, which raged through several streets,
      but was extinguished. It was supposed that this event would lead to the
      surrender of the place, but next day Moolraj sent word to General Whish
      that he had still powder enough for a twelvemonth's siege, and that he
      would hold out while one stone remained upon another. This was supposed to
      be mere bravado, and a summon was sent to surrender. Moolraj, with perfect
      <i>sang froid</i>, rammed the letter down one of the longest guns, and
      fired it at the British. During the following night a distinct breach was
      effected in the Delhi gate of the city, and the next day another at the
      Bohan gate. The fire of the besiegers was plied hotly for the two
      following days and nights, the city blazing like a hell, amidst the crash
      of falling buildings, and the outcry of wounded women and children. On the
      81st the Sikhs made a sortie from the south-west gate against the camp of
      Edwardes. That officer, ever vigilant, and ably seconded by the engineer
      officer, Lieutenant Lake, repulsed the sortie, inflicting heavy loss. The
      cannonade continued for fifty-six hours longer, and on the 2nd of January
      the assault was made. The Bengal and Bombay divisions were formed into
      separate columns, and precipitated upon the two breaches. These columns
      moved forward with great daring and under a heavy fire. The Bengal column
      found the breach impracticable, with an open drop in front, and strong
      defences in the rear. While the Bengal Sepoys were obstructed by obstacles
      which they could not surmount, the Bombay column gained an entrance. The
      sergeant-major of the Bombay Fusileers boldly planted the British flag
      above the breach. The Bengal column turned and followed their more
      fortunate comrades of the other presidency. The enemy resisted at every
      step, receding only before superior force, and it was not until the sun
      went down over the blackened ruins and blood-stained streets of Mooltan
      that the city was completely in the hands of the conquerors. The troops of
      Moolraj retreated to the citadel, which was a place of surpassing
      strength, and could only be taken by regular approaches. Parallels were
      opened, and a fierce cannonade was directed against it on the 4th; but it
      was not until the 18th that any decided impression was made. By that date
      the intrenchments were carried up to the very walls, but such was their
      extraordinary strength that they were proof against artillery&mdash;at all
      events, any artillery of the calibre possessed by the besiegers. Whish
      resolved to effect their destruction by mines. On the 18th three mines
      were exploded, and the counterscarp was blown into the ditch. A shaft was
      then sunk under the trench, and a gallery cut towards the wall. At the
      same time a battery was placed on a level higher than the citadel itself;
      another carrying eighteen and twenty-four pounders was placed close up to
      the wall. From this battery the most extraordinary cannonade and
      bombardment was conducted. Eight-inch howitzers discharged live shells
      into the wall, which buried themselves in the mud and brickwork of which
      it was built, and, exploding, tore away large portions. On the 19th the
      sap reached the crest of the glacis, and on the 21st the engineer officer
      in charge announced that there were two practicable breaches. General
      Whish gave prompt orders for the storm on the following morning. Moolraj
      had been seriously alarmed during the progress of the works for the few
      days previous, and repeatedly offered to surrender if his life would be
      spared. The answer returned informed him that no terms but an
      unconditional surrender would be conceded. On the 22nd, the British
      columns were forming for the assault, when the garrison hauled down its
      flag, and Moolraj surrendered at discretion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The scenes which followed were at once picturesque and painful. The
      discomfited troops marched forth as prisoners of war. First came a few
      hundreds of the most miserable, dispirited looking men, ill clothed, and
      wan with fatigue. These were fanatics who had under a vow devoted
      themselves to especial peril and labour in the defence, and as is so
      frequently the case with men under the influence of fanaticism, defeat
      brings reaction in the form of despair. A column of about three thousand
      five hundred soldiery, stern looking men, next came. With such troops it
      was no wonder that Moolraj made so glorious a defence. This splendid body
      of men laid down their arms with reluctance, and looked back upon the
      breaches as if they fain would return and die there, with their arms in
      their hands. The body-guard of Moolraj followed, a splendid body of
      soldiers, whose equipment in arms and uniform was superb. The chiefs,
      friends, and family of the governor next came. They were deeply dejected,
      and uttered words of expressive anguish and shame. Moolraj himself was the
      last man of the Khalsa host who left the citadel. He was gorgeously
      appareled in silks, and decorations expressive of Khalsa religious or
      military associations. He wore jewels, carried arms superbly ornamented
      and of superior make, and rode a beautiful Arab charger, covered with a
      scarlet saddle-cloth, with gilt or golden trappings. His personal
      appearance was impressive, his countenance manly and well formed, with
      quick, fiery, expressive eyes. Above the middle height, his form was
      strong, muscular, and yet elegant. His bearing was manly and gallant;
      there was no assumed or insolent defiance, no fanatical contempt expressed
      by it, nor did he allow dejection to betray itself. He and his followers
      became prisoners of war, and were placed at the disposal of the
      governor-general. It was alleged that the British army was guilty of
      plunder, and that officers of engineers were discovered appropriating to
      themselves prizes, which belonged either to the custody of the prize
      agents, or were sacred as private property. It would appear that these
      allegations were circulated by certain agents of persons in England having
      interests adverse to the Honourable East India Company, and were utterly
      unfounded. Lord Ellenborough, more than eight years afterwards, confuted
      the calumny.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mooltan, and the territory of which it was the capital, was now completely
      subjugated, and our ally, the khan, returned to his own province a wiser
      if not a better man, his further services being confined to the
      maintenance of peace in his own territory, and to the exercise of a
      certain degree of vigilance in reference to surrounding provinces. The
      fall of Mooltan was received over all British India and the neighbouring
      independent states as one of the grandest events in Indian history, and
      filled the petty chieftains with awe, while it excited exultation in the
      presidencies. Far different were the feelings created in the minds of the
      Sikh soldiery and people; they were exasperated, and determined to hazard
      all upon a single throw. To avenge past disasters, and expel the British
      from the country of the five rivers became the passionate purpose and
      ambition of chieftain and soldier, and everywhere desultory bands made
      war, as they pressed onward to join the great chiefs, Shere Singh and
      Chuttur Singh who were now at the head of a powerful army.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAMPAIGN IN THE PUNJAUB UNDER LORD GOUGH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has been already related that Shere Singh quitted Mooltan with a strong
      division of Khalsa troops, on the 9th of October, and formed a junction
      with Chuttur Singh.
    </p>
    <p>
      The latter returned to the territory of Hazareh, leaving the bulk of his
      forces under the command of Shere Singh, who was gradually joined by other
      chiefs and sirdars, whose followers augmented his army,&mdash;that army
      consisted of men inured to combat, the flower of the Sikh nation. Lord
      Gough, the commander-in-chief of the army in India, was ordered to
      assemble an army at Ferozepore, and act against Shere Singh, and, in fact,
      reconquer the Punjaub. Bombay and other troops were ordered to join the
      army collecting at Ferozopore, and the victorious troops of Whish,
      Courtlandt, and Edwardes were ordered to follow and form a junction with
      the grand army. These troops did not join as soon as Lord Gough expected,
      and the Bombay division, under the Hon. Major-general Dundas, was so
      dilatory as to evoke from the good-natured general-in-chief a most
      stinging rebuke. The major-general was urged by despatches to advance with
      all possible celerity, but he expressed himself as not perceiving the
      necessity of such speed. "Tell him," said the gallant commander, "to stay
      with the native troops if he likes, but to send on the Europeans!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Before, however, the army which had acted before Mooltan could render any
      assistance to Lord Gough, months before that city had fallen, events
      gathered within the Punjaub in gloomy and rapid association. It was on the
      21st of November before General Gough assumed the active command of the
      army at Seharun, a central position. The river Chenab is the central one
      of the five rivers which give name to the district, and the theatre of
      conflict was midway between the Chenab and its confluence with the Indus.
      On the left bank of the former, about a mile and a half from the river,
      the town of Rumnugger was situated: there Shere Singh had taken up his
      quarters. Opposite that town the river bends, and there was an island in
      mid-channel; this island was about two acres in area. The main force of
      Shere Singh was posted on the right bank of the river, but a strong
      brigade of four thousand men occupied the island, and erected batteries.
      These batteries commanded the only available ford, or "nullah," as it is
      called in the vocabulary of the country. The opposite town of Rumnugger
      was favourably situated for defence; it was flanked by a grove, and by the
      bend in the river. This position Shere Singh had skilfully fortified. On
      the 22nd, at two o'clock in the morning, Lord Gough approached the enemy.
      While the right bank and the island were occupied by the chief forces of
      the sirdar, he had a strong body also posted on the left bank, and it
      became the first object of Lord Gough to dislodge them. Between the island
      and the right bank the passage was effected by boats, so that the enemy
      was able to preserve his communications with tolerable certainty and ease.
      The nullah or ford was not difficult, although the descent to it from the
      left bank of the river was steep. It was directly commanded by the guns on
      the island, and was exposed to a raking cross-fire on either side from
      batteries placed on the right bank. The 8th light cavalry (Company's
      service) advanced along the left bank, skirmishing, supported by her
      majesty's 3rd Light Dragoons. The horse artillery pushed into the deep
      sand on the margin of the river, and commanded the batteries at Rumnugger,
      but were obliged to retire before their superior metal, leaving behind one
      gun and two ammunition waggons embedded in the sand. The enemy took
      skilful and immediate advantage of this reverse, and pushed over a
      powerful cavalry division. Orders were given to charge them, and the 14th
      (Queen's) Light Dragoons, and the 3rd light horse of the Company's army,
      in spite of overwhelming numbers and of imperfect supports, cut through
      the enemy and dashed after them into the nullah. The passage was familiar
      to the latter, who made good their retreat to the island; the latter were
      of course ignorant of the ground, and were impeded in their pursuit by
      that circumstance, had none other obstructed them. As soon as the Sikh
      cavalry cleared the ford, the batteries of the island and the flanking
      batteries on the right bank opened with deadly effect. How any British
      officer could have been so imprudent as to give the order to charge into
      the nullah is almost inconceivable; that the error was not evident, while
      the brave men were being mowed down by an artillery fire, which they could
      do nothing to silence, is still more marvellous; such, however, was the
      case. Colonel Havelock dashed into the ford at the head of the 14th Light
      Dragoons, but was never seen again. A native trooper supposed he saw him
      in the nullah soon after he entered it, unhorsed, and several Sikh
      soldiers "hacking his person." After much useless slaughter was thus
      incurred by Havelock's gallant brigade, Major-general Cureton rode up with
      an order from Lord Gough for the troops to retire. He had scarcely given
      the order when he fell dead from two shots, by which he was
      instantaneously struck. The troops retired with a loss, in every corps
      engaged, of officers and men. Lord Gough considered the end attained in
      driving the enemy from the left bank was worth the sacrifice. The death of
      General Cureton was severely felt by the army, and was in some degree
      irreparable. He had risen from the ranks by his superior soldiership, and
      was deemed one of the best, perhaps the best, officer for outpost duty
      then in India.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 30th of November Lieutenant-general Thackwell was ordered to cross
      the Chenab above Rumnugger, where an indifferent ford had been discovered,
      and where Captain Nicholson had provided boats. Thackwell was to take the
      Sikhs in the flank and rear, while Lord Gough observed them from his old
      position, ready to take advantage of any favourable opportunity for attack
      which the manouvre of General Thackwell might create. That gallant and
      skilful officer performed well the part assigned to him. He gained the
      right bank of the river; but Shere Singh was also a skilful commander, and
      did not allow Thackwell even to menace his rear or flank, for he detached
      a strong force to attack the intruder, as soon as he saw that the river
      had been forded. It was the 3rd of December before Thackwell secured the
      passage, and on the fourth he began his march along the right bank towards
      the lines at Rumnugger. He soon discovered that a strong body of Sikhs
      were marching in a north-west direction. They threatened his flank with
      cavalry, and cannonaded him severely. Thackwell's orders did not allow of
      his taking any measure for attack, and the enemy drew off after a sharp
      and heavy cannonade. As soon as this officer's artillery was allowed to
      open upon them, they marched towards the Jhelum. Perhaps the enemy were
      decided in abandoning their strong positions, not only from fear of their
      left flank being turned by General Thackwell, but also by the energetic
      proceedings of Lord Gough, after the force detached to observe Thackwell
      had departed. Lord Gough opened a heavy cannonade upon the island, and
      upon the batteries on the right bank of the Chenab. On the morning of the
      3rd a brigade of infantry, under Brigadier Godby, passed by a ford not far
      from Rumnugger, his passage being covered by the approach of General
      Thackwell, who had by that time been advancing from the passage at
      Wuzerabad. Shortly after, the 9th Lancers and 14th Light Dragoons, under
      General Gilbert, were ordered to cross the river, and harass as much as
      possible the retreating enemy. The British generals seem to have believed
      that the Khalsa army would abandon their chiefs and disperse to their
      homes, and this impression influenced their proceedings; for although
      Gilbert with his cavalry followed the enemy briskly, there was not that
      celerity in the movements of the British which actual circumstances
      demanded.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of December Lord Gough, with his whole army, crossed the river
      and encamped. The right bank was now clear of the enemy, Shere Singh
      having followed the previous division of his army to the Jhelum, where he
      ultimately took post in the formidable position of Russool, with a force
      which was augmented to forty thousand men, and a powerful artillery,
      estimated variously from sixty-two to ninety guns.
    </p>
    <p>
      While these events were passing, Chuttur Singh, who, as before noticed,
      had retired to his own province, pressed the fort of Attock, which had
      been long and gallantly maintained by Major Herbert. When it fell the
      major contrived to send tidings to Lord Gough, and to warn him that
      Chuttur Singh had repaired with his army to the upper Jhelum, to form a
      junction with the army of Shere Singh. Lord Gough determined at once to
      follow the Sikh forces, and bring them to a decisive action. On the
      morning of the 12th of January he marched from Loah Tibbah to Dingee. The
      sirdar was represented by the British commander-in-chief in his despatch
      as holding with his right the village of Lukhneewalla and Futteh
      Shah-ke-Chuck, having the great body of his force at the village of
      Lollianwalla, with his left at Eussool, on the Jhelum. This position lay
      on the southern extremity of a low range of hills, intersected by ravines,
      and difficult of access to assailants. The post was well chosen by the
      sirdar, who showed a subtle generalship throughout the war. The
      information furnished by Lord Gough's spies was not always faithful, and
      his lordship, therefore, was not accurately in possession of the forces of
      the sirdar, nor of the topographical peculiarities of his position. The
      British commander directed his march upon the village of Bussool, and
      there reconnoitred.
    </p>
    <p>
      The advance to the ground chosen by the sirdar was impeded by a jungle, to
      avoid which, and to distract the enemy's attention, Lord Gough took a
      considerable <i>détour</i> to the right. He succeeded in avoiding the
      intricacies of the jungle, but not in distracting the attention of Shere
      Singh. That general moved from his encampment, and took ground in advance,
      a manouvre calculated to hide the strength of his position, and to
      disconcert any previous arrangements of the British commander.
    </p>
    <p>
      About noon on the 13th, Lord Gough was before the village of Bussool, and
      finding a very strong picket of the enemy on a mound close to that place,
      his lordship, after some fighting, dislodged it. Ascending the mound, the
      general and his staff beheld the Khalsa army ranged along the furrowed
      hills in all the majestic array of war. The British officers gazed with
      admiration and professional ardour upon the long lines of compact infantry
      and the well-marshalled cavalry, mustered in their relative proportions
      and positions with scientific exactness. The sirdar's batteries were
      chiefly masked by jungle. The scene was striking in its aspect, from the
      magnitude of the events associated with it, and the excitement it stirred
      up within the hearts of the brave. Alas, how many noble hearts were
      necessarily to bleed before victory crowned the arms of England, and that
      fine Khalsa army succumbed to the destiny of England's Asiatic foes!
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Gough found that he could not turn the flanks of the sirdar's army,
      they were so protected by jungle, unless he detached a portion of his army
      to a considerable distance, which he deemed unsafe. The day was too far
      advanced to begin any operations. The engineer officers were ordered to
      examine the country in front, and the quartermaster-general was about to
      take up ground for the encampment, when the enemy advanced some horse
      artillery, and opened a fire upon the skirmishers in front of Bussool.
      Lord Gough ordered his heavy guns to open upon the enemy's artillery, and
      for this purpose they were advanced to an open space in front of the
      village. Shere Singh did not act with his usual good strategy, in exposing
      the positions of so many of his cannon, which the jungle had concealed,
      and which might have remained hidden until an attack upon his line would
      have afforded him opportunity to use them with sudden and terrible
      advantage, as he afterwards was enabled to use those on his right. As it
      was, he replied to the British cannonade with such a powerful
      field-artillery as constrained Lord Gough to draw up in order of battle,
      lest in the night the sirdar's guns should be moved still more forward,
      and open on his camp. His lordship, keeping the heavy guns on his centre,
      placed Sir Walter Gilbert's division on his right, flanked by Brigadier
      Pope's brigade of cavalry, strengthened by her majesty's 14th Light
      Dragoons, and three troops of horse artillery, under Colonel Grant. This
      arrangement was necessitated by the large force of cavalry observed upon
      the enemy's left. On the left of the British line, Brigadier-general
      Campbell's division was formed, flanked by Brigadier White's cavalry, and
      three troops of horse artillery under Colonel Brind.
    </p>
    <p>
      The demonstrations of the enemy were such that, late as was the hour, and
      weary as the troops were with marching, Lord Gough determined to attack at
      once. His lordship's critics, influenced by the events which followed,
      have severely censured him for attacking under such circumstances, more
      especially as the ground was unknown to his lordship. It was true that
      sufficient time had not been obtained to reconnoitre the enemy's
      positions, but it was not correct to allege that Lord Gough was entirely
      unacquainted with the ground, as he had previously known it, especially
      the country to the left of the enemy. It was generally supposed by his
      lordship's censors that the attack was a wanton waste of life, and arose
      from the brave, rash, and unreflecting temperament of the general, and the
      irritation caused by the sudden and severe artillery fire opened upon him.
      On the other hand, the Duke of Wellington declared that he would, in Lord
      Gough's place, have acted as he had done; and so full of confidence were
      the Sikhs in their numbers and resolution, that had not the general given
      battle, he would have been obliged to defend himself from a desperate
      night attack under circumstances far less favourable. There can be no
      doubt, on the part of any who know the noble old soldier, that he acted
      from his sense of duty to his army and his country, and not from personal
      irritation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The battle began, or, it may be said, was resumed, by a heavy cannonade
      which lasted for more than an hour when Lord Gough ordered his left to
      advance, making a flank movement. In executing this manouvre, the troops
      exposed their own flank to a galling fire from heavy guns, the positions
      of which had remained covered by jungle, and the Sikh batteries were so
      placed as to pour a most destructive cross-fire upon the British. When the
      3rd and 4th brigades reached the enemy's guns, they were received by a
      cannonade so overwhelming that they were obliged to retire. As soon as it
      was known that these two brigades were engaged, the 5th, under Brigadier
      Mountain, was ordered to storm the centre. They were received with
      round-shot the moment they moved; with grape and canister as they advanced
      through the jungle; and, finally, with musketry within close and deadly
      range. Many of the Sikh soldiers, at the cost of their own life, advanced
      and shot down the British officers. Brigadier Mountain had distinguished
      himself in China, and had the entire confidence of Lord Gough, under whom
      he had served there. Under his able guidance, the British stormed the
      batteries and spiked the guns, under a flank fire from other guns which
      they also spiked, while the enemy, without giving way, poured upon them
      musket balls thick as hail. Detachments of musketeers took them on each
      flank, and some getting to their rear among the jungle, fired upon them
      with deadly aim. The British were thus compelled to cut their way back to
      their own lines through hosts of encircling foes. While this was going on
      upon the centre, Sir Walter Gilbert advanced against the enemy's left.
      That general occupied the extreme right of his division, and Brigadier
      Godby the extreme left. They marched through a dense jungle almost
      unmolested, and then were confronted by infantry. Had the British at once
      charged with the bayonet, the result might for them have been less
      sanguinary; they, however, opened fire, and the Sikhs, more numerous,
      returned the fire and outflanked them. Two companies of the 2nd (or
      Queen's) British regiment charged with the bayonet, but were surrounded.
      These gallant and skilful soldiers immediately faced about, and after some
      file-firing charged, rear-rank in front. At this critical moment, Deane's
      battery arrived, and drove back the enemy by the precision of their fire.
      Several guns were here captured by the British. The heroism and losses of
      the 2nd regiment were very great. While the infantry had thus been engaged
      in close and deadly battle, the cavalry also were occupied both on the
      left and right. On the former flank of the British, Brigadier White's
      brigade charged the enemy, covering the retreat of the infantry. On the
      extreme right Brigadier Pope's brigade, strengthened, as has been already
      shown, by the temporary attachment of the 14th Light Dragoons of the
      Queen's army, was ordered to charge a body of the enemy's cavalry, the
      numbers of which were much superior. Instead of obeying the orders given,
      they wheeled right about, and galloped off the field, breaking through the
      artillery, upsetting artillerymen, drivers, and waggons in their course,
      until they reached the field hospital. According to some narrations of
      this transaction, the men galloped away under a mistake of orders; other
      accounts represent this to have been impossible, because their own
      officers and officers of the artillery endeavoured to stop and rally them
      without success, except so far as a portion of the 9th Lancers was
      concerned. The enemy was not slow to take advantage of this extraordinary
      flight; they pursued&mdash;dashed in among the horse artillery&mdash;cut
      down seventy-five gunners, and took six guns. The arrival of artillery
      reserves, the rallying of a portion of the 9th Lancers, and the steadiness
      of the infantry, prevented the destruction of the whole right wing. The
      fresh artillery which came up opened upon the Sikh cavalry with grape and
      canister, with such precision and fury that they retreated. Two of the
      captured guns were recovered in the retreat. The Sikhs gradually withdrew,
      leaving the field of battle in possession of the British, who, on this
      account, claimed the victory. The enemy, in the night, carried away all
      the guns which the British had spiked during the action, the four pieces
      of horse artillery which they took on the British right, and five stand of
      colours, and on these grounds also claimed the victory; and a salute of
      twenty-one guns in honour of the triumph was, as the English thought, most
      impudently fired. This was also done at Attock, in the capital of Chuttur
      Singh, and wherever the Sikh troops held a position. The Sikhs also
      claimed the victory for the same reason as the English did&mdash;being
      left in possession of the field. It was, in truth, a drawn battle. The
      Sikhs having began the engagement, and the English having retained the
      ground on which they fought, while the former retired their line, the
      battle may more correctly be said to have been won by the British; but the
      advantages gained were altogether on the part of the Sikhs, who continued
      to occupy for a month positions from which the British did not attempt to
      dislodge them. During that time Lord Gough waited for reinforcements, and
      felt the tardy arrival of some of the troops whose presence had been
      detained before Mooltan, as has already been shown.
    </p>
    <p>
      The loss sustained by the Sikhs it is impossible to calculate; according
      to themselves it was much less than that of the English; and this is
      credible when the strength of their position is considered, and the losses
      to which the unaccountable flight of Pope's brigade exposed the British
      light. The English loss, according to the official returns, was three
      thousand men in killed and wounded, nearly one-third of whom belonged to
      the former class; this, however, did not comprehend all the slain, for
      many were so horribly wounded by the close discharge of artillery that
      they died in a few days. The proportion of the wounded who were hit
      mortally was beyond that which usually occurs in battle. There were also
      many desertions of Sepoy soldiers to Shere Singh, but more especially of
      Sikh soldiery under Lord Gough's command.
    </p>
    <p>
      The flight of the large body of cavalry under Brigadier Pope was the
      subject of much investigation and of shame. The brigadier was too old for
      the duties imposed upon him; he had no experience in war, and was placed
      in the command from seniority. This gave occasion, in England, to denounce
      the substitution of seniority for fitness, so common in the British army.
      Unhappily, the officer himself who was so much concerned in the
      responsibility of the event, and who had been much respected by his
      brother officers and his commander, was placed beyond all human
      accountability, for he fell in front of his fugitive soldiers. Colonel
      King, of the 14th Light Dragoons, who succeeded Colonel Havelock, who fell
      at Rumnugger, was also much censured. His defence was, that he did his
      utmost to rally his men in vain; that they were generally light small men,
      mounted upon light small horses; whereas the cavalry immediately opposed
      to them were not only much more numerous, but cuirassiers&mdash;powerful,
      heavy men, with long and superior swords, and admirably mounted. The
      colonel complained of the bad manufacture of the English weapons, which
      bent or broke against the swords and cuirasses of the Sikh cavalry, When
      Sir Charles Napier arrived to command the forces in India late in the
      spring, he inspected the 14th, and addressed them, referring to the
      allegations of their colonel, and telling them that they were fine,
      stalwart, broad-chested fellows, that would follow anywhere that they were
      led. Colonel King took this so much to heart, that he retired from the
      field of inspection and shot himself. Sir William Napier (brother to Sir
      Charles) afterwards denied in the London newspapers that his brother
      intended to cast any reflection upon Colonel King. It was, however,
      generally believed in the army, that Sir Charles levelled a censure at the
      unfortunate officer, whose sensitive honour could not endure such a
      reflection from so high an authority. His fate excited deep
      commisseration, and the address of Sir Charles was disapproved of
      indignantly by the whole army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The generalship of Lord Gough became the subject of anonymous criticism in
      India, and open attack in England; but the brave and skilful general
      proved at the subsequent battle of Goojerat that he knew how to gain
      victory at as little cost of blood as it was possible for military
      knowledge to ensure. The late drawn battle&mdash;if such it may be called&mdash;was
      designated the battle of Chillianwallah, after a village in the immediate
      neighbourhood of which the British had encamped. The Sikhs know it as the
      battle of Russool, the more appropriate name to give it, as it was in its
      vicinity the chief strength of the Sikh position was found.
    </p>
    <p>
      Leaving the movements of the two armies confronting one another to the
      narrative of another chapter, it is now necessary to turn to other scenes
      of interest.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This fine colony continued prosperous and powerful, yet the
      dissatisfaction of previous years with the imperial administration was not
      removed. On the 28th of February the first session of the new parliament
      was opened by the governor-general, who delivered a speech which was
      intended to be concilatory, but which did not accomplish its purpose. An
      amendment was proposed to the address, which was carried against the
      government by a majority of fifty-four to twenty. In this amendment the
      legislature plainly declared its want of confidence in the governor's
      advisers; the ministry therefore resigned.
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    <h2>
      THE WEST INDIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During this year the West India colonists were discontented, and
      complained of distress, while at home they were regarded with suspicion by
      the religious and antislavery public, as designing, if possible, to
      restore slavery.
    </p>
    <p>
      The immigration of hill Coolies from India into several of the colonies,
      which was promoted by the West India legislative bodies at the public
      expense, increased this jealousy towards the planters. The taxes to meet
      the expenses incidental to the immigration were levied in such a manner as
      to fall especially upon the emancipated negro, to compete with whose
      labour the Coolie was imported. This irritated the classes in England
      whose dispositions were unfavourable to the planter. The press, the
      pulpit, and missionary meetings denounced the Coolie trade and traders,
      and, in terms of eloquent indignation, represented the negro inhabitants
      of the West Indies as still subjected to the plunder and persecution of a
      tyrant race. The Coolie immigration was depicted as rivaling the
      slave-trade in atrocity, and its failure was boldly predicted on every
      religious platform. These predictions certainly were fulfilled&mdash;the
      Coolie speculation was a failure. A writer of that date, well acquainted
      with the facts of the case, thus noticed them:&mdash;"One of the most
      recent efforts made to substitute free for slave labour in the West
      Indies, it will be recollected, was the bringing of a number of hill
      Coolies from India for this purpose. The experiment has miserably failed,
      as acknowledged by the chancellor of the exchequer in his speech on the
      introduction of the sugar duties bill, now in progress through parliament.
      The Coolies were conveyed to Demerara from Madras in ship-loads to supply
      the labour market in British Guiana, at the expense of that colony; and,
      as our correspondent learned, at a rate which even reached the Negro
      himself, against whom they came to compete. Many agents were employed in
      their importation, and large bounties were given; such temptations led
      parties to crowd the colony with numbers of miserable persons, quite
      unable to perform any laborious employment. It was the general opinion
      that, owing to physical inability, scarcely one in a hundred of these
      Coolies was fit for manual labour; and whilst our correspondent was at
      Demerara a law was issued by the governor granting permission for
      labourers to enter Guiana from certain countries only, omitting the East
      Indies. The wretchedness of these immigrant Coolies was truly distressing;
      numbers of them might be seen wandering about, and living in the open air
      on charity, in George Town, congregating about the market-house and
      elsewhere, many of them covered with sores, and all but naked. Hospitals
      were subsequently provided for them in different places, in which they
      were maintained at the public expense; and by this means they were removed
      from about the town and frontier of the colony. Mr. Stocqueler, in his
      very useful 'Oriental Interpreter,' refers to the Coolies in connection
      with the Bheels, a race of people who inhabit the northern part of the
      chain of Ghauts, running inland parallel with the coast of Malabar. On one
      side they are bordered by the Coolies, and on another by the Goands of
      Goandwana. They are considered to have been the aborigines of Central
      India, and, with the Coolies, Goands, and Ramooses, are bold, daring, and
      predatory marauders&mdash;occasionally mercenaries, but invariably
      plunderers. There are, however, many shades of difference in the extent of
      the depredations of these several people, in which the balance of enormity
      is said to be considerably on the side of the Bheels. They are,
      nevertheless, described as faithful when employed and trusted; and the
      travellers who pay them their <i>choute</i>, or tribute, may leave untold
      treasure in their hands, and may consider themselves as safe with them as
      in the streets of London. Their word is sacred, their promise
      unimpeachable.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      There was another class of immigrants who were found more useful, the
      Portuguese, from Madeira. They were highly prized by the Demerara
      planters; but even among them the mortality was very considerable.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the East the only hostile acts required from the British government,
      during the year 1848, was the suppression of Chinese piracy. During the
      year, also, the Rif pirates gave trouble on the shores of northern Africa.
      Employment was also given to British cruisers in various other parts of
      the world in the suppression of piracy and the protection of British
      commerce.
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    <h2>
      THE UNITED STATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The measures of Sir Robert Peel's late government in the disputes which
      arose between England and the United States, whatever their demerits, had
      the effect of preserving peace between the two countries, which, during
      the tumults of continental Europe, the disturbances in Ireland, and the
      agitations in England during 1848, was of the utmost consequence to Great
      Britain. The discovery of gold in California, although an American event,
      exercised much influence upon the commerce and monetary affairs of the
      British Isles, and tended still more to draw the bonds of amity close
      between the two great British nations.
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    <h2>
      SPAIN: DIPLOMATIC DISAGREEMENT WITH THAT COUNTRY; DISMISSION OF THE
      ENGLISH AMBASSADOR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Spain, ever fruitful of internal discord, was not less so in 1848. The
      history of the court was one of scandal, and of the government one of
      weakness, fickleness, and incapacity. The year 1847 closed by a change of
      ministry, when the infamous Narvaez was in the ascendant, and his
      creatures were gathered around him in the guise of a cabinet. The
      queen-mother, it was declared, had been married in December, 1833, to her
      paramour, Munoz, within three months of the decease of the king her
      husband, and this was kept secret for fifteen years from the Spanish
      people, until, under the auspices of the new government of Narvaez, it was
      at last brought to light, for purposes at once venal and revolting. This
      disclosure incensed the Spanish people, and revived the hopes of both the
      republican and Carlist parties. The corrupt practices of Senor Salamanca
      also coming before the public, disgusted the nation with its public men.
      As will be seen on another page, France effected a new revolution in
      February. Louis Philipp was dethroned, and the republic was once more
      proclaimed. From the immediate contiguity of the two countries it was
      feared that the French republic would find some cause of quarrel with the
      imprudent and despotic government of Spain. England, alarmed lest she
      should be once more involved in a war with France for the protection of
      the Iberian peninsula, looked with concern upon the tyrannical and
      profligate conduct of the Spanish court and government; and Lord
      Palmerston, therefore, addressed a note to Sir H. Bulwer, the British
      representative at Madrid, requesting him to make such representations to
      the government, and offer such advice as would tend to consolidate the
      independence and preserve the peace of Spain. This Sir H. Bulwer
      performed; but the Spanish minister, the Duc de Soto Mayer, resented this
      interference as an insult to Spain, and the British minister was dismissed
      from Madrid. In England Lord Palmerston was denounced as a meddler, and a
      minister whose policy was provocative of foreign discord. The course of
      policy, however, adopted by the noble viscount was customary with all
      British ministers, did not exceed the right which one friendly nation has
      to advise another, and was based upon the actual and recognised relations
      of Spain and Great Britain. It afforded, however, an opportunity to
      ignorant declaimers, in and out of parliament, to oppose the astute yet
      direct and manly policy of the great English foreign minister. The
      interruption of diplomatic relations between the two countries continued
      throughout the year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CONTINENTAL REVOLUTIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Although not strictly forming a portion of the history of England, it
      would be impossible to relate the events in which the interests of England
      were involved, without some extended reference to the mighty moral
      earthquakes of continental Europe. France was the centre of these terrible
      upheavings of human passion and power. Her government, under the base king
      Louis Philippe, whom the revolution of 1830 had placed upon the throne,
      was the most corrupt which France had ever known. Tyranny infinitely more
      oppressive than that which he was permitted to wield had often cursed
      France, but never before were such efforts made as by him to corrupt the
      whole people. The unprincipled conduct of every department of the
      government directed by Guizot, the treacherous and subservient tool of his
      bad master, utterly disgusted all honourable men; and even those who were
      willing to sell themselves and their country, despised and hated the
      purchasers. Even the correct manners of Louis Philippe's court, and the
      strict domestic morality observed there, at last increased the public
      indignation and contempt, for it left the universal impression that he was
      a cold and heartless hypocrite. During 1847 a desire for electoral reform,
      which had existed for many years among the more thoughtful politicians of
      France, became more thoroughly developed among most classes of citizens,
      and agitations to accomplish this object were set on foot. The tyrant king
      opposed this feeling and these movements, at first by corrupt means, and,
      ultimately, by the hands of his unscrupulous minister, he resorted to
      coercion. Public meetings were suppressed, and the liberty of the press
      was invaded. The insulted citizens of Paris rose in arms, barricades were
      erected, and the king, as cowardly as he was corrupt, had not the manhood
      to stand by his own measures, but fled, with craven spirit, to take refuge
      in the country whose queen and people he had betrayed. Under the common
      English name of Smith this proud prince found means of escaping from the
      country he had deceived, pillaged, and oppressed, and which allowed him to
      pass away without pursuit, and without malediction, because of its own
      magnanimity and the contempt with which it regarded him. Louis Philippe
      found a home in England, at first at Claremont, and then in Abingdon
      House, Kensington, where he lived for some time in apparently tranquil
      enjoyment, the delightful and salubrious vicinity affording to his family
      means of retired and pleasurable recreation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The expulsion of the nefarious old man, who had for eighteen years ruled
      France on a system of false pretences, was followed by the appointment of
      a provisional government, consisting of Dupont (de l'Eure), Lamartine,
      Arago, Marie, Armand Marrast, Garnier Pages, Albert, Ledru Rollin,
      Ferdinand Flocon, Louis Blanc, Cremieux. No sooner was the provisional
      government appointed, than it was discovered that harmony among its
      members was impossible. The republican party was divided into two great
      sections&mdash;the old republicans and the "reds." The former, like those
      of the United States of America, contended for self-government and equal
      political rights, for civil and religious liberty. The latter declared for
      what they called "a republic, democratic, and social," and their aim was
      to establish socialism by subverting all rights, civil and religious,
      fusing all interests in a communal equality, no longer being subject to
      individual claims. The unknown of Paris were ignorant, and many of them
      suffered much from low wages and irregular employment; these madly grasped
      at a theory which promised to them a maintenance at the public expense.
      The state ought, in their opinion, to provide them with wages sufficient
      for their support, they being themselves the judges of the requisite
      amount, and the state should find employment, if it could, for those who
      were so requited, the amount of labour to be rendered was also to be
      decided by the workers. The theory was substantially that which prevailed
      among the English Chartists. The whole subject of this division of feeling
      and opinion in the provisional government and in the nation, with the
      practical results, was thus clearly set forth by a writer of that day:&mdash;"In
      this conflict of opinion upon the question of labour, or of communism, is
      the <i>resumé</i> of all the great events that have taken place in France
      since the declaration of the republic on the 24th of February last. This
      key unlocks them all, and the efforts of this principle to establish
      itself, and to overthrow its opponents, explain events otherwise
      inexplicable, and show us in the clearest possible manner what are and
      what are not the great opposing forces that have since been at feud. All
      other forces in France have been as nothing compared with these two. The
      friends of monarchy, whether of the Orleans or the old Bourbon dynasty,
      and the friends of Napoleon, have, it is true, endeavoured to make
      themselves heard; but their voices have been mere whispers in comparison
      with the shouts and hubbub of the communists and anti-communists&mdash;of
      the tricolor republicans and the republicans of the <i>drapeau rouge</i>.
      Without this clue to the character of the revolution, the remark of Milton
      that the wars of the Saxon heptarchy were as unintelligible as those of
      kites in a neighbouring wood, would apply to the proceedings of the
      Parisians. Almost each day, after the 24th of February, brought tidings of
      change in all the relations betwixt man and man. There was fighting one
      day, embracing the next; every rotation of the hand brought to view a
      wonderful and unexpected change of figures in the political kaleidoscope.
      Day after day, in endless succession, there were mouthings of tumid,
      florid, and often unintelligible speeches, and of still more
      unintelligible and mysterious theories for the regeneration of mankind.
      Every speech and newspaper article breathed only peace and goodwill
      towards all men, yet almost every ordinance of the government was directed
      towards the organisation of armed men. There were assemblings of the
      people, reviews, marchings, and counter-marchings, hasty summonings at all
      hours, the beating of the <i>rappel</i>, and the sounding of the tocsin,
      in the dead of night and the early dawn. The 'Marseillaise Hymn' and the
      'Mourir pour la Patrie,' were sung in every street, court, and alley, and
      were heard on the pillow of every recumbent citizen. Journalism became a
      power of tremendous magnitude and extent. People read leading articles by
      torchlight, and shouted out to the moon apostrophes to liberty, ay,
      'liberty, equality, fraternity.' These three talismanic words, too often
      devoid of meaning in the apprehension of those who shouted them with a
      fervour sufficient to split the ears of the groundlings. Liberty? every
      man doing what he deemed best, seemed to be the interpretation of the mob.
      Equality? every man trying to get above every other man, seemed its
      natural consequences. Fraternity? every man knocking down every other man
      who happened to be of a different way of thinking from himself, was the
      manner in which the men of the <i>faubourgs</i> seemed to construe it.
      Such seemed to be the epitome of the French revolution; but it was not so.
      There was order amid disorder; two principles were at work; and the
      revolution&mdash;so frivolous in its details, so momentous in its results;
      exhibiting so much talent and energy, so much vanity and folly, so much
      honesty and treachery, such kind feelings and such malignant passions,
      such planting of trees and cutting of throats, such recommendations of
      order, such instances of disorder, so much wisdom producing so much folly,
      so much goodness mingled with so much wickedness, so much gravity combined
      with so much levity, such long speeches and such brief epigrams&mdash;was
      quite explainable wherever the mind was able to grasp it as a whole, and
      see the operation of the two great and all pervading principles which we
      have mentioned."
    </p>
    <p>
      The party of the communists in the provisional government comprised three
      members&mdash;Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc, and Albert. This number, being
      small in proportion to the whole, offended the socialists; but Lamartine
      and Arago possessed such influence with the three "reds," that they were
      for a time induced to co-operate with the rest for the general good, and
      in a system of rational government. To those two great men France was
      deeply indebted; their appearance was at times sufficient to still a
      tumult.
    </p>
    <p>
      The three communist members of the government gradually became more
      exacting, and at last the influence of the philosophical republicans and
      statesmen, who were associated with them, failed to keep within bounds the
      communist sympathies of these hot-headed and imprudent men. In an evil
      hour, Lamartine and some of his colleagues, who, like him, had just
      notions of state affairs, and correct views of political economy, conceded
      to Ledru Roll in and his brothers of the <i>drapeau rouge</i> a certain
      organisation for the employment of labour. From that hour the doom of the
      new republic was sealed&mdash;it was the beginning of the end. Men of
      property and sagacity stood aloof. M. Goodcheaux resigned, and many
      official persons of eminent knowledge and experience followed his example.
      Meanwhile Paris was kept in continual apprehension by popular
      demonstrations, and commercial failures shook the public credit. The
      working population became more and more dissatisfied, and menaced public
      order and the existence of all rational government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The provisional government called a constituent assembly, and the
      representatives of the people were to assemble in Paris on a certain day
      in April, but the assemblage was afterwards deferred to the 4th of May.
      Ledru Rollin addressed a circular to the prefects and other departmental
      and commercial authorities, urging upon them the support of republican
      candidates at the elections. This measure Ledru Rollin and some of his
      colleagues justified on the ground that there were already parties whose
      reactionary efforts might be successful in returning Orleanist,
      Buonapartist, or ultramontane representatives, who might form a majority
      in the assembly, or, at all events, a minority large enough to embarrass
      the republic. By republican members, however, Rollin and Louis Blanc meant
      socialists, and this effort on their part to influence by official means
      the returns of the constituent assembly, destroyed all confidence in their
      justice, impartiality, and toleration. Rollin defended the measures he had
      adopted in terms, if possible, more imprudent than the measures
      themselves, and Albert and Blanc went still further in their indiscreet
      words, as well as excited zeal. The result was that moderate men not only
      lost confidence in them personally, but became apprehensive of the designs
      and tendency of their party, and the elections were much less favourable
      to the views and wishes of the "reds" than would otherwise have been the
      case. While Ledru Rollin and his communist colleagues in office were
      mismanaging everything connected with home interests, Lamartine was
      conducting the foreign affairs of France with surpassing judgment. At
      first all European governments saw the proclamation of a French republic
      with awe, and their thoughts were only how most effectually to arm and
      combine against French republic propagandism. Lamartine soothed this
      alarm. He addressed a diplomatic circular to all the agents of France
      through Europe, expounding the principles upon which the French republic
      was founded. His policy might be summed up in a single sentence of this
      manifesto,&mdash;"The republic is the will of a great people; it derives
      its title from itself. Its policy is peace."
    </p>
    <p>
      The government adopted the plan of large workshops, and workmen were
      employed at the rate of a million and a half sterling a year. Louis Blanc
      admitted that unless the work produced should prove remunerative in the
      market, it would be impossible for the government to continue so enormous
      an outlay. The operatives, perceiving the hesitation of the government,
      prepared to carry their communistic views into operation themselves,
      without having the trouble of using the provisional government for their
      execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the appointed day the assembly met, and the republic was proclaimed.
      The real feelings and opinions of the assembly were soon seen; they were
      elicited by the ministerial reports. The following description of the
      scene presented on the occasion is quoted from the contemporary press:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "All the preliminaries having been gone through, powers verified, a
      president (M. Bûchez) and vice-presidents, secretaries, &amp;c, appointed,
      the members of the government proceed to lay before the assembly an
      account of their ministries since the establishment of the republic.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Saturday, May 6, the president announced that the citizen minister,
      Lamartine, was about to make a communication from the government, when
      that gentleman ascended the tribune, and proceeded to read a document,
      which purported to be a report of the acts of the provisional government
      in their <i>ensemble</i>&mdash;the restoration of order, organisation of
      the national guard, <i>mobile garde</i>, the army, &amp;c.&mdash;enumerating
      what had been done in the midst of two months of a crisis during which not
      a drop of blood had been shed. Many portions of this report were much
      applauded, and at the close there was great enthusiasm.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He was succeeded by Ledru Rollin, the minister of the interior, who read
      a report of the acts of his administration, which he read with great
      vehemence, but without exciting applause, except of a very partial kind
      from a small minority.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The minister of justice (M. Crémieux) next ascended the tribune, and
      proceeded to read a report of his official acts, in which he recounted all
      the ameliorations applied to the administration of justice, the abolition
      of capital punishment for capital offences, abolition of the pillory,
      &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The next member of the government who ascended the tribune was M. Louis
      Blanc, who excited a smile by his first act, which was to stoop and
      arrange a <i>tabouret</i>, or footstool, on which to raise himself high
      enough to be seen. The voice that came from this small form was firm,
      clear, and loud; and he, instead of reading, delivered an extempore
      oration in favour of his <i>Organisation du Travail</i>, to which he said
      the government stood committed by its promises to the people assembled
      before the Hôtel de Ville the day after the revolution. The assembly
      received his oration with a coldness which augured ill.
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Carnot, the minister of public instruction, was afterwards heard, and
      was succeeded by M. Bethmont, the minister of commerce, who deposited on
      the table the <i>exposé</i> of the state of his department. M. Gamier
      Pages, minister of finance, concluded his report on the financial
      condition of the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Arago, the minister of war and marine, and M. Marie, the minister of
      public works, next presented the situation of their departments; and were
      succeeded by M. Lamartine, minister for foreign affairs, who took a short
      review of the aspect of affairs throughout Europe. The general tone of his
      remarks was pacific, and in accordance with the principles of his address
      some time before to the diplomatic agents of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the course of the sitting a note from Béranger, the poet, resigning
      his seat for Paris, was read; but the assembly unanimously refused to
      accept the resignation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A stormy discussion then arose on the motion of M. Domes, offering the
      thanks of the assembly to the provisional government for their conduct in
      the administration of affairs, and nominating a committee of five to act
      as a government <i>ad interim</i>, until the permanent government of the
      country had been constituted. Subsequently, after fearful uproar, the
      motion was modified by the withdrawal of the latter part of it, and the
      assembly voted that the provisional government had deserved well of the
      country. The vote was almost unanimous, M. Barbes, M. Durrien, and another
      rising alone against it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Tuesday, at eleven o'clock, M. Bûchez, the president, took the chair.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Some apprehensions were entertained that the result of this sitting would
      occasion disturbances. The workmen met in several quarters of Paris, and
      in the wood of Boulogne, and were understood to have declared that if M.
      Ledru Rollin was excluded from the government, they would take arms.
      Extraordinary precautions had accordingly been adopted around the hall. A
      large force was stationed in the adjoining garden, and invitations had
      been sent to the national guards to hold themselves in readiness to march
      at the first signal.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the following Wednesday, the appointment of an executive committee, in
      lieu of the provisional government, was announced. The result of the
      ballot was&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Arago.......................................    725

     Gamier Pages................................    715

     Marie  .....................................    702

     Lamartine ..................................    643

     Ledru Rollin..........,.....................    598
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "Those five members having obtained the required majority, were proclaimed
      members of the executive committee. M. Louis Blanc, M. Albert, and M.
      Flocon were entirely excluded&mdash;a fact which the <i>peuple</i> and the
      'communists' cherished in vindictive remembrance. M. Ledru Rollin, whose
      violence had alarmed the majority, though not excluded, was at the bottom
      of the list; and M. de Lamartine, who had lent his high name and great
      popularity to support M. Ledru Rollin, was placed next lowest&mdash;all of
      them being most significant facts to show the spirit of the assembly, and
      the probable policy to be hereafter expected from it."
    </p>
    <p>
      The discontent of the <i>ouvriers</i> gathered strength, and on the 15th
      of May they rose in insurrection. After much severe fighting the
      insurgents were defeated, the loyalty of the troops, national guards, and
      <i>garde mobile</i> to the republic sustaining the cause of order. The <i>garde
      mobile</i> had been organised from the very lowest classes in Paris&mdash;
      classes below the workmen&mdash;and was composed of mere youths, who
      distinguished themselves beyond all other forces by their heroic courage
      throughout that eventful day. The result to the leaders of the socialists
      was that many of them, such as Albert, Barbes, Blanqui, Raspail, and
      Sobrier were consigned to prison. Louis Blanc had a very narrow escape of
      being numbered among them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The suppression of the clubs and of the <i>atteliers nationaux</i>,
      followed this success on the part of the government, but still more
      exasperated the workmen. In this condition of affairs Prince Louis
      Napoleon was elected for Paris, as representative in the room of one of
      the double returns made in the general election. He was also elected for
      three departmental vacancies, caused also by double returns in the general
      election. It at once became the fashion to laud the prince. All parties,
      except the "republicans pure and simple," seemed to think that Napoleonism
      offered a refuge from anarchy. The "reds" favoured him from hatred to the
      party of the executive committee, or rather the majority of that party;
      but in reality no faction hated Louis Napoleon at heart so much as they.
      At all events, his name became a rallying word for nearly all the lovers
      of order, who were not believers in the theory of philosophical
      republicanism. The most ominous thing connected with these demonstrations
      was the appearance of a journal entitled <i>Le Napoléonien</i>. Placards
      also appeared with the words "<i>Louis Napoleon! Vive l'Empereur! A bas la
      République!</i>" and crowds, shouting the name of Buonaparte, collected in
      various parts of Paris, the <i>générale</i> and the <i>rappel</i> were
      beaten, troops assembled, and the guards, <i>sédentaires</i> and <i>mobile</i>,
      were frequently assembled to protect the government and the
      representatives. Shots were fired, some lives were lost, and the panic
      became general throughout Paris. Lamartine took advantage of this, and
      proposed to the assembly that the laws of 1816 and 1832 should be
      enforced, forbidding the entrance of any of the Buonaparte family into
      France. This motion was received by the assembly with loud shouts of "<i>Vive
      la République!</i>" Many who joined in that shout would have shouted still
      more cordially for Louis Philippe or the representative of the older
      branch of the Bourbon family. The cry of the republic answered their
      present purpose of committing the executive committee to imprudent
      measures, and of excluding the Buonapartists, who were regarded as more
      formidable rivals to the Bourbons than the republicans, old or new. The
      assembly was not able to carry out its own resolution; after coquetting
      with public opinion and persisting for a time, the exclusion of the
      Buonapartes was given up as impracticable; and the prince, again elected
      for Corsica and other electoral districts, took his place in the
      legislative assembly, accepted the oaths to the republic, and before the
      year expired was president. Before that was accomplished France was doomed
      to undergo fresh trials, and Paris to witness still more sanguinary
      scenes.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of labour-regulation continued, under every improvement and
      modification that was devised, to embarrass the government; and it was at
      last resolved to remove from Paris great numbers of the workmen to distant
      parts of the country, to be engaged there on various public works. This
      the men determined to resist, and to subvert a government which dared to
      suggest such a measure. The government was, however, forced to adopt at
      once some plan to rid itself of the peril and imminent ruin of the <i>atteliers</i>.
      In the National Assembly, Victor Hugo, M. Léon Faucher, and others,
      denounced the connivance of the executive committee with a state of things
      that must speedily destroy France. The number of workmen then engaged in
      the government workshops of Paris was one hundred and twenty thousand. On
      the night of the 22nd of June, cries of "Down with the Assembly!" were
      raised by the <i>ouvriers</i> in the streets. In the morning, signs of
      disturbance were indicated in many quarters. In the course of a few hours
      the workmen began to erect barricades. Fighting began between the national
      guards and the constructors of the barricades at the Porte Saint-Denis.
      Throughout the day barricades were demolished by the national guards and
      <i>gardes mobiles</i>, but only after fierce and deadly conflict. During
      the night of the 23rd new barricades were raised as if by magic, and on
      the morning of the 24th, a system of ingenious and powerful defences
      existed through a large extent of Paris, behind which and commanding
      which, from the windows and house-tops, well-armed and determined men were
      placed. Happily the government consigned to General Cavaignac, minister of
      war, all the functions of a dictator. He was ably seconded by General
      Lamoricière, and other officers of rank, several of whom sealed their
      fidelity in death. During the 24th, terrible battle raged in the streets
      of Paris, but the troops and civic soldiery stormed the barricades and
      conquered. Mortars were used, from which showers of shells were
      discharged, which bursting behind the barricades shattered these defences,
      ponderous although they were, scattering them, and the bodies of the brave
      men who defended them to the last. Shells also were thrown into the
      houses, whence a fire was kept up upon the military in the streets: many
      of these houses were torn to pieces, burying the defenders in their ruins.
      In some streets the troops had to cut their way from house to house, the
      sappers knocking down the party-walls: the contest in these directions
      resembled that at Saragossa, where, amidst crumbling walls and blazing
      roofs, men fought foot to foot, in the agonies of valour, fanaticism, and
      despair. Throughout the 25th and 26th the conflict raged, but was
      terminated on the evening of that day. Twenty thousand men were killed or
      wounded. General Cavaignac was elected by the assembly president of the
      council. The gallant general conducted his administration with justice and
      wisdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of June, a committee appointed by the assembly was
      engaged in drawing up a constitution; they presented a report to the
      following effect:&mdash;They proposed that there should be a president
      elected by universal suffrage for a period of four years; he was to be a
      French citizen, not less than thirty years of age. The legislature to
      consist of one chamber; that chamber to consist of seven hundred and
      thirty members. The ministers to be appointed and dismissed at the
      pleasure of the president. A council of state to be appointed out of the
      assembly, forty in number, and chosen by the assembly itself; that body to
      draw up the projects of law which the government might think fit to bring
      in. The punishment of death for political offences was interdicted.
      Slavery to be abolished in all French colonies. The press to be free. All
      religions to be allowed, and their ministers to be paid by the state.
      Public instruction to be free, subject to the superintendence of the
      state. Substitutes for the army and navy to be disallowed. The national
      debt to be deemed sacred. Property inviolable. Algeria, and all other
      French colonies, to be integral parts of the French soil, but to be
      governed by laws peculiar to themselves. Trials to be public, and the
      office of judge to be permanent.
    </p>
    <p>
      This project of constitution was accepted as a base for further
      consideration. Subsequently it was modified, but not in any way
      essentially to alter its principles. The resolution regarding colonial
      slavery roused the whole colonial interest of France against the republic.
      That which forbid substitutes for the army and navy created wide-spread
      dissatisfaction. The former of these provisions of the constitution was so
      just and humane, that it deserved to be carried out at any cost; the other
      was impolitic, as it deprived large numbers who would not serve in the
      army or navy of the opportunity of avoiding that service, if they fell
      under the ballot, by nominating a substitute willing to serve if
      remunerated.
    </p>
    <p>
      The question of the adoption of the constitution was finally put on the
      4th of November, and carried, thirty voices being dissident. In the
      evening of the same day, one hundred and one cannon shots announced to
      Paris and its environs that the work of preparing the constitution had
      been completed. The public made no manifestation of feeling. Only the old
      republican party valued so free a constitution. The <i>ouvriers</i> cared
      not for it, nor for anything short of socialism. The Absolutists hated
      liberty in every form. The Buonapartists regarded it as an instrument that
      might be made available for reconstituting the empire. The Orleanists
      received it with more malignant hostility than any other class. They
      professed the theory of a constitutional monarchy; but the free and just
      and noble constitution of the republic contrasted so advantageously with
      the corrupt practices and <i>doctrinaire</i> theories of Louis Philippe
      and his favourites, that the Orleans party betrayed the most malevolent
      feelings to the republican leaders, such as Cavaignac and Lamartine, and
      the uttermost repugnance to the republic itself. Louis Philippe, in
      England, entertained his friends with garrulous accounts of his own wisdom
      in all the measures he had adopted, predicting that France, enamoured of
      the glory of his reign, would repent and return to him again! His queen,
      equally incapable of appreciating France, dwelt only upon the injury
      inflicted upon religion by the conduct of the French people in dethroning
      their king, and making an indiscriminate establishment of all churches a
      feature of the constitution. Her silence, gravity, and the religious view
      she took of the event were strangely in contrast to the vanity, levity,
      and self-gratulation with which the king talked of his temporarily humbled
      fortunes.
    </p>
    <p>
      The proclamation of the constitution failed in quieting enemies, restoring
      public confidence in the state of affairs, or reviving material
      prosperity, notwithstanding all that so many eloquent orators of the old
      republican party predicted to that effect. The <i>Presse</i> at this
      juncture gave a most melancholy account of the sufferings of the poor, and
      the distress of the commercial classes:&mdash;"It will be necessary to
      feed at the public expense two hundred and sixty-three thousand persons
      during the present month, two hundred and eighty thousand during the month
      of December, three hundred thousand during the month of January, three
      hundred thousand during the month of February, three hundred thousand
      during the month of March, and two hundred and eighty thousand during the
      month of April next; and the sum granted by the assembly will not afford
      each individual more than 12 centimes (1d. and 2/5ths) per day each to
      exist upon. At the same time the revenue of the city of Paris has fallen
      off by a sum of 16,000,000 fr. (£640,000), which must be made good by an
      addition to the assessed taxes of more than 50 per cent."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Socialists were not without hope that matters would turn to their
      account; and although they did not dare to defy the republic in action,
      they became more resentful in language than ever. They continued to hold
      meetings, in which opinions at variance with all morality and civil order
      were expressed, and which would have alarmed every government in Europe,
      had not recent events been of a character to confine the attention of
      these governments to domestic affairs. A banquet, under the title of "The
      Confederation of the People of Europe," was held, at which eight hundred
      men, French, Poles, Belgians, Germans, and Italians assembled; the most
      furious threats to kings, governments, persons of property, and to all
      persons everywhere not favourable to communistic projects, were uttered.
      One blasphemous toast will show the <i>animus</i> of the assembly, and of
      its orators. It was delivered by M. Saint Just:&mdash;"To the men strong,
      courageous, and valiant in the cause of humanity. To those whose names
      serve as a guide, a support, and an example to the degenerate beings&mdash;to
      all those whom history calls heroes!... To Brutus, to Catiline, to Jesus
      Christ, to Julian the Apostate, to Attila!... To all the thinkers of the
      middle age.... To unfortunate thinkers!... To Jean Jacques Rousseau, and
      his pupil, Maximilian Robespierre!" This enumeration of names was received
      with a triple salvo of applause, and was encored, with which request M.
      Saint Just complied. The banquet concluded with the "Marseillaise" and the
      "Chant du Départ" sung by the entire company.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great work of electing a president proceeded without interruption or
      disturbance, and the result was the election of Prince Louis Napoleon by
      an overwhelming majority. The following, by an eye-witness, is a condensed
      account of the transactions in the assembly upon the occasion of formally
      announcing this result. The letter was dated November 20th, and referred
      to the previous Wednesday, as selected for the ceremony by the executive
      government, instead of Thursday, which had been publicly announced; the
      change of the day arising from the apprehension of disturbances consequent
      upon an attempt which was expected to be made to greet Napoleon as
      emperor. The prince himself acquiesced in the arrangement, to prevent
      unnecessary bloodshed:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "At two o'clock orders were forwarded by the government to the colonels of
      the 24th regiment of infantry and of two regiments of dragoons to march
      their corps towards the National Assembly. At three o'clock two battalions
      of the former, and a battalion of <i>garde mobile</i>, preceded by a
      detachment of national guards, entered the Garden of the Tuileries, and
      advanced to the gate of the Place de la Concorde, a general, accompanied
      by his aide-de-camp, and escorted by a few lancers, taking his station
      close to the obelisk. In the meantime, the quays adjoining the palace were
      lined with dragoons. The presence of these troops, which nobody could
      account for, created much uneasiness, though in some groups a report
      circulated that the assembly was about to proclaim the president of the
      republic.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At half-past three o'clock M. Marrast, president, took the chair. The
      assembly was extremely numerous, and animated groups were to be seen here
      and there through the hall. Prince Louis Napoleon was not present at the
      opening of the sitting, but his cousin, Jerome Buonaparte, occupied his
      seat. The public galleries were crowded. In one of them we remarked
      Princess Mathilda, sister of Jerome, and next to her M. Emile de Girardin.
      Two aides-de-camp appointed in the morning by the prince, M. Edgar Ney,
      and a son of General Pajol, were also present. No serious discussion could
      take place in the state of excitement of the assembly, and most of the
      orders of the day were adjourned. Two applications for leave to prosecute
      Messrs. Caussidière and Turk, representatives of the people, were
      rejected.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The committee charged with examining the electoral returns for the
      presidency entered the chamber at four o'clock, when the president
      immediately called to the tribune M. Waldeck Rousseau, the reporter of the
      committee, who read the report. It stated that seven million three hundred
      and forty-nine thousand citizens of the republic had voted at the
      presidential election, and that the votes had been divided in the
      following proportion over the surface of the country:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     M. Louis Napoloen had obtained ... 5,434,226  suffrages.

     General Cavaignac  ............... 1,448,107     "

     M. Ledru-Rollin  .................   370,119     "

     M. Raspail........................    36,900     "

     M. Lamartine   ...................    17,910     "

     General Changamier   .............     4,790     "

     Votes lost........................    12,600     "
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Among the latter were many containing unconstitutional denominations, and
      the committee had besides denounced to the minister of the interior for
      prosecution a few individuals guilty of acts of violence. At Grenoble, in
      particular, public tranquillity was slightly disturbed. The committee had,
      moreover, examined several protests addressed to it against the election
      of M. Buonaparte. In one of them he was declared ineligible, because he
      had forfeited his rights as a Frenchman by his naturalisation in
      Switzerland. The members of the committee however had, by a unanimous
      decision, passed to the order of the day on that difficulty. By the number
      of the votes, and the regularity of the operation, M. Louis Napoleon was
      the real elect of the nation, and the assembly had only to order that the
      executive power be transferred to his hands. After paying a tribute of
      praise and gratitude to General Cavaignac, which was ratified by the loud
      acclamations of the entire assembly, M. Rousseau concluded by calling upon
      it to proclaim the president, and exclaimed, 'Have confidence, God
      protects France.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "General Cavaignac, having then ascended the tribune, said, 'I have the
      honour of informing the National Assembly that the members of the cabinet
      have just sent me their collective resignation; and I now come forward to
      surrender the powers with which it had invested me. You will understand,
      better than I can express, the sentiments of gratitude which the
      recollection of the confidence placed in me by the assembly, and of its
      kindness to me, will leave in my heart.' This short address was received
      with deafening cries of 'Vive la République!'
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Marrast then rose and said, 'In the name of the French people! Whereas
      Citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Buonaparte, born in Paris, possesses all
      the qualifications of eligibility required by the 44th article of the
      constitution; whereas the ballot gave him the absolute majority of
      suffrages for the presidency: by virtue of the powers conferred on the
      assembly by the 47th and 48th articles of the constitution, I proclaim him
      President of the French Republic, from this day until the second Sunday of
      May, 1852, and I now invite him to ascend the tribune and take the oath
      required by the constitution.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Louis Napoleon, who was seated near M. Odilon Barrot, then rose and
      advanced towards the tribune. He was dressed in black; on his left breast
      was a <i>crachat</i> set with diamonds, and under his coat he wore the
      grand cordon of the Legion of Honour. Having mounted the tribune, the
      president read to him the oath of fidelity to the constitution, to which
      M. Louis Napoleon replied, 'Je le jure.' He then asked leave to address a
      few words to the assembly. The suffrages of the nation and his personal
      sentiments, he said, commanded his future conduct, and imposed upon him
      duties which he would fulfil as a man of honour. He would treat as enemies
      of the country whoever should attempt to subvert the constitution, and
      between him and the assembly would exist the most perfect harmony of
      views. He would exert himself to place society on its real basis, and to
      relieve the sufferings of a people who had borne such generous and
      intelligent testimony. He would endeavour to restore to the government the
      moral force of which it stood in need, and to maintain peace and order. He
      had called around him men distinguished for talent and patriotism, who,
      notwithstanding the differences of their political origin, would assist
      him in consolidating the new institutions of the country. He then
      eulogised the becoming conduct and loyalty of which General Cavaignac had
      given so many and such signal proofs, and pledged himself strenuously to
      labour to accomplish the great mission of founding the republic, without
      recurring to reactionary or Utopian means; and, with the assistance of
      God, he trusted to achieve useful if not great things.
    </p>
    <p>
      "This speech was received with unanimous cries of 'Vive la République!'
      and M. Louis Buonaparte, having descended the tribune, went up to the seat
      of General Cavaignac, and cordially shook him by the hand. The new
      president was then met by M. Odilon Barrot and his friends of the right,
      who escorted him out of the hall. In leaving the hall the president was
      accompanied by a great number of the members of the assembly, and passed
      between a double line of soldiers and national guards, which extended
      through the Salle des Pas Perdus to the gate upon the quay facing the
      Place de la Concorde. There was no manifestation of enthusiasm at this
      moment. A carriage waited for the president at the gate, in which he left
      for the palace of the Elysée Bourbon, escorted by a squadron of dragoons
      and lancers. The cannon of the Invalides were discharged as a salute at
      the moment. General Changarnier attended on the occasion, and directed the
      proceedings. It was remarked that, on the occasion of this solemnity, all
      the enthusiasm of the assembly was shown to General Cavaignac, and the
      utmost coldness towards Prince Louis.
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Marrast next announced that M. Odilon Barrot was charged with the
      construction of the new cabinet, which would be communicated by a message
      to the assembly. The house afterwards adjourned."
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the great events in France during the year 1818, events which
      too nearly affected the connection of England with that country to be
      given here in less detail.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the progress of these transactions the relations of Great Britain
      and France became delicate and critical; but the wisdom of the provisional
      government on the one hand, and of the British government on the other,
      prevented any collision. Diplomatic relations were necessarily interrupted
      for a time by the revolution, and the flight of the king; but her
      Britannic majesty, in her speech proroguing parliament, expressed her
      satisfaction that she had been enabled to resume the usual intercourse
      between the two governments. Several occasions arose when even a slight
      deviation from international equity on the part of the French provisional
      government might have involved the two countries in war. In England the
      Chartists continued the agitations already recorded, and made a grand
      demonstration, which will be related in another section of this chapter.
      While they were preparing to put forth this exhibition of strength, a
      correspondence was kept up by many of their leaders with those of the
      French Communists, and the excitement of the latter was intense as the
      hour approached for the grand <i>denouement</i>. Indeed, all classes of
      the French, except the most intelligent, especially in Paris, regarded a
      revolution in England as inevitable. They were under the delusion that
      Fergus O'Connor and his colleagues and followers were, politically
      speaking, the English people. The following account of this impression was
      given by a gentleman then resident in Paris:&mdash;"Never, during the many
      years I have resided in Paris, did any event in England excite such
      universal interest among all classes of the French as the great chartist
      demonstration has done. For days and days it was a leading topic in the
      newspapers, and for days the general subject of conversation. Both
      newspapers and talkers, relying on the big swagger of the Chartists, and
      the undisguised alarm of the government, confidently expected a stern and
      terrible straggle, with barricades, and bayonets, and pikes, and deluges
      of blood, and awful slaughter. To this expectation many added the hope of
      seeing a complete revolution effected&mdash;a revolution which would
      overthrow throne, aristocracy, and middle class, leaving the people and
      the republic triumphant. So deeply had this hope taken possession of the
      more sanguine, that they could not bear to hear the slightest doubt of its
      realisation expressed."
    </p>
    <p>
      Strange as it may seem to English readers, the chartist proceedings in
      England, and those of the Irish repeal party, had considerable influence
      not only in sustaining unreasonable expectation among the French workmen,
      but even on their modes of procedure. It was not until the speeches of
      O'Connor and other Chartists claiming "the land for the people," and the
      articles of Mitchell and others in Ireland demanding for the farmers a
      right in the soil, were circulated in Paris, that the workmen there began
      an agitation against rent. This they maintained until the restoration of
      order restored to the house-owners the means of asserting the rights of
      property. The following graphic and lively description of the agitation,
      incited and fostered under such circumstances, is no exaggeration:&mdash;"The
      past week has been the calmest which we have had since the revolution. We
      have had no forced illuminations, no planting of trees of liberty, no
      physical-force demonstrations, no great display of any kind; in fact, we
      have been decidedly dull. But in some parts of the city, our sovereign
      lord and master, the Mob, has been graciously pleased to afford us a
      little interesting excitement by bullying the landlords into giving
      receipts for their rents, without the usual preliminary ceremony of
      fingering the cash. 'Base is the slave that pays his rent' is now the
      motto of the mob, and his mobship chalks it up along with 'liberty,
      equality, fraternity!' To show, however, that he is really a good fellow
      at heart, the said mob no sooner swindles (I am afraid it amounts to
      swindling in English) the landlord out of his rent, than he invests a
      small portion of the coin in the purchase of a tricolor flag, with which
      he decorates the landlord's house. And such is the worthy fellow's
      moderation, that even when the landlord has refused to be victimised, the
      mob has not inflicted summary vengeance on him; he has only stuck a black
      flag before the offender's door, or playfully made his effigy dangle by
      the neck from the nearest lamp-post."
    </p>
    <p>
      In Ireland the progress of sedition afforded a much more favourable
      opportunity for displaying the equity and prudence of the French
      provisional government. An address was voted to the republic of France by
      the Young Irelanders, who styled themselves the people of Ireland,
      although they well knew that millions of Irishmen, numbering among them
      her most intelligent and influential citizens, repudiated the principles
      and proceedings of the party. A deputation, consisting of Mr. Smith
      O'Brien and several other gentlemen, were sent to Paris to express the
      sympathy and congratulation of the Irish people on the new-born liberty of
      the citizens of France. It was well understood in England, and much better
      understood in Ireland, that the deputation were expected to sound the
      French government as to any hope of assistance in case of a rising in
      Ireland; and also to stir up the minds of the French people generally to
      more decided interest for Ireland, and a greater willingness to identify
      the French republic with Irish hopes and aspirations. On the 3rd of April
      the young Ireland deputation was received by the provisional government at
      the Hôtel de Ville, and there presented an address in the spirit of their
      mission. The following reply was read by Lamartine:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Citizens of Ireland</i>,&mdash;If we required a fresh proof of the
      pacific influence of the proclamation of the great democratic principle,&mdash;this
      new Christianity, bursting forth at the opportune moment, and dividing the
      world, as formerly, into a Pagan and Christian community,&mdash;we should
      assuredly discern this proof of the omnipotent action of an idea, in the
      visits spontaneously paid in this city to republican France, and the
      principles which animate her, by the nations, or by fractions of the
      nations, of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We are not astonished to see to-day a deputation from Ireland. Ireland
      knows how deeply her destinies, her sufferings, and her successive
      advances in the path of religious liberty, of unity, and of constitutional
      equality with the other parts of the United Kingdom, have at all times
      moved the heart of Europe. We said as much, a few days ago, to another
      deputation of your fellow-citizens. We said as much to all the children of
      that glorious Isle of Erin, which the natural genius of its inhabitants,
      and the striking events of its history, render equally symbolical of the
      poetry and the heroism of the nations of the north. Rest assured,
      therefore, that you will find in France, under the republic, a response to
      all the sentiments which you express towards it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Tell your fellow-citizens that the name of Ireland is synonymous with the
      name of liberty courageously defended against privilege&mdash;that it is
      one common name to every French citizen. Tell them that this reciprocity
      which they invoke&mdash;that this hospitality of which they are not
      oblivious&mdash;the republic will be proud to remember and to practise
      invariably towards the Irish. Tell them, above all, that the French
      republic is not, and never will be, an aristocratic republic, in which
      liberty is merely abused as the mask of privilege; but a republic
      embracing the entire community, and securing to all the same rights and
      the same benefits. As regards other encouragements, it would be neither
      expedient for us to hold them out, nor for you to receive them. I have
      already expressed the same opinion with reference to Germany, Belgium, and
      Italy; and I repeat it with reference to every nation which is involved in
      internal disputes&mdash;which is either divided against itself or at
      variance with its government. When there is a difference of race&mdash;when
      nations are aliens in blood&mdash;intervention is not allowable. We belong
      to no party in Ireland or elsewhere, except to that which contends for
      justice, for liberty, and for the happiness of the Irish people. No other
      part would be acceptable to us, in the time of peace, in the interests and
      the passions of foreign nations. France is desirous of reserving herself
      free for the maintenance of the rights of all.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We are at peace, and we are desirous of remaining on good terms of
      equality, not with this or that part of Great Britain, but with Great
      Britain entire. We believe this peace to be useful and honourable, not
      only to Great Britain and the French republic, but to the human race. We
      will not commit an act&mdash;we will not utter a word&mdash;we will not
      breathe an insinuation at variance with the principles of the reciprocal
      inviolability of nations which we have proclaimed, and of which the
      continent of Europe is already gathering the fruits. The fallen monarchy
      had treaties and diplomatists. Our diplomatists are nations, our treaties
      are sympathies. We should be insane were we openly to exchange such a
      diplomacy for unmeaning and partial alliances with even the most
      legitimate parties in the countries which surround us. We are not
      competent either to judge them or to prefer some of them to others; by
      announcing our partizanship on the one side, we should declare ourselves
      the enemies of the other. We do not wish to be the enemies of any of your
      fellow-countrymen. We wish, on the contrary, by a faithful observance of
      the republican pledges, to remove all the prejudices which may mutually
      exist between our neighbours and ourselves. This course, however painful
      it may be, is imposed on us by the law of nations, as well as by our
      historical remembrances.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Do you know what it was which most served to irritate France and estrange
      her from England during the first republic? It was the civil war in a
      portion of our territory, supported, subsidised, and assisted by Mr. Pitt.
      It was the encouragement and the arms given to Frenchmen, as heroical as
      yourselves, but Frenchmen fighting against their fellow-citizens. This was
      not honourable warfare; it was a royalist propagandism waged with French
      blood against the republic. This policy is not yet, in spite of all our
      efforts, entirely effaced from the memory of the nation. Well, this cause
      of dissension between Great Britain and us, we will never renew by taking
      any similar course. We accept with gratitude expressions of friendship
      from the different nationalities included in the British empire. We
      ardently wish that justice may found and strengthen the friendship of
      races; that equity may become more and more its basis; but while
      proclaiming with you, with her (England), and with all, the holy dogma of
      fraternity, we will perform only acts of brotherhood, in conformity with
      our principles and our feelings towards the Irish nation."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the conclusion of this reply some present exclaimed, "Vive la
      République!" others "Vive le Gouvernement Provisore!" and a few cried out,
      "Vive Lamartine!" but the general impression was one of dissatisfaction.
      Smith O'Brien and his companions retired discomfited. The British
      government and people received the intelligence of this reply with the
      greatest satisfaction, and their confidence in the provisional government,
      and in Lamartine, more especially, was much increased. There was already
      more reliance upon the friendly policy of the republic than there had been
      upon the monarchy and the monarchial ministry of Louis Philippe. In
      Ireland the reply of Lamartine gave satisfaction also to the Protestants,
      and such of the Roman Catholic citizens as were opposed to the O'Brien
      movement; but the Young Irelanders, and most of the Old Irelanders, were
      exasperated, and in their speeches and newspapers denounced Lamartine as
      the enemy of liberty, the sycophant of England, and the incubus of the
      French provisional government. It was said that he had married an English
      lady, and was more English at heart than French&mdash;that he would betray
      the republic to England or to monarchy. Those persons who had been
      foremost in holding him up as a demi-god, now abused him not only as a
      traitor, but as weak in purpose, policy, and intellectual grasp. John
      Mitchell denounced him as the great obstruction to the development of
      European freedom, which no doubt he was to such freedom as Mitchell
      advocated&mdash;the plunder and tyranny of a modified communism; for while
      essentially holding that theory, he in some way, not very intelligible to
      others, repudiated it. Lamartine began his career of power by emancipating
      the negro race; Mitchell commenced his career as a free exile in America,
      some years after, by the most violent advocacy of the fetter and the whip
      for the coloured population of that country. The <i>Nation</i> newspaper,
      week after week, informed its readers that Lamartine was an idle dreamer,
      a mere theoretical politician; that his mind was only constituted for the
      regions of romance; and that his opinion on the affairs of Ireland,
      England, France, or Europe was worthless. A week or two before the same
      paper held him up as the very Achilles of freedom, and the hope of Ireland&mdash;for
      it was the habit of both the parties claiming nationality in Ireland, to
      hope for liberty from the courage and efforts of others rather than from
      their own. The reply of Lamartine caused as much despondency in Ireland
      among the seditious, as it inspired confidence among the loyal, and among
      all the intelligent citizens in Great Britain. Throughout the year the
      conduct of the French government was internationally just and courteous,
      and England had no cause for complaint, but every reason to be thankful
      that Louis Philippe and Guizot had given place to such men as Lamartine
      and Cavaignac.
    </p>
    <p>
      The revolution in France was of more importance to England than the
      revolutions which took place in Italy and Germany&mdash;they require,
      therefore, only a comparatively brief notice.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ITALY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      All Italy felt the shock of the French revolution, although, in point of
      time, the revolutionary feeling developed itself in Italy before it burst
      forth in France. Throughout the year 1847 all Switzerland, and Austrian
      and Papal Italy, were uneasy; and in January, six weeks before the
      dethronement of Louis Philippe, there were disturbances in Milan. Indeed,
      from the moment Pius IX. ascended the papal throne, a change came over the
      people of Italy: it was supposed that the pope was a patriot, and would
      favour the struggle for Italian liberty, and this delusion was not
      dispelled until after the battle of Novara. It was then found that the
      pope and the kasir were allies, even while the troops of the former were
      marching forth ostensibly to do battle for Italy.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the tidings of the revolt in Paris reached Italy, the people flew to
      arms. General Radetzsky and his Austrian troops were driven from Milan; a
      provisional government was formed, and all Italy was called upon to arm.
      The King of Sardinia, who had proclaimed a most liberal constitution for
      his own kingdom, marched an army into Lombardy; Venice revolted; and
      Radetzsky retired upon Verona. The Austrian lines along the Mincio were
      forced, and the position of Radetzsky's forces was dangerous. Two
      circumstances, however, favoured him&mdash;the supineness of the papal
      troops, and the junction of Nugent, an Irish marshal in the Austrian
      service, with the troops under his command. After various fortunes, the
      allied Italians were beaten; Lombardy and Venice were entirely subjected
      to the Austrian arms; and but for English and French diplomacy, Sardinia
      also would have fallen before the victorious Austrian. The English
      government was desirous to see Italy freed from Austrian domination, and
      would not have submitted to see Sardinia overthrown by an invasion of the
      kasir's army. France, also, regarded events there with views similar to
      those entertained by England, but it did not suit the policy of either
      country to interfere beyond the diplomatic interposition by which Sardinia
      was saved. Probably they were also influenced by the suspicion that the
      royal house of Sardinia was more actuated by ambition than by a desire for
      the liberties of Italy. The fact of the king having granted a constitution
      did not altogether prevent such suspicions, because that was his only hope
      of gaining ascendancy in Italy; and the general tone of the Sardinian
      court and cabinet gave a colour to the impression that their policy was
      not entirely disinterested. His majesty was glad to consent to an
      armistice with Radetzsky, and to fall back behind the shields of France
      and England for safety. The king, however, was obliged to abdicate; shame,
      the defeat of his armies, the failure of his policy, and the certainty
      that if he remained upon the throne, the kasir would seize the first
      opportunity to make war upon him, determined him to abdicate.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PAPAL STATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the year the pope published a new plan for the organisation of
      the executive government of his dominions, which gave satisfaction to the
      liberal friends of the popedom. On the 14th of March he proclaimed a new
      constitution. The resistance offered to the national will, in the case of
      Austria, caused him to become unpopular. On the 29th of April he addressed
      the cardinals in conclave, disavowing the act of the papal troops
      proceeding against the Austrian armies in Italy. This caused a popular
      tumult; the next day the people took possession of the post-office and the
      offices of state, and discovered that the pope and cardinals had been
      intriguing with Austria. The result was the entire sacrifice of the
      pontiff's popularity; all confidence in his honour, and that of his
      cardinals, was erased from the Roman mind. Under the pressure of the
      public demand, he, on the 1st of May, proclaimed war against Austria, but
      never intended to adopt such measures as would carry the declaration into
      effect. He intended to deceive the people, seeing that they were
      determined on war; and he knew that this could be better done by retaining
      his authority over the troops, than by allowing the war to be carried out
      by a popular and lay administration, which would be in earnest. Early in
      May a new ministry of a liberal character was formed, but the pope's
      private advisers counteracted their policy. The result was a revolution&mdash;not
      against the pope's ecclesiastical, but solely against his temporal,
      authority. Scenes of the most dreadful nature followed, all of which might
      have been averted by an honest course on the part of the pontiff, and the
      college of cardinals. The pope was really willing to concede much; but the
      demand that the temporal government of the people should be by and for the
      people, he was not willing to admit; and by covertly attempting to destroy
      or counteract all that he publicly and ostensibly admitted, he filled the
      people with incurable resentment against those who surrounded him, and to
      whom they attributed, rather than to himself, the faithless and despotic
      policy in secret pursued. A chamber of deputies was convoked, to whom the
      pope formally surrendered his government, declining to take any part in
      their doings, or to afford any sanction. Several of the high ecclesiastics
      and lay authorities, by whose agency he sought to counteract the efforts
      for constitutional liberty which the people made, were slain, and others
      driven from Rome. At last, on the 24th of November, he disguised himself
      as a livery servant in attendance upon the Bavarian ambassador, and
      mounting the box of that gentleman's carriage, beside his coachman, was
      driven to the house of the Bavarian embassy; thence, disguised as the
      chaplain to the embassy, he succeeded in escaping to Gaeta, a town within
      the Neapolitan territory. The flight of the pope was followed by a protest
      on his part against the liberalism of his people, who organised a regular
      government on liberal principles; their efforts were counteracted by the
      spies and agents of the pope, and the embassies of all the Roman Catholic
      powers: among the foreign representatives, none was more hostile to the
      incipient liberties of Rome than the ambassador of the French republic.
    </p>
    <p>
      The pope, the kasir, the king of Naples, and the despots of the smaller
      Italian states, considered that England was the chief fomenter of Italian
      disturbance. This arose from one of those whig <i>mal àpropos</i>
      movements for which their party had of late years earned a bad reputation.
      Lord Minto was dispatched to Italy in a semi-official capacity; the real
      object of his mission was to open diplomatic relations with the pope, who,
      although very desirous to respond to the wishes of the English Whigs,
      thought it a good opportunity to extort some concessions as to the
      interests of the Roman Catholic religion in British territory. The Whigs,
      knowing that they dare not face the public opinion of Great Britain, if
      they made such concessions as the pope's demands and their own wishes
      would prompt, were baulked in their undertaking. They succeeded, however,
      in obtaining a certain amount of influence upon the Roman Catholic clergy
      of Ireland, restraining the latter from favouring the revolutionary
      designs existing in that country. It was remarkable that while the Irish
      Roman Catholics were abusing Lamartine and the French provisional
      government, for not assisting by arms revolution in Ireland,&mdash;that
      is, a revolution of a portion of the Irish who followed certain leaders,&mdash;they
      were equally abusive of the people of Rome for daring, against the will of
      the pope, to assert any measure of civil or religious liberty, however
      modest. Impudent threats were made of sending an Irish army to the pope's
      assistance, at the very time that the persons so vaunting were afraid of
      the Dublin police!
    </p>
    <p>
      The close of the year saw the pope a fugitive and the people free.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAPLES AND SICILY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      These countries did not escape the revolutionary contagion. Sicily flew to
      arms, and the revolt succeeded. The English government was desirous to see
      Sicily separated from Naples; and their emissary, Lord Minto, so betrayed
      this feeling to the king of the two Sicilies as to inspire him with
      intense hatred to England, and to confirm him in the opinion that English
      agency was busy in creating or sustaining the confusion of the continente,
      Lord Minto had the preposterous folly to suggest to the king that Sicily
      should only be garrisoned by Sicilian troops! This, of course, was
      indignantly rejected by both the king and cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Sicilians published a manifesto of their free and moderate opinions,
      which was very excellent. The document was very deceptive, and designed to
      gain support in England and France. One of the false promises of the
      manifesto was the entire freedom of religion; one of the first acts of the
      Sicilians in their short-lived power was a rigorous establishment of the
      Roman Catholic religion, and this was enacted in terms which disclosed the
      bigoted feelings of the nation. Sicily wanted to be independent of Naples,
      but it had not the same wish to be separated from the despotic principle.
      An independent nation, without a free people, was the highest aspiration
      of revolted Sicily. England and France left her to her fate, except so far
      as Lord Minto's meddling complicated her condition. The temporarily
      vanquished Neapolitans returned to the contest, and the revolution was
      ingloriously suppressed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Naples the victory of the constitution was as short as the
      independence, of Sicily. The king acted without sincerity, and the
      deputies without prudence. The king found an opportunity of resistance,
      for which he had well prepared himself. He was surrounded by Swiss guards,
      recruited from the bigoted Roman Catholic cantons of the Sonderbund, or
      what had been so termed before its tyranny was crushed the previous year.
      The king had also the lazzaroni on his side; some thirty thousand thieves,
      assassins, street beggars, and burglars were in his majesty's royal pay
      and royal favour. They were enthusiastic for king, church, and plunder. It
      was alleged that the royal promise was held out to them that if they
      conquered the citizens they would be permitted to sack the city. The event
      seemed as if such allegation were true; the united Swiss and lazzaroni
      conquered, and the city was sacked. The king permitted, and his minions
      encouraged, the most infamous proceedings: riot, robbery, and debauch
      filled every street and almost every house, while blood, the blood of the
      best citizens of Naples, flowed in torrents. There is no knowing to what
      extent these horrors might have been carried by the "faithful lazzaroni,"
      had not the French admiral in the bay declared that he would act against
      the king if these inhumanities were not at once stopped. The lazzaroni
      must have been at the king's beck, for the moment he was alarmed by
      threats of the interference of a French squadron, he called in his
      bloodhounds, and held the leash until the threatened danger passed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BELGIUM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Much concern was felt in England as to the part which Belgium would take
      in the terrible continental tragedy. The king being her majesty's uncle,
      and also the uncle of her consort, the safety of his throne was regarded
      anxiously by the English court. As he had by his second marriage connected
      himself with the family of Louis Philippe, the French republicans looked
      upon him as a very suspicious neighbour; but the prudent policy of
      Lamartine prevented any collision, and checked the propagandism which both
      sections of French republicans desired to bring to bear upon Belgium. The
      "Reds," perceiving that the provisional government was not disposed to
      embroil itself with foreign powers, organised an <i>émeute</i> in Belgium
      with a sort of filibustering expedition of their own. Several hundred
      socialists made their way into Belgium, and used every effort to induce
      the people to join them, but in vain,&mdash;a few only, who like
      themselves, held extreme and impracticable views of democracy, made any
      insurrectionary movement; and the affair exploded as harmlessly as Smith
      O'Brien's abortive attempt at revolution in Ireland. Had any success,
      short of a complete revolution, attended the efforts of the French
      "sympathisers," the armed intervention of England might have been
      necessitated, and another long war with France have spread its terrors,
      havoc, and ruin in Belgium.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GERMANY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The people of Germany were ripe for revolt when the tidings of the French
      revolution came suddenly as a flash along the electric wire. No people had
      ever been more basely deceived by princes than the Germans. Constitutions
      were promised, and the promises shamefully violated, sometimes ostensibly
      conceded, but really never acted upon. The oaths of kings were synonymous
      for falsehood throughout the great fatherland. Schiller has sung&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "The human being:
     May not be trusted with self-government;"
</i></pre>
    <p>
      but the poet and philosopher must have understood that the human being is
      as worthy to be trusted with self-government as with the irresponsible
      government of other men, no way his inferiors&mdash;perhaps, morally and
      intellectually, superior to him. The Prussian people could have governed
      themselves with as much ability as the king governed them. The Hanoverians
      could have managed their own affairs as morally as the English Duke of
      Cumberland, or his son George conducted them. Nor did the wisdom of the
      Austrian emperor, for matters of government, exceed the intelligence of
      the educated citizens of Vienna.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first vibration of the great French earthquake was felt in the grand
      Duchy of Baden. The people, as one man, demanded liberty; the demand was
      too unanimously made to be resisted; the victory was won without a shot.
      On the 3rd of March the Rhenish provinces of Prussia felt the shock, and
      Cologne was in arms; on the 4th, Wisbaden; on the 5th, Dusseldorf; on the
      8th, the Hessians of Cassel barricaded the streets, and flew to arms&mdash;their
      victory was won without blood. Early in March the people of Munich
      demanded their rights, which none but slaves consented to forego; they
      were refused; the people responded to the first cry "to arms" that was
      raised; the troops would not charge the people, but mingled in the shouts
      of "a republic! a republic!" The alarmed king conceded, tampered with his
      own concessions, and at last abdicated. His son and successor made a great
      flourish of proclamations and promises, throwing himself upon the popular
      sympathy until time enabled him to forswear himself. The credulous people
      who believed the oaths of kings, generally paid afterwards the penalty of
      their credulity in blood or fetters.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Saxony there was no harmony between the court and people; the former
      were Roman Catholic, and the latter Protestant. The prudence of the
      monarch, however, prevailed over the solicitations of his court to treat
      his people with disdain, and he saved his throne and his honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Hanover was less honest, as well as less compliant, but even
      he had to recognise, for the time being, a constitution.
    </p>
    <p>
      Prussia proper was affected, as well as her less homogeneous provinces, by
      the grand convulsion. After a series of conflicts in the streets of
      Berlin, order was at last restored, and the constitution modified so as to
      satisfy a large portion of the people. The Poles in Posen revolted, and
      perpetrated the utmost atrocities, but were put down by the Prussian
      troops without obtaining any of the objects for which they so wildly
      fought, and so vaguely demanded. The people of Posen had been practised
      upon by their own nobles, and incited by their priests. Their insurrection
      was one of fanaticism, not of freedom; the revolters carried the symbols
      and images of their creed, not the banners of nationhood before them,&mdash;they
      deserved to fail. Their chief oppressors were the privileged classes of
      their own countrymen, from whom the Prussian government derived no aid in
      its efforts to meliorate the condition of the province. Education was
      resisted, industry discouraged, and the religious rights of minorities
      assailed by ignorant and fanatical mobs. The freedom required in Posen was
      an emancipation of the people from their own passions and prejudices.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AUSTRIAN EMPIRE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The revolutionary history of the Austrian empire during the year 1848 was
      instructive, and full of the most eventful changes and great results. On
      another page the progress of affairs in Austrian Italy was sketched, and
      the relation of the kasir's interests there to contiguous Italian states
      pointed out. The whole empire was, however, convulsed, and the throes of
      every part communicated its vibrations to the whole. The revolt in Hungary
      constituted the most interesting and important part of the great
      transactions which occurred within the limits of the empire. The
      government of the kasir succeeded, by exciting the jealousy of Magyar and
      German, Croat and Hungarian, metropolitan and provincial, in holding the
      difficult balance, and in preserving the empire in its integrity from the
      flood which flowed over it with such disintegrating force.
    </p>
    <p>
      The revolution in Hungary was completely successful, and Vienna itself was
      menaced by a Hungarian army. The heroism of an Englishman, General Guyon,
      rendered the greatest military services; and the eloquence and wisdom of a
      civilian, Louis Kossuth, guided the aspirations and resolves of armed
      Hungary. Ultimately, indeed, by the aid of Russian armies, the Austrian
      was enabled once more to tread out the fire of Hungarian liberty; but 1848
      saw the gallant Magyars victorious.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Viennese, notwithstanding their contiguity to the court and their
      close dependence upon the kasir, rose in arms, and obtained an extensive
      recognition of those rights which the people everywhere claimed. Those who
      by extreme measures and views marred the cause of freedom elsewhere, did
      so at Vienna. The socialist element was the ruin of the revolution. The
      thinking and the morally sound portions of the citizens were detached from
      the popular cause, in and out of Vienna, and the arms of the emperor
      finally triumphed over the barricades of the capital.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Representatives from all the German states, where successful revolutions
      had been effected, assembled in Frankfort to form a closer confederacy of
      the German states. The ambition of Prussia and Austria found scope in this
      new sphere of action. The Prussian king was desirous to be elected emperor
      of Germany, and supposed that the Frankfort parliament would subserve his
      purpose. Never did an assembly of men utter finer, noble principles, than
      that, nor did any display such utter impracticability. They occupied the
      time in visionary schemes, which ought to have been devoted to secure the
      liberty of each individual state, and they sacrificed the interests of
      nations to the German invidiousness of race. The socialist party tried to
      force their own especial objects upon the assembly, and when unsuccessful,
      deluged Frankfort with blood. They followed the policy and conduct of
      their prototypes, the red republicans of Paris, in their resistance to the
      provisional government. The irreconcilable differences of opinion between
      the advocates of change gave kings advantage in the reactionary policy
      which they meditated before the year was out.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DENMARK.&mdash;SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The inhabitants of the duchies revolted against the king of Denmark; this
      arose partly from that hatred to all other races characteristic of the
      German. The Schleswig-Holsteiners could not endure amalgamation, or even
      close alliance with the Scandinavian race, much less with the Sclaves,
      should the Emperor of Russia inherit the throne of Denmark. The people of
      the duchies were desirous to be identified more with Germany, and this
      was, notwithstanding other pretences, the main-spring of the revolt. The
      King of Prussia, never true to his engagements, violated treaties, and
      marched his troops into the duchies. This dispute was one with which
      England might have been involved, as she had certain treaty obligations
      which rendered the possibility of such a result the subject of
      speculation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The empire of the autocrat was undisturbed, but the revolutionary feeling
      seemed ready to invade it on all its European frontier. Large bodies of
      troops were gathered in Southern Russia for the purpose of entering the
      Turkish Danubian provinces, in order to suppress the spirit of revolution
      which there manifested itself, and found vent in a fervent political
      agitation. In Poland, also, the czar concentrated a great army. Warsaw
      bristled with bayonets; and a diplomatic message was sent to the court of
      Berlin, assuring it of the czar's friendly feeling, but warning it that,
      in case of any disturbances on the Polish frontier of Russia, if they were
      not very promptly suppressed, the Russian government would take measures
      to effect the security of its own frontier. The message amounted to a hint
      that if a Russian army were needed by the Prussian monarch, the czar was
      not unwilling to lend it, or, if need should exist, he would find a
      reason, without being asked for his aid, to cross the frontier, and put
      down democracy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following arrogant presumption of divine right was put forth by the
      czar:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "After the benefits of a long peace, the west of Europe finds itself at
      this moment suddenly given over to perturbations which threaten with ruin
      and overthrow all legal powers and the whole social system. Insurrection
      and anarchy, the offspring of France, soon crossed the German frontier,
      and have spread themselves in every direction with an audacity which has
      gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the governments. This
      devastating plague has at last attacked our allies the empire of Austria
      and the kingdom of Prussia, and to-day in its blind fury menaces even our
      Russia&mdash;that Russia which God has confided to our care. But Heaven
      forbid that this should be! Faithful to the example handed down from our
      ancestors, having first invoked the aid of the Omnipotent, we are ready to
      encounter our enemies from whatever side they may present themselves, and
      without sparing our own person we will know how, indissolubly united to
      our holy country, to defend the honour of the Russian name, and the
      inviolability of our territory. We are convinced that every Russian, that
      every one of our faithful subjects, will respond with joy to the call of
      his sovereign. Our ancient war-cry, 'For our faith, our sovereign, and our
      country!' will once again lead us on the path of victory: and then, with
      sentiments of humble gratitude, as now with feelings of holy hope, we will
      all cry with one voice, 'God is on our side: understand this, ye peoples,
      and submit, for God is on our side.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      On the whole, England preserved peace with all foreign states during the
      rage of this political tempest. Her attitude was morally sublime. The
      waves rose, and the hurricane raged around her, but she towered above the
      billow and the tempest, her crown bright with the glory which the sun of
      liberty shed upon it. The stranger who found a refuge and a home within
      her borders, might well offer to her the tribute which the poet Moore so
      gracefully inscribed upon the pedestal of her freedom and her power:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Hail to thee, Albion! that meetest the commotion
     Of Europe, as calm as thy cliffs meet the foam;
     With no bond but the law, and no bound but the ocean,
     Hail, temple of liberty! thou art my home."
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Famine and Pestilence</i>.&mdash;Frightful as was the state of Ireland
      in 1847, it was still worse in the year 1848. Commercial affairs were
      embarrassed by so many disturbing circumstances, that public confidence
      was not restored throughout the year. The potato disease, agrarian
      outrage, Ribbonism, the repeal agitation, and an insurrectionary
      combination, all combined to restrict commerce.
    </p>
    <p>
      The destitution of the people was terrible. It is unnecessary to go into
      the details of the horrid story: numbers perished of famine, and
      pestilence went forth with devastating fury where hunger had stricken. The
      "famine fever" carried away multitudes to an untimely grave. This disease
      extended also to the Irish in England. Many in London died of it, and
      great numbers in Manchester, but the affliction fell still more heavily
      upon Liverpool. Several Roman Catholic clergymen in those towns fell
      victims, nor did medical men escape. Efforts continued to be made by the
      government, and by voluntary charity, to mitigate the calamities which
      befel the country, but their variety and magnitude set at defiance all the
      noble efforts that were made, and the exhaustless compassions of the noble
      hearts that made them.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Continuance of Crime and Outrage</i>.&mdash;The story of the two
      previous years was the same of this: crime raged everywhere; the hand of
      the assassin was constantly uplifted; and woe to the landlord who expelled
      a tenant for whatsoever violation of contract, and to the zealous
      Protestant, lay or clerical, who claimed a right to discuss his religious
      opinions, even in self-defence, or to circulate thera, even in the most
      inoffensive manner.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much of the crime of Ireland was to be attributed to a secret society
      which the government never made any adequate efforts to suppress, and
      which was commonly called the "Ribbon Society." No means were taken by the
      respectable Roman Catholics to break up this exclusively Romanist
      confederacy, the chief object of which was the extermination of
      Protestants, and it was in 1848 that, in this respect, little was to be
      then expected from them. No public protest against the worst and the
      wildest of the ultramontane proceedings of previous years had been made by
      Roman Catholics, clerical or lay, English or Irish, or of any rank in
      life; and the "liberal Roman Catholics," as they liked to be called, could
      not be surprised if Protestants began to put no faith in their liberal
      professions. Yet this section of the Roman Catholics had gained much
      confidence and respect with liberal Protestants in both countries. It was
      chiefly on their representations that the once formidable Orange societies
      were suppressed, and although these societies changed their constitution
      in compliance with the law, yet they never acquired public confidence
      after: through the instrumentality of Mr. Hume's exposure of the dangerous
      tendency of the confederacy, the law was put in force against them. The
      liberal Romanists were accustomed to say that Ribbonism was, so to say,
      but the complement of Orangeism; that if the latter were made illegal, the
      other would die of itself. This was believed by the whig and radical
      parties of the day; and after a feeble resistance on the part of the
      Tories, Orangeism was at last discountenanced by the state, and literally
      turned out of doors, after having been used and misused, petted and
      pampered, for half a century. Instead, however, of Ribbonism taking a
      voluntary departure, as lay and priestly liberal spouters of the popular
      Roman Catholic party presumed, it increased in extent, numbers, and virus.
      Portions of Ireland where it had previously no footing became the high
      places of its power; every town in England where Irish Roman Catholics
      lived had affiliated societies formed; London, Manchester, Liverpool, and
      Lancashire generally, counted their tens of thousands of sworn enemies to
      the English government and name, and to the toleration and even existence
      of Protestants. The oaths of the members were again and again revised,
      becoming more relentless and blood-thirsty, just as every concession was
      made to Roman Catholic demands. As the system of Ribbonism was in 1848,
      nothing more bloody and diabolical was ever conceived by lost human minds.
      Nothing like it <i>could</i> exist except amongst a people in whose hearts
      bigotry had so uprooted all tolerance and charity, that their ferocity of
      zealotism would vie with that which an Irish Romanist described of others:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Men of the saintly murderous brood.
     To carnage and the Koran given,
     Who think, through unbeliever's blood,
     Lies the directest path to heaven."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      <i>Political Agitation</i>.&mdash;The Repeal Association continued its
      meetings, and notwithstanding the prevailing distress, considerable sums
      were subscribed; some weeks as much as £80 was received. Mr. John
      O'Connell presided at those meetings, which were barren of all utility for
      the party, and destitute of the eloquence which in the days of O'Connell
      and Shiel enlivened and gave importance to public meetings.
    </p>
    <p>
      The young Ireland party was all activity, and although few of its orators
      were really eloquent, there were many of them good speakers, several who
      rose to the rank of superior platform address, and one (Mr. Meagher) of
      surpassing eloquence. The Young Irelanders, on the whole, wrote better
      than they spoke, and very able articles appeared from their pens in the
      press, not only in Dublin, but throughout Ireland. The <i>Nation</i>
      newspaper, conducted by Charles Gavan Duffy, a man of wonderful energy and
      courage, of discriminating literary taste and fine talents, was perhaps
      the most ably managed newspaper in the British Isles, so far as literary
      claims were concerned. The most passionate and exciting ballads, full of
      poetical and patriotic fervour, the most elaborate and elegantly written
      dissertations on Ireland, her history, music, poetry, language, and
      people, and popularly written and able articles on politics, filled its
      columns. Their influence upon the mind of the young men of Ireland who
      were of the Roman Catholic persuasion, and of many Protestants who were
      too liberal in sentiment to suspect their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen
      of desiring religious ascendancy, was great. When John Mitchell considered
      that the <i>Nation</i> had too little sympathy with red republicanism, he
      set up a paper called the <i>Irishman</i>, which he made the vehicle of
      the most outrageous doctrines, political and social. The leading articles
      of the <i>Irishman</i> were written by Mr. Mitchell himself, with a
      nervous power, eloquence, boldness of thought, and audacity, which were
      very extraordinary. These articles were amongst the ablest specimens of
      newspaper writing which had ever been known in Ireland. Their effect was
      electric; they maddened the young men of the movement with a fierce spirit
      of nationality. The clubs read them with ecstasy, and John Mitchell was
      the idol and hero of all men of extreme opinions. His defiance of
      government, his incitements to rebellion, were so open and intrepid, that
      they seized upon the imagination of the people, and much disturbed the
      government. Pikes and side-arms were manufactured in every part of the
      country, and John Mitchell wrote various articles on the proper pattern of
      a pike, on the best way of using that "queen of weapons," as he termed it,
      and to prove how hopeless it would be for either cavalry or infantry,
      disciplined on the ordinary system, to face corps of Irish pikemen
      disciplined on his plan. These military articles were eminently absurd,
      and excited the ridicule of military men; but the style in which they were
      written was so admirably adapted to the taste and tone of thought of those
      whom they were designed to influence, that they told wonderfully, and
      inspired confidence in the clubs and in the country, that means were at
      last found by which the trained troops of England could be encountered
      with a superior weapon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Clarendon, proved
      himself a most vigorous governor. He entered into negotiations with the
      Orangemen, who were true to the throne to a man. One hundred and fifty
      thousand men of that confederacy, and of the Protestants who held their
      principles and sympathised with their party, although not enrolled in the
      lodges, were ready to take up arms on the side of the government, and many
      stand of arms were to be distributed should necessity arise. A very large
      distribution was made, and the Orangemen, and vast number of other
      Protestants, were ready to turn out at a moment's notice. The number at
      the call of the government were quite sufficient, with a small body of
      troops as a point of support, to put down any force the disloyal could
      bring into the field. How such men as Mitchell, Meagher, O'Brien, and
      Duffey could fail to see that, was extraordinary. They still went on,
      talking of Ireland as about to "arise in her majesty and shake off the
      English yoke," at a time when a million and a half of Irish Protestants
      would have preferred any yoke under heaven to that of their own Roman
      Catholic countrymen; and while some of the most papal of the Roman
      Catholics themselves had no hope in the movement, no confidence in the
      leaders, and a strong conviction that any effort against England was
      impracticable, and would lead only to a waste of blood. His excellency
      displayed such vigour that, early in the spring, two hundred and eighty
      thousand persons, comprising the wealth and intelligence of the country,
      signed a document expressive of their confidence. His lordship was keenly
      alive, also, to the influence of the press, and subsidised various papers
      to oppose the Young Irelanders. He did not display as much caution in this
      department of his policy as he did vigour and sagacity in other
      directions. He hired a man named Birch, who edited a paper called the <i>World</i>,
      which was very ably conducted. The terms on which his excellency put
      himself with Mr. Birch were discreditable to the government, and the
      spirit in which he wrote and acted was insulting to the country, and when
      his connection with the Castle became known, the hands of government were
      weakened by the circumstance.
    </p>
    <p>
      The negotiations with Rome were productive of more effect than giving
      subsidies to the press, for both sections of the anti-union agitation did
      their utmost to gain the priests over to their cause. The priesthood was,
      however, suspicious of the Young Irelanders, from the conviction that they
      were generally indifferent to religion. This impression was also received
      at Rome; and the English government, by its secret agency, did its best to
      strengthen that opinion. The pope had sufficient reason to dread any
      tendency to red republicanism in any part of the world where his disciples
      or subjects might be influenced by it. He accordingly issued a rescript,
      which created a powerful sensation in Ireland. The <i>Nation</i>
      newspaper, and the press generally which sympathised with it, denounced
      the English government, and the English Roman Catholics, with having, by
      false representations, induced the pope to issue this document. The
      censures fell with especial weight upon the English Roman Catholic
      aristocracy, who were believed to have a peculiar prejudice against
      Ireland, and in this case to have allowed their antipathies of race and
      nationality to interfere with the good of their religion; for it was
      alleged that the promotion of agitation, and even revolution, in Ireland
      by the priesthood, was the surest way to make England concessive to the
      Roman Catholic clergy and people. It was also maintained that the
      severance of Ireland from England would give a wider scope to the
      influence of the church, and rescue one of her fairest provinces from the
      sceptre of a heretic sovereign. These different grounds were taken up by
      various organs of the press, according to their degrees of prudence, or
      the especial light in which they regarded the transaction. At all events,
      it was felt that the rescript would baulk the efforts of the Young
      Irelanders to engage any portion of the priesthood on their side, and
      greatly lessen the chances of their success. The Protestants of Ireland,
      ignorant of the true nature of the mission of Lord Minto to Italy, which
      the government organs systematically misrepresented, and ignorant also of
      the progress which the English government had made at Rome, through
      certain Roman Catholics of influence, considered the rescript as a <i>ruse</i>
      on the part of the pope, acting in concert with the Irish episcopacy, to
      throw the English government off its guard. The Protestants were therefore
      stirred up to more vigorous preparation to resist the approaching
      insurrection, while, at the same time, the hopes of the opposite party
      were damaged, and depression was necessarily communicated to their
      exertions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is a copy of the papal rescript, addressed to the Roman
      Catholic prelates of Ireland:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord</i>,&mdash;The reports now for nine
      months circulated by the English newspapers concerning the political
      party-strifes in which some ecclesiatics have allowed themselves to be
      carried away, and the desecration made of some of the Irish churches for
      the purpose of aiding and promoting secular concerns&mdash;nay, more, the
      reports which have reached us relative to the murders which we are
      informed are so frequent, and by reason of which the clergy have been
      stigmatised, and some of them charged with imprudence, and as giving
      indirect provocation from the pulpit, or, at least, extenuating the guilt
      of these murders&mdash;these reports must surely awaken the solicitude of
      the sacred congregation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "This sacred congregation cannot bring itself to believe that such
      reports, so extensively raised abroad, can be true; nor can it believe
      that ecclesiastics have forgotten that the church of God should be the
      house of prayer, not of secular concerns, or the meeting-place of
      politicians; neither can the sacred congregation believe that
      ecclesiastics have ceased to recollect that they are the ministers of
      peace, dispensers of the mysteries of God&mdash;men who should not involve
      themselves in worldly concerns&mdash;in a word, men who should abhor blood
      and vengeance. Nevertheless, this sacred congregation deems it its duty to
      require certain and satisfactory explanation on all these matters, that it
      may know what importance to attach to the abovementioned damnatory
      reports. Wherefore, at the suggestion of his holiness, I have deemed it my
      duty to forward this letter to your lordship, praying you to satisfy this
      most reasonable solicitude of the congregation; and, meantime, it exhorts
      you to admonish the clergy, that seeking the things which are of Jesus
      Christ, they sedulously apply themselves to watch over the spiritual
      interests of the people, and in nowise mix themselves up with worldly
      affairs, in order that their ministry may not be brought into disrepute,
      and those who are against them may not have wherewith to charge them.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I pray God long to preserve your lordship.
    </p>
    <p>
      "J. Ph. Cardinal Fransoni.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Rome. From the Congregation of the Faith,
    </p>
    <p>
      "January 3rd, 1848."
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in the year the legislature passed stringent laws to suppress crime
      and outrage in Ireland, and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
      Proceedings were also taken of various kinds against several of the more
      prominent promoters of sedition.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of May, William Smith O'Brien was tried before Lord Chief
      Justice Blackburn and a special jury, upon an <i>ex officio</i>
      information, charging him with having delivered a speech, on the 15th of
      March, in the parish of St. Thomas, Dublin, for the purpose of exciting
      contempt and hatred against the queen in Ireland, and inducing the people
      to rise in rebellion. The traverser pleaded not guilty. There could be no
      doubt that in point of fact and law he was guilty, for it would be
      difficult to cull language from a seditious speech more pertinent to the
      charge than that quoted by the attorney-general from the speech of Mr.
      O'Brien on the 15th of March. He was ably defended by Mr. Butt, an
      eloquent queen's counsel. The jury could not agree, and by the consent of
      the attorney-general they were discharged. It was not expected that the
      jury would agree in a verdict; there was a determination among the
      disaffected that when summoned as jurors they would not give verdicts in
      charges of this nature. The government were determined to procure
      convictions, if possible, and the trial of Mr. O'Brien was followed by an
      indictment of T. E. Meagher. He was also arraigned on an <i>ex officio</i>
      information for a seditious speech delivered on the same occasion as that
      which furnished O'Brien with an opportunity for his delinquent oratory.
      When the jury returned into court they were asked if they had agreed in
      their verdict; the foreman replied, "We are not, my lord." Mr. Favel, one
      of the jurors, remarked, "We are all agreed but one, and he is a Roman
      Catholic." The report of this trial produced a very great sensation in
      England. Men everywhere remarked, "If a single Roman Catholic on a jury
      prevents the course of justice, a remedy must be found for such a state of
      things; there must be power accorded to the crown." It was not generally
      understood in England that a Roman Catholic had often little reason to
      hope for justice when high party Protestants composed the jury.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Commission Court, before Mr. Baron Lefroy, and Mr. Justice Moore,
      John Mitchell, proprietor of the <i>United Irishman</i> newspaper, was
      placed upon his trial. He had been arrested under the act passed in the
      beginning of the year to meet such cases, entitled, "An act for the better
      security of the crown and government." True bills were found by the grand
      jury against him for felony. To each he handed in a plea praying that the
      indictment might be quashed, on the ground that one of the members of the
      jury was also a member of the town-council of the borough of Dublin, and
      as such disqualified. These pleas were put in merely to gain time, which
      led the attorneygeneral to enter a <i>nolle prosequi</i> to each, and to
      file ex officio information against Mr. Mitchell. After various other
      artifices to obtain delay, the prisoner was compelled to plead, and he
      pleaded "not guilty." The terms of the indictment were, that the traverser
      endeavoured to take away the style, honour, and royal name of our
      sovereign lady the queen, and to make war against her majesty, her heirs,
      and successors. The trial was chiefly remarkable for the bold and manly
      tone of Mr. Holmes, the prisoner's counsel. Never did an advocate more
      fearlessly do his duty to his client and his country. The judge charged
      against the prisoner, and the jury, after three hours and a half's
      deliberation, returned with a verdict of guilty. The sentence was
      transportation for fourteen years. The bearing of the prisoner was manly
      and dignified throughout. He was known to be a man of strong domestic
      affections, and of warm friendship, and the sentence was received with
      intense dissatisfaction throughout Ireland. The violent opinions and
      proceedings of Mr. Mitchell in his public capacity could not destroy the
      popular partialities for him as a brave, generous, and amiable man; it was
      allowed on all hands that the time had arrived for stopping his political
      career, but it was hoped that a temporary imprisonment would have
      satisfied the ends of justice. The public sympathy for his amiable wife
      and his little children was very strong, and it was desired by all classes
      that at the earliest possible occasion which would give the government an
      opportunity to exercise clemency, his sentence might be greatly mitigated.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was allowed on all hands that the government were compelled to
      prosecute. In the pages of the <i>United Irishman</i> he had uttered the
      most vehement defiance to the government, and to the lord-lieutenant of
      Ireland especially. He had invoked a prosecution, and in one furious
      article in the <i>United Irishman</i> had told the viceregal government
      that if it did not pack a jury and prosecute him, it was restrained only
      by cowardice. What the motives of Mr. Mitchell were in thus wishing to be
      made a victim it is impossible to affirm. Many believed that he wrote in
      the confidence that no Irish jury, however packed, would find him guilty;
      others supposed that he calculated upon a packed jury finding a verdict
      against him, but that he felt sure of a popular revolt for his rescue, and
      thus desired to precipitate the insurrection. A large class of persons who
      did not sympathise with his doctrines and efforts, alleged that,
      foreseeing the utter hopelessness of the cause upon which he had embarked,
      he desired to bring matters as regarded himself at once to a conclusion,
      and as he could not withdraw with honour from the course he had espoused,
      he was anxious to incur the lesser penalty for sedition, than to risk
      encounter with the queen's forces as the leader of a bootless
      insurrection. His sentence was rapidly carried out, the populace making no
      effort to save him. The leaders found various excuses for not at once
      rising, and Mitchell was carried ignominiously away, and departed before
      their eyes, not an arm raised, not a blow struck by those who vehemently
      cheered him in his career of folly, and promised to follow him to the
      death.
    </p>
    <p>
      During and immediately previous to these transactions, the Repeal
      Association and the Young Irelanders made a great parade, after their own
      fashion, for their own ostensible objects. The Young Irelanders called a
      convention of three hundred representatives or delegates from every part
      of the country; these were, in fact, to be the representatives of the
      insurrectionary clubs, ostensibly of the people. Smith O'Brien, the last
      time he appeared in the English House of Commons, had the temerity and
      absurdity to advise the premier to put himself in communication with this
      council of three hundred, and be guided in his measures by them. This was
      after the visit of the honourable member to Paris, to induce the French
      government to espouse the cause of insurrection in Ireland. His
      recommendation was received with shouts of derisive laughter, and his
      treason was chastised by the premier reminding him that he had taken the
      oath of allegiance, and at the same time was encompassing the dishonour of
      the queen's throne.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a meeting of the Old Irelanders in April, in Conciliation Hall, a Mr.
      Aikins in the chair, the following business was transacted, which will
      show the position which that party desired publicly to take both to the
      Young Irelanders and to the government:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Maurice O'Connell proposed, and Mr. T. Galway seconded, the following
      resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:&mdash;'That we, this
      association, view with disgust and indignation the bill brought in by the
      ministers, entitled, A bill for the better security of the crown and
      government of the United Kingdom. That we consider such bill, instead of
      answering its professed purposes, to be of such a character as the odious
      six acts of Lord Castlereagh's ministry, with the aggravation that the
      latter were only legal and temporary, while this is intended as general
      and perpetual. That we consider such bill as in fact a bill to encourage
      the odious spy system, and prevent all discussion of the wants of the
      people, whether by the press or at meetings. That we therefore express our
      detestation of this measure, and call upon the repeal members of
      parliament to oppose the passing of such bill by all constitutional
      means.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. O'Connell next proposed, and Mr. Galway seconded, a resolution, that
      it be referred to the committee to have a case prepared for counsel upon
      the construction of the convention act, 33 George HI., cap. 29. Mr.
      O'Connell observed that although his father had not matured the project of
      assembling three hundred delegates in Dublin, he had never abandoned it up
      to the period of his death. (Cheers.) 'The liberator' had frequently
      consulted lawyers of great celebrity, to fortify his own opinion, but the
      result of his consultation with others was that he had grave and fearful
      doubts as to its legality. The project was accordingly suffered to remain
      in abeyance. They were determined never to advise or sanction any rash or
      precipitate act; they would act only within the law, and were anxious to
      ascertain whether the delegates could assemble legally in Dublin. This was
      the object of obtaining counsel's opinion upon the subject; and if the
      step could be taken with safety, and within the bounds of law, in the name
      of God they would take it. (Cheers.)
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. O'Connell called the attention of the association to a resolution
      adopted at the last meeting of the Confederation, admitting 'to membership
      all enrolled members of the Conciliation Hall, on the same ternis as
      members of the Confederation.' It was also intimated that seats would be
      reserved at the meeting of the Confederation for the accommodation of the
      members of Conciliation Hall. Now he (Mr. O'Connell) wished to warn every
      member of the association against accepting that invitation, or making use
      of the privileges (if privileges they were) thus offered by the
      Confederation. (Hear, hear.) The safety of the association consisted
      entirely in keeping strictly within the letter of the law, and he hoped
      none of its members would directly or indirectly sanction or identify
      themselves with any of the proceedings of the Confederation."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Orangemen, as a body, also took active measures. They addressed a
      memorial to the lord-lieutenant, protesting their loyalty, and offering
      their support.. Their assistance was accepted, arms were distributed to
      them, and there is no doubt they would have been bravely used on the side
      of the government. A knowledge that the Orangemen were arming in support
      of the crown, tended very much to depress the hopes and check the actions
      of the seditious. The rifle clubs adopted ball-practice, it is true, but
      they confined their shooting to the precincts of the clubs. When a petty
      insurrection did break forth, not a shot was fired by the clubs, after so
      much preparation on their part, and so much expenditure of eloquence in
      boasting of their bravery, and eagerness for the field.
    </p>
    <p>
      The transportation of John Mitchell did not extinguish the zeal of the
      insurgent press. The <i>United Irishman</i> was suppressed, to resume a
      new life under the title of the <i>Felon</i>, which was as true to its
      designation as treason could make it. A paper called the <i>Irish Tribune</i>
      vied with the <i>Felon</i> and the <i>Nation</i>, in open incentives to
      insurrection.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was the policy of the leaders to wait until the harvest was gathered,
      and this was openly proclaimed by them, which enabled the government more
      effectually to frustrate their schemes. The editor of the <i>Felon</i>
      counselled the people, however, to resist if their leaders were arrested,
      even if the harvest were not reaped. "After harvest if we may; before
      harvest if we must," was the counsel of this authority, and the general
      tenour of the advice given by all the chiefs. The government, upon these
      indications, took vigorous measures to enable the lord-lieutenant by
      extraordinary power to suppress or prevent any revolt; the <i>Habeas
      Corpus</i> Act was suspended, and it was left to the discretion of his
      lordship to call out the Protestant yeomanry of the north of Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The House of Commons having assembled on Saturday, the 22nd of July, for a
      sitting at noon, Lord John Russell rose, amidst profound silence, and
      proposed a motion of the most important character: a relation of the
      circumstance is introduced here, rather than in the parliamentary history
      of the year, because it places in a clearer view the progress of the Irish
      insurrection, and the government policy in respect to it. His lordship,
      after a pause in which he betrayed considerable emotion, moved for leave
      to bring in a bill to empower the lord-lieutenant, or other chief governor
      or governors of Ireland, to apprehend and detain, until the first of
      March, 1849, such persons as he should suspect of conspiring against her
      majesty's person and government. The noble lord having expressed his deep
      regret at being compelled to suspend the constitutional liberties of
      Ireland, and declared that, in his opinion, such a measure was absolutely
      necessary for the preservation of life and property in Ireland, for the
      prevention of the effusion of blood, and for the stopping of insurrection,
      proceeded to state the grounds upon which he rested his proposition. He
      considered it would be necessary for him to prove three things:&mdash;First
      that the present state of things in Ireland was fraught with evil; that it
      threatened danger; that we were on the eve of an outbreak, if not timely
      prevented. Secondly, that there were means sufficient to produce great
      evils and dangers unless some measures should be adopted to counteract
      them. Thirdly, that the measure he proposed was the most appropriate for
      its purpose. He did not propose to rest his case on any secret information
      known only to the government; but he would rest it on facts patent,
      notorious, and palpable. He then traced the history of the Irish
      Confederation, establishing, from the manifestoes published in the <i>Felon</i>
      and <i>Nation</i> newspapers, that the determination of these confederates
      was to entirely abolish the imperial government; to take away from the
      queen all authority in Ireland; to annihilate all the rights of property;
      to hold up the hope of plunder to those who would break their oaths of
      allegiance and join in rebellion; and to hold up the threat of depriving
      all those of their property who would remain fast to their allegiance, and
      refuse to assist in the insurrection. One of these manifestoes, entitled,
      "The Value of the Irish Harvest," set forth that there was growing on the
      Irish soil eighty millions of produce, and declared that it would be for
      the new Irish Council of Three Hundred to decide how this produce should
      be apportioned: thus showing that, by one sweeping confiscation, the
      masters of this red republic were prepared to disregard all existing
      social rules, and to reduce everything to anarchy. The noble lord then
      described the means of effecting their treasonable objects possessed by
      the confederates. All the intelligence received by the government proved
      that the organisation of the clubs was formidable, that it was rapidly
      progressing, and that in many parts of the country the plans of the
      associates were ripe for execution. He adduced the accounts obtained from
      Tipperary, Meath, Louth, Cork, Waterford, and other counties, as evidence
      of the formidable nature of the organisation of the insurgents; the
      information received from all quarters, and the opinions obtained from
      various persons, being to the one effect, that though persons of property
      and the clergy of all denominations were decidedly against an outbreak, no
      influence would have any effect in deterring many thousands of the younger
      men, especially of the farmer class, from joining in the proposed
      insurrection; in fact, nothing was now wanting but the naming of the day
      and hour, to be fixed by the leaders, for carrying into effect this fatal
      revolution. The noble lord quoted a letter received that day from Lord
      Clarendon, in which the lord-lieutenant stated that the aspect of things
      was growing worse, and that the increasing disloyalty, on the part of the
      Irish people, was most rapid within the last few days. It might be
      necessary, he said, to introduce a measure for the prevention of the
      organisation of clubs, but the first, the most direct, the immediate and
      efficacious remedy for the existing evil would be the suspension of the <i>Habeas
      Corpus</i> Act&mdash;a power to be given to the lord-lieutenant of at once
      securing the persons of those suspected of high treason. The government
      might have been justified in demanding this power at an earlier period,
      but they delayed it as long as it was possible. He implored the house, if
      their conviction was this measure should pass, to lose no time in arming
      the lord-lieutenant with the power requisite. Without it, rebellion could
      undoubtedly be put down, but it would be at the expense of blood&mdash;at
      the cost of much misery and ruin. No man could say what the consequence of
      withholding these powers even for a day would be. The government undertook
      the responsibility, however odious it might be, of proposing this measure;
      and they confidently asked the house to accept their responsibility,
      mindful of the blessings they would preserve, and aware of the risks they
      might incur.
    </p>
    <p>
      A petition was presented to the house from the mayor and leading merchants
      of Liverpool, expressing gratitude for this measure, and declaring the
      apprehensions entertained from the active communications passing between
      the disaffected in Ireland and the large Irish population in Liverpool. In
      all the great towns of Lancashire sympathy with Ireland was expressed, and
      threats were made of firing the manufactories and the merchants' stores,
      to prevent the dispatch of troops to that country. A Mr. MacManus, a
      trader in Liverpool, was the most prominent person among the disaffected
      in Lancashire. This person procured a beautiful uniform of green and gold,
      and proceeded to Ireland, expecting to appear on the field of action as an
      extempore commander. The police were on his track, and he was arrested,
      with all his military finery, and committed to prison, without even having
      signalised himself in command of a corporal's guard of pikemen. Mr.
      MacManus was an honest man to the cause to which his whole heart was
      given. The night before he left for Ireland, he slept at the house of a
      merchant in Manchester, named Porteus; that gentleman used all his
      influence to dissuade his friend from so mad an exploit, but in vain. The
      embryo chief left a considerable store of pistols in the custody of Mr.
      Porteus, which were delivered to the chief constable of Manchester.
    </p>
    <p>
      The vigorous proceedings of the executive, both in England and Ireland,
      compelled the Irish leaders, without waiting for the harvest, to decide
      upon a course of action. Their first project was to seize the metropolis.
      It was garrisoned by about twelve thousand men&mdash;a small force, had
      there been unanimity and determination on the part of the Irish people;
      but the leaders were obliged to fly to the provinces, or conceal
      themselves, in order to avoid arrest; and, in fact, they felt that the
      fortitude of the clubs could not be relied upon for so bold an enterprise.
      After all their preparations and their boasting, the members of the clubs&mdash;their
      chief reliance&mdash;were too few in number, and inadequately armed for
      such an exploit.
    </p>
    <p>
      The project was then adopted for the leaders to repair to those parts of
      the country where the clubs were most numerous, and supposed to be most
      resolute, and there proceed with their organisation until the government
      attempted to arrest them, when the clubs were to rise for their rescue. It
      was supposed that the excitement produced by the arrest of the leaders was
      necessary to inflame the enthusiasm of the populace. How little did they
      know the real feelings of the multitude upon whose generosity and manhood
      they thus adventurously threw themselves!
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th, the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Suspension Act arrived in Dublin,
      and warrants were issued for the arrest of all the club leaders. Troops
      were moved upon the principal points where it was desirable, for
      strategetic and political purposes, to concentrate them. Extraordinary
      precautions were taken for the capital. Sir Charles Napier was placed in
      command of a powerful steam squadron on the southern coast, Cork and
      Waterford being especially menaced by the guns' of the ships. A
      proclamation was issued by the viceroy declaring the clubs illegal, and
      "commanding all persons to withdraw from and abandon the same." On the
      last day of July, the privy council held a sitting at Dublin Castle, when
      it was resolved to place a number of baronies and counties under the
      Prevention of Crime and Outrage Act. By this means opportunity would be
      most easily taken to disarm the rebels. The districts put under the stern
      surveillance of this law were the counties of Kerry, Wexford, Carlow,
      Queen's County, counties of Galway, Kildare, Wicklow, Westmeath, Louth;
      seven baronies of the county Cork, eight baronies in the King's county,
      four baronies in the county of Cavan, two baronies in the county Armagh,
      and the barony of Newry, county Down. Proclamations of reward were also
      offered for the arrest of Smith O'Brien, £500; for Francis T. Meagher,
      John B. Dillon, and Michael Doheny, "each or either," £300. The ground
      assigned for the arrest was "having taken up arms against her majesty."
    </p>
    <p>
      The <i>Hue and Cry</i> gave the following descriptions of the personal
      appearance, ages, &amp;c, of the leaders:&mdash;"William Smith O'Brien, no
      occupation, forty-six years of age, six feet in height, sandy hair, dark
      eyes, sallow long face, has a sneering smile constantly upon his
      countenance, full whiskers, sandy, a little grey. A well set man, walks
      erect, and dresses well.&mdash;Thomas Francis Meagher, no occupation,
      twenty-five years of age, five feet nine inches, dark, nearly black hair,
      light blue eyes, pale face, high cheek bones, peculiar expression about
      the eyes, cocked nose, no whiskers, well dressed.&mdash;John B. Dillon,
      barrister, thirty-two years of age, five feet eleven inches in height,
      dark hair, dark eyes, thin sallow face, rather thin black whiskers,
      dressed respectably, has a bilious look.&mdash;Michael Doheny, barrister,
      forty years of age, five feet eight inches in height, sandy hair, grey
      eyes, coarse, red face, like a man given to drink, high cheek bones, wants
      several of his teeth, very vulgar appearance, peculiar coarse, unpleasant
      voice, dress respectable, small short red whiskers.&mdash;Richard
      O'Gorman, junior, barrister, thirty years of age, five feet eleven inches
      in height, very dark hair, dark eyes, thin long face, large dark whiskers,
      well-made and active, walks upright, dress black frock coat, tweed
      trowsers.&mdash;Thomas Davy M'Ghee, connected with the <i>Nation</i>
      newspaper, twenty-three years of age, five feet three inches in height,
      black hair, dark face, delicate, pale, thin man; generally dresses in
      black shooting coat, plaid trowsers, and thin vest.&mdash;Thomas Devin
      Keily, sub-editor of the <i>Felon</i> newspaper, twenty-four years of age,
      five feet seven inches in height, sandy, coarse hair, grey eyes, round
      freckled face, head remarkably broad at the top, broad shoulders, well
      set, dresses well."
    </p>
    <p>
      The peculiar personal appearance of the men who comprised, with a few
      others, those who fomented the insurgent feeling in Ireland is of some
      interest for the page of history, especially of contemporaneous history.
      The delineation was faithful, and aided very much in rendering concealment
      difficult, for it prevented the timid from affording shelter to the chiefs
      as soon as they became fugitives. For the masses, this minute description
      had an alarming appearance, as if government were well informed of its
      enemies.
    </p>
    <p>
      At last the period arrived for the struggle, if ever it was to be made,
      and contemporaneous with the projected outbursts, movements were made by
      the Irish residents in Great Britain, the Chartists sympathising with
      them. The last week of July was especially an anxious period in
      Lancashire. The chief danger was apprehended in Manchester, but the only
      occurrence was a demonstration of the clubs, which was made on Tuesday
      evening, the 26th:&mdash;"The members of the several confederate clubs met
      in their respective club-rooms, and proceeded thence, about nine o'clock,
      in military order, to a large space of vacant ground adjoining the new
      Roman Catholic chapel, on the Cheetham Hill Boad. The number present was
      very great. No speech was delivered, but three cheers were given for 'the
      cause,' immediately after which the assembly dispersed. The intention of
      holding the meeting having been made known to the authorities, steps were
      taken to prevent any disorder."
    </p>
    <p>
      In Liverpool, and on the opposite side of the Mersey at Birkenhead, it was
      necessary to resort to very extraordinary precautions. The following
      extracts from letters written from these places at that time, describe a
      state of considerable apprehension in the public mind, and the necessity
      of great exertions to intimidate the Irish population:&mdash;"There being
      reason to apprehend a movement in Liverpool, to act as a diversion in
      favour of the insurgents, should a rising take place in Ireland,
      preparations are accordingly being made by our local authorities to guard
      against a surprise. From the Liverpool papers of Tuesday we learn that
      twenty thousand special constables have been sworn in in the several wards
      of that town. Steps have also been taken to organise the corps and to
      appoint leaders. A place of rendezvous has been taken in each ward, and
      there a guard is placed night and day, to give the alarm, should the
      necessity for so doing arise. About one thousand men belonging to the dock
      works have been sworn in, and amply provided with formidable weapons, and
      all the public buildings in the town are guarded day and night. There can
      be no doubt, it is stated, that confederate clubs are being formed in
      Liverpool, for the avowed purpose of aiding the people of Ireland in any
      insurrectionary movements which may be originated. The idea is, that by
      rising in Liverpool, Glasgow, and other places, whenever a rebellion
      breaks out in Ireland, troops, instead of being sent across the water,
      will be kept at home to put down disturbances, and thus the forces of the
      government in Ireland will be considerably weakened. It is stated that
      clubs to the number of fifty have been established in the former town&mdash;that
      they number one hundred men each. The subscription of each member is 1s.
      a-week. The money is spent in the purchase of fire-arms, the general price
      being about 12s. 6d. a-piece. Every night for the payment of
      subscriptions, a raffle takes place for the muskets, which the members are
      enabled to procure with the subscriptions. Several arrests have taken
      place; and it is hoped that the bold front displayed by the authorities
      will have the effect of preventing the contemplated outbreak. It may be
      stated here, as a circumstance showing how much on the alert are those who
      are endeavouring to repress the rebellious movements of the disaffected,
      that information was received yesterday morning by the authorities, that
      two sons of Hyland, the notorious pike-maker of Dublin, arrived from that
      city in Liverpool on Monday last. The magistrates of Birkenhead have
      requested the inhabitants of that town 'to act as special constables for
      six months.' A summons, signed by four magistrates&mdash;Colonel Gregg,
      Mr. W. Hall, Mr. J. W. Harden, and Mr. J. S. Jackson&mdash;was served to
      every householder, requiring them to attend on Monday at the Town Hall and
      take the necessary oath, and by half-past ten every respectable inhabitant
      was sworn. Accompanying the summons was a notice, signed by Messrs.
      Townsend and Kent, clerics to the magistrates, informing the parties that
      'by disobedience to the precept a penalty of £5 would be incurred.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th the London <i>Times</i> contained the following startling
      telegraphic communication, which caused the funds to fall, and created
      alarm throughout the provinces:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "The whole of the south of Ireland is in rebellion.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The station at Thurles is on fire, the rails for several miles torn up,
      and the mob intend detaining the engines as they arrive.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At Clonmel the fighting is dreadful. The people arrived in masses. The
      Dublin club leaders are there. The troops were speedily overpowered; many
      refused to act.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The military at Carrick have shown disaffection, and have been driven
      back, and their quarters fired.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At Kilkenny the contest is proceeding, and here the mob are also said to
      be successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      "No news from Waterford or Cork."
    </p>
    <p>
      The writer of this History was in Dublin at that time, and remembers the
      city being thrown into a state of great excitement by the foregoing
      intelligence. The alarm was, however, of short duration, as the citizens
      of the Irish capital were better acquainted with the disposition of the
      people, and the probability of their sustaining a close contest with the
      troops. Besides, there existed confidence in the loyalty of the police,
      whether Roman Catholic or Protestant. An incident occurred in Dublin which
      greatly strengthened that confidence; it was thus related in the papers of
      the day:&mdash;"A policeman who attempted to arrest three of the club-men,
      who were armed, was stabbed in several places, and now lies dangerously
      wounded at Mercer's hospital. The brave fellow never let go his grasp of
      two of the fellows, and they and a third are in custody, and will, no
      doubt, be indicted capitally at the next commission. The unfortunate
      constable (Byrne) at first, on being submitted to medical treatment,
      continued for some time to improve, but fever having set in, it was deemed
      advisable for him to make a declaration, and the magistrate on Thursday
      repaired to the hospital for that purpose."
    </p>
    <p>
      Happily the telegraphic communication was found to be false; it was
      managed by persons in the interest of the insurrection, in order to spread
      alarm, to magnify the undertaking, and drive many of the Irish people,
      both in Ireland and Great Britain, to join the confederacy. But while the
      startling tidings of the telegraph were false, other news, authentic and
      very alarming, reached London concerning the movements of the
      insurrectionary chiefs, and the reception which they met with from the
      people. The following piece of correct intelligence influenced the funds,
      and produced a considerable degree of anxiety in the public mind:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Sunday evening, July 23rd, Smith O'Brien and Thomas Francis Meagher
      reached Carrick-on-Suir at halfpast five in the evening from Kilkenny. On
      their route, at Gallan, they addressed thousands, and told them for the
      present not to interfere with the police or soldiery, as they performed
      their duties, but when the word should be given, not to spare any who
      opposed them. Monday being fair-day at Carrick, the town was filled with
      country people, and Messrs. Meagher and O'Brien addressed the people in a
      more violent and determined strain than heretofore, stating their
      determination not to be arrested under the provisions of the new act. Both
      gentlemen were armed with pistols, which they are determined to use in the
      event of an attempt being made to capture them; they stated that they had
      spent their fortunes in the people's cause, and would hazard their lives
      for their service, and would now throw themselves on the protection of the
      people. A number of Waterford men, who were at Carrick doing business at
      the fair, begged of Mr. Meagher to come to Waterford, alleging that his
      fellow-citizens would protect him from arrest; but Mr. Smith O'Brien would
      not listen to that proposal, and brought off Mr. Meagher to Cashel, or, as
      others said, to Tipperary. Whilst this scene was enacting, two hundred of
      the 3rd Buffs marched in from the camp at Besborough, and took up their
      position in the barracks. Few of either party slept during the night; the
      Young Irelanders, however, did not do anything to disturb the peace of the
      town, but business is totally at a stand-still, and all in and about the
      town are resting on their arms, waiting for the battle hour. In Waterford
      the clubs are described as being well organised, and armed, and ready to
      act when called upon. The people seemed reckless from poverty; groups of
      workingmen might be seen in the streets by day and night, discussing
      politics and retailing the news of the hour. The queen's forces in
      Waterford were about one thousand strong. The <i>Rhadamanthus</i>
      steam-vessel was in the river, and it was proposed to form two camps on
      the hills which command the town. In the country the peasants were arming;
      at Coolnamuck so much timber had been cut down for pike-handles, that the
      clubs would not allow any more to be taken thence, in compassion to the
      proprietor. At Mount Bolton the owner had it cut and left outside the wood
      for the people, to prevent further waste; at Lord Waterford's demesne more
      ash-trees had been cut down, and the useless parts left behind. All the
      anvils in the country ring with pike-forging, and every weapon is put in
      order for the fray."
    </p>
    <p>
      The effect upon the government, the legislature, and the country, of the
      electric telegraph and other communications, false and true, may be judged
      of by the readers of these pages from the following speech by Sir George
      Grey, the home-secretary in the House of Commons, on Thursday evening, the
      27th. Sir George had been questioned on this subject, and thus replied:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have great satisfaction in stating that I have every reason to believe
      that the alarming accounts which have appeared in the later editions of
      the morning papers, and which were transmitted this morning from Liverpool
      by the electric telegraph, to the effect that insurrection had actually
      broken out in the south of Ireland, are totally destitute of truth. Sir,
      on receiving the copy of the paper containing the intelligence said to
      have been sent from Liverpool this morning, I dispatched a letter to the
      honourable member for Stoke-upon-Trent, to induce him to forward a
      communication by the electric telegraph to the mayor of Liverpool,
      requesting to know from him what information had been received in
      Liverpool from Ireland, and I received a despatch from that functionary,
      by the electric telegraph, stating that the information published this
      morning was accompanied from Ireland by a letter, dated Dublin, Wednesday
      evening, which represented that Mr. Conway, of the <i>Dublin Evening Post</i>,
      had received from the Castle a most dreadful rumour, which he was about to
      publish in a second edition of that paper. The writer then went on to say,
      that he took advantage of our queen's messenger going off at the moment
      for London, to forward the intelligence in a parcel to Messrs. Willmer and
      Smith, of Liverpool, who, no doubt, would transmit it to London by the
      electric telegraph. The mayor of Liverpool, about an hour after this,
      further communicated to me that he is perfectly satisfied that the Irish
      intelligence, contained in the paragraph published in the morning papers,
      is utterly untrue, unless government have received a despatch from Lord
      Clarendon, confirming it. He also states that a queen's messenger
      certainly had arrived from Dublin by a steamer this morning, and he left
      Liverpool by the half-past six express train. Now, it is perfectly true
      that a queen's messenger was dispatched from Dublin last night. I had sent
      him over with a despatch, stating that the bill for suspending the Habeas
      Corpus Act had received the royal assent, and he left Dublin with a
      despatch from the lord-lieutenant yesterday evening, and arrived in London
      by the express train this morning by half-past one o'clock. This despatch
      certainly describes the state of the country in the neighbourhood of
      Clonmel, Carrick, and Thurles to be dreadful, but in relation to any
      actual outbreak it is perfectly silent, and makes no mention whatever. I
      have seen the messenger, and he states that he left Dublin at three
      o'clock yesterday afternoon, but he assures me he brought no parcel or
      letter for any party whatever. The messenger is stated to have come over
      by a special steamer from Kingston yesterday, that he started at three
      o'clock by the steamer which was reported to have had the queen's
      messenger on board. Now, no queen's messenger came over in that steamer;
      but I have received letters from the lord-lieutenant, written after the
      departure of the queen's messenger yesterday afternoon, which contain no
      allusion to those frightful accounts. I am also assured by an hon. member
      that the hon. gentleman the member for Totness left Dublin yesterday by
      the steamer which leaves at seven o'clock, and that everything was
      tranquil when he left&mdash;that no rumour of the kind had reached his
      ears when the steamer left the port. I will only add that I certainly
      shall endeavour to trace the wilful originator of the report. I have now
      given all the information in my power, and it enables me to concur with
      the honourable gentleman that these reports were fabricated for a wicked
      and malicious purpose. With respect to the state of Ireland, I may only
      add, that by the letters which I have received from the lord-lieutenant,
      it appears that Sir Charles Napier had arrived at Cork with his squadron,
      with an able and ample body of troops, who, I am sure, are always ready to
      discharge their duty with unflinching bravery, and who are, therefore,
      entirely free from the imputations which the reports circulated this day
      have unfoundedly cast upon them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Lansdowne was also questioned in the House of Lords, and made a
      similar reply, when the Marquis of Londonderry, in a very spirited maimer
      and amidst the applause of the house, inculpated the government for
      allowing the agitation in Ireland to rise to such a head, arguing that had
      the seditious writing, speaking, and acting of the confederates been
      timely prevented, the law would have been vindicated, public peace and
      order undisturbed, and many thousands of poor deluded men would have been
      saved from wandering after the <i>ignis fatuus</i> of the Confederation.
      This philippic was well deserved by the government; had they really
      desired that the pear should ripen before they plucked it, they could not
      have proceeded otherwise than they did. The insurrection might have been
      crushed in the bud had the government exercised proper wisdom and
      firmness. It will scarcely be believed that during these exciting
      transactions, any member of the legislature would have the folly to
      introduce measures for repealing the union or holding parliaments in
      Ireland. There were, however, such persons: Fergus O'Connor and John
      O'Connell repeatedly advocated repeal, and Mr. R. M. Fox gave notice of a
      motion for holding a parliament in Ireland, which, on the 26th, he
      withdrew, amidst the derisive laughter of the house, the honourable member
      assuring it that he deprecated the union of repealers and republicans in
      Ireland. The government and the legislature were very much strengthened by
      the support which the executive received from Sir Robert Peel. In one of
      the debates upon the political condition of Ireland during that memorable
      week, Sir Robert, with great warmth and energy of manner, said, "He was
      prepared to give his unqualified support to the government. He trusted in
      the veracity of the ministers when they stated that the conspiracy was
      wide-spread and imminent, and he was ready to take his part with the crown
      against those mock kings of Munster of whom they had heard, and against
      those conspirators who were working to substitute for the mild sway of her
      majesty a cruel and sanguinary despotism. There was now no excuse for
      further delay in coping with the Irish traitors, and he for one was
      prepared to consent to the suspension of all the forms of the house in
      order to the speedy passing of this bill; and if additional powers should
      be required, he trusted the government would not hesitate a moment in
      bringing them forward. Having referred to the results of revolution on the
      continent, the right honourable gentleman concluded by reiterating his
      conviction that the throne of this country was firmer than ever fixed in
      the hearts and affections of the people."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Roman Catholic clergy were never favourable to the Young Ireland
      party. They desired the repeal of the union, and even the entire
      separation of the two countries; but they had no confidence in the
      ringleaders of the Confederation, because, in their opinion, some were
      sceptics, and some heretics, and all men of a judgment below the
      undertaking: of this a considerable body of the clergymen of the Romish
      church in Ireland were well competent to judge; they knew the feelings of
      the people better than any other class of men did, and in their own ranks
      were numbered a great many men of high attainments and superior intellect.
      Some of the very old clergymen in the south, who remembered the great
      insurrection at the close of the last century, and the sufferings which
      the people experienced, spared no efforts of persuasion and moral
      influence to prevent a like occurrence, while some of the younger and more
      active clergymen literally horsewhipped the people to their homes who had
      turned out. But for these efforts of the priests, there would have been an
      insurrection of some force; and had the priests given it active
      encouragement, a wide-spread and sanguinary rebellion must have ensued.
      Lord Glengall declared in his place in the House of Lords that the country
      was much indebted to the Roman Catholic priests for the preservation of
      the peace. The general discontent of the people, and their disloyalty to
      the throne, had been, however, much perverted by the bigoted spirit and
      inflammatory harangues of their teachers.
    </p>
    <p>
      After vain attempts to rouse the people to turn out, Mr. O'Brien, with
      persistence and courage worthy of any cause, placed himself at the head of
      a mob of a few hundred peasants and labourers, and without any well-poised
      aim or determinate plan of action, proclaimed open revolt against the
      queen's government. On the 29th of July he appeared as the leader of this
      hopeless corps, to make war against the mightiest empire in the world. He
      was, however, compelled to resort to some decisive measure by the
      proclamations of reward offered for his arrest, and by the efforts which
      were put forth immediately upon the proclamations having been posted up.
      Kilkenny was one of the principal <i>foci</i> of the strength of the
      confederates, and O'Brien seems to have relied mainly upon the men of
      Kilkenny and Tipperary.
    </p>
    <p>
      While O'Brien, Meagher, and a few others were mustering their poor forces,
      others of the leaders appear not to have taken very much precaution
      against arrest. Charles Gavan Duffy was taken early in July, so was
      Doheny, and several more of the most boisterous of the club chiefs. Mr.
      Blake, the county inspector of constabulary in Kilkenny, arriving at
      Harley Park, discovered that O'Brien and his forces were quartered among
      the colliers of Boulagh, within a mile of Ballingarry. He immediately sent
      to Callan, where the constabulary of the district had been concentrated
      for some days, to avoid being attacked in small parties by the populace.
      Nearly sixty men left Callan, under Inspector Trant. Mr. Blake sent to
      Kilkenny, and other military positions, for troops, which were dispatched
      so as to surround the neighbourhood where the confederates had mustered.
      The country people soon communicated to Smith O'Brien and his followers
      these facts; and Mr. O'Brien thereupon reviewed his force, consisting of
      colliers and peasants, variously armed. They all promised faithfully to
      stand by him. While thus engaged, Inspector Trant and his police
      detachment were seen approaching from Ballingarry, and the insurgents,
      numbering twenty to one, dashed forward to meet them. The police
      perceiving the disparity of force, made for a farm-house known as the
      widow M'Cormack's. The mob broke their array, and rushed also to seize the
      house; but the police were first there, and barricaded it with the
      furniture and such other materials as were at hand. Mr. O'Brien parleyed
      with the police, shaking hands with them through the lower windows, and
      used every persuasion to induce them to deliver up their arms, which of
      course they refused. The peasants and colliers then directed showers of
      stones against the doors and windows, and also opened a fire of small arms
      from an outhouse. This was replied to by the police, who killed several
      and wounded many others. O'Brien was perfectly incompetent to give any
      useful direction, and his men began to retire before the sharp practice
      from the fire-arms of the police, when at last the latter, advancing under
      cover of some low walls and haystacks, drove the crowd from the
      neighbourhood, O'Brien escaping on the inspector's horse. Neither skill
      nor courage was shown by the assailants. O'Brien's conduct has been
      criticised with much severity on this occasion; but it is false to
      represent him as having acted without spirit; he, of course, in giving
      directions to his party, placed himself where he might best do so, and
      avoid the aim of the police; but if he or his followers had been fit for
      the work they had undertaken, they would either have stormed the house or
      retired in order; and, possessing so intimate a knowledge of the country,
      they might have evaded the armed parties in pursuit, until, with increased
      numbers, they had fallen upon some place of arms which they would have
      made their <i>point d'appui</i>. As it was, their proceedings were
      ludicrous, and afforded subject-matter for <i>Punch</i>, which contained a
      caricature representing an army of Irish rebels scared by the shadow of a
      policeman. There can be no doubt that O'Brien would have dared anything
      which a sense of duty and honour dictated, and which opportunity afforded;
      but to lead an insurrection was a task utterly beyond his capacity. It is
      difficult to believe that the more crafty of the confederates were sincere
      in the language they employed in inciting him to the preposterous acts in
      which he took part. For instance, a letter written by Charles Gavan Duffy
      was found in Smith O'Brien's portmanteau after his arrest, which contained
      the following absurdly eulogistic incitement to place himself in the
      foreground of the revolt:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "There is no halfway house for you. You will be the head of the movement,
      loyally obeyed, and the revolution will be conducted with order and
      clemency; or the mere anarchists will prevail with the people, and our
      revolution will be a bloody chaos. You have at present Lafayette's place,
      so graphically painted by Lamartine; and I believe have fallen into
      Lafayette's error&mdash;that of not using it to all its extent, and in all
      its resources. I am perfectly well aware that you don't desire to lead or
      influence others; but I believe, with Lamartine, that that feeling which
      is a high personal and civic virtue, is a vice in revolutions. If I were
      Smith O'Brien, I would strike out in my own mind, or with such counsel as
      I valued, a definite course for the revolution, and labour incessantly to
      develop it in that way."
    </p>
    <p>
      Had Mr. Duffy desired to precipitate a weak man&mdash;the leader of other
      weak men&mdash;into certain ruin, these extracts, and the letter from
      which they are taken, would be perfectly consistent and intelligible. Had
      Mr. Duffy himself been quite sure of escape, by some means, from the
      consequences of insurrection, and had he desired to aid the government in
      bringing the disaffection existing into actual maturity, such a mode of
      addressing the proud, brave, and honest man to whom he wrote, would be
      rational; but with the clergy and gentry of all sects in Ireland adverse
      to any such movement, and with a fourth at least of all the other classes
      in Ireland, except the mere peasantry, equally hostile,&mdash;while many
      of those favourable to the Confederation were afraid to move hand or foot
      in its behalf,&mdash;such a letter, written by a man who ought from his
      position to have known Ireland well, is one of the most extraordinary
      episodes in the history of the eminently foolish transactions of the
      party.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the wild affair at Boulagh Common, Smith O'Brien became a fugitive.
      There was no more preparedness or spirit to rise in his behalf than there
      had been for Mitchell; and indeed so destitute were leaders and people of
      any military knowledge or resources, that in any effort against the
      soldiery, the insurgents would have gone forth as sheep to the slaughter.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of August O'Brien was arrested at the Thurles railway station,
      having taken a ticket at that place for Limerick. He was recognised by
      Hulme, a guard on the Great Southern and Western Railway, and the police
      and military were promptly summoned to Hulme's aid. General M'Donald
      treated the prisoner with all possible courtesy, and sent him to Dublin.
      The courtesies of the gallant general were rather disdainfully repelled.
      Mr. O'Brien requested his portmanteau to be sent for, as it contained
      various necessaries. This request was granted, but all papers which it
      contained were abstracted by the Irish secretary, and several documents
      and letters from the other leaders, of a treasonable nature, were
      discovered. Nine years after this event, when Mr. O'Brien as a pardoned
      convict was permitted to return to his country, he had the puerility to
      complain of this act in a letter to the public. The man who could fail to
      see the justice and propriety of such a step on the part of the
      government, was so far beyond reason on political matters, that all
      astonishment at the impracticability of his insurrectionary attempts
      during the autumn of 1848 ceases.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of September Mr. O'Brien was put upon his trial at Clonmel.
      The trial lasted until the 9th of October, when a verdict of guilty was
      returned, and a strong recommendation for mercy, the jury stating that, on
      many grounds, they were of opinion that Mr. O'Brien's life should be
      spared. Probably every impartial person in the kingdom snared their views.
      The judges, however, recorded sentence of death.
    </p>
    <p>
      The trials of MacManus, Meagher, and O'Donoghue resulted in verdicts of
      guilty, and sentence of death was recorded in each case. When they were
      brought to the court for that purpose, and asked what they had to say why
      sentence of death should not be passed upon them, Mr. MacManus delivered a
      manly and sensible speech, in a tone and with a manner so frank and
      direct, as to produce a strong impression in his favour throughout the
      court, as it did throughout the country, by all who perused it. The speech
      of Meagher was an eloquent failure; it appeared as if he had kept the
      noble and unfortunate Emmet before him as a model. He addressed the judges
      as if he were about to expiate his error upon the scaffold, whereas he
      knew, as all Ireland knew, that it was not the intention of government to
      put the sentence of the law in force. This circumstance gave an air of
      display and bombast to a speech that, if the realities of the speaker's
      position had corresponded with it, would have been thrillingly effective.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after these events, a number of other participants in the revolt were
      put upon their trial for their connection with it, or for seditious
      writings. The following notices, under the head of "State Trials,"
      appeared in the papers of the day, and will sufficiently exemplify the
      general character of such proceedings and their results:&mdash;"The trial
      of Mr. Williams was closed on Friday se'nnight, by the acquittal of the
      accused. It appeared that he could not be fixed upon as the author of any
      of the articles indicted. Those which were most violent had been published
      during a period when he was confined to his room, and could not, and did
      not, take part in conducting the <i>Tribune</i>. Mr. O'Doherty, the
      part-proprietor of the <i>Tribune</i>, less fortunate than Mr. Williams,
      has been sentenced to ten years' transportation. In Dublin the sentence on
      Mr. O'Doherty was not expected to be so severe. He is a young man, not
      more than twenty-two, and his high character for humanity, and the
      recommendation of the jury, induced the public to believe that, though the
      sentence would be severe, the punishment would not so nearly approach that
      of those who preceded him in his career. With his sentence, and the
      discharge of Mr. Williams, the commission terminated. Mr. Duffy still
      remains in the custody of the gaoler of Newgate."
    </p>
    <p>
      The sentence of death upon the prisoners at Clonmel was afterwards
      commuted to transportation, and this was carried into effect. The people
      of Ireland felt that the crown had acted with justice and clemency; and
      all regretted the necessity of visiting with so severe a punishment men
      whose conduct arose from fervent patriotism and honest purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      The case of Charles Gavan Duffy was the most remarkable of any which was
      brought before the Irish law courts in connection with the insurrection.
      Certainly, the charges brought against him were as clearly proved as were
      those against any other of the party leaders. Yet the trial was so
      managed, and juries were found so obstinate, that notwithstanding the
      appearance of the most pertinacious prosecution on the part of the crown,
      a conviction could not be obtained. The following extract from a journal
      published Saturday, the 23rd of December, exhibits the general character
      of the proceedings against Mr. Duffy, and the questions which were raised
      to postpone his trial and embarrass the prosecution:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Friday (se'nnight) the important trial of Mr. Duffy commenced, before
      Baron Richards and Mr. Justice Perrin, and the first two days were
      consumed in arguments for and against the quashing of a former indictment
      found in the county of Dublin against the prisoner. On Monday the court
      decided the point. The motion of the prisoner's counsel was, that Mr.
      Duffy be not called upon to plead to the indictment found against him by
      the grand jury of the county of the city of Dublin, because another and a
      similar indictment was put in against him in the county of Dublin; and as
      it would be an injustice to him to be called upon to plead to one
      indictment during the subsistence of another in which the crime laid was
      the same.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The judgment of the court was, that the whole of the cases previous to
      the passing of the act 6 Geo. IV., cap. 51, were against the case made on
      behalf of Mr. Duffy, and that there was nothing in the act to take it out
      of the operation of those decisions. The act did not directly apply to the
      present case at all, and the court could not imply anything to disqualify
      the crown from taking whatever course it should think fit to take in
      furtherance of the administration of justice.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The counsel for the prisoner, however, had not stated all their
      objections; and on Mr. Duffy being called on to plead to the indictment,
      his counsel handed in on his behalf a plea of abatement, on the ground of
      the disqualification (by reason of non-residence, or not being
      householders) of two of the grand jury who found the bill. The counsel for
      the crown retired, and, ultimately, the further consideration of the plea
      was postponed to the next day.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The court intimated that in the decision they had come to on the motion
      before them in the morning, they by no means desired or intended to leave
      Mr. Duffy open to the indictment found in the county along with that found
      in the city. Before he pleaded to the latter, the crown should declare
      what course would be adopted&mdash;whether a <i>nolle prosequi</i> should
      not be entered on the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Application having been made to rescind the order of the court made on
      Saturday, prohibiting the proceedings at the trial to be published in the
      newspapers until the trial had been concluded, the court refused to accede
      to the request.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Tuesday, the arguments on the plea, handed in on the previous day,
      engaged the court the whole day. Their lordships took time to consult the
      various authorities cited, before giving judgment. Before rising, the
      court refused to hear Mr. Duffy, who applied to have the order against the
      publication of the proceedings at the trial in the newspapers rescinded,
      and directed the application to be made by counsel; stating at the same
      time that the order must remain in force, unless it could be shown that
      the prisoner would sustain damage from the non-publication.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Thursday morning, Mr. Holmes inquired at what time their lordships
      would deliver judgment as to the validity of the plea in abatement? Mr.
      Justice Perrin replied that they hoped to be able to give judgment
      tomorrow (Friday). It was clear that, no matter what that decision might
      be, the trial could not be commenced until after Christmas."
    </p>
    <p>
      After many and intricate legal questions had been disposed of, Mr. Duffy
      finally escaped the meshes of the law, and resumed his avocations as
      proprietor and editor of the <i>Nation</i> newspaper, which journal he
      conducted for a time with more moderation, although the government still
      allowed him an extraordinary degree of license.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Irish Agitation fob Rotatory Parliaments</i>.&mdash;The extinction of
      the Irish insurrection did not suppress agitation. The moral-force
      Repealers kept up a certain amount of clamour: said much, but not to any
      purpose, and did nothing.
    </p>
    <p>
      A considerable number of noblemen and gentlemen, more remarkable for their
      high position and character than for intellectual power, formed an
      association for the purpose of promoting what they called Rotatory
      Parliaments, which would lead to the frequent holding of legislative
      sessions in Dublin. On the 18th of December, a meeting for this purpose
      was held in Dublin, at the Northumberland Buildings, Lord William
      Fitzgerald in the chair. The meeting was but thinly attended, probably on
      account of the extreme wet which prevailed all day. Mr. Sharman Crawford
      proposed the first resolution&mdash;"That the present mode of legislation
      for Ireland is at the root of all the difficulties under which this
      country labours." Mr. Crawford referred all the evils under which Ireland
      laboured to English misrule and Irish landlords. Dr. Carmichael moved the
      next resolution:&mdash;"That amongst the many striking instances of the
      neglect which Irish affairs, even of vital importance, usually meet with
      in the imperial parliament, may be stated the failure of all attempts by
      the Irish members to improve the laws relating to medical charities." The
      next resolution was as follows:&mdash;"That the present mode of
      legislation for Ireland tends to alienate the affections of her people; to
      prevent their industry and self-reliance, and would be impolitic even in a
      recently conquered country." The fourth resolution stated:&mdash;"That the
      waste lands of Ireland offer a vast field of remunerative employment for
      her unemployed population, while the many abortive attempts that have been
      made to legislate on the subject in the imperial parliament sitting at
      Westminster, furnishes another argument for a meeting of the imperial
      parliament in Dublin." All the resolutions were passed unanimously. Lord
      Massarene was then called to the chair; and a vote of thanks having been
      passed to Lord W. Fitzgerald, the meeting separated.
    </p>
    <p>
      This agitation, which enlisted the attention of so many respectable
      persons, was never supported by the people. Had the priests, and their lay
      agents, and organs of the press favoured it, it would in all probability
      have attained to some degree of importance. The people began to lose faith
      in all associations, and the programme of this was not sufficiently <i>piquant</i>
      for the political taste of the violent and bigoted sections of the
      community. The association met with some favour in high quarters in
      England, but not with so much as its promoters believed would be the case.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Religious Feuds.&mdash;Conflicts between Landlords and Tenants</i>.&mdash;The
      social and agrarian warfare continued when the political fires were
      quenched. Men were waylaid and murdered on account of their religious
      opinions being too prominently expressed for the bigotry of their
      assassins, and the utmost religious animosity raged through the land.
      Landlords who were active in proselytising, or who in any way showed
      religious zeal or earnestness, were subject to insult and injury in every
      form.
    </p>
    <p>
      The conduct of the owners of land was not generally forbearing and
      praiseworthy, while the laws were all designed to operate in their favour.
      The tenantry were not more just than the owners of the soil; and
      altogether the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland were most
      unhappy. A letter written from Ireland at the close of the year, thus
      depicted the state of affairs:&mdash;"The evictions and house-levelling do
      not cease in activity. At Ardnacrusha, a little hamlet about two miles
      from Limerick, twenty houses were levelled on Monday. Thousands of the
      fertile acres of Tipperary are waste, and these are increased each day by
      further evictions. The case is the same in Limerick and in Clare. We find
      daily announcements of large farmers running away, and sweeping all with
      them. They grow alarmed lest their turn may soon come, and they evade the
      fate of others by leaving the land naked on the landlord's hands. A few
      days since, in a district of Clare, while the farmers were at market with
      their produce, the landlord's agents descended on the farmers, with a
      large body of armed followers, and without legal process or authority of
      any kind, it is said, swept away all the stock on the land to satisfy the
      landlord's claims. On the other side of the picture we find that a tenant,
      holding ninety-seven acres of land, had sold off everything, and, with the
      whole of the produce in his pocket, had reached Limerick, to emigrate,
      when he was arrested at the suit of his landlord and other creditors."
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Advent of Cholera</i>.&mdash;Many as were the social and political
      evils of Ireland during the sorrowful year of 1848, there was a
      providential visitation which added to her miseries. Cholera made its
      appearance in several places during the autumn; the cases were not very
      numerous, but were in general fatal, and excited great apprehension as to
      the progress of the pestilence, which, in the following year committed
      fearful ravages. It was observable that the famine fever disappeared as
      this still more deadly enemy approached.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the history of Ireland during one of the most eventful years in
      the annals of the world. She had passed through a terrible ordeal, and
      although not wholly uninstructed by it, yet any lessons it was calculated
      to teach were reluctantly received and imperfectly learned.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkD2H_4_0220" id="linkD2H_4_0220">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Political Events</i>.&mdash;On former pages we sketched the violent
      political convulsions of continental Europe, and the relation which
      England bore to the changes which so rapidly took place: within her own
      confines there was much uneasiness, and some danger, but law and order
      triumphed over their adversaries.
    </p>
    <p>
      The chartist confederacy put forth all its force, and its leader, Fergus
      O'Connor, assumed unwonted boldness, both in and out of parliament.
      Meetings were held in various parts of the country, in which the
      government was denounced for not employing the people; and the virtue (as
      it appeared to these assemblages) of appropriating the property of the
      landholders and manufacturers, was loudly insisted upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of these meetings, which excited considerable apprehension, was held
      at Kennington Common, on the 13th of March. Much preparation appeared to
      be made by the chartist leaders to give it the appearance of a very great
      popular demonstration. Nearly fifteen thousand persons assembled, the
      greater number from curiosity, the love of mischief, or any other than
      political feeling. The speeches were inferior to those usually made at
      such meetings, and except in the more than usual amount of abuse offered
      to all who were not operatives, the meeting was not remarkable, and was
      dispersed by a shower of rain. The consequences of the assemblage were of
      more importance: many respectable persons were robbed and beaten;
      provision dealers were plundered, and a pawnbroker's house of business was
      stripped of all valuable articles. Rioting subsequently occurred, although
      nearly four thousand police were in the neighbourhood or in reserve. This
      meeting seriously damaged the chartist cause in the metropolis. The upper
      and middle classes saw that plunder and molestation awaited them and the
      peaceable portion of the poor, if Chartism should gain the ascendant; and
      a determination arose to meet and suppress, with a resolute hand, the
      first outbreak. Early in April, fifteen of the rioters were put upon their
      trial for robbery with violence; eleven were convicted, and sentenced to
      various terms of transportation. This infuriated their confederates, and
      preparations were made for another demonstration of immense magnitude, to
      which Mr. Fergus O'Connor gave all his energy and influence. It was
      proposed to hold another meeting at Kennington Common on the 10th of
      April, ostensibly to carry a petition to the parliament house for making
      "the Charter" law. One hundred and fifty thousand Chartists were expected
      to assemble from very great distances. It was generally believed that the
      intention was to effect an English socialist revolution. Probably on no
      occasion, since the apprehension of invasion from the great Napoleon, was
      the London public so much alarmed. The subject, of course, fell under the
      consideration of parliament, where Fergus O'Connor was accused of
      attending seditious meetings and making treasonable speeches; this he
      denied with the greatest effrontery, affecting to be a pattern of order
      and law, although it was notorious that he was bent upon revolutionary
      attempts, and that his main motive was to resent certain affronts offered
      to himself by the Whigs. He had been jealous of O'Connell, whom that party
      to a certain extent petted, giving him private power and patronage, while
      Fergus was treated, as he himself believed, without consideration. His
      first attempts at agitation were in his own country, Ireland; but
      O'Connell turned him into ridicule, and eventually denounced him. Fergus
      then saw that the only hope of becoming an agitator of name and influence
      lay among the discontented English operatives; and he sought fame and
      power in that direction by means unworthy of any man, and ultimately
      ruinous to himself and to many of his dupes. On Tuesday, the 5th of April,
      the following conversation occurred in the commons, which showed the
      apprehensions of government and of the public, the hypocrisy of Mr.
      O'Connor, and the folly of Mr. Hume, who, always meaning well, so often
      inflicted injury on the liberal cause by his imperfect judgment and
      decided prejudices:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. J. Walsh inquired of the secretary of state for the home department,
      if the attention of the government had been directed to the notice issued
      by the chartist body, of their intention to hold a numerous public meeting
      on Kennington Common on Monday next, and to go thence in procession to the
      House of Commons, for the purpose of presenting a petition in favour of
      'the people's Charter;' and if the right honourable baronet was prepared
      to take any steps to prevent the independence of the House of Commons from
      being overawed by any public meeting, or to protect the loyal and
      peaceable inhabitants of London? &mdash;Sir G. Grey replied that the
      attention of her majesty's government had been directed to the notice in
      question, emanating from a convention consisting of forty-nine delegates
      elected at public meetings held in several of the large towns of the
      kingdom. This notice stated that those delegates met in London for the
      purpose of superintending the presentation of a petition in favour of the
      Charter to the House of Commons, and to adopt any other course that might
      be deemed advisable in order to secure the passing of the Charter into
      law. It likewise stated that a great public meeting would be held on
      Kennington Common on Monday next, and that the parties composing that
      assemblage would march in a procession, regulated and superintended by
      marshals, with their petition to the House of Commons. The attention of
      the government having been called to that notice, and other information
      having reached them respecting the intended proceedings, the government
      had directed a notice to be issued, which would be published in the course
      of half an hour throughout London, pointing out that, by the statute and
      common law of these realms, the intended procession was illegal, warning
      the loyal and peaceable subjects of her majesty to abstain from taking any
      part in the procession, and calling upon them to give their best aid to
      the constituted authorities towards preventing any disturbance,
      maintaining public order, and preserving the public peace.&mdash;Mr. F.
      O'Connor said, if there were the slightest intimation of committing a
      breach of the peace on the occasion of this procession, he would not be a
      party to the proceeding&mdash;that the parties concerned in the affair
      were peaceably disposed&mdash;and that every man of them would consider
      himself as a special constable, upon whom the preservation of peace was
      incumbent. Their whole object was to present to that house a petition,
      signed by between five and six millions of the people. The present
      announcement would certainly take the people by surprise.&mdash;Sir G.
      Grey could not see how they could be taken by surprise. The government
      had, at the earliest moment, taken the subject into deliberation, and
      resolved to take the course he had indicated.&mdash;Mr. Hume was sorry to
      find the government had taken up the subject so seriously, and advised
      them to rescind the proclamation."
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding Mr. Hume's advice, the government did take it up as a
      serious matter, and the opinion of the public was with the government.
      Among other measures which the executive took to ensure security, the
      following were conspicuous:&mdash;"A large supply of fire-arms and
      cutlasses have been sent from the Tower to the East India House, and their
      different warehouses, the Custom House, Excise-office, the Post-office,
      Bank of England, the Mansion House, the various departments at Somerset
      House, the Ordnance-office, Pall-Mali, the Admiralty, and the different
      government offices at the West-end; also to a great many banking-houses in
      the city, and the dock companies. The clerks and persons employed in these
      establishments will be ready to act, if absolutely necessary, against any
      outrage that may be committed by a mob. The swearing-in of special
      constables is proceeding rapidly in Lambeth, Walworth, Camberwell, the
      Borough, and the districts on the Surrey side of the water, where the
      tradespeople and householders all show their desire to protect the public
      peace if called upon."
    </p>
    <p>
      These preparations were followed by the following proclamation:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>NOTICE</i>
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whereas the assemblage of large numbers of people, accompanied with
      circumstances tending to excite terror and alarm in the minds of her
      majesty's subjects, is criminal and unlawful.
    </p>
    <p>
      "And whereas not only those persons who take an active part in such,
      assemblage, but those also who by their presence wilfully countenance it,
      are acting contrary to law, and are liable to punishment; and whereas an
      act of parliament, passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of his late
      majesty King Charles II., intituled, 'An act against tumults and
      disorders, upon pretence of preparing or presenting public petitions or
      other addresses to his majesty in the parliament,' it was enacted, 'that
      no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to his majesty, or both or
      either of the houses of parliament, upon pretence of presenting or
      delivering any petition, complaint, remonstrance, or declaration, or other
      addresses, accompanied with excessive numbers or people, nor at any one
      time with above the number of ten persons.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "And whereas a meeting has been called to assemble on Monday next, the
      10th instant, at Kennington Common, and it is announced in the printed
      notices calling such meeting, that it is intended by certain persons to
      repair thence in procession to the House of Commons, accompanied with
      excessive numbers of people, upon pretence of presenting a petition to the
      Commons house of parliament; and whereas information has been received
      that persons have been advised to procure arms and weapons, with the
      purpose of carrying the same in such procession; and whereas such proposed
      procession is calculated to excite 'terror and alarm in the minds of her
      majesty's subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      "All persons are hereby cautioned and strictly enjoined not to attend, or
      take part in, or be present at, any such assemblage or procession.
    </p>
    <p>
      "And all well-disposed persons are hereby called upon and required to aid
      in enforcing the provisions of the law, and effectually to protect the
      public peace, and suppress any attempt at the disturbance thereof.
    </p>
    <p>
      "(Signed) C. Rowan,
    </p>
    <p>
      "R. Maxne,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Commissioners of the Police of the Metropolis.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Metropolitan Police Office, Whitehall Place,
    </p>
    <p>
      "April 6, 1848."
    </p>
    <p>
      The government resolved wisely to permit the meeting to assemble, at the
      same time announcing that any attempt to cross the bridges in a formal
      procession would be resisted. By this means, which it was alleged had been
      taken by the advice of the Duke of Wellington, the immense concourse of
      the seditious was placed at the side of the river where they could do
      least mischief, and the passages of which by the bridges could be easily
      defended by a small force. The government thus showed the impotency of the
      chartist party, and its own respect for constitutional rights.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the morning fixed for the great experiment London presented a strange
      appearance. A vast body of persons was called out to act as special
      constables. Men of every rank of life might be seen in this capacity,
      among them Prince Louis Napoleon Buonaparte, afterwards Emperor of the
      French, stood with his constable's baton as a custoder of order. The
      troops, which had been called from distances, and were billeted in the
      suburbs, rapidly concentrated at tap of drum and call of bugle. The Duke
      of Wellington, having the command, so disposed them that, without
      appearing through the day, they were ready to act at a moment's notice,
      wherever their presence might be necessary, and so posted that each
      detachment could readily render support to another, in a regular chain of
      defensive positions. From every part of the provinces chartist delegates
      arrived, by railway and coach, bringing large rolls of petitions to be
      appended to the general roll.
    </p>
    <p>
      Very early in the morning the Chartists gathered, in large bodies, at each
      separate rendezvous. Russell Square, Clerkenwell Green, and Stepney Green,
      were the grand points of meeting, where the greatest numbers assembled
      before marching to Kennington Common. Some of these processions were
      composed, to a great extent, of old men, boys, and women, and were
      attended by bands. Poles, surmounted by caps of liberty, flags, and
      streamers, were borne in the ranks or in carts. All these detachments were
      watched by mounted police and special constables, and at each rendezvous a
      large body of special constables on foot was drawn up to prevent any
      breach of the peace. The police being concentrated on various points,
      their ordinary duty was performed by special constables, who were
      distinguished by official staves and a white band round the arm. The shops
      were closed, and the public buildings were all well guarded and fortified.
      Buckingham Palace seemed the only place upon which no extra care was
      expended. No one supposed that the home of her majesty would be insulted,
      no matter what party was in the ascendant. As the troops took up their
      several positions within the public buildings, they were loudly cheered by
      the people in the streets, for it was evident, notwithstanding the immense
      chartist concourse, that an overwhelming majority of the Londoners was
      opposed to their proceedings. While matters were taking this course with
      the general public, the chartist delegates met in their usual place, the
      Literary and Scientific Institution, John Street, Fitzroy Square; Mr.
      Reynolds was called to the chair at nine o'clock. Mr. Doyle, the
      secretary, announced that a communication had been received from the head
      police-office, Scotland Yard, intimating that no procession from
      Kennington Common to the parliament house with the petition would be
      allowed, but that the petition itself would be permitted to pass the
      bridge in the custody of a suitable number of persons. Several speakers
      urged that the government should be set at defiance, and the petition
      proceeded with at all risks, until delivered at the House of Commons.
      Fergus O'Connor dissuaded them from any collision with the authorities. In
      a speech full of bombast and egotism, he declared that he was personally
      marked out for slaughter by the authorities. Thus, after all the bluster
      of this great tribune, as his followers called him, he showed the white
      feather. He was not prepared, like Smith O'Brien, gallantly to go out,
      with his life in his hand, and verify, by exposing himself to every peril
      and penalty, the words which he uttered when it was safe to utter them.
      Mr. O'Connor's dissuasions in the interest of peace did not meet the
      approbation of the delegates, who seemed unanimously resolved to force
      their way across Westminster Bridge when the hour should arrive for so
      doing. In this spirit the meeting was adjourned to Kennington Common. The
      following graphic account of the departure of the delegates, their
      progress thither, and their arrival, was given by an eye-witness:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "During this discussion two newly-constructed cars had driven up to the
      doors of the institution. The one intended for the conveyance of the
      monster petition was on four wheels, and drawn by as many very splendid
      farm horses. The body of the car was square, and surmounted by a
      tastefully constructed canopy. The attendants bore streamlets in the
      varied colours of red, green, and white, having appropriate inscriptions.
      The van or car in waiting for the delegates was upwards of twenty feet in
      length, with seats arranged transversely, in so commodious a manner as to
      afford comfortable accommodation to the delegates, as well as several
      representatives of the press. The body of the car was inscribed with the
      motto, 'The Charter. No surrender. Liberty is worth living for and worth
      dying for.' On the left, 'The voice of the people is the voice of God;'
      while on the back of the car was inscribed, 'Who would be a slave that
      could be free?' 'Onward, we conquer; backward, we fall.' Eight banners
      were fixed (four on each side) to the car, inscribed, 'The Charter.' 'No
      vote, no muskets.' 'Vote by ballot,' 'Annual parliaments,' 'Universal
      suffrage,' 'No property qualification,' 'The payment of members,' and
      'Electoral districts.' To the vehicle were harnessed six farm-horses of
      superior breed, and in the highest possible condition. The marshals
      (designated by a silk sash of the colours red, white, and green) having
      announced, at ten minutes past ten o'clock, all in readiness, Mr. F.
      O'Connor was the first to ascend the car. The honourable gentleman was
      received with loud cheers by the crowd which thronged John Street, and
      took his seat in front of the van. He was followed by Mr. Ernest Jones,
      Mr. Harney, Mr. M'Grath, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Reynolds, Dr. Hunter,
      and other leaders of the convention. The rest of that body having also
      taken their seats, the <i>cortege</i> set forth amidst loud cheers.
      Passing along Goodge Street into Tottenham Court Road, along High Street,
      Bloomsbury, the National Land Company's office was reached, and from that
      building five huge bales or bundles, comprising the petition, with the
      signatures, were brought out, and secured on the first car, prepared for
      their reception. Again the cavalcade moved forward, and progressing along
      Holborn and Farringdon Street, reached New Bridge Street, the crowd
      increasing the train at every step. So far the shops in the line which had
      been passed were only partially closed. The utmost order prevailed, though
      the delegates were recognised by numerous friends and adherents, and at
      intervals most vociferously cheered. At the Waithman obelisk the alderman
      of the ward, Sir James Duke, was in attendance, with his deputy, Mr.
      Obbard; but up to this spot not a single policeman was to be seen. The
      windows of the houses in New Bridge Street were filled with spectators,
      and, amidst much applause, the moving mass took an onward course across
      Blackfriars Bridge. At this time, a strong detachment of a battalion of
      pensioners, under arms, and fully accoutred, were observed to have just
      landed at the city pier, from Woolwich, and were loudly cheered by the
      vast concourse that now crowded the bridge. On reaching the Surrey side,
      the first display of the civil force appeared. On each side of Albion
      Place, were drawn up, in military order, a strong body, in double file, of
      the L division of the metropolitan police, while the city police
      maintained the ground on each side of the bridge, which was within the
      limits of the city jurisdiction. This force was under the orders of Mr.
      Henry, one of the magistrates at Bow Street. Opposite the end of Stamford
      Street, a party of the mounted police, fifteen strong, under the command
      of an inspector, was stationed. In its passage along the Blackfriars Road
      to the Elephant and Castle, the crowd continued to increase, and hem in
      the vehicles on both sides; still, everything was peaceable and
      well-conducted. At the Elephant and Castle a new mass joined in the rear
      of those who, walking eight abreast, and followed the train from the place
      of departure, and on reaching Newington Church the appearance of the
      masses was most bewildering. Proceeding along the Kennington Road the
      common was reached at half-past eleven o'clock. Here had already assembled
      the Irish confederalists, and the various bodies of the trades of London,
      who had intimated their intention of joining in the demonstration. These
      had taken their position in numerical order on the common, having arrived
      from their different rendezvous some time previously. Each trade had its
      emblematic banner, and the Irish confederalists displayed a very splendid
      green standard, emblazoned with the harp of Erin, and the motto 'Erin go
      bragh.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The delegates addressed the meeting, and recommended peace, but chiefly on
      the ground that they were not prepared to contend with the armed force
      directed upon all the strategetic points where it might be made available.
      The magistrates and some of the chiefs of police were assembled at the
      Horns Tavern, Kennington, where they sent for Mr. O'Connor, requesting an
      interview. The mob supposed that he was arrested, and loud cries arose for
      his rescue. They were pacified, however, by his return, accompanied by Mr.
      M'Grath, and he was welcomed by the people with a tumult of cheers. He had
      given the magistrates assurance that order should be preserved, and he
      communicated the fact to the people, many of whom, believing that the day
      would issue in a revolution, were dissatisfied. Discussions arose on
      Cuffey advising the people to force Westminster Bridge, and present the
      petition themselves. The more moderate of the leaders, having their
      recommendations well backed by the statement that the troops were under
      arms and the police provided with cutlasses and pistols, prevailed, and
      the mob at last consented that the petition should be taken in a cab by
      Mr. O'Connor and certain others, and be presented by the honourable member
      for Nottingham that night. Upon the departure of Mr. O'Connor and the
      other delegates with the petition, a Mr. Clark moved the adoption of a
      petition to the House of Commons against the bill for providing more
      effectually for the security of the crown and government:&mdash;"The
      humble petition of the inhabitants of the metropolis of England, in public
      meeting assembled, showeth: That your petitioners have heard, with
      feelings of indignation and astonishment, that, by a bill which is now
      before your honourable house, for the ostensible purpose of providing more
      efficiently for the security of the crown and the government of these
      realms, it is sought to alter the law relating to the indefinite charge of
      sedition, and to punish by transportation that which is at present
      punishable by fine and imprisonment. That your petitioners regard this
      bill as an attempt to deprive the people of the right of expressing their
      just horror at the atrocious legislation which is generally practised by
      your honourable house, and your petitioners beg your honourable house to
      stamp this infamous measure with condemnation, by its unanimous and
      ignominious rejection."
    </p>
    <p>
      This resolution was seconded by a Mr. Kydd, and eloquently supported by
      Mr. Reynolds, and at half-past one the assembly broke up. The multitudes
      of course pressed to the bridges, but found their progress everywhere
      obstructed by police. Those who chose to cross the toll-paying bridges,
      were permitted to do so upon payment, under the eye of strong bodies of
      police. At London Bridge and Blackfriars, the crowd made desperate efforts
      to force their way across, and repeatedly swept the police before them,
      but were encountered by stronger efforts, and inch by inch driven back
      again. At Westminster Bridge the chief struggle was maintained, so that
      fears were entertained lest the bridge should give way beneath the swaying
      masses. On these three points many of the more sturdy of the mob were
      severely wounded by the swords of the mounted police, and many were
      arrested and placed in custody under the charge of riot. When the "monster
      petition" was brought over Westminster Bridge, the excitement of the
      multitude assembled in Bridge Street and Parliament Street was very great,
      and the police had to disperse or capture many ill-disposed persons who
      had no public object in collecting together. The petition and chartist
      executive committee arrived at the lobby of the commons by half-past three
      o'clock.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house met at the usual hour. When the gallery was opened, the chartist
      petition, of awful bulk, stood rolled up in front of the table. An unusual
      number of members were present; several peers occupied the seats allotted
      to them in the chamber, and the public gallery was filled. Mr. Smith
      O'Brien was in his place, and he was the object of much observation. After
      the transaction of private business, Mr. F. O'Connor rose and said&mdash;"Sir,
      I have the honour to present a petition signed by five million seven
      hundred and six thousand persons, and another signed by thirty thousand
      persons, praying for annual parliaments, universal suffrage, vote by
      ballot, equal electoral districts, no property qualification, and the
      payment of members. As I have already received so much courtesy from the
      house, I will say nothing further at present, but move that the petition
      be read at the table."
    </p>
    <p>
      The petition having been read by the clerk, Lord Morpeth rose to apologise
      for the necessary absence of the homesecretary. The noble lord said that
      the secretary of state would have been in his place, only that he was
      occupied with the numerous details of his office. It was his opinion, with
      regard to the matters of the petition, that he would not willingly be
      wanting in proper respect to a petition so numerously signed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The petition was then received, and was, with difficulty, rolled down the
      floor of the house to the bar.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Lushington gave notice that on Friday night he would ask the first
      lord of the treasury whether he could hold out a distinct hope that, in
      the present session, he would introduce himself, or support the
      introduction of any measure for the extension of the suffrage, the
      abridgment of the duration of parliaments, the formation of electoral
      divisions, and the vote by ballot. This motion was hailed with loud
      cheers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The strangers' gallery, and wherever spectators could be accommodated, was
      full during this scene, and the public desire to hear what notice the
      lords would take of these events was nearly as great; there also every
      allowable space was occupied by anxious expectants, to hear the Duke of
      Wellington and other ministers express their opinions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marquis of Lansdowne, in reply to a question from the Marquis of
      Northampton, stated that the meeting which had caused so much alarm
      throughout the metropolis had taken place at Kennington Common that day,
      and the multitude had been dispersed by the police without requiring the
      aid of the military, and without any difficulty. The petition had, he
      believed, been brought to the House of Commons in a cab, and had been
      presented according to the usual form.&mdash;Lord Brougham, who made his
      first appearance in the house since Christmas, remarked that however high
      he held the right of petitioning, and of meeting for the purpose of
      discussing public affairs, he was decidedly of opinion that such a
      multitudinous meeting as that referred to, as well as the monster meetings
      of Ireland, could be viewed in no other light but as demonstrations
      intended to overawe the parliament and the crown by an exhibition of
      physical force. Although he had condemned the manner in which the
      Manchester meeting in 1819 was put down, it was his opinion, as well as
      the opinion of Lord Plunkett and the late Lord Abinger, that such a
      meeting could not be considered <i>bonâ fide</i> meant for discussion, and
      that it was illegal.&mdash;The Duke of Wellington quite concurred in the
      law as declared by Lord Brougham, and considered that the metropolis had
      deep reasons for complaint in having trade interrupted, commerce
      suspended, the inhabitants kept in a state of alarm and terror for several
      days, owing to the assemblage of large bodies of people, whose only object
      could be, by meeting in such multitudes, to overawe the legislature. He
      sincerely rejoiced that the peace had been preserved without the
      appearance of a single soldier.&mdash;The Marquis of Northampton heard the
      explanations given with pleasure. He thought the country was greatly
      indebted to the noble duke, and also to all concerned, for their exertions
      in maintaining the peace.&mdash;The Marquis of Lansdowne declared that it
      was most gratifying to him and to the government to find the enthusiasm
      displayed by all the respectable inhabitants of the metropolis, who had
      come forward to enrol themselves as special constables. The noble marquis
      said that the exemplary conduct of the police was also deserving of the
      highest commendation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Allegations having been made that the names attached to the petition were
      not nearly so numerous as alleged, and that many of them were forgeries,
      an inquiry was called for, and the committee on public petitions had the
      task assigned to it of making the investigation. The report made by the
      chairman to the house was most singular, showing that in fact the
      privilege of petition had been abused, and the house trifled with. On the
      13th of April Mr. Thornley brought up the report of the committee on
      public petitions, which stated that upon the 26th of November last, a
      committee was appointed to report to the house the number of signatures
      attached to all petitions presented to that house, and that they had felt
      it their duty to make a special report to the house upon the subject of
      the national petition, presented on the 10th of April by the honourable
      member for Nottingham, signed by subjects of the British crown. The
      committee attached the utmost value to the right of petitioning, and to
      the exercise of that most important privilege by the subjects of this
      realm, and felt deeply the necessity of preserving the due exercise of
      such privilege from abuse, and having also a due regard to the importance
      of a petition so very numerously signed, had made that petition the
      subject of their present report. They felt bound, in the discharge of
      their duty, to represent to the house that with respect to that petition
      there had been a gross abuse of that privilege. The honourable member for
      Nottingham, upon presenting the petition, had stated that the petition was
      signed by upwards of five millions of persons. Upon the most careful
      examination of the number of signatures in the committee, with the
      assistance of thirteen law-stationer's clerks, who acted under the
      superintendence of the various clerks of the committees, the number of
      signatures attached to the petition does not, in the opinion of the
      committee, amount to two millions. It is further found that a large number
      of the signatures were consecutively written by the same hand. It was
      likewise observed that a large number of the signatures were those of
      persons who could not be supposed to have concurred in its prayer; among
      these were the name of her majesty, signed Victoria Rex, the Duke of
      Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, &amp;c, &amp;c. There was also noticed a
      large number of names which were evidently fictitious, such as "Pugnose,"
      "Longnose," "Flatnose," "Punch," "Snooks," "Fubbs," and also numerous
      obscene names, which the committee would not offend the house or its
      dignity by repeating, but which evidently belonged to no human being. Upon
      the motion that the report do lie upon the table, a somewhat angry and
      personal discussion arose, in which Mr. Cripps was very severe in his
      censure of the conduct of Mr. O'Connor, in alleging that upwards of five
      millions of signatures had been attached to the petition. The motion was
      eventually agreed to. At the conclusion of the discussion Mr. F. O'Connor
      left the house; and a hostile meeting between him and Mr. Cripps having
      been presumed likely, in consequence of the personal nature of what had
      passed, Mr. O'Connor was, on an order of the house at a late period of the
      evening, taken into the custody of the sergeant-at-arms, but was
      subsequently released, and a reconciliation with Mr. Cripps effected.
    </p>
    <p>
      Throughout the year attempts were made by the Chartists to create
      disturbances, and many of them were arrested and punished for riot,
      assault, or sedition. The leaders were very active in disseminating among
      the working classes opinions adverse to the rights of property and of
      society at large. These proceedings injured the cause of electoral and
      parliamentary reform. There were many members in the House of Commons, and
      many persons of influence throughout the country, who were favourable to
      some of the principal political opinions put forth in "the people's
      Charter," but there was no sympathy among these classes for the economical
      and social theories of the party by which the Charter was chiefly upheld.
      Reform in parliament, which was still desired by the people at large, was
      thus postponed by the alarm which the extreme views and violent temper of
      the Chartists created amongst the classes who possessed property, and
      amongst religious and peaceable citizens.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VISIT OF FRENCH NATIONAL GUARDS TO LONDON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The political excitement of the times was much increased by a visit to
      London, made at the end of October, by more than a thousand National
      Guards of Paris, in full uniform. Aged persons who remembered the first
      French revolution, and the subsequent wars, were somewhat alarmed at this
      sudden appearance of French uniforms. The masses of the people welcomed
      the peaceful invaders, and the British Guards fraternised with them. Every
      public place was thrown open to them, and in the theatres and public
      gardens they were greeted with applause, the bands performing French
      national music. The visitors departed, expressing their high sense of the
      cordiality with which they had been received.
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    <h2>
      COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year was one of severe trial to Great Britain. The credit of many
      great mercantile houses was shaken, and many failed. The distress which
      prevailed at the beginning of the year, both in Great Britain and Ireland,
      disheartened the trading community, and impeded the usual course of
      business. When the French revolution suddenly burst forth, business
      received a shock such as only political events of the greatest magnitude
      can communicate; but when that event was followed by a series of
      continental revolutions, destroying the old European system, and
      convulsing nearly all the great monarchies, commercial affairs were nearly
      paralysed. The threatened disturbances in Ireland, and the chartist
      agitation at home, aggravated the evil effects which so many other causes
      produced. Banking accommodation was extremely difficult of attainment, and
      the funds fell very low. About the end of March affairs assumed some
      hopefulness, and the funds rose; but so many events crowded on in rapid
      succession, like dark clouds impelled by the storm, that these encouraging
      indications were checked. Still, public confidence in the stability of
      British institutions sustained public credit, and the disturbed state of
      other countries likewise caused the investment of capital in England to a
      surprising extent, keeping up the funds, and extending commercial
      transactions. As soon as the great chartist demonstrations of April were
      over, and the safety of the government placed beyond doubt, monetary and
      mercantile matters rapidly improved; and although English merchants and
      bankers suffered from the fluctuations of credit on the continent, yet the
      security of England reacted upon all European commerce, and caused the
      continental losses of our capitalists and traders to be far less than
      could have been expected in a season so politically tempestuous.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COBDEN TESTIMONIAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Soon after the repeal of the corn laws, it was resolved by certain friends
      of that measure to give Mr. Cobden a testimonial of national gratitude for
      his services. The public knew his deserts, but they did not know that he
      had consumed his fortune in their behalf. The business of Mr. Cobden was
      that of a calico-printer, which he carried on in the neighbourhood of
      Manchester. By the excellence of his colours, his execution, and the
      novelty and good taste of his patterns, he created a vast and distinctive
      trade, which he necessarily neglected while conducting the agitation
      against the corn laws; and the result was perilous to his business and
      ruinous to his purse. Viewed in this respect the national testimonial was
      but an act of justice, apart from any consideration of the great services
      which he rendered to the cause of free-trade. None but those immediately
      cognizant of his efforts could conceive his herculean labours to promote
      the repeal of the corn laws. His eloquence was characterised by
      intelligence, directness, the absence of all meretricious ornament, and an
      eagerness to convince and carry his hearers with him, which was singularly
      effective. His addresses were not only free from all ambition as to ornate
      or attractive language, but also as to original or characteristic thought.
      There was such an entire absence of all self-seeking about the man, and he
      so thoroughly identified himself with the people whose interests he
      pleaded, that, possessing a fair readiness of speech, and aptness for <i>ad
      captandum</i> argument, he could not fail to secure the favourable
      attention of earnest men on a subject where their interests were largely
      engaged.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Mr. Cobden promoted the agitation of the question on broad
      national grounds, he, nevertheless, looked at it from a class point of
      view more particularly, and this was one of the elements of his power with
      the traders. When he began the agitation it was as a manufacturer, for the
      redress of a grievance which affected his class; it was as he went on in
      the agitation for that object, that he began to look upon the question as
      one of general interest; and then his speeches assumed a higher tone and a
      larger scope, and sound principles of political economy were uttered by
      him with all the force of truth which he felt, and which he had capacity
      ably to express. It could, however, scarcely fail to strike men that
      whether in Free-Trade Hall, in Manchester, or in the commons house of
      parliament, his speeches on free-trade were rather those of the merchant
      than the philosopher or the statesman. On all political and
      politico-economical questions, the tone of his mind was the same: he
      regarded them rather in reference to the effect likely to be produced upon
      commerce in its immediate or proximate interests, than in the ulterior
      consequences, or the great political and ethical principles involved. The
      interests of trade, rather than the honour of England, engaged his heart.
      He was, consequently, accused of being deficient in patriotism; but no
      public man was more willing to sacrifice himself for the welfare of the
      people of England, or was personally less selfish. He was kind, amiable,
      truthful, honourable, and upright; and desired with all his energies to
      promote, not only the welfare of his countrymen, but of all men.
    </p>
    <p>
      A public subscription having been set on foot, the committee by whom it
      was conducted reported the result of their labours about the end of April.
      Seventy-nine thousand pounds were contributed; it would have been twice
      the sum, but for the distress, and the disturbance of public affairs by
      the torrent of revolution which was sweeping over the continent. The
      birthplace of Mr. Cobden, in Sussex, was purchased for him, and the
      remainder of the money invested according to his wish. A sum of £10,000
      was raised for Mr. Bright, whose services, however great, were justly
      deemed inferior to those of Mr. Cobden. Mr. Bright, however, was supposed
      to possess considerable pecuniary resources, although he also spent freely
      his private property for the public welfare; and it was alleged that, but
      for his liberality in this respect, Mr. Cobden could not have maintained
      his post in the face of so many personal sacrifices. Mr. Bright was the
      less popular man of the two, partly from temper, and a certain <i>hauteur</i>
      which contrasted unfavourably with the more simple and cordial manners of
      Mr. Cobden, partly from his religious opinions bringing him, under a sense
      of duty, into collision with the Established Church on various irritating
      questions, such as church-rates. The general attainments of Mr. Bright
      were higher, and his oratorical talents far superior to those of Mr.
      Cobden. The latter frequently fell beneath his ordinary standard of
      effectiveness, Mr. Bright scarcely ever. The author of these lines has
      frequently attended public meetings in which these gentlemen took part,
      and he hardly remembers a single instance in which Mr. Blight's speech did
      not possess a high order of eloquence; whereas many of Mr. Cobden's
      speeches were only interesting on account of the facts they detailed, and
      the clear manner in which they were communicated.
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after these contributions of good-will from the country to the
      two principal orators of the Anti-cornlaw League, a similar tribute was
      paid to the services of Mr. Archibald Prentice, for many years editor and
      proprietor of the <i>Manchester Times</i>. This gentleman was the founder
      of the Anti-corn-law Association, out of which the League sprung, and, as
      an able writer and public speaker, did much to prepare the way for the men
      who afterwards conducted that agitation to victory. Mr. Prentice fought
      bravely and pertinaciously for the repeal of the corn laws, long before
      the wealthy supported it, or the suffrages of statesmen and men of
      influence gave it a leading position in the questions of the day.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was not to the credit of some others (a very small number) who were
      advocates of the League, that they were as eager to set on foot
      subscriptions for themselves, as the public were for those who had really
      earned them. One individual, who hung about "the League rooms," and made
      speeches often undesired by the committee, and when inconvenient to their
      arrangements, was very indignant that a subscription was not raised for
      him. Without eloquence in speech, temperance in council, or discretion in
      action, he became prominent only by overbearing boldness, and an
      ever-meddling officiousness.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AGITATION CONCERNING THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the parliamentary session, the government indicated an intention
      to repeal the navigation laws. In this they were supported very ardently
      by Mr. Hume, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, and
      by many other ardent friends of the Manchester school. The time was
      ill-chosen for any movement on this subject, because the seamen as well as
      the shipowners were opposed to any alteration, and the disturbed state of
      continental Europe, and indeed of the British Isles, made it extremely
      unwise for government to irritate a class whose physical energy, peculiar
      position, and popularity with the people, gave them, if disposed, peculiar
      capacity to disturb the peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      The party which desired the repeal of the navigation laws maintained that
      free-trade in ships and seamen was as necessary as in other matters, and
      the cotton districts called loudly for the change. The leader of the
      shipping interest was James Mather, Esq., of South Shields, a gentleman
      not connected with ships or shipowners, but moved by patriotic feelings
      alone. Mr. Mather possessed all the qualities necessary for a leader in
      the agitation of a great political and politico-economical question. With
      a highly cultivated intellect, conciliatory address, fearless spirit, and
      astonishing physical energy, he was just the man to please at once the
      educated mariners, and the rough, bold, hardy tars. The gentlemanly
      bearing of Mr. Mather was also calculated to impress his opponents
      favourably, and a graceful persuasiveness of mien and language, aided in
      qualifying him for that object. Mr. Mather grappled with the arguments of
      Cobden, Bright, and the other leaders of the cotton districts, whose
      influence at that time, fresh from their victory over the corn interest,
      made it important to confute the arguments they addressed to the public.
      Mr. Mather addressed a letter to the editor of the <i>Shipping Almanack
      and Gazette</i>, which produced a great impression where the arguments of
      the Lancashire leaders had been accepted as irrefutable. It is desirable
      to reproduce this document, as the controversy was one of the most
      important in its day, and the policy ultimately adopted remained longer
      open to question than any other of the anti-protectionist measures which
      were adopted. Mr. Mather's letter was the more effective, because it
      exposed an artifice to which Mr. Gladstone especially resorted, but in
      which he was supported by the Lancashire members:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "The combined attack of Messrs. Gladstone, Bright, Cobden, and two or
      three others in the House of Commons, upon the navigation laws, on account
      of their preventing the importation of a few cargoes of cotton lying at
      Havre, and demanding a suspension of these laws for the immediate
      necessities of the manufactories, and the advantage of British shipping,
      was as unfair and discreditable a proceeding as party men have for a long
      time been guilty of. For the sixty-five thousand bales of cotton at Havre,
      brought across the Atlantic chiefly by French ships, it is, they assert,
      of advantage to British shipping to destroy that amount of carriage on the
      long voyage, and allow this cotton to be brought from France to England,
      which a few trips of a steamer would easily effect. The very statement of
      the matter, in plain language, refutes the absurd assertion. You are
      losing the carriage of thirty cargoes of cotton, these gentlemen asserted.
      No, it is replied, for by preventing their admission from France, as there
      is a great abundance of cotton in America, we are gaining the carriage of
      thirty cargoes on the long voyage&mdash;a portion in British ships; and
      you will get cotton just as cheap, nay cheaper for the manufacturers, as
      the expense of transhipment will be saved.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But the cotton is immediately wanted, they assert. Now this was a mere
      pretence, which the parties clearly understood, to give a momentary effect
      to a most untenable charge. Events have corroborated this.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Within a few days thirty-three vessels have brought seventy-three
      thousand six hundred and forty-nine bales of cotton from America; and such
      is the great want of it, sufficient to annihilate or suspend the
      navigation laws, that the manufacturers only bought nineteen thousand six
      hundred and sixty bales, while nine hundred and seventy bales were bought
      for exportation; that, instead of requiring cotton, they are exporting it
      from the manufacturing district in which it was stated to be so much
      required.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If cotton was in such demand, would it be upwards of thirty per cent,
      lower than it was last year, and would it be falling in price as it is
      now? Prices are at present within 1/8d. per lb. of the lowest they were
      ever reduced to. For two months it has been a falling market, and at the
      very moment these men were advancing such assertions, was the cotton
      market in a state of decline, giving the broadest contradiction to them.
      If cotton had been wanted, the price, as in any other article, would have
      been high, not low, and would have been advancing, not receding,
      especially with a limited supply.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The importation last year was the smallest for ten years. Increasing
      previous to 1845 for fifty years, it has since rapidly decreased, and now
      it has been found that nearly one-third less stock is required than there
      was in 1843,1844, and 1845.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                                   BALES.

     In 1843 it was..........................    1,557,597

     1844....................................    1,490,984

     1845....................................    1,652,731

     1846....................................    1,134,194

     1847....................................    1,087,058
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "And in this year (1848), up to this month, it has been ascertained that
      one-third less stock than in the previous low year of 1847, is more than
      enough. (See <i>George! Holt &amp;c.; Co.'s Circular, and Liverpool Prices
      Current,</i> for the 7th of April). In addition, a reduction of upwards of
      thirty per cent, in price, from that of last year, indicates a still more
      limited requirement.
    </p>
    <p>
      "While the stock is only, up to this period for this year, three hundred
      and twenty-two thousand eight hundred bales, against the corresponding
      period last year, four hundred and ninety-two thousand six hundred bales;
      showing, with upwards of one-third less stock one-third less price&mdash;a
      demonstrative proof that the supply is infinitely greater than the demand.
      Whenever the price advances, indicating demand, the American supply will
      be poured into the market without any necessity for importations from
      France. Had the navigation laws been suspended, as urged by some of their
      opponents, and the French cotton brought in, it would only have been a
      drug in the market, useless and unsaleable. More has since been brought in
      than was lying at Havre, at thirty per cent, less than they have had it
      for two years, and they will not buy it. It was not wanted; only an excuse
      was wanted to strike a blow&mdash;a most unfair one&mdash;at the
      navigation laws, and the British commercial marine, which all the little
      opponents throughout the country, in their gross ignorance, have quoted
      and applauded."
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, the agitation of the mariners and shipowners was exceeding
      great, especially in the three grand centres of maritime activity&mdash;the
      Thames, the Mersey, and the Tyne. Along the north-east coast of England,
      the tidings that the government meant to repeal the navigation laws sped
      with rapidity, and produced the most intense excitement. Public meetings
      were called at Hull, Scarborough. Whitby, Sunderland, Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
      Shields, and Berwick, which were attended by great numbers, and which were
      eloquently addressed. The sailors attended these meetings with boisterous
      enthusiasm. They were under the impression that a great wrong was about to
      be perpetuated, and they were resolved to do anything which loyalty
      allowed to defeat the meditated alterations in the law. Under the guidance
      of a man less just and scrupulous, and less jealous for the constitution
      than Mr. Mather was, much mischief might have arisen from the sense of
      grievance which the sailors entertained. That gentleman, however, so
      conducted the agitation as to gain a large measure of public support, and
      to defeat, during that year, the proposed alterations.
    </p>
    <p>
      A convention of shipowners and seamen of the Tyne was held at Shields, one
      of the largest and most important ever held in England. Mr. Mather
      proposed the following resolutions, which were enthusiastically adopted:
      they will disclose the purpose and opinion of that community:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Resolved&mdash;That we will resist, by every legal and constitutional
      means in our power, the repeal of the navigation laws, so violently
      agitated by theorists and self-interested men, which were adopted, and
      have been sustained, by the wisest statesmen in all ages for the support
      of the shipping and seamen of Britain, to prevent the cheap ships and
      ill-fed and badly-paid foreigners from underselling and destroying the
      British mercantile marine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Resolved&mdash;That we pledge ourselves, on arriving in London, to take
      measures, in conjunction with all the seamen there, loyally and
      respectfully, as becomes British seamen, to lay, personally, an urgent
      memorial at the feet of her majesty, warning her of the consequence of
      driving British seamen into the service of a foreign state, where that
      protection and encouragement are freely given them that, by the repeal of
      the navigation laws, will be denied them in their own country; and humbly
      entreating her majesty to interpose her royal authority for the protection
      of that class of men who, in time of war and danger, her ancestors and
      this kingdom have ever found their best protection and their greatest
      glory."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this meeting Mr. Mather was deputed to proceed to London, and lay the
      statements of the ship-owners before the government. A speech made by that
      gentleman at Shields, places the controversy in the light in which it was
      then viewed by the shipping interest:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "All the maritime laws that have guided the policy of this great state for
      centuries, that have made her 'great, glorious, and free,' are to be
      repealed under the most frivolous pretexts. Mr. Labouchere, the organ of
      the government, a supporter of reciprocity and equal rights to the
      commercial marine of the world&mdash;British and foreign&mdash;propounds a
      measure in which he bestows all the preponderating advantages upon the
      opponents of his own country. Had the act being that of an enemy it would
      have been proper. The whole foreign and colonial trade is to be given up
      to foreign shipping, free and unfettered, while that of Britain is to be
      bound down hand and foot, and scarcely capable of moving. First, then,
      your ships are to be built of taxed timber, 15s. and 20s. per load,
      exclusive of its freight, and expenses as much more, and to go into
      competition with the foreign ships with not a shilling per load duty or
      freight. You are not only obliged to compete with your heavily-taxed
      ships, and to pay foreigners freight to bring you the timber to build
      them, but you are obliged to carry three-fourths British crews in these
      offered-up trades, while the foreigner's crews are to be all of his own
      country, half-paid and half-fed. You know well the wages and feeding of
      foreign crews; you have all been witnesses and are daily witnesses of it.
      It is a truth, and undeniable, that these foreigners have only from 15s.
      to 25s., the highest wages per month. It is thus with Danes, Russians,
      Prussians, Swedes, and Norwegians, while your wages are more than twice as
      much&mdash;60s. per month. They can be fed, too, on 6d. per day&mdash;in
      most instances, much less; while British seamen cannot be fed under 1s.
      per day, to feed them as their climate and constitutions require&mdash;hence
      their extraordinary energies. Yet, with these great disadvantages, in
      ships, wages, and provisions, it is determined to risk three-fourths of
      the commercial marine of Britain in a contest with foreigners that must be
      overwhelming. But Mr. Labouchere feels no difficulties, has no political
      qualms of conscience, in thus offering up a sacrifice three-fourths of the
      commercial marine of Great Britain. He says, 'Look at the results of the
      same system tried so far back as the beginning of the seventeenth century
      in Holland&mdash;the Dutch by free trade became the most prosperous nation
      in Europe. Look at her great commercial marine. Under it the carriers of
      the world&mdash;her ships were on every sea.' It is very surprising that
      this gentleman did not continue to follow history in that country and at
      home since that period downwards. The iron-headed Cromwell, great by his
      acts, had the sagacity to perceive that the commercial marine was the soul
      of the navy, and that as long as the Dutch had the carrying trade, Britain
      and other colonies were in danger. So he strengthened the old restrictive
      laws of Richard II., Henry VII., and Elizabeth, and passed the navigation
      laws, under which the British commercial marine has been protected to the
      present time, with the exception of the tampering they have met with
      lately. And what has been the result? The Dutch, with her free-trade
      system, has sunk her commercial marine to the lowest condition, while
      Britain, with her protective system, has grown a commercial marine, the
      greatest the world ever saw&mdash;her ships in every sea, her flag
      overshadowing the world. How does it happen&mdash;and let Mr. Labouchere
      and the whig government answer&mdash;how does it happen that the Dutch
      commercial marine has been ruined by the free-trade system, and that we
      have grown great, <i>pari passu</i>, by a restrictive system? But figures
      are appealed to by the present government to show that since the
      introduction of the reciprocity treaties, or free trade in a limited
      extent, our commercial marine has greatly increased.
    </p>
    <p>
      "These figures Mr. Labouchere adduces as a strong argument in favour of
      Mr. Huskisson's relaxations, commencing at the former period. Observe
      these figures more closely, and you will find that the tonnage of the
      United Kingdom, to which the reciprocity treaties apply, have increased
      considerably under one-half, while the trade to which they did not apply
      has more than trebled its tonnage. To overwhelm the defalcations in the
      British trade with the reciprocity states, by the extended or more
      prosperous state of the general trade, was both unfair and disingenuous.
      Yet, this has Mr. Labouchere not a moment hesitated to do. Knowing, for he
      must have known, that the British commercial marine, in its trade with the
      reciprocity states, had either decreased or only in a smaller proportion
      increased with those states, it was a great fallacy and a deceit for him
      to proclaim it as the source of prosperity. How stand the facts with the
      reciprocity countries.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In twenty-two years, then, there has been a decrease of British tonnage
      employed in three of the five principal reciprocity states, and an
      enormous increase of foreign tonnage in four of the five states. In the
      two states where British tonnage has increased, the foreign, or the
      tonnage of the same states, has infinitely surpassed it; in Denmark, 2793
      to 82,284; and in the United States, 160,129 to 281,924; and yet a British
      minister of state cites the cause of the increase of British tonnage to
      the reciprocity treaties as a reason for this momentous change. In thirty
      years averaging twenty of the reciprocity treaties, our tonnage has
      increased only 38 per cent., while our population and its wants have
      increased 50 per cent., and imports 104 per cent. Thus, in every phase
      that the question is presented to us, the shipping appears to have kept no
      pace with the other interests of the kingdom, presenting to our view some
      great obstructive cause; and that cause, I humbly submit, is the
      reciprocity system adopted so generally in 1824. Notwithstanding which,
      here have we a government insisting upon extending, without a moment's
      hesitation, this system which has already so deeply injured us, to
      three-fourths of the commercial marine of this country. And what are the
      flimsy pretences in addition? Why, that Prussia has threatened on one
      hand, and the United States coaxed on the other, and that British masters
      and mates are intemperate, and British seamen insubordinate. I will take
      the libel first, and ask Mr. Labouchere and the whig government how it
      happens that British ships, commanded by such masters and manned by such
      crews, are at the great marine insurance office of the world, Lloyds,
      always insured 1 per cent., 1 1/2 and 2 per cent, lower than the eulogised
      foreign ships, with their masters and crews? Will they explain that
      indubitable fact? And also, I beg to know of these sage legislators the
      cause that in the winters of 1846-47, out of two hundred and ninety-four
      corn-laden British ships from America, there were only three foundered,
      while out of four hundred and thirty United States' ships performing the
      same voyage, with similar cargoes, seventeen foundered. And how out of the
      same number four British only were stranded, while there were twelve
      American? Not a fourth part of the casualties amongst the British that
      there were amongst the United States ships; yet the Americans are an
      experienced, gallant, and well-conducted race of seamen. These things gave
      the broadest refutation to such a calumnious charge. It is not wise for a
      minister of state of Britain to proclaim to the world a character of the
      bravest and most important class of men of Britain, that disgraces them
      indelibly, injures the property of their employers, and dishonours the
      country. The twenty thousand gallant schoolmasters afloat that are busy
      day and night, educating and developing the powers of the future defenders
      of Britain, making them able and worthy sons&mdash;the ablest and
      worthiest of their great country&mdash;to be thus traduced by those who
      should ever and above all protect them, is an act of the most revolting
      nature."
    </p>
    <p>
      The effect of Mr. Mather's exertions were seen in a grand demonstration on
      the 9th of February, in London, which, in deference to the civic
      authorities, was made on the river, rather than, as originally intended,
      in the streets of London and Westminster. According to the <i>Shipping
      Gazette</i>, there were ten thousand seamen from the Tyne and its
      neighbourhood in the port of London that day. On the evening previous to
      the demonstration, the crews of all British vessels in the Thames were in
      a high state of excitement, full of preparation for the morrow. Between
      three and four hundred vessels were in the Pool, the Gallions, Bugsby's
      Hole, and Longreach, and their crews manifested the utmost eagerness to
      show their sense of what they considered their rights. The next day a
      grand procession of boats, partly tugged by steamers, proceeded to
      Westminster Bridge. The vessels and boats carried the union jack, and
      various flags; the sailors were dressed in their holiday suits, and bore
      the words "Navigation Laws" round their hats, in large yellow letters, the
      masters and mates in gilt letters. The <i>Standard</i> newspaper estimated
      the number of seamen in the procession at about fifteen thousand. The
      banks of the river and the bridges were crowded with spectators, whose
      sympathy was shown in every way that the most enthusiastic popular feeling
      could evince. Cheers rang along the river, cannons were fired, and the
      leaders of the demonstration, Mr. Mather, Captain Smith, and Mr. Butchert,
      were received everywhere with the loudest plaudits of the people. The
      appearance of the boats and steamers, manned by tars in their best attire,
      and bearing gay flags, was exceedingly picturesque. Perhaps no
      metropolitan sight so imposing had been witnessed by the generation of
      Londoners then living. The wind was boisterous and the sky lowering; the
      procession had also to make its way against tide; but these obstacles only
      broke the formality of the line of procession, while evoking an activity
      on the part of those who manned the boats, which heightened the interest
      of the scene, giving characteristic traits to a procession afloat, which
      in gentler weather it would not have exhibited. Even the cloudiness of the
      sky aided the picture, which would have been seen to less advantage under
      a glaring sunshine; yet, occasionally, the clouds broke away, and the sun
      fell upon the scene with that splendour, which, if wholly wanting, would
      have deprived the view of much of its effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is a copy of the memorial presented by the deputation:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY.
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>The loyal and humble memorial of the masters, mates, seamen,
      shipwrights, and other naval artizans now assembled in London, and the
      delegates representing the outports of the kingdom</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      "May it please tour Majesty,&mdash;We, your majesty's loyal and dutiful
      subjects, beg most respectfully to approach your majesty to lay this
      humble memorial at the foot of the throne, believing that the
      subject-matter of it involves not only the well-being of your
      memorialists, but the security of your majesty's dominions in every part
      of the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your majesty's memorialists have learnt with deep regret and indignation
      that it is seriously contemplated to repeal the navigation laws, the
      principle of which, for the protection and encouragement of British ships
      and British seamen has been the undeviating policy of this maritime state
      for nearly five hundred years.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your memorialists most respectfully and loyally, but firmly, as ardent
      friends of their country, which they sincerely love, beg to represent to
      your majesty that the repeal of the navigation laws will bring ruin on
      your memorialists and the commercial marine of Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That by such a measure, admitting the cheap foreign ships, half-paid and
      ill-fed foreign seamen, of which your memorialists have the most correct
      personal knowledge, it will reduce, by a competition, the lowest in the
      world, the condition of your memorialists, and their families, and strike
      a blow at their very existence.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That thus your memorialists will be driven to seek employment in another
      state, speaking the same language and possessing similar laws, where
      seamen's interests and seamen's rights are carefully attended to, and
      where thousands of British seamen have already found protection&mdash;so
      weakening your majesty's empire, and giving additional strength to an
      already great maritime competitor.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your memorialists, therefore, urgently pray your majesty to throw your
      royal protection around your memorialists, and the commercial marine of
      Great Britain, whose predecessors in all ages in time of war and danger,
      your ancestors and this kingdom have ever found their best protection and
      their greatest glory.
    </p>
    <p>
      "God bless your majesty, and counsel you in wisdom, your petitioners will
      ever pray."
    </p>
    <p>
      This demonstration, while it postponed the repeal of the navigation laws,
      did not avert various modifications in our maritime code, which were made
      in the ensuing year. The consequences were not so disadvantageous as those
      who objected to the experiment feared, whereas the abettors of repeal
      contend that free trade in ships and sailors has proved, like free trade
      in corn, advantageous to the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after the demonstration, Sir George Grey wrote to Mr. Mather,
      assuring him that her majesty had received the memorial in the most
      gracious manner.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REWARDS FOR INDIA SERVICE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The conduct of the officers and men, who had served so gallantly in the
      Punjaub, received the approval of the country, parliament, and the throne.
      Medals were struck off for officers and privates alike, and clasps
      appended for the separate battles of Sobraon, Aliwal, and Perozashooshah.
      Honours of various kinds were conferred upon the officers who had
      distinguished themselves. Lieutenant Edwardes was promoted to the rank of
      major; but the Company's being a seniority service, the friends of routine
      vigorously opposed the gallant and skilful young lieutenant's promotion.
      He was also made a C.B. The Company, in other and substantial forms,
      indicated its approval of this officer's very valuable services.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REFORM OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The syndicate, regarding the study of classics and mathematics as the
      basis of a superior education, yet nevertheless was of opinion that
      greater encouragement ought to be afforded to the pursuit of various other
      branches of learning, which in the general community were acquiring more
      importance, recommended various improvements in the curriculum to that
      end. The study of mental and moral philosophy, natural history, chemistry,
      &amp;c, were in future to be stimulated, and every facility afforded to
      those who desired high attainments in these and some other branches of
      learning. This movement was not very popular in the university, but gave
      great satisfaction to the general public.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There were but few incidents which especially concerned the royal family,
      but these were important. On the 18th of March her majesty gave birth to a
      princess, her fourth daughter. The baptism took place on the 13th of May,
      in the private chapel at Buckingham Palace. The Archbishop of Canterbury
      officiated. The Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the Duchess of
      Saxe-Meinengen, and the Grandduchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, were the
      sponsors, represented by Prince Albert, the queen-dowager, and the Duchess
      of Cambridge, as proxies. The name of the princess was Louisa Carolina
      Alberta. The queen gave a state banquet in the picture-gallery, in honour
      of the occasion, and afterwards an evening party..
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of May her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia died at
      Kensington Palace. She expired in her arm-chair, painlessly, at the age of
      seventy-one. She was the twelfth daughter of George III., and was born on
      the 3rd of November, 1777.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>West-India Interest</i>.&mdash;On the 3rd of February parliament
      reassembled after the Christmas recess. When the usual preliminaries on
      those occasions were over, the first matter of business was in connection
      with the West India interest, which complained much of distress, and
      attributed it to imperial legislation. Lord George Bentinck, who became
      the leader of the West-India, as well as of the country party, moved for a
      select committee of inquiry into the condition of the West-India colonies.
      Mr. James Wilson and Mr. Bernai delivered themselves more happily than the
      other honourable members who engaged in the discussion. The motion was
      agreed to without a division. This was followed by a motion on the part of
      the chancellor of the exchequer for a loan of £200,000 to certain of the
      West-India colonies. On the 10th of June Lord John Russell proposed
      certain remedial measures for the West-India colonies, which gave rise to
      long and intensely bitter discussions; but the government succeeded in
      carrying substantially through parliament its proposals. During these
      discussions Mr. Hume made himself very conspicuous as a champion of the
      West-India planters, and showed an indifference to the rights, liberties,
      and interests of the labourers, irreconcilable with correct views of civil
      and religious liberty, and with the honourable member's own professed
      liberalism where popular claims were concerned. The part taken by Mr.
      Bright gave great offence to the anti-slavery party, who considered it
      more consistent with his interests as a Lancashire cottonspinner, than
      with his profession as a quaker and an antislavery man. In the course of
      these debates, Lord George Bentinck, in indignant terms, denounced Lord
      Grey, as the head of the Colonial-office, for returning to parliament
      garbled extracts from the reports and despatches of colonial governors. In
      the lords, Earl Grey defended his conduct from this imputation; but Lord
      Stanley, with uncommon eloquence, reiterated the charge. No public man
      ever came out of a personal discussion less favourable than the noble
      minister for the colonies on this occasion. The simple truth evoked was,
      that while a committee of the house supposed that they were possessed of
      full and complete reports, they were supplied with only curt and crude
      extracts, calculated to place matters in the ministerial light, but not
      really affording the committee the opinions of those whose views they
      purported to be. This practice was, unfortunately, common with great
      officers of state; but it seemed to be so much beneath the high reputation
      of Earl Grey, that the public were astonished and scandalised. Few modern
      events tended more to destroy the popular confidence in eminent public
      men, and with the people Lord Grey never recovered his popularity. He had
      been guilty of a trick which ought to have been punishable by parliament,
      for it was incompatible with all just views of ministerial responsibility.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Financial Measures of the Government</i>.&mdash;The Whigs had for some
      time proved themselves to be indifferent financiers. In this respect Sir
      R. Peel had for years maintained a reputation superior to that acquired by
      any of the whig leaders. During this year the government was not
      successful in reconciling either parliament or the country to their plans
      of revenue. Their defeats were signal, and their victories very hardly
      won. Soon after the meeting of parliament, Lord John Russell made a
      financial statement, from which it appeared the income fell short of the
      expenditure by nearly three millions. Lord John estimated that the balance
      for the year 1848-9 would show a deficiency of more than two millions. To
      meet these adverse balances upon two years, his lordship proposed that the
      income-tax, which was to expire in April, should be continued for five
      years, and be increased from sevenpence in the pound to one shilling. This
      proposal was received by a burst of ironical cheers, and other sounds
      indicative of the strong disapprobation of the house. His lordship stated
      that Ireland would not be included in the measure, as from her recent and
      present sufferings, she was unable to bear increased taxation. This
      statement was received with the most violent and vehement shouts of
      disapprobation from the English and Scotch members on the ministerial side
      of the house, and the most boisterous cheers from the Irish members on
      both sides&mdash;the opposition, generally (with the exception of the
      exultant Irish conservative members), remaining silent. The opposition to
      the income-tax out of doors was very energetic, so that on the 28th of
      February the chancellor of the exchequer came forward with an amended
      budget. He proposed that the income-tax should continue at the same rate
      for three years. After a warm parliamentary opposition, led by Mr. Hume,
      the government resolutions were carried.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Bill to legalise diplomatic intercourse with Rome</i>.&mdash;A bill for
      this purpose was introduced in the lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne. It
      was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle and the Bishop of Winchester with
      great earnestness, the latter particularly objecting to the expression
      "sovereign pontiff" in the bill. The influence of the Duke of Wellington
      secured the second reading without a division. On the committal of the
      bill, the illustrious duke proposed the substitution of the words
      "sovereign of the Roman states" for those of "sovereign pontiff." The
      Whigs, always ready to conciliate their Roman Catholic supporters at the
      expense of principle, offered the utmost resistance to the duke's
      proposal, which, in spite of his great authority in the house, was only
      carried by a majority of three. In the commons the bill was also carried,
      and by large majorities. The opposition to it was badly led by Mr. Anstey;
      the chief champion of the measure was the celebrated Irish orator, Richard
      Lalor Shiel. During these debates the Whigs, and especially the members of
      government, adopted the vocabulary of Roman Catholics, such as "the holy
      father," "the holy see," "the head of the church," &amp;c. Mr. Shiel
      exceeded the bounds of prudence in this respect. Still, while from some
      quarters a warm opposition out of doors was offered, the great bulk of the
      people in Great Britain regarded the progress of the measure with
      indifference.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Bill for the Alteration op the Navigation Laws</i>.&mdash;It has been
      already shown that the intention of the government to make some alteration
      in these laws was the occasion of a fierce agitation, and of one of the
      most remarkable popular demonstrations ever made in this country. A
      variety of circumstances tended to determine the government. The
      free-trade party insisted upon it as necessary to carry out their
      principle; and the legislative council and assembly of Canada, had, in
      1847, adopted a joint address to the queen, praying for the opening of the
      St. Lawrence to all nations, and the abolition of the navigation laws.
      From various other colonies remonstrances as to the operations of these
      laws were constantly arriving at the Colonial office; foreign powers had
      also expressed complaints and offered reciprocity. On these grounds, as
      well as on sound principles of political economy, the government pressed
      for a decision of the house against the continuance of the state of the
      laws as they stood. Sir Robert Peel gave the government a very effective
      support, declaring that these laws could not possibly be preserved on
      their present basis. Mr. Hume, who was a very forward champion of English
      radicalism and colonial monopoly, at first objected to the new policy, but
      in equivocal and undecided terms, and finally supported the government.
      Mr. Gladstone spoke as if for the purpose of showing that he could
      consistently support either side, as he practically opposed both. Mr.
      Cobden made a "peace-society" speech, as illogical as it was
      inappropriate, in reply to which Mr. Disraeli delivered an oration, the
      statistics of which were for him unusually accurate; and confuted the
      allegations upon which Mr. Cobden based his theory, that we did not
      require to nurse a marine for martial purposes. Mr. Disraeli satirised
      with great effect the representations of the <i>quies gentium sine armis</i>,
      which Mr. Cobden had been so much in the habit of making before 1848. The
      appeal to the patriotism and glory of the country, with which the
      honourable member concluded his speech, was followed by the cheers of the
      whole house The government, however, triumphed, but was deterred by the
      opposition out of doors, and the feelings of the seamen, which their
      demonstration had so plainly indicated, from pressing forward its views in
      the form of a bill. Leave, however, was granted to bring in a bill on the
      subject, the consideration of which was postponed to another session.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Bill for the Removal of Jewish Disabilities</i>.&mdash;The
      impossibility of a Jew sitting in parliament, in consequence of the form
      of oath containing the expression "upon the true faith of a Christian,"
      gave much umbrage to the Israelitish community, and the general public
      sympathised. The election of Baron Rothschild, along with the premier, in
      the representation of the city of London, drew attention to this subject
      with revived force. The government brought in a bill to enable Jews to sit
      in parliament, the house, in their case, dispensing with the form of oath
      to which they were opposed. Mr. Augustus Stafford proposed that the bill
      be read a second time that day six months. He was very ably and eloquently
      answered by Mr. Monckton Milnes. After adjournments and fierce discussions
      the government, as usual, triumphed by a large majority. In the House of
      Lords it was especially opposed by the Earl of Ellenborough. The most
      effective speech delivered by the opposition was that made by the Bishop
      of Oxford; but it was marked by a party acrimony so intense as to weaken
      much the force of its eloquence.
    </p>
    <p>
      He accused the premier of having gained his return for the city by the
      bribery to which rich Jews resorted on his behalf. This he found it
      necessary to apologise for and withdraw. The bill was lost by a
      considerable majority against it.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Irish Encumbered Estates Bill</i>.&mdash;Very early in the session the
      lord-chancellor introduced a measure to facilitate the sale of encumbered
      estates in Ireland. This bill was resisted chiefly by those it was
      designed most to benefit; it was, however, ultimately carried, and under
      its administration a very large portion of landed property in Ireland
      changed hands. The operation of the measure was beneficial, but was not
      sufficiently sweeping in its powers, and failed to produce all the good
      that a better concerted scheme might have worked out.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Measures for Repressing Insurrection in Ireland</i>.&mdash;On other
      pages a minute account of Irish suffering and sedition has been given, and
      references were then made to the proceedings in parliament which had
      reference to these transactions. On the 21st of July, Lord John Russell,
      amidst the cheers of the house, gave notice of motion to enable the
      lord-lieutenant of Ireland to arrest and detain persons suspected of
      treasonable designs against her majesty's throne and government. The same
      night the Earl of Glengall brought under the notice of the peers the
      existence of treasonable clubs, the manufacture of pikes and the
      importation of fire-arms, the treasonable correspondence with France and
      America, the denunciations made by the rebel press and rebel orators, and
      the atrocious anti-social doctrines propounded&mdash;among others, the
      right and duty of exterminating the eight thousand Protestant landlords.
      Lord Brougham startled the house by reading a private letter, written to a
      friend by Daniel O'Connell a short time before his death, in which he
      declared it necessary for Ireland that coercion should be employed, and
      that the suspension of the habeas corpus was, in his opinion, the best and
      least oppressive way of putting down Irish disturbance. The publicly
      expressed opinions of the agitator had been so very adverse to those
      conveyed in this private communication, that its perusal caused a great
      sensation in the house. As O'Connell's writing was well known to Lord
      Brougham, and most of the noble lords who sat around him, there could be
      neither misapprehension nor imposition. The government measures were
      opposed by some Irish members, but their opposition was deficient in
      dignity and good sense. Mr. Fergus O'Connor so nearly approached treason
      in one of his speeches, that the premier was obliged to interfere
      formally, as did Sir Robert Peel on another occasion. Mr. Sharman
      Crawford, with excellent temper, but substantially with absurdity and
      impracticability, rivalled Mr. O'Connor in the earnestness of his
      opposition. The measure of the ministry was carried, much to the
      satisfaction of the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Bill for the better Security of the Crown and Government</i>&mdash;This
      measure was introduced by Sir George Grey, for the double purpose of
      quelling Irish insurrection, and repressing the disturbances caused by the
      English Chartists. One of the clauses of the bill was for the suppression
      of "open and unadvised speakings."
    </p>
    <p>
      This gave offence to the liberal party, and there was a general suspicion
      throughout the country that under the disguise of putting down chartism,
      the government was solicitous to check the increase of public meetings for
      reform in church and state, which became very numerous, especially in the
      north of England, and most especially in Lancashire. In those parts of the
      country, the disapprobation of the clause was very strong, and occasion
      was taken at public meetings, even of a religious nature, to denounce it.
      Mr. Hume, Mr. G. Thompson, and Mr. Fox argued well against the "gagging
      clause" as it was called, and eloquently pointed out the consequences
      which, upon a forced construction, might ensue. Mr. M. J. O'Connell
      declared that some such measure was necessary to the peace of Ireland, and
      he would give the government his support. This circumstance, taken in
      connection with the private letter read by Lord Brougham in the House of
      Lords, left a strong impression among liberal members of the commons, and
      of the community, that the O'Connells had been insincere in their
      professions to Ireland. The press, both in the Old and Young Ireland
      interest, censured Mr. M. J. O'Connell, in terms of bitter severity, and
      the cry was raised that the younger O'Connells were more of place-hunters
      than patriots. After some warm personal altercations, the bill passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Samuel Martin, afterwards Sir Samuel Martin, and a baron of the
      exchequer, much increased his personal and legal reputation by opposing
      "the gagging clause." This, however, he did in a temper and mode which
      secured the respect of the government as well as of the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Alien removal Bill</i>.&mdash;The vast number of foreigners in England,
      and especially in London, was at that time a source of uneasiness to the
      well-disposed, and eventually became so to the government. These
      immigrants so conducted themselves as to expose the country to the danger
      of being embroiled with foreign powers; and they expressed openly their
      sympathy with English Chartists and Irish Confederates. A bill was brought
      into the House of Lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne, giving power to the
      home secretary to remove foreigners whose presence might be an
      inconvenience. Their removal was to be determined by their conduct in
      England, not in the place from which they had come. This bill was
      introduced in the middle of April. It readily passed the lords. On the
      first of May it was introduced to the commons by the home secretary, and
      after an opposition of great force, from Sir William Molesworth and
      others, was carried.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Motion for Extension of the Franchise, Triennial Parliaments, and
      Apportionment of Members to Population</i>.&mdash;A very extensive and
      influential agitation for these objects, headed by Mr. Hume, was
      maintained throughout the country, by persons much opposed to the
      socialist doctrines and riotous practices of the Chartists. On the 21st of
      June, Mr. Hume moved a resolution declaring the opinion of the house to be
      in favour of these measures, It was seconded by Dr. Bowring, afterwards so
      famous in connection with the government of Hong-Kong. Mr Henry Drummond
      partly supported the views of those gentlemen, but nevertheless exposed,
      in very able and eloquent terms, the inconsistencies of Mr. Hume's speech,
      who seemed to have no clear and definite notions of the way in which his
      own theory should be carried out. Lord John Russell opposed the resolution
      in a speech as anti-reform in its character as if it had been made by Sir
      Charles Wetherell. Mr. Fergus O'Connor bitterly opposed Mr. Hume's motion,
      and afterwards voted for it. Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Anstey offered to it an
      opposition foolish and factious. Mr. Cobden supported Mr. Hume's
      resolution, but not upon any political principle, but exclusively in
      reference to his own economical views, which he considered it would, if
      carried, promote. Mr. Cobden was ably answered and exposed by Mr. Sidney
      Herbert. The resolution found only eighty-four supporters in a house of
      four hundred and thirty-five members.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Discussions on Foreign Policy</i>.&mdash;The conduct of the government
      in sending Lord Minto to Italy, as a sort of <i>quasi-envoy</i>, and its
      interference in the quarrel between Sicily and Naples, led to long
      discussions, in which Lord Stanley and Mr. Disraeli laboured with unusual
      energy to gain a party victory over the government. The reply of Lord
      Palmerston was, however, so luminous and convincing that it dispelled all
      doubt of the wisdom of the policy which he had pursued. His lordship
      resumed his seat amidst cheers from both sides of the house&mdash;the
      government was triumphant. Nevertheless there existed throughout the
      country a strong antipathy to the mission of Lord Minto; nor did the
      public feel quite sure that the management of the Sicilian affair was
      discreet&mdash;and it certainly was not successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      The differences with Spain, in connection with the dismission of our
      ambassador, gave rise to another warm debate. The wisdom of the ambassador
      and of the foreign minister was impeached, while the conduct of the
      Spanish government was deemed rash, unnecessary, and insulting. The
      conduct of the government in exposing the country and its queen to such
      insult was now called in question. Lord Stanley on the 6th of May, called
      for the correspondence between Lord Palmerston, Mr. Bulwer, and the Duke
      of Soto Mayer. In his speech, which was very eloquent, the noble lord
      expressed the highest respect for the person and powers of Lord
      Palmerston, but considered that, in this particular case, he had erred. It
      was evoked, during the discussion, that the published despatch of Lord
      Palmerston did not contain certain words used by the noble foreign
      secretary, which gave to the ambassador a discretion as to the propriety
      of making the communication dependent upon the tone of public opinion in
      Spain, and the nature of events. It was generally considered by the lords,
      that any indiscretion which had taken place was at the embassy in Madrid,
      and not in the Foreign-office. The ambassador at the court of Madrid had
      been appointed by the Earl of Aberdeen, whose management of the
      Foreign-office was in every direction disastrous. The Peel foreign policy
      required men of a certain stamp, whose agency little suited the policy or
      character of Lord Palmerston's foreign-office administration. Mr. Bankes
      withdrew his motion, and Mr. Urquhart was clamoured down in a subsequent
      attempt to address the house upon the subject. That gentleman seized every
      opportunity, in and out of the house, to vituperate Lord Palmerston, and
      persisted in reiterating as facts, fallacies which had been many times
      exposed. The house and the country became utterly weary of his absurd
      harangues, hence the extraordinary ebullition of feeling among honourable
      members on that occasion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CLOSE OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 30th of August, Mr. Disraeli reviewed the labours of the session
      after the manner so effectively observed by Lord Lyndhurst in the other
      house. The oration was ingenious, and eloquently amusing; it entertained
      honourable members very much, but it neither instructed nor edified the
      commons or the country. Some curiosity was entertained as to how he would
      notice the measure for removing Jewish disabilities; he declared that he
      "personally approved of that measure, but condemned the policy of
      government in bringing it forward without the hope of carrying it, for by
      that means the cause lost ground." This was mere pretence on the part of
      the honourable and rhetorical leader of the opposition; he knew well that,
      assured of the support of the commons, the government acted justly to the
      country and to those aggrieved by bringing the measure through the lower
      house, and throwing the responsibility of rejecting it upon the lords.
      Besides, the election of Baron Rothschild for the city of London
      constrained the government to adopt some course, and that which they chose
      was the most dignified and constitutional. Mr. Hume made some able
      strictures on the speech of "the reviewer of the session," and Lord John
      Russell replied to it at length with skill and dignity. Nevertheless, the
      brilliant periods of "the oriental orator" had their effect on both sides
      of the house; and Mr. Disraeli was on the whole a more popular man, so far
      as admiration of his genius was concerned.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of September the house closed its labours. It had been one of
      the longest sessions on record; but from various causes, such as the
      indifferent management of the government, the failure of the chancellor of
      the exchequer, the obstructions offered by the opposition, and the
      disturbed state of public affairs, very little was accomplished. Her
      majesty prorogued parliament in person in the new chamber of peers, which
      was made ready for the occasion. The Dukes of Nemours and Joinville (sons
      of the fallen French monarch) were present. The usual formalities on these
      occasions took place, rendered remarkable only by the congratulations
      expressed in the address to her majesty, delivered by the speaker of the
      House of Commons, on the loyalty of her majesty's people, notwithstanding
      the efforts of some "misguided men." Her majesty's speech briefly, and in
      the usual common-place terms, referred to the various legislative measures
      of the session, and she alluded, in terms of strong approbation, to the
      conduct of the lordlieutenant of Ireland (the Earl of Clarendon), and to
      the loyalty of her people, in promptly suppressing the efforts of
      evil-disposed persons to disturb the public peace, for purposes of malice
      and pillage. The parliament stood prorogued to the 2nd of November.
    </p>
    <p>
      The wearied members, after ten months' almost unremitting and patient
      exertions, went to the moors, the seaside, and upon excursions of pleasure
      at home and abroad, to prepare themselves for renewed labour. Many went to
      Paris, to study the progress of the revolution there, and the practical
      working of those recent changes which had shaken the world. Probably that
      capital was never before, at one time, visited by so many English
      senators.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although tranquillity was not perfectly established in either England or
      Ireland, and there was rioting in the former and assassination in the
      latter, yet the executive was left strong to cope with any old or new form
      of turbulence and crime, and the confidence of parliament and people was
      firm, that the executive would be found equal to any emergencies that
      might arise.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Many persons celebrated in arts and arms were removed by death in this
      eventful year. On the 6th of January the country lost the services of Sir
      Thomas Usher, C.B., K.C.H., Rear-admiral of the White, and naval
      commanderin-chief on the Irish station. This gallant sailor was born near
      Dublin, in the year 1779, and was said to have been a descendant of the
      great Archbishop of Armagh, whose name he bore. He was the officer who,
      when a post-captain, brought the great Napoleon to Elba after his
      abdication. The day following saw the decease of Admiral Sir Robert
      Laurie, who had also seen much service.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th of January, at Bradenham House, Buckinghamshire, died Isaac
      Disraeli, Esq., aged eighty-two. This gentleman was the son of a Venetian
      merchant, who had long been settled in this country, and was the father of
      Benjamin Disraeli, who occupies so important a place in the politics and
      literature of the day. Mr. Isaac Disraeli was a literary man of much
      eminence, his chief work, "The Curiosities of Literature," having won for
      him a great reputation. In his day, literary history and criticism were
      but little valued, and he conduced much to a higher appreciation of that
      department of letters. He was the author of many pieces of great merit in
      the periodicals of the day. He also published many separate treatises
      which met with great public favour, such as "A Dissertation on Anecdotes,"
      "Essay on the Manners and Genius of the Literary Character,"
      "Miscellanies, or Literary Recreations," "Calamities of Authors; including
      some Inquiries respecting their Moral and Literary Characters," "Quarrels
      of Authors, or some Memoirs for our Literary History; including Specimens
      of Controversy to the Reign of Elizabeth," "Inquiry into the Literary and
      Political Character of King James the First," "Commentaries on the Life
      and Reign of Charles the First,"&mdash;the University of Oxford conferred
      upon him the degree of a doctor of the civil law for this production,
      which it absurdly called "Optimi regis, optimo defensori" "Amenities of
      Literature,"&mdash;this work he wrote when blind, his daughter acting as
      his amanuensis; he notices eloquently and feelingly her devoted services.
      Mr. Disraeli was the friend, of literary merit in the obscure and
      unfortunate, in which he was the rival of Sir Robert Peel, as his son
      Benjamin became in the career of parliamentary oratory and politics. He
      married, in 1802, Miss Basseni, of Brighton, aunt to the celebrated
      architect Basseni, and who became the mother of the celebrated leader of
      the tory and protection party in the commons, after the decease of his
      less able predecessor, Lord George Bentinck. Few men ever pursued
      literature, for its own sake, with more heartiness than Isaac Disraeli. It
      was no wonder that his son should set out in life with the ambition of
      writing a great book, and being a great orator&mdash;an ambition which can
      seldom be realised by the same man, requiring mental qualities so
      different.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Tunbridge Wells, in his eighty-fifth year, died General Frederick
      Maitland, who had seen many fields of war, and had always distinguished
      himself. During this month, in which death was so busy with eminent
      persons, especially in the profession of arms, there died also, at
      Edinburgh, Pringle Stoddardt, Rear-admiral of the White, and
      Lieutenant-general Sir John Maclean, officers who had served in almost
      every clime, and always with honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      The eminent persons who died in February were Majorgeneral Carlo Joseph
      Doyle; Major-general William Goodday Scott, Governor of Quebec;
      Lieutenant-general Sir Thomas Reynel, the sixth baronet of the kingdom of
      Ireland, K.C.B., and K.C.H.; Dr. Hamley, Archbishop of Canterbury, and
      primate of all England; the Honourable James William King, Rear-admiral of
      the Red, seventh son of the second Earl of Kingstown, of Mitchelston
      Castle, Ireland; the Right Honourable Lord Graville Charles Henry
      Somerset, a privy-councillor, and M.P. for Monmouthshire; Rear-admiral
      Inglefield.
    </p>
    <p>
      In March, Rear-admiral Warren; Major-general Sir W. Gosset, Bart.,
      Serjeant-at-arms attending the House of Commons&mdash;he was a native of
      Jersey, and had seen some active service; at Aix-la-Chapelle, John Burke,
      Esq., the compiler of the "Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the
      Peerage and Baronetage of the United Kingdom," "The Commoners of Great
      Britain," "A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the landed gentry of
      Great Britain and Ireland," "A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the
      Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies of England," "A general Armoury of
      England, Scotland, and Ireland," republished under the title of "Burke's
      Encyclopaedia of Heraldry," "Heraldic Illustrations, comprising the
      Armorial Bearings of all the principal Families of the Empire, with
      Pedigrees and Annotations," "The Royal Families of England, Scotland, and
      Wales, and the Families descended from them." This learned and
      laboriously-compiled collection of heraldic works gained for the author
      great and well-merited fame.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Brompton, a western suburb of the great metropolis, died Madame Guizot,
      at the age of eighty-three. This lady was a native of France, but joined
      her son, who was exiled with his king, Louis Philippe, whom he had served
      too faithfully, but faithlessly to his country. Madame Guizot was a lady
      of indomitable will, and abounding charity; she was most remarkable for
      her unconquerable and zealous attachment to the Protestant Church of
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      In April several very eminent persons were removed by death: among them
      was Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, LL.D., F.S.A. He was the author of several
      works of considerable reputation: "The History and Antiquities of the
      County of Cardigan;" he united with Captain Smith in producing a book on
      the subject of the costume of the early inhabitants of these islands. He
      also published "A critical Inquiry into ancient Armour as it existed in
      Europe, but particularly in England, from the Norman Conquest to the Reign
      of King Charles the First, with a Glossary of Military Terms of the Middle
      Ages." Several arch geological works were subsequently written by him, and
      he left behind him the reputation of a profound antiquarian.
    </p>
    <p>
      In May, the death of some valuable persons took place. Baron Ashburton,
      who, as a cabinet minister and a financier, and in one instance as a
      negotiator, earned distinction. Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, of Haddington,
      distinguished as a writer, especially in the region of fiction; also Sir
      William Hotham, Admiral of the Red.
    </p>
    <p>
      June saw an equal number of famous men laid low. Among them none was more
      remarkable than Tom Steele, an ardent follower of O'Connell, and his "head
      pacificator." Steele was a gentleman and a Protestant; he had studied with
      great success at Cambridge University, and was a proficient in
      mathematics. He began life with bright prospects; talents, education,
      connections, and property&mdash;all were his. He wrecked all in the
      service of Ireland, as he believed&mdash;in the service of an Irish
      faction, as the event proved. Steele burned with indignation at the
      disabilities of his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, and joined in every
      exertion to obtain them justice. He conscientiously believed that Ireland
      could never prosper while in connection with England, and he struggled for
      their separation. O'Connell and his party had ulterior objects&mdash;the
      ascendancy of their religion, and the persecution of Protestants; but
      Steele's honest nature refused to believe what was so opposed to their
      professions, notwithstanding the warnings which he received from many
      whose experience of that party, and of Ireland, qualified them to offer
      him counsel. He was only undeceived shortly before his death, which took
      place at Peel's Coffee House, Fleet Street, London, where he had taken up
      his abode in sickness and in poverty, his fortune and his heart broken. He
      felt bitterly the desertion of his old confederates, and much bitter
      censure has been heaped upon the Irish Catholic and Repeal party, for thus
      abandoning the man they had flattered and used when he was in the heyday
      of his prosperity. It must be admitted that every one in Ireland said
      "poor Tom Steele!" when his sorrows were heard of, and his death was
      announced; but none came to the rescue, and few words of sympathy were
      afforded to him. It is but just to say that Ireland was at that time in
      the throes of a revolutionary struggle, and all were forgotten who dropped
      for a moment out of public view. Besides, the distress of the country
      spread alarm and grief on every side. These circumstances will, in great
      measure, account for the neglect which Ireland showed to her sinking
      patriot. But a similar excuse cannot be offered on behalf of the eminent
      and wealthy Roman Catholics of England, of Irish repeal members of
      parliament, and of other prosperous Irishmen in England attached to that
      party. As soon as the distress of the brave and patriotic man was known to
      his former opponents, English and Irish, they literally rushed to his
      relief, for all believed him to be an honest man and a pure patriot. Among
      the first in the work of kindness was Lord Brougham, an inflexible and
      terrible opponent. May the generosity of the deed be ever recorded to his
      honour! Colonel Perceval, one of the chief ringleaders of the Irish
      Orangemen was another; he sought the bedside of the sufferer, and consoled
      his closing hours. Proffers of aid on a large scale were made by his old
      opponents; but the stern and disinterested man died in his poverty,
      accepting only those acts which aided and soothed the closing scene. It
      was bitterly but too justly said by an eloquent writer, an old opponent of
      poor Steele, "Ireland gave him words, England deeds; Ireland took his
      life, England gave him a grave."
    </p>
    <p>
      In August, Captain Marryat of the royal navy, whose early life had been
      full of heroic adventure, and whose latter days were honoured by
      successful authorship. His "Diary in America" gave just displeasure to the
      American people, and betrayed a national invidiousness unworthy of a
      literary man and a British naval officer.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Edward Baines, the proprietor of the <i>Leeds Mercury</i>, and for
      many years M.P. for Leeds. This indefatigable and able man entered the
      town of Leeds a poor printer, and earned his first wages there through the
      influence of Mr. Obadiah Williams, a cloth manufacturer, a man of shrewd
      judgment of character, and whose benevolent disposition prompted him
      continually to generous actions. Mr. Baines worked as a journeyman-printer
      on the <i>Leeds Mercury</i>, then a mere local paper; he ultimately became
      the proprietor, and under his management it became one of the most ably
      conducted papers in the kingdom, and had a wide-spread circulation. Mr.
      Baines represented Leeds as successor to Mr. Macaulay, and as
      representative of that town was one of the most useful members of
      parliament. He was not a man of refined bearing or mental cultivation; as
      a public speaker he was ungainly in manner, his pronunciation common and
      provincial, his voice monotonous, and his style dry and commonplace; but
      he was serviceable, practical, pertinent, experienced; and the soundness
      of his judgment, and the weight of his character, gave force to what he
      said. His son, Matthew Baines, Esq., a barrister, became a member of the
      cabinet, and another son, Edward, became proprietor of the <i>Leeds
      Mercury</i>, and an enlightened leader of the dissenters of the west
      riding of York. He sustained the business reputation of the paper, after
      his father's decease, and raised it to a much higher place as a literary
      journal. Few good men have had sons so worthy of their sire.
    </p>
    <p>
      In August also died George Stephenson, Knight of the Order of Leopold,
      F.B.S., the originator of our railway system. This eminent engineer is a
      rare example of a self-taught genius. Born of parents too poor to give him
      any schooling, at eighteen years of age, when full grown, and following
      the occupation of a fireman, he was not ashamed to commence his education
      at an evening school. His steady industry and unconquerable perseverance
      ultimately won for him a position second to none in his profession.
      Looking at the influence of his labours on the whole human race, there are
      few names on the pages of history so pre-eminent as that of George
      Stephenson.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 21st of September, Lord William George Frederick Cavendish
      Bentinck, M.P. for Lynn, was suddenly removed by death. He was found dead
      in the grounds where he had been walking alone. As leader of the
      opposition, his death, so unexpected and so painfully sudden, made a great
      sensation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In November Lord Melbourne, who had filled the office of premier in the
      beginning of her majesty's reign, departed this life. The queen was much
      indebted to the courtly and constitutional skill of this nobleman in her
      first essays of government. He was her majesty's faithful subject,
      minister, and friend, and she was justly much attached to her preceptor.
      He was too indolent, and too little acquainted with the tone and temper of
      the whole people for the office of premier. He was, however, a man of
      superior intellect and extensive culture, and was well versed in
      constitutional law.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dr. James Pritchard, the celebrated naturalist and ethnologist, died in
      this month.
    </p>
    <p>
      The death of Colonel Sir Frederick Augustus D'Esté, K.C.B., son of the
      Duke of Sussex by Lady Augustus Murray, daughter of the Earl of Dunmore,
      was the last decease of a remarkable person publicly noted in this year.
      The marriage of his royal highness without the consent of the crown
      rendered it invalid, and Sir Augustus was unable to obtain the inheritance
      or title of his father.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus terminated the events of 1848 which admit of record in a work like
      the present. The year expired leaving England on the whole stronger, and
      more confident in her stability and power. The whirlwind which had swept
      over the nations, shaking down the trophies and glories of antiquity which
      had remained after the first great French revolution, did not affect
      England&mdash;she heard its fury, but felt not its power.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1849
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Colonial Affairs..... Termination  of the War in  the
     Punjaub..... Operations against Borneo Pirates, and in the
     Chinese Seas..... Cape of Good Hope; Agitation against
     making it a Penal  Colony..... Canada: Disturbances.....
     West Indies: Economical Discussions; Discontent   of the
     Planters..... Ionian Isles:   Insurrection..... Foreign
     Affairs..... General   State of the Continent, and Relations
     to England..... Naples and Sicily: Interference of England
     and France..... Demand upon Turkey by Russia and Austria
     for Extradition of Refugees; Interposition of England.....
     Ireland: Potato Blight; Great Distress of the People;
     Cholera; Political Agita-tion; Continuance of Crime and
     Outrage..... Great Britain:   Prevalence of Cholera; State
     of Trade and Agriculture; Parliamentary Debates; Deaths of
     Eminent Persons.
</i></pre>
    <p class="side">
      1849
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1849 was one of more importance to continental Europe than to the
      nations of any other portion of the world. It was, however, a year of
      considerable events for the British empire. In India a sanguinary war was
      brought to a successful termination, and a large and fertile territory
      added to the British dominions. At the Cape of Good Hope the colonists
      successfully resisted the authority of the mother country. In Canada,
      insurrectionary violence interrupted the usual order of government. In
      Cephalonia the disloyalty and fanaticism of the Greek population found
      violent vent, and generally the greatest circumspection was required on
      the part of the home government in reference to our vast colonial empire.
      In foreign affairs England preserved a dignified non-interference, except
      in the case of Naples and Sicily, where her interposition brought neither
      honour nor profit. In the case of Turkey it was otherwise; the advice
      tendered to the Porte by the British ambassador averted conflict, and
      saved an ancient ally from humiliation. The chief difficulty of the empire
      was Ireland. Constitutional government was there impossible, crime was
      rampant, distress all-penetrating, and the people seditious. At home the
      visitation of a fearful pestilence caused distress and sorrow, while party
      fury rent the parliament and disturbed the repose of the country. Through
      every trial to which she was put, the genius and resolution of England
      conducted her, under the care and blessing of Him who can elevate and
      abase empires, and the great law of whose moral government is,
      "Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROSECUTION OF THE WAR IN INDIA, AND ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAUB.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The general consequences of the battle of Chillianwallah (an account of
      which engagement concluded our relation of the war in India, in the last
      chapter) were the encouragement of the Sikh sirdars, soldiery, and people,
      and the renewal of exertion on the part of the civil and military
      authorities of India for the vigorous continuance of the war. In England
      the news of the battle produced sensations of alarm, and indignant
      dissatisfaction. In parliament the subject was mooted angrily, not only by
      the opposition, but by the more radical supporters of the government. Lord
      John Russell, however, quieted many fears by announcing, which he did in
      his most pompous manner, that Sir Charles Napier had been selected to
      command the army in India. This was received with loud cheers and every
      demonstration of confidence. Had Lord John stated that an army of thirty
      thousand European soldiers was about to be dispatched to save the glory of
      the British arms in India, the tidings could not have inspired a sense of
      security more complete than appeared to be entertained by the house from
      the announcement of this one name. Sir Charles had retired from the
      government of Scinde, having quarrelled with the Company and the
      governor-general. No two human beings could be assorted with less
      likelihood of concord than Lord Dalhousie and Sir Charles Napier. With
      Lord Hardinge the eccentric general could have agreed better; but he was a
      man so much more just than that nobleman, and so much more able and
      original in his conceptions as a military man and a statesman, that they
      also would have been very ill-assorted. Sir Charles Napier, during his
      government of Scinde, had acquired such a knowledge of the government of
      India, civil and military, and differed so widely from the principles
      applied to that government, that there could be little hope of his long
      retaining any command or government in India. Sir Charles had complained
      warmly of the way in which the army of India was officered; of the love of
      ease, and the indulgence in luxury which had begun to characterise the
      officers of that service; of the little sympathy with their men which the
      officers of some portions of the Company's troops betrayed; and of the
      mode of recruiting, especially in selecting soldiers from the Brahmin
      caste, rather than from Ghoorkhas, Beloochees, and low-caste Hindoos.
      These views were so distasteful to the governor-general and chief officers
      of state in India, that the gallant general was set down as a very
      troublesome fellow, whose presence in India was more mischievous than
      useful, who prided himself more on Meannee than Scinde was worth, and
      whose essays of government there were odd, oppressive, and out of the
      routine of Indian government. Sir Charles had given just cause for as many
      complaints against himself as he had made of others; this the government
      at home knew well; but the board of control, and the board of directors
      also, felt that the public dissatisfaction caused by the battle of
      Chillianwallah, must be soothed, and knowing the supreme confidence which
      the public felt in the eccentric but heroic and intellectual general, they
      nominated him to the post of commander-in-chief of the army in India. Sir
      Charles was very unwilling to accept this command, and it was alleged that
      he only yielded to the importunities of his friend, the Duke of
      Wellington, then commander-in-chief of the army, who was represented as
      having said, "Either you go, or I go." This high compliment was so felt by
      the sturdy old warrior, that he is said to have instantly acquiesced. The
      opinions of this brave chief on Indian affairs were much canvassed at the
      time, and much more canvassed since. Circumstances arose to justify many
      of them, and in few instances did his predictions fail. It was supposed
      that the Punjaub would be the earliest scene of his exploits, and
      concerning it he thus expressed himself:&mdash;"A large country full of
      rivers, mountains, climates, plains, deserts, supplies scarce, and a
      hostile, well-armed, brave people, apparently resolved to wage a partizan
      warfare." The population was, on the whole, better inclined to us than the
      army, nor did they show so much a disposition to wage what is called a
      partizan war, as to risk the fate of their country and the endurance of
      their power upon regular warfare, conducted in well-arranged campaigns and
      general battle. So far Sir Charles somewhat mistook the people against
      whom he was sent out as the especial champion of his country, but whom he
      was never destined to encounter.
    </p>
    <p>
      His opinion on the constitution of the army has been already glanced at.
      Concerning its dangers in a campaign, involving long marches and distant
      operations, he thus wrote:&mdash;"Suppose the army in march, and to
      consist of ten thousand fighting men, and that an enemy attacks the
      fighting men and camp followers, amounting in the mass to forty thousand
      or sixty thousand men, of which thirty thousand or fifty thousand are
      unorganised, unmanageable camp-followers; suppose them to be attacked
      suddenly, and that when so attacked, they all rush back upon the column of
      fighting men, as they always do, and always will do, until well organised.
      When you have painted this pretty picture in your mind&mdash;this picture
      of noise, confusion, danger, and slaughter&mdash;I will ask you how the
      column of ten thousand fighting men are to fight? borne down by multitudes&mdash;confused
      by noise&mdash;how are they to form in order of battle? If once, by the
      exertion of their officers, they do form, how are they to fire?&mdash;on
      their own followers! their own animals! What may happen no one can tell;
      but human foresight says that the whole will stand a fair chance of being
      utterly defeated. It is said that this took place, and caused, in a great
      measure, the Cabul massacre. I can easily believe it."
    </p>
    <p>
      The following warnings were prophetic:&mdash;"Let the army be in every way
      worthy of the empire that it won and holds&mdash;holds by <i>discipline!</i>
      Let not the word become an empty boast. Let it not lose its reality. Let
      not victory lull our soldiers to sleep. Let every British officer
      recollect that powerful nations surround our Indian empire; that they are
      rapidly acquiring our military system, our tactics, our arms. Let him
      compare our earlier battles with our last&mdash;Plassey with
      Ferozashooshah and Sobraon&mdash;setting our losses in killed and wounded
      at each battle in juxta-position. Let us look to these matters, that we
      may not have to exclaim with Pyrrhus at Asculum, 'Another such victory
      will undo us!'"
    </p>
    <p>
      But notwithstanding the dangers which were thus the subject of the
      military seer's discourse, he had a high opinion of the Indian army as a
      whole, as the following quotation proves:&mdash;"The Indian army, when
      well commanded is indomitable: it is capable of subjugating all the
      countries between the Black and Yellow Seas. The population from which it
      is drawn is so numerous and warlike&mdash;the land so wealthy&mdash;that
      the noble Indian army may vie with any force existing, in numbers,
      courage, and equipment. Its discipline and intelligence are in proportion.
      The European officers are all English, Irish, and Scotch gentlemen, whose
      honour and courage have created in their troops such an intrepid spirit as
      to render India secure against every evil from which an army can protect a
      country."
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the supposed necessity of Sir Charles Napier's
      appointment, no great dispatch was used in his departure, and the public
      began to suppose that the object of the government in this delay was to
      gain time for Lord Gough to redeem his honour. This increased the public
      irritation, which was exasperated by the private letters that reached
      England from Lahore, and from Lord Gough's own camp. These letters led the
      English public to believe that a general panic prevailed, not only in the
      Punjaub, but at the head-quarters of Lord Gough's army. The following are
      specimens of the letters, which, on their arrival in England, so disturbed
      the public mind:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have much pleasure in giving you the following latest information from
      the commander-in-chief's camp, dated 16th instant; it indeed has been a
      sad business, and it is impossible to predict when our mishaps, and such
      fearful butchery and wanton sacrifice of life will end or stop, under such
      a commander-in-chief. Unless the governor-general recalls Lord Gough to
      the provinces, the chances ate he will not only lose the splendid army
      under his command, which he has already done his best to cripple and
      weaken, but he will so compromise the government that the most serious
      apprehension may be entertained as to the ultimate result of this contest.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I told you Gholab Singh had an army of ten thousand men not far in
      advance of the commander-in-chief's camp, doing nothing, but alive and
      awake to take every advantage of the first serious mishap that might occur
      to our army under its present chief; in addition to which Dost Mohammed
      has a force of ten thousand to twelve thousand Affghans, at a short
      distance from Attock, ready to cooperate with Chuttur Singh. Gholab. Singh
      has fourteen pieces of cannon with his ten thousand men, but he is not
      present in person; the wary chief is abiding his time in the hills; he
      has, however, deputed a vakeel to offer a nuzzur at Lahore to our
      resident; but deep craftiness and the most wily treachery are at the
      bottom of this proceeding. The vakeel has been instructed to apprise his
      master of every single occurrence that takes place at Lahore, and to keep
      him well informed of all movements on our part. It is extremely strange
      our government will not believe in the treacherous intentions of Gholab
      Singh.
    </p>
    <p>
      "There are from thirty to forty thousand men in arms leagued against our
      power and supremacy north of the Jhelum, with a park of artillery,
      varying, according to reports, from fifty to seventy guns.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In a letter from Lahore of yesterday's date, which reached me this
      morning, it is stated that the commanderin-chief has ordered
      Brigadier-general Wheeler's force to join him, but of course, I suppose,
      not until after the general has taken Ram Singh. This proceeding has been
      rendered necessary and urgent in consequence of her majesty's 24th, the
      36th, and 58th regiments of native infantry having been rendered next to
      useless. Sir Dudley Hill's reserve force of eight thousand five hundred
      men will have to be brought into active service yet, as troops are
      required not to proceed against, and be the aggressors of the enemy, but
      to act on the defensive, and hold our active, brave, and courageous foe in
      check until General Whish's force joins, to enable the whole army to
      advance to Peshawur.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Our government appear now to be so afraid of the issue of our contest
      with the Sikhs (as they have neither troops sufficient to conquer them and
      hold the country, nor money to pay the enormous expenses of this prolonged
      campaign), that I should not be at all surprised they will do their utmost
      to patch up a peace, which will, to say the least, be not only humiliating
      to our arms, but disgraceful to British feelings. I am perfectly certain,
      however, that the Sikhs will entertain no terms with us, except they are
      based on our quitting the Punjaub, and retiring across the Sutlej; this is
      a <i>sine qua non</i> with them." The same letter from Lahore mentions,
      "You have, no doubt, heard of the late awful butchery of human life. As
      usual, the troops advanced without order or any arrangement. The 14th
      Dragoons led the advance, and, on the Goorchurrahs advancing, the brigade
      of cavalry, it is said, retreated, afraid, apparently, of being led into
      another trap like the Eumnuggur one. The cavalry brigade overthrew the
      artillery, and, galloping right through them, was the cause of our loss of
      six guns, two of which, however, were since retaken. Brigadier Pope was
      mortally wounded (since dead), and the cavalry were only brought up by the
      Doolies at the general hospital. Of the 24th foot, four field-officers,
      one captain, and seven subalterns, were killed, together with four hundred
      men. The 30th, the 36th, and 56th regiments behaved well, but lost so many
      officers, killed and wounded, that they must be sent back, and some other
      corps sent to supply their place. There were twenty-four officers buried
      the day after the fight, and many more since. The chief was strongly
      advised to defer the engagement until next day, but it was of no use. Two
      shots fell near him, and he ordered an immediate attack, left his
      position, and joined the <i>mêlée</i>, and was not to be found anywhere to
      give directions. A more undisciplined attack, or less tactics, was never
      heard of. He swears that the first officer who presumes to give advice, he
      will put in close arrest! Poor Eikins was killed in endeavouring to rally
      the 14th Dragoons. The artillery have demanded a court of inquiry, but I
      suppose the business will be hushed up, as it it was in the 62nd foot."
    </p>
    <p>
      A second letter, dated Lahore, the 18th, gave the following extract of a
      letter from camp Chillianwallah, 16th January:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the 12th we marched to Dingee, on the 13th we marched again, and at 11
      a.m. came upon one of the enemy's outposts. The 3rd light field-batteries
      and heavy guns were brought to the front to drive them in, which they did
      in about five minutes. The infantry was then brought up, and each regiment
      deployed into line. The commander-in-chief meant to have encamped here,
      and sent for quartermasters of corps to mark the ground. The enemy,
      however, about two o'clock, fired a few shots, which came in beyond our
      flags, and the commander-inchief resolved to attack them at once. The
      whole line then advanced, getting into thicker and thicker jungle every
      minute; all this time our heavy guns, which were in the centre, opened
      their fire, and were answered by every one of the enemy's, about sixty in
      number. It would be impossible to describe the action. There was no plan
      of attack. The three light field-batteries were at one time close to the
      enemy without any support near them. These were at last ordered to advance
      at a gallop to support Hoggan's brigade, and the 46th regiment of native
      infantry assured the officers of these light field-batteries that their
      fire alone saved them. The action lasted until dark.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At four o'clock in the afternoon we were completely surrounded by the
      enemy, and our artillery firing at the same time to the front, to the
      rear, and to the flank. Our loss has been tremendous&mdash;one thousand
      nine hundred killed and wounded: we have taken twelve guns and lost six
      (two of which have been recovered). The loss of our guns was owing to the
      cowardice of &mdash;&mdash; who (you will hardly believe it) ran away from
      a party of the enemy's cavalry right through Christie's and Huish's troops
      of horse-artillery, knocking over every one of Christie's waggons, horses
      and all! They were so crowded among the guns, that the gunners could not
      unlimber. The result was that the enemy's cavalry got among our guns, and
      cut our men down right and left. The &mdash;&mdash; never drew reign until
      they got right through the general hospital in the rear, knocking over the
      Doolies and everything that came in their way. What caused this panic no
      one knows.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Of the above one thousand nine hundred killed and wounded, nine hundred
      and fifty are Europeans. Above thirty-six officers have been buried. Her
      majesty's 24th foot lost their regimental colour. The 25th regiment native
      infantry lost a colour. The 30th regiment native infantry lost a colour&mdash;some
      say two colours. The 56th regiment native infantry lost the standard they
      took at Gwalior. Her majesty's 24th foot lost thirteen officers killed,
      including every one in the list above the junior captain. The enemy are
      now encamped at Eussool, four miles only from the commander-in-chief's
      camp. A letter that I have just seen states that Major Loftie, of the 30th
      native infantry, was not killed but only wounded, and that Major Ramfield,
      commanding the 56th regiment native infantry, was killed. In the 2nd
      Europeans, which behaved nobly, one officer was severely wounded,
      Lieutenant Nightingale."
    </p>
    <p>
      Another letter, dated camp, the 15th January, stated:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "I dare say you will have heard of the battle fought by our army on the
      13th instant. It commenced about 1 p.m., and fasted till after dark. It
      was a devil of a battle, and many hard knocks and wounds were received, as
      the casualty list will show. The Sikhs fought with the greatest gallantry,
      and, as for our men and infantry generally, they were quite heroes. The
      2nd Europeans displayed great bravery; they advanced to the charge and
      drove the Sikhs back at the point of the bayonet; and after this found
      another body of Sikhs, a regularly organised battalion, armed and dressed
      like our troops, in their rear. There were also some of the enemy on the
      right flank. This regiment had to right-about-face and charge to the rear,
      which they did, killing and wounding a great many of the Sikhs, and took
      and spiked four of their guns. Nightingale was wounded when about to do
      this, and Gaynor, who did it, had a most narrow escape. The former is the
      only severely wounded officer in that regiment, but I trust not
      dangerously, the ball having passed out in coming round the head, but the
      bone is fractured. One or two officers had narrow escapes. The 2nd
      Europeans had but fifty men wounded, and five killed; the cases of the
      former, some of them very severe, are mostly in the body and legs. There
      has been a fearful mortality in the 24th foot, thirteen officers killed
      and eight wounded, while the men said to be killed and wounded amount to
      four hundred. The 29th foot also suffered much, and the artillery a good
      deal. All our wounded are doing well, I rejoice to say. The doctors were
      at one time quite within range of the enemy's shot, and a bheestie of the
      2nd European regiment had his arm knocked off just behind where the
      surgeons of that corps were riding: a spent ball rolled under my horse's
      feet. Lieutenant Weston and Godby, of the 36th native infantry, were
      wounded, but not severely. Brigadier Pennycuick and his son both killed. I
      believe we have gained a regular victory, though at first it was doubtful.
      I hear Pope's brigade of cavalry got a kind of panic at one time, and came
      to the rear, but afterwards moved up in good style: there was something
      wrong with the &mdash;&mdash; for they drove us in from the rear and
      dispersed all the doctors, &amp;c., at the field hospital, where I had
      just arrived to see if any assistance was required. There was an alarm of
      the Sikhs being in our rear, and then there was a regular 'bolt.' Such a
      night we all passed is better imagined than described&mdash;it was so very
      cold and rainy, with a high wind blowing, enough to cut one in two.
      Several Doolies were captured by the enemy, and the band instruments of
      the 2nd Europeans are missing.
    </p>
    <p>
      "All letters agree in stating that a panic overtook the &mdash;&mdash;
      when ordered to charge. I hear on all sides that it would be a wise and
      prudent measure on the part of the governor-general to recall Lord Gough
      from the Punjaub, and restrain his ill-judged valour within our peaceful
      provinces. His lordship fancied himself at Donnybrook Fair, and was in the
      thick of it, in the <i>mêlée</i>, and lost to sight!
    </p>
    <p>
      "P.S.&mdash;The 56th regiment native infantry was brought out of action
      with three hundred men, under the command of its junior captain, a cadet
      of 1840!"
    </p>
    <p>
      These communications, although affording intelligence which was,
      unfortunately, too true, were in several respects erroneous. They placed
      matters in a gloomy aspect, which was not justified by the facts. The
      battle of Chillianwallah, however doubtful as a victory, and however
      disastrous as to the loss which we experienced, neither perilled the
      existence of British rule in India, nor shook the hold of the English upon
      the Punjaub. The arrival of the despatches, and the issue of an
      extraordinary gazette, in some measure reassured the public; and as Lord
      Gough was decidedly and deservedly a favourite, people became anxious that
      before Sir Charles Napier should arrive out and take the command of the
      army, his lordship might be enabled to revenge Chillianwallah by a
      well-fought battle and decided victory. The friends of Lord Gough even
      entertained the hope that he might conclude the campaign by the entire
      dispersion of the Sikh army, and the reconquest of the Punjaub. It was
      very generally felt that the ministry, whatever their private feeling and
      private intentions, had shown too much eagerness to disclaim him, and to
      signify, by making their only measure for the emergency in India the
      appointment of a new commander-in-chief, that they supposed the blame of
      any misfortunes there to have been exclusively with Lord Gough. Military
      men pointed out that the previous policy of Lord Hardinge, and the
      immediate policy of Lord Dalhousie, both as it regarded their military and
      political management, invited the resistance to our power which had been
      awakened. The chief apprehensions entertained arose from the course which
      Gholab Singh and Dost Mohammed might pursue. The former, with his Sikh
      soldiery, occupied positions that kindled some suspicion of his
      intentions, while he had, as an ostensible ally, omitted to strike a
      single blow in our favour. He had collected, it was alleged, one hundred
      and fifty pieces of cannon; and he was represented as having declared that
      his control over his own soldiers was imperfect, and that their sympathy
      was wholly with the troops of Chuttur and Shere Singh. As it was not
      uncommon for the native princes, when hesitating between the British and
      their enemies, to represent their soldiers as untrustworthy and dangerous
      to themselves, Gholab's account of himself, his province, and his army,
      caused him reasonably to be suspected. Dost Mohammed rendered substantial
      aid to Shere Singh; at least twelve thousand Affghans were encamped under
      the command of that general, and fresh levies were said to be descending
      the passes from Peshawur and from Candehar towards Scinde. Reports had
      arrived in England that all the Affghan chieftains were in arms, and that
      the war of the prophet was proclaimed. The Affghan infantry were without
      discipline, and out of their own fastnesses it was presumed that they
      would not display courage; but some supposed that, subjected to the Sikh
      discipline, and led by Sikh officers, as well as by their own chiefs, they
      would prove formidable, being physically a fine race, and naturally brave.
      The reinforcements sent by them, however, were chiefly composed of
      cavalry, and their efforts as auxiliary to our enemies were too tardy to
      influence materially the fortunes of the war; by degrees these facts
      became known at home, and the absence, in Lord Gough's despatches, of any
      alarm, and the entire confidence breathed through them and the official
      tidings from the Indian government, at last wholly reassured the English
      public.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is the list of ordnance and ordnance stores captured from,
      the enemy in the action of the 13th of January:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      Six of these guns had carriages and limbers, and six were without limbers;
      all of the pattern nearly in use with our field-pieces.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two ammunition carriages (one partly destroyed by explosion), one
      platform-cart, one hundred and forty-four cartridge-liners fixed to shot,
      sixteen cartridges unfixed, and eighteen port-fires, were also taken.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Assault of Dullah by General Wheeler</i>.&mdash;Lord Gough was unable
      to undertake any active operations after the severe losses at
      Chillianwallah, until he should receive reinforcements. These he expected
      from Mooltan, under Whish, and also a brigade of Wheeler's force, which
      had been actively engaged in another direction, where he had been detained
      by the obstinacy of a rebel chief named Earn Singh. This redoubtable
      chieftain was ascendant in the Baree Doab, and he occupied a strong
      fortified position on the heights of Dullah. In the middle of January
      Wheeler attacked this position, but so inaccessible was the fastness that
      the most he could, do, and that with considerable loss, was to drive out
      Ram Singh and his followers, whereas the gallant general hoped to
      accomplish either his capture or destruction. On the 11th, Wheeler ordered
      the 4th native infantry to take up a position to the northward of the
      enemy's post, so as to intercept him in case he should be obliged to
      evacuate the fort, and retreat in that direction; the main force tarried
      at Shorpore, where they had been in quarters, until the 13th, the sappers,
      pioneers, and labourers being engaged in making a practicable road through
      an exceedingly difficult country consisting of defiles and "ghauts." This
      road was laid for about seven miles, as far as the village of Cote on the
      course of the Ravee, about three miles distant from Ram Singh's position.
      On the 14th, the little army of General Wheeler took up ground under the
      Dullah heights. That day and the next was occupied in cutting roads,
      transporting guns and mortars upon elephants, and making arrangements for
      storming the fort. On the morning of the latter day, Captain Hicks, of the
      3rd native infantry, was dispatched with four companies of that regiment,
      and Mr. Hodgson, with two companies of the Guide corps, to take post west
      of the Dullah heights, on the opposite bank of the Ravee. The precautions
      taken by detaching these bodies of men were necessary from the
      topographical character of the neighbourhood. The Ravee, debouching from
      the mountainous region in which it has its birth, flows through a
      beautiful valley, where a series of hills runs from east to west,
      presenting an unequal ridge; on this ridge, overlooking the river, the
      little village of Dullah was situated, in which Ram Singh had so cleverly
      fortified himself. In every direction from the village the rock dipped
      almost perpendicularly, beside being protected by the river, which wound
      partly around it. Access was by paths, partly lying in hollows formed by
      former streams, and partly cut through the rock. These paths were
      circuitous, and nearly covered with brushwood, admitting only by single
      file of an approach to the platform on which the village rested. On either
      side of the path were precipices from twenty to eighty feet deep, and huge
      boulders lay profusely across the way. A few men could defend such a
      position against very many. The 4th native regiment was to advance against
      the face of this defence, from the direction where it had taken post some
      days, and the signal was to be the firing of a gun from the British camp.
      The 3rd and the Guides were at the same moment ordered to advance, at the
      same signal, against the west of the ridge, and crown a height visible
      from head-quarters. As soon as the success of this detachment was
      ascertained, the remainder of the 3rd regiment, and two hundred men of the
      2nd irregular cavalry, who, with Lieutenant Swinton, had volunteered to
      serve on foot, were to advance upon another face of the ridge, from the
      little village of Chulbarah, where they had been posted; this party,
      ascending a spur of the hill on its left, was to co-operate opportunely
      with the advance of the other detachments. Major Fisher, at the head of a
      body of regular native infantry and irregular cavalry, with guns mounted
      upon elephants, were in support, and to ascend (the cavalry, of course,
      dismounting) when the various detachments had come well into action. There
      was yet another point upon which an ascent was to be attempted&mdash;that
      which was in front of the camp of the British. Major Davidson, with a few
      hundred Sikh auxiliaries, regular and irregular, supported by two
      companies of the 1st Sikh light infantry, under Lieutenant Peel, was
      ordered to make this attempt.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the moment for action, the signal gun was fired, but no one appeared to
      take any notice of it&mdash;no men were seen to make their way along the
      ridge. There was a long pause on the side of the British, the guns of the
      enemy at the same time firing. None of the detachments appearing on the
      ridge, Major Butler was ordered to attempt to storm it, in conjunction
      with the other party already appointed to ascend in front: this was
      happily accomplished, after a very sharp conflict. Major Davidson was shot
      through the hand, Lieutenant Peel was mortally wounded, and Lieutenant
      Christie killed. The detached parties, trusting to native guides, were
      purposely misled, and thus could not come into action. Ram Singh had by
      this means the way kept open for his retreat when resistance was no longer
      possible, and all the skilful arrangements that had been made to catch the
      eagle in his eyrie were thwarted by the treachery of the natives, who had
      been, unfortunately, too implicitly trusted in an important service.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Retreat of Shebe Singh from Chillianwallah.</i>&mdash;On the 12th of
      February Shere Singh struck his tents, and retired from the strong
      positions which he had so skilfully occupied. Lord Gough threw forward his
      cavalry, but the Sikh general interposed the whole of his mounted force,
      covering effectually his retreat. On the 15th the English general learned
      that the Sikhs were at Wuzeerabad, and his spies informed him that the
      sirdar was marching upon Lahore. It is probable that these reports were
      correct, but the approach of a portion of General Whish's army defeated
      the project. The cavalry of Whish were pushed on to the Chenab, preventing
      the passage of the ford of Wuzeerabad. The sirdar swept the whole district
      of supplies, and sent messengers to Chuttur Singh informing him of his
      dangers, and intimating that he would take post at Goojerat. Chuttur Singh
      hastened to the support of Shere, and their united forces constituted a
      splendid army of eighty thousand men, with fifty-nine pieces of cannon,
      most of them of large calibre, and worked by a choice body of
      artillerymen. While Whish guarded the fords of the Chenab, Wheeler
      hastened to join Lord Gough, having cleared the Baree Doab of Ram Singh
      and his adherents. On the 16th his lordship left Saporee, and arrived at
      Sundalpoor, a village only a few miles from the Chenab, which separated
      his army from that of the victor of Mooltan. The latter skilfully
      fabricated a bridge of boats at Hurreke Puttum, and joined the
      commander-in-chief. While this was being accomplished, a body of Affghans
      from Dost Mohammed Khan, who professed to be neutral, joined the enemy.
      The entire number of Lord Gough's army, after every accession, scarcely
      exceeded twenty-five thousand men. The enemy, when joined by the Affghans,
      nearly quadrupled the forces of the British general. Lord Gough, however,
      determined to attack him, and on the 20th reconnoitred his position with
      that object. Shere Singh made the village of Goojerat his head-quarters:
      this place lay between the Jhelum and the Chenab, nearer to the former; a
      small river ran nearly around it, but was at that juncture very low, so
      that its bed was in some places nearly dry. Between this river and the
      city, the enemy had taken his position.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Gough resolved upon his plan of attack, and early on the 21st put it
      into execution.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Battle of Goojekat</i>.&mdash;Lord Gough's artillery was in excellent
      order, and an overmatch for that of the enemy. He determined upon using
      this arm of offence to the uttermost, and opened along his line a
      murderous cannonade. His chief danger lay in the difficulty of passing his
      troops over the "nullah" (or dry bed of the river) under the enemy's fire;
      for it was impossible for his infantry to enter the bed of the stream in
      any direction without being exposed to their musketry; his guns kept those
      of the enenry hotly engaged. The numerous cavalry of the foe threatened
      his flanks, and exposed him, inferior as he was numerically in this arm of
      the service, to another peril. Both these risks he provided against with
      skill, and conquered them with resolution and energy. The array of battle
      was superb; the order of the engagement scientific; and all its parts
      conducted with obedience and alacrity by those to whom they were
      committed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first fault of the enemy was opening his artillery practice at too
      great a distance; this indicated the number and position of his guns, as
      well as their range, and enabled the British general to make his
      calculations accordingly. He advanced his right wing under cover of his
      superior artillery fire; the infantry dashed into the nullah, cleared it,
      and stormed a village on its banks, where a strong body of infantry was
      posted. The enemy's left and centre were thus separated, and while the
      British right pressed upon the Sikhs' left centre, the British left
      cleared the nullah, stormed another strong infantry post in a village, and
      completely doubled up the centre of the sirdar's army. His cavalry made
      various efforts to fall upon the flanks of the victorious infantry, but
      the British horse-brigades, with horse artillery, prevented the success of
      these movements, and punished the rash approach of the Sikh troopers. The
      Khalsa soldiers fled through their own tents, Brigadier Campbell and the
      Honourable Major-general Dundas, sweeping round the town or village of
      Goojerat, drove them in confused flight. Major-general Gilbert followed
      the fugitives with the cavalry; the defeated Sikhs cast away their arms
      and accoutrements in the utmost panic. Never was victory more complete,
      and seldom did victorious battle redound to the honour of a victorious
      general so signally as at Goojerat.
    </p>
    <p>
      The loss of the British was three officers killed and twenty-four wounded,
      the total killed of men and officers did not exceed one hundred, and the
      killed and wounded of the whole army did not reach in number one thousand
      men. The Sikhs lost thousands in slain, all their guns but two were
      captured, and many thousand men were left wounded and prisoners in the
      hands of the pursuers. The following extracts from Lord Gough's despatch
      will throw additional light on the course of the conflict:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "With my right wing I proposed penetrating the centre of the enemy's line,
      so as to turn the position of their force in rear of the nullah, and thus
      enable my left wing to cross it with little loss, and in co-operation with
      the right to double upon the centre, the wing of the enemy's force opposed
      to them.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At half-past seven o'clock the army advanced in the order described, with
      the precision of a parade movement. The enemy opened their fire at a very
      long distance, which exposed to my artillery both the position and range
      of their guns. I halted the infantry just out of the fire, and advanced
      the whole of my artillery covered by skirmishers. The cannonade now opened
      upon the enemy was the most magnificent I ever witnessed, and as terrible
      in its effects.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Sikh guns were served with their accustomed rapidity, and the enemy
      well and resolutely maintained his position; but the terrific force of our
      fire obliged them, after an obstinate resistance, to fall back. I then
      deployed the infantry, and directed a general advance, covering the
      movement by my artillery, as before.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The village of Burra Kabra, the left one of that name, in which the enemy
      had concealed a large body of infantry, and which was apparently the key
      of their position, lay immediately in the line of Major-general Sir Walter
      Gilbert's advance, and was carried in the most brilliant style by a
      spirited attack of the 3rd brigade, under Brigadier Penny, consisting of
      the 2nd Europeans, and the 31st and 70th regiments of native infantry,
      which drove the enemy from their cover with great slaughter. A very
      spirited and successful movement was also made about the same time against
      a heavy body of the enemy's troops in and about the Chota Kabra, by part
      of Brigadier Harvey's brigade, most gallantly led by Lieutenant-colonel
      Franks, of her majesty's 10th foot.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The heavy artillery continued to advance with extraordinary celerity,
      taking up successive forward positions, driving the enemy from those they
      had retired to, whilst the rapid advance and beautiful fire of the horse
      artillery and light field-batteries, which I strengthened by bringing to
      the front the two reserve troops of horse artillery under
      Lieutenant-colonel Brind (Brigadier Brooke having the general
      superintendence of the whole of the horse artillery), broke the ranks of
      the enemy at all points. The whole infantry line now rapidly advanced, and
      drove the enemy before it; the nullah was cleared; several villages
      stormed; the guns that were in position carried; the camp captured; and
      the enemy routed, in every direction&mdash;the right wing and
      Brigadier-general Campbell's division passing in pursuit to the eastward,
      the Bombay column to the westward, of the town.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The retreat of the Sikh army, thus hotly pressed, soon became a perfect
      flight&mdash;all arms dispersing over the country, rapidly pursued by our
      troops for a distance of twelve miles, their track strewn with the
      wounded, their arms, and military equipments, which they threw away to
      conceal that they were soldiers."
    </p>
    <p>
      At dawn next day Major-general Sir Walter Gilbert took the command of a
      corps of the army, principally consisting of cavalry, in pursuit. The
      retreat of the Sikhs, or rather their flight, was covered by fifteen
      hundred Affghan horse, who had arrived just before the battle. These,
      however brave, constituted a very irregular force, and soon became mixed
      with the mass of the fugitives. The flight of the Khalsa army was in the
      direction of the Khoree Pass. At the entrance General Gilbert halted, with
      the Bombay division, and sent General Mountain through the gorge to
      Pooran. It was necessary to secure this pass, as, if the enemy had been
      able to hold it, considerable difficulties might have been thrown in the
      way of the pursuers, especially as torrents gushed from the mountains, and
      the weather was wet and tempestuous.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 24th the pursuers resumed their march, but by that time the Sikhs
      had crossed the river, and the British did not succeed in getting sight of
      them until reaching Noorangabad. During this march, Major Lawrence joined
      the camp of Sir Walter Gilbert; Chuttur Singh, whose prisoner he was,
      permitting him on parole to proceed to the camp of the commander-in-chief
      with proposals from Shere Singh. Akram Khan, with part of the Affghan
      auxiliaries to the Khalsa army, retreated upon Attock.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th and 28th, Sir Walter Gilbert brought his forces over the
      Jhelum, compelling Shere Singh, with the relics of his army, to retire
      with precipitation. Gilbert was obliged to leave a portion of his forces
      behind in consequence of the high waters in the river, but by the 5th of
      March these followed. Before these detachments effected their passage, the
      armies of pursuers and pursued were nearly equal in number; but the Sikh
      chief wisely concluded that if he could not, with nearly four times the
      number of the British, prevent the latter from storming his strong
      position near the Chenab, he was not likely to hinder them, when their
      numbers were superior, from crossing the Jhelum. Gilbert was speedily
      reinforced, and at the head of an army of about twenty thousand men, with
      nearly fifty pieces of cannon, he so menaced the Sikh general, that the
      latter intimated his intention to lay down his arms.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of March terms of submission were personally discussed, Shere
      Singh having come over to General Gilbert's camp. The English general
      demanded an unconditional surrender; and as the rajah hesitated, the
      English advanced to Hoormuk. Chuttur Singh and Shere, with several great
      sirdars, came over to the British camp, followed by the guns taken at
      Chillianwallah. The surrender of the whole army was arranged to take place
      the next day. It was not, however, until the 14th that all the Sikhs had
      laid down their standards and their arms, which they did with the greatest
      reluctance, their countenances and tones being expressive of the deepest
      anguish. The conduct of the British was most generous. Each Sikh soldier
      received a rupee to enable him to reach his home; the cavalry were allowed
      to retain their horses&mdash;a boon which was highly appreciated, many of
      them expressing, and really feeling, the deepest gratitude. The artillery
      surrendered amounted to forty-one guns, and a number of tumbrils and
      carriages: the artillery horses were retained by the English. During the
      short campaign the enemy had lost one hundred and fifty-eight pieces of
      cannon, many of them of larger calibre than any in the English army. The
      detention of General Gilbert in negotiating and securing the surrender of
      the Sikhs, was favourable to the escape of the Affghans. Chuttur Singh had
      given up to them the fort of Attock, which they precipitately abandoned,
      their main force marching rapidly for the Indus. Gilbert endeavoured to
      intercept them, but was only in time to witness their success in making
      good their passage, and the destruction of the bridge of boats by which
      pursuit would have otherwise been made. The Affghans were reduced to less
      than half the force with which they joined Chuttur Singh, but they drew up
      on the bank of the river, and offered an artillery fire, to which the
      British replied in a manner that soon cleared the bank of the Indus of
      every trace of the enemy. Detachments were sent to take possession of
      Attock, and also of Hyderabad, on the right bank of the river. The British
      did not succeed in crossing the Indus until the 20th, when the Affghans
      had very far distanced their pursuers. They continued their march
      unmolested, either by Sir Walter Gilbert's or any other force, entered the
      Khyber Pass, and proceeded to. Cabul. The sensation produced in that city
      by the total destruction of the Sikh army was very great. The Affghan
      fugitives, after the manner of orientals, gave the most absurd
      exaggerations as to the prowess of the British soldiers, especially of the
      officers, many of both being described as fiends, who proved their
      infernal nature by deeds of superhuman daring and strength. An alliance
      with "Shatan" was of course a mode of accounting for defeat which saved
      the honour of the fugitives, and satisfied the denizens of Cabul, as well
      as the wild clans <i>en route</i> thither, that a retreat was wisdom. The
      government of Cabul became uneasy for the consequences, and Dost Mohammed
      Khan took measures to placate the British government, whose policy was not
      to pursue the war into Affghanistan. The government of Calcutta annexed
      the Punjaub to British India, and thus terminated the Sikh war. The
      governor-general issued, on the 29th of March, the following proclamation:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "For many years, in the time of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, peace and
      friendship prevailed between the British nation and the Sikhs. When
      Runjeet Singh was dead, and his wisdom no longer guided the counsels of
      the state, the sirdars and the Khalsa army, without provocation and
      without cause, suddenly invaded the British territories. Their army was
      again and again defeated. They were driven, with slaughter and in shame,
      from the country they had invaded, and at the gates of Lahore the
      Maharajah Dhuleep Singh tendered to the governor-general the submission of
      himself and his chiefs, and solicited the clemency of the British
      government. The governorgeneral extended his clemency to the state of
      Lahore; he generously spared the kingdom which he had acquired a just
      right to subvert; and the maharajah having been replaced on the throne,
      treaties of friendship were formed between the states.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The British have faithfully kept their word, and have scrupulously
      observed every obligation which the treaties imposed upon them. But the
      Sikh people and their chiefs have, on their part, grossly and faithlessly
      violated the promises by which they were bound. Of their annual tribute,
      no portion whatever has at any time been paid, and large sums advanced by
      the government of India have never been repaid. The control of the British
      government, to which they voluntarily submitted themselves, has been
      resisted by arms. Peace has been cast aside. British officers have been
      murdered when acting for the state; others engaged in the like employment
      have been treacherously thrown into prison. Finally, the army of the
      state, and the whole Sikh people, joined by many of the sirdars of the
      Punjaub who signed the treaties, and led by a member of the regency
      itself, have risen in arms against us, and have waged a fierce and bloody
      war for the proclaimed purpose of destroying the British and their power.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The government of India formerly declared that it desired no further
      conquest, and it proved by its acts the sincerity of its professions. The
      government of India has no desire for conquest now&mdash;but it is bound,
      in its duty, to provide fully for its own security, and to guard the
      interests of those committed to its charge. To that end, and as the only
      sure mode of protecting the state from the perpetual recurrence of
      unprovoked and wasting wars, the governor-general is compelled to resolve
      upon the entire subjection of a people whom their own government has long
      been unable to control, and whom (as events have now shown) no punishment
      can deter from violence, no acts of friendship can conciliate to peace.
      Wherefore, the governor-general of India has declared, and hereby
      proclaims, that the kingdom of the Punjaub is at an end; and that all the
      territories of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh are now and henceforth a portion of
      the British empire in India.
    </p>
    <p>
      "His Highness the Maharajah shall be treated with consideration and with
      honour. The few chiefs who have not engaged in hostilities against the
      British shall retain their property and their rank. The British government
      will leave to all the people, whether Mussulman, Hindoo, or Sikh, the free
      exercise of their own religions; but it will not permit any man to
      interfere with others in the observance of such forms as their respective
      religions may either enjoin or permit. The jagheers, and all the property
      of sirdars and others who have been in arms against the British, shall be
      confiscated to the state. The defences of every fortified place in the
      Punjaub, which is not occupied by British troops, shall be totally
      destroyed, and effectual measures shall be taken to deprive the people of
      the means of renewing either tumult or war.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The governor-general calls upon all the inhabitants of the Punjaub,
      sirdars and people, to submit themselves peaceably to the authority of the
      British government, which has hereby been proclaimed. Over those who shall
      live as obedient and peaceful subjects of the state, the British
      government will rule with mildness and beneficence; but if resistance to
      constituted authority shall again be attempted&mdash;if violence and
      turbulence be renewed, the governor-general warns the people of the
      Punjaub that the time for leniency with them has passed away, and that
      their offence will be punished with prompt and most rigorous severity."
    </p>
    <p>
      As soon as matters were placed on a footing of order as to the government
      of Lahore, Moolraj was brought to trial before a special military
      commission, consisting of four British and two native officers, and a
      colonel of the Sikh army. The charges against him were:&mdash;"1. Having
      aided the murderers of Mr. Van Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson; 2. Having
      been an accessory to that crime before the fact; 3. Having been an
      accessory after the fact."
    </p>
    <p>
      The object of pressing the one charge of murder in a three-fold form was
      to prevent the captive obtaining a verdict of not guilty, if only the
      first form expressed the charge. He was allowed the service of an
      advocate; Captain Hamilton performed that office in a very able and
      ingenious manner. After a trial which lasted fifteen days, he was found
      guilty on all the charges, and sentenced to death. The sentence was
      commuted by the governorgeneral into imprisonment for life at Singapore.
      This was not accepted by the captive as a favour, who demanded rather to
      die like a soldier than live a captive. He had borne up with the noblest
      manhood, and received with a slight smile and composed countenance, but
      without any bravado, the announcement that he must die; but the
      commutation of his sentence caused the most passionate lamentations. He
      desired to be shot at Mooltan, or, if he must he a captive, there to spend
      his captivity; but to be a prisoner, and expatriated, was intolerable, and
      he craved to die. The orders of the governor-general were not, however,
      affected by the patriotic desires of the murderer&mdash;for such Moolraj
      was. His heroic conduct in honourable war won the admiration of the
      British officers, civil and military, but they could not forget that he
      murdered in cold blood their brethren. Intelligence of these events caused
      much joy in England, for the disturbed state of the continent, the
      distressed and agitated state of Ireland, and in part of England, caused
      apprehensions that a foreign war might possibly break out, and this at
      such a time would render conflict with the Sikhs a perilous matter to the
      empire, as they were the only remaining power dangerous to British
      interests in India. There were, however, many unfavourable reports raised
      of the mode in which the negotiations were conducted which closed the war
      under Lord Hardinge, as well as that which had just terminated. These
      created dissatisfaction in England, and led to inquiries in parliament;
      the questions which excited most attention in the country referred to the
      appropriation of the celebrated Koh-i-noor diamond, and the new
      regulations about <i>batta</i>, which caused discontent in the Sepoy army.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of July, in the House of Lords, the Earl of Ellenborough moved
      for papers explanatory of the circumstances under which the crown had
      granted to the Court of Directors of the East India Company, or to the
      army in India, property conquered from the enemy; the question involved
      being with reference to the confiscation of the property taken in the
      district of Lahore, including the Koh-i-noor diamond, which the
      governor-general had agreed by treaty should be appropriated to the
      liquidation of the accumulated debt due by one of the states to the Indian
      government, instead of devolving to the crown as booty, such booty having
      always been granted to the armies since the year 1758, as then decreed by
      patent. The noble earl concluded his speech in favour of inquiry, by
      stating that, for every battle in India previous to those in the Punjaub,
      a pecuniary reward, under the name of batta had been given, but not so in
      the latter cases; and he implored their lordships and the government, if
      they desired to retain the Indian territory, above all things to do
      justice to the army.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Marquis of Lansdowne detailed the circumstances under which the
      property was acquired, explaining that Dhuleep Singh was not a prisoner,
      but was treated as sovereign prince when the treaty was made, and
      doubtless the governor-general considered himself at liberty to conclude
      such a treaty, and dispose of the property obtained from the state of
      Lahore in any way which he thought best for the government of India. The
      subject, however, should be reconsidered in reference to its legal
      matters.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Duke of Wellington defended the governor-general from, the implied
      suspicion of a want of attention to the merits of the Indian army, entered
      into some technical explanations as to the treaty, and suggested that the
      subject should be left in the hands of the government at home, and the
      governor-general in India, to settle the question of booty (there being
      immovable as well as removable property involved, which could not,
      strictly speaking, come under the designation of booty), who were most
      anxious to do full justice to the Indian army.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>State of India after the Annexation of the Punjaub</i>.&mdash;The peace
      of India was not entirely secured by the termination of the Punjaub war;
      the hill tribes in the neighbourhood of Peshawur gave uneasiness, more or
      less, throughout the year. The enemies of Gholab Singh continued their
      intrigues, and in considerable numbers had recourse to amis. It was
      supposed that the English would not again interfere on his behalf, as he
      had acted more like the ally of Chuttur and Shere Singh, and the other
      sirdars, previous to the battle of Goojerat, than as the ally of the
      British. Gholab had, however, the address to engage the Company's civil
      servants, and the military men acting in that capacity, on his side; and
      he managed to hold up the English name <i>in terrorem</i> to his
      refractory subjects, so as to keep them from maturing, or at all events
      effectuating, a decided revolt. The Affghans were also troublesome on the
      Scinde frontier, and by their agents sought to stir up the Beloochees to
      predatory and desultory warfare.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Troubles in the Gwalior Territory</i>.&mdash;The withdrawal of troops
      for service elsewhere left Gwalior with but few military detachments, this
      circumstance encouraged the disaffected there, and a partial insurrection
      took place. Two leading chiefs were implicated. Lieutenant-colonel Graves
      collected troops, and successively stormed a series of forts, thus putting
      an end to the power of the insurgents.
    </p>
    <p>
      The arrival of Sir Charles Napier was hailed with satisfaction, as the
      prestige of his name had spread all over India. Lord Gough's departure
      was, however, a subject of regret, for the venerable and glorious old
      general had by his heroism, urbanity, and goodness, won every heart.
      Enemies respected and esteemed him; his soldiers, and all connected with
      the government of India, respected and loved him. During the autumn long
      conferences were held at Simla, between the governor-general, the
      commander-in-chief, and the ex-commander-in-chief. Sir Charles Napier
      there imbibed impressions unfavourable to the government of India in many
      respects, and previous prejudices, which he was known to entertain, were
      strengthened. His views of the constitution and management of the Bengal
      army, and of the way in which the armies of all the presidencies were
      officered, were such as to excite in his mind alarm for the fidelity of
      the Bengal Sepoys, and the safety of our Indian possessions. He
      subsequently left Simla on a tour of inspection through the Punjaub to
      Peshawur; various suggestions were made by him which were not attended to;
      the reforms which his subtle mind saw to be necessary, and his vigorous
      habits required to be immediately put in force, were obstructed by both
      military and civil authorities; and it soon became obvious that he could
      not long co-operate with the authorities of India, either there or at
      home. He had hardly assumed the command-in-chief when prognostications
      were indulged concerning his early resignation, which were, unfortunately
      for India and for England, fulfilled.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Madras presidency, disturbances were occasioned by Mohammedan
      fanatics. Wherever in India Mohammedans resided, they were disloyal. No
      kindness conciliated them; and in some places, such as Delhi, where they
      were numerous, an unarmed European was always in danger. In the Bengal and
      Madras presidencies, the army was to a great extent recruited from that
      sect, and in the former provinces much to the hazard of the government,
      for that soldiery united to the fanaticism of Mohammedanism all the pride
      of caste characteristic of the heathens, and these united peculiarities
      fostered a deadly enmity to the government whose salt they eat and whose
      arms they bore. In the Madras presidency, a sect of Mohammedans existed
      known as Moplahs. It was the custom of these Moplahs to gather together
      and perpetrate some sanguinary outrage, and then shut themselves up in a
      strong place, and sell their lives as dearly as possible. By this course
      they hoped to kill as many Giaours as possible, and obtain a large reward
      in the paradise of the prophet. During the month of August a body of these
      fanatics pursued a course of violence and depredation, but were pursued by
      the police. The fugitives shut themselves up in a temple, a very strong
      place, from which the police either could not or would not dislodge them.
      Captain Whyte, at the head of a detachment of the 43rd native infantry,
      was sent to perform this service; but his men, after firing a volley, fled
      as if panicstruck, leaving the captain and a few other men, Europeans and
      Hindoos, to the will of the Moplahs. Their "tender mercies were cruelty,"
      for they cut the captain and his few brave followers to pieces. The
      conduct of the native troops was treated as unaccountable&mdash;a sudden
      fear for which they could give no reason; the fact being that they
      sympathised with the assassins whom they were sent to assail. Afterwards a
      detachment of the 94th European regiment attacked the temple, and, after
      some severe fighting, were repulsed; a second onset was more successful,
      and the murderers who made it their garrison were put to the bayonet.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were many trials for India during the year 1849. Cholera raged
      fearfully, sweeping away a large proportion of the population of many
      villages and large towns, and also laying its cold hand upon many a
      European.
    </p>
    <p>
      At a great heathen festival at Trichinopoly, during an outburst of
      fanaticism, four hundred persons were trampled to death, and a vast number
      injured. These mad assemblages for idolatrous purposes not only received
      too much tolerance from the government, but sometimes were favoured with
      encouragement.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the rainy season, the country was deluged, and the region of the
      five rivers, the theatre of such sanguinary war, especially suffered. The
      floods were so overwhelming, that they were said to have rushed up the
      rivers at the rate of seventy miles a day, until the whole country was
      inundated. The torrents which poured along the course of the Chenab swept
      away the great fortress of Mooltan, so long the prize of conflicting
      armies. The Sikh nation was exposed to much suffering, as well as signal
      defeat, and their humiliation was only beginning, for the native princes
      were on every occasion reminded, at Calcutta, of their fallen fortunes.
      This may be exemplified in an extract from the "American Merchant Abroad,"
      by G. F. Train, who attended a ball at Government House, Calcutta, long
      after the conquest of the Punjaub, just before Lord Dalhousie retired; he
      thus records his impression of the scene:&mdash;"There, too, were the
      brave Sikhs of the mountain dens, Shere Singh and Chuttur Singh, who held
      their passes, those bold chieftains who fought like tigers in their
      country during that memorable campaign of 1848-9, and finally, overpowered
      by the superior force brought against them, after going through the
      celebrated battles of Chillianwallah and Goojerat, were brought to bay at
      Raweel Pindee, where, after the most obstinate war, they surrendered their
      sabres to Sir Walter Gilbert, the able general, who was made a G.C.B. and
      a baronet for his bravery and judgment on that occasion. It was pitiful to
      see brave warriors so painfully humiliated, for they moved about the room
      in their stockinged feet like so many automatons, shrinking and cringing
      before their conquerors, evincing the greatest pleasure in receiving the
      least attention from the civilians in the room. Their appearance without
      shoes is by order of the governor-general, to remind them of their
      disgrace, and to show proper respect to those that hold the sway: this, I
      am told, is the custom of the land. This last tax upon their pride might
      at least have been passed over, for why strike them while they are down?
      These princes, it will be remembered, were the chieftains of the Punjaub,
      and their surrender was the signal of annexing that great kingdom to the
      British empire. The ameers of Scinde, I believe, are also among the dark
      faces opposite. Other warriors as brave as they have been unfortunate&mdash;the
      captives, or rather the victims, of Sir Charles Napier."
    </p>
    <p>
      The ameers were of course subjected to similar indignities: these things
      could but inspire hatred among the native princes, which broke out
      malignantly soon after Lord Canning's Indian career commenced.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHINA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The governor and garrison of Hong-Kong were startled by a deed of atrocity
      and perfidy on the part of the Chinese. On the 22nd of August the governor
      of Macao, who had acted more firmly towards the commissioner at Canton
      than his predecessors, was waylaid and assassinated. Proofs arose that the
      Chinese authorities were concerned in the outrage, and a conflict of a
      serious nature ensued between the Chinese and the Portuguese troops. The
      British, French, and American naval officers on the station brought up
      their war-ships to protect the residents at Macao who belonged to their
      respective countries, and to render such assistance as might be possible
      to the Portuguese authorities. But for this, the Europeans resident at
      Macao would probably have all been massacred.
    </p>
    <p>
      At the same time, the chief commissioner of his Chinese majesty at Canton
      issued very stringent edicts against smuggling, and the English merchants
      and marine were subjected to repeated insults. No conflict, however,
      occurred; but the seeds were sowing for future contest. After laborious
      negotiations, and many minor outrages, a peace between the Portuguese of
      Macao and the Chinese was ultimately arranged. The Portuguese themselves
      were as little to be trusted or respected as the Chinese; probably, where
      religion was concerned, less bigotry was exhibited by the Pagan Chinamen.
      An instance in proof of this occurred at the very juncture when Englishmen
      were offering their assistance to the Portuguese authorities, and
      preserving the lives of Portuguese subjects, which their own government
      had not force sufficient to do. On the 25th of August, Mr. Summers, an
      English missionary, was cast into prison because he did not take off his
      hat to the procession of <i>Corpus Christi</i> in the street. The
      Englishman excused himself by a declaration that his conscience would not
      allow him to do any act of religious reverence in such a case; but that he
      meant no disrespect, and regretted that he did not think of passing into
      some other street, thereby avoiding the procession. These reasonable
      explanations and polite statements did not mollify the Portuguese civil
      and ecclesiastical authorities; and an English Protestant subject was
      incarcerated for not performing an act of Roman Catholic worship in the
      public streets of a city which English arms were saving from pillage and
      massacre! Captain Keppel, of her majesty's ship <i>Meander</i>, however,
      demanded Mr. Summers's release, which was refused, when he gallantly
      landed a party of marines, and took him out of prison. The Portuguese
      resisted with fierce fanaticism, and some loss of life ensued; but the
      English officer accomplished his purpose, and inflicted humiliation upon
      the bigots whose tyranny compelled his prompt and manly act.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BORNEO.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Sir James Brooke, the Rajah of Sarawak, whose heroic efforts to suppress
      piracy in the Indian Seas have been noticed on a former page, continued
      his exertions in clearing those seas of the pirates, and in building up
      settlements on the coasts of Borneo. July was generally the expeditionary
      season for the pirate chiefs, and Sir James resolved this year to prepare
      for their severe chastisement, and, if possible, for their extirpation.
      Accordingly, Commander Farquhar, in command of her majesty's brigs <i>Albatross</i>
      and <i>Royalist</i>, the celebrated steamer <i>Nemesis</i>, belonging to
      the East India Company, and the steam-tender <i>Ranee</i>, were joined by
      the rajah himself in command of a native flotilla. The squadron entered
      the mouth of the Sarrebas river, as the rajah had certain information that
      the pirates intended to inflict pillage and massacre upon the people of
      that neighbourhood. On the evening of the 30th, tidings reached Sir James
      that the pirates were attacking a place called Palo. The next day one of
      the look-out boats brought in tidings that the pirates were advancing in
      full force. The <i>Nemesis</i> first put to sea; and being seen by the
      pirates, they made for the Kaluka river. The boats under the command of
      Lieutenants Wilmshurst and Everest, with the native boats under Sir James,
      intercepted the pirate flotilla, the men-of-war's boats opening a sure and
      destructive fire upon them. The night had already fallen, and the naval
      officers were anxious lest they should fire into the rajah's boats instead
      of those of the enemy. A pass-word had been agreed upon to avert this
      danger&mdash;the word "rajah;" but the occupants of the native boats never
      ceased screaming this word, rendering it difficult for the naval officers
      to determine in what quarter there was an enemy, in which a friend also
      was not in danger of their fire. This state of hesitation favoured an
      effort to escape on the part of the piratical prahus, two of which made
      sail seaward. The steam-tender pursued, but the larger prahu made again
      for the river, was run down by the <i>Nemesis</i>, and her crew, sixty in
      number, were destroyed. The other prahu kept seaward, pursued by the
      tender, who fired into her a large congreve-rocket, by which she was
      destroyed. The boats of the squadron then rowed up the Sarrebas river, and
      destroyed a few prahus, some pirate villages, and a town which seemed to
      be the head-quarters of the pirates in that direction. The flotilla next
      proceeded up the Rejanz river, and severely handled the natives
      indiscriminately; for it was known that such as were not pirates
      themselves aided them in every practicable way. Several hostages and
      prisoners were taken; among others a little child, very fair, and
      apparently having belonged to European parents who were murdered by the
      Dyaks. It was found that, during the night conflict, a very extensive
      destruction had been inflicted upon the prahus and their crews. Dead
      bodies lay in great numbers washed upon the shores, with shattered boats,
      presenting a scene of wreck and slaughter terrible to contemplate. Of one
      hundred and twenty prahus which constituted the force of the piratical
      expedition, eighty were destroyed; about twelve hundred men of their crews
      perished. Most painful scenes were presented to the British in the course
      of their proceedings, horribly verifying all that had been heard of the
      cruelty of the natives of these regions. They had taken many captives, and
      before putting to sea decapitated them, and gashed their bodies with
      knives: many who had been thus treated were women. When the news of these
      proceedings reached England, there was a great public outcry; Mr. Hume,
      Mr. Cobden, and many members of the Peace Society, alleging that Rajah
      Brooke had instigated these measures for his personal interests; that the
      inhabitants of these coasts were not pirates; that their armed prahus were
      their fleets, by which they desired to protect themselves from the rajah's
      aggressions; and that England was dishonoured by the sanguinary
      destruction of harmless and unoffending natives. Evidence was adduced, on
      the other hand, to show that the persons destroyed were not inoffensive
      seafarers, but bloodthirsty barbarians and pirates. This evidence failed
      to convince those who raised and sustained the outcry, and ultimately the
      rajah had to return to England and defend, himself. He satisfied the
      government and the general public; but the party which had attacked him
      conceded little or nothing, and continued to denounce the proceedings of
      Sir James, in Borneo, as unjust and aggressive, with the ostensible object
      of abolishing the piracy alleged to be so prevalent on those coasts.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      An event occurred which disturbed the loyalty of this colony. The home
      government felt considerable difficulty in dealing with its convicts, and,
      among other places, the Cape of Good Hope was selected for experiment in
      the establishment of convict colonisation. The inhabitants resisted with
      the greatest determination; and the haughty manner in which Earl Grey, the
      colonial minister, bore himself, exasperated the colonists, and inflamed
      their animosity against the proposed measure. Public meetings were called,
      in which the ministers of religion took a very prominent part; and it was
      resolved neither to sell to the government nor the convicts. The ship
      having arrived which bore the unwelcome freight, every form of opposition
      previously determined upon was put into execution, and the government was
      at last compelled to give up its purpose, and the convict-ship was ordered
      away to Van Diemen's Land. The Colonial-office had long projected making
      the Cape a penal colony, and it was supposed that political convicts would
      not be objected to. The colonists believed that this was merely the plan
      of insinuating the thin edge of the wedge, which would ensure the whole
      being driven home. John Mitchell was among the convicts; that gentleman
      having suffered at Bermuda from the climate, the government desired in
      mercy to place him in one more salubrious for persons afflicted with
      pulmonary disease. The colonists of the Cape were willing to receive him
      as a settler, but not as a convict, and expressed themselves concerning
      him in terms of sympathy and respect. The plan of the government to make
      it a place for political prisoners, was as unsuccessful as the project of
      making it a general penal settlement: and in the end the people of the
      Cape obtained, by their obstinacy and energy, a complete victory over the
      Colonial-office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The contest in the parent country between the principles of protection and
      free-trade affected the political and social condition of the West Indies.
      Jamaica, being the principal colony, its example had a beneficial or
      baneful influence upon all the other West-Indian colonies. The Governor of
      Jamaica, Sir Charles Grey, was very unpopular, and his instructions from
      the Colonial-office were neither wise nor conciliatory. Those
      instructions, however, being necessarily made in the free-trade spirit
      then ascendant in the British legislature, would hardly have pleased the
      planters, however well intended or judiciously ordered. In that
      particular, the <i>suaviter in modo</i> would never have compensated for
      the <i>fortiter in re</i>. The new Assembly was hostile to the governor,
      and its votes showed its hostility, especially in reference to the
      supplies. Throughout the year, this state of things continued. The negro
      population sympathised with the government, and boasted of their
      willingness to turn out and fight for the queen. The parish of St. Ann
      elected a black representative. Agitation of almost every kind that could
      afflict a West-Indian colony prevailed in Jamaica. The other colonies in
      that region were generally discontented, although in most the crop of
      sugar was good; in some however it failed, increasing the dissatisfaction
      which the prevalence of free-trade opinions in England created. At Antigua
      and St. Kitts the chief cause of complaint was the want of rain. In
      Demerara, the political aspect of affairs was more favourable to the
      government&mdash;the combined Court, which had refused the taxes, having,
      by a small majority, retraced their steps, and effected an understanding
      with the governor, which facilitated his administration.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CANADA.&mdash;POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.&mdash;OPPOSITION AND INSOLENT
      PROCEEDINGS OF THE BRITISH PARTY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The state of Canada during 1849 was most unhappy, and the policy of the
      English ministry most unjust. The discontent existed chiefly in Upper or
      Western Canada, and amongst the population, which was British, or of
      British origin. In 1837-8, when nearly all Lower or Eastern Canada was in
      open rebellion, only partial insurrection existed in the Western province,
      where people armed in behalf of the government. During the rule of Lord
      Metcalfe, a bill of indemnity passed the Canadian legislature, on behalf
      of the loyalists of Western Canada, who had suffered loss of property in
      consequence of their loyalty. As soon as Lord Elgin became
      governor-general, claims were set up for the loyalists who had incurred
      losses in Lower Canada. This seemed to be reasonable and just; but the
      portions of that province which had suffered at all had been the foci of
      rebellion, and the sufferers were those who had perilled life and property
      in opposition to the government; it was therefore a trick on the part of
      the Lower Canadians, who had been the rebels, to reimburse themselves at
      the expense of the loyal population. The proposal therefore excited in
      Upper Canada, in portions even of Lower Canada, and in Great Britain, warm
      indignation, and a formidable opposition was organised. During the
      Canadian session of 1848, the colonial ministry was obliged to resign in
      consequence of a vote of want of confidence; that ministry had belonged to
      the British party, but the vote constrained the governor to choose his
      ministers from the Lower Canadian, or French party. This ministry was of
      course favourable to the scheme of their own party, and encouraged those
      whose rebellion had caused their losses, to prosecute the demand, which
      practically amounted to a tax upon the loyal, for the especial advantage
      of the disloyal. In consequence of the opposition, by the English party,
      the bill actually brought in provided that no person who had been guilty
      of treason after the 1st of November, 1837, should be allowed to claim
      under the act of indemnification. This concession, which appeared to
      comprehend all that was necessary, and to place the measure on an
      equitable basis, did not satisfy the British party, who declared they had
      no confidence in the ministry, whose sympathies were wholly French, and
      who would find pretexts for indemnifying their own party by ignoring the
      proofs of their treason. The bill, however, passed through the Canadian
      parliament, after a fierce struggle from the opposition. The British party
      still remained quiet, in the hope, faintly entertained, that the queen's
      representative would refuse the royal assent, dissolve parliament, and
      take the sense of the colony on the question. The governor, either on his
      own judgment, or by the directions of the Colonial-office, instead of
      taking that course, which under such circumstances would have been the
      most just and constitutional, gave his sanction to the measure, as well as
      to some other bills which were not palatable to the Western settlers. The
      ministry had, at the same time, exasperated the Protestant and British
      Canadians, by various acts which savoured of hostility to them, and of
      partiality to the French and Roman Catholic Canadians. After the
      governor-general gave the royal assent, his carriage was stoned by a mob
      consisting mainly of gentlemen, and the parliament house itself was broken
      open while the members were in debate, the building fired and destroyed,
      the members being permitted to retire unmolested. The governor, Lord
      Elgin, in his despatch to Earl Grey, described the population of Montreal
      as numbering fifty thousand inhabitants, of whom he gave on the whole an
      indifferent character, as belonging to secret societies, and "having other
      agencies of mischief," with only two policemen in the service of
      government, and seventy in the service of the corporation. If, however, no
      complaints of the disloyalty or disorder of Montreal had been customary,
      and a few police were sufficient to maintain peace, it is presumptive
      proof that his lordship was influenced more in using this language by the
      feelings excited in his own mind, from the opposition and indignation of
      the most loyal and respectable citizens of the place, than by any demerits
      on the part of the Montreal citizens. The parliament met in the Market
      Hall, and by a large majority voted an address of confidence to the
      governorgeneral. The citizens met in the open air, in the Champs de Mars,
      and voted with acclamation an address to the queen, begging her to refuse
      her assent to the Indemnity Bill, which they indignantly designated "an
      insult and a robbery to every man who, in the time of trial stood forth to
      defend her majesty's crown and dignity." The memorial also prayed, in very
      earnest terms, for the recall of the Earl of Elgin.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 31st of May, the governor-general prorogued the parliament, but the
      governor took no measures to soothe the English settlers, while his
      ministry, proud of their triumph, offered them many gratuitous affronts.
      The British party, on the other hand, conducted itself with much arrogance
      and violence, to which it was moved as much by the free-trade measures of
      the imperial parliament as by any grievance it felt in connection with the
      Lower Canada Indemnity Bill, or the ascendancy of the French party in the
      local government. An assembly had been convened from all parts of Canada,
      and other portions of the North American colonies, which called itself the
      "British League;" this body was ostensibly formed to consider the
      interests of the country, which it was assumed were neglected by the
      parliament and government. The League assembled on the 25th of July, and
      broke up after six days' deliberations, on the day when parliament was
      prorogued. It was the intention of those who formed it to alarm the
      government by an impression that a movement would be made for annexation
      with the United States, and many were really in favour of such a measure.
      There were objections which, however, weighed against such a step in the
      minds of the British party generally. One was the antipathy felt to negro
      slavery under any circumstances, but more especially as tolerated in the
      United States. Another was the hostility generally entertained in the
      latter to the principle of an Established Church, whereas nearly all the
      Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Methodists of the party were in favour
      of state establishments of religion, which had been one of the most
      fertile sources of party dispute in both the Canadas. It was generally
      supposed that the United States' policy would be more in favour of the
      protective system than Great Britain; and that Canada could form
      stipulations on that basis which would render her annexation a mutual
      advantage. This, however, was denied strongly by many of the party, and
      doubted by more. Before the League closed its labours, it issued a
      manifesto to all the colonies of Great Britain in America, and passed the
      following resolution, which sufficiently sets forth the spirit of the
      manifesto itself:&mdash;"Resolved&mdash;That a president, six
      vice-presidents, secretaries, a treasurer, and an executive committee of
      ten, be appointed by the convention for the purpose of conducting at the
      seat of government the general business of the league. Every township,
      village, town, and city in the province will have its branch; and in each
      district the presidents and vice-presidents of its Branch Leagues will
      form an executive body for district business; and all these officers,
      together with those first named as the general executive, will constitute
      the Central League. Protection to home industry, with the view of
      encouraging the establishment of domestic manufactures; retrenchment in
      the expenditure of the government, or the better apportionment of that
      expenditure to the existing means of the province, and an extension of our
      home market, and the consolidation of British interest, by the union of
      the colonies&mdash;these present specific objects worthy the employment of
      our highest efforts for their attainment."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was the last act of the convention. The demonstration was on the
      whole loyal, contrary to the expectation of both its promoters and
      government. That the general public of British birth or extraction did not
      meditate rebellion at this juncture was evinced by the following record in
      a Montreal journal, of an occurrence which took place on the very day that
      the parliament was prorogued, and the British League adjourned its
      sittings:&mdash;"A public meeting of the citizens of Montreal was held on
      the 31st ult., at which it was all but unanimously agreed to lend the
      credit of the city to the extent of five hundred thousand dollars to the
      completion of the St. Lawrence and Atlantic Railway, which will connect
      Montreal with Portland (Maine), and open out the splendid intermediate
      county. This, with two hundred thousand dollars from other sources, it is
      expected will execute one-half the work, and then the guarantee of the
      legislature under a general act comes in; and an expectation is
      entertained that the other half may be borrowed in England, on the joint
      security of the railroad and the province."
    </p>
    <p>
      A very large party, however, contemplated the peaceable separation of the
      Canadas from the mother country; others supposed that Great Britain would
      consent to the union of all the North American provinces, and, after a
      time, recognise the independence of the new province thus formed. These
      agitations showed how deeply laid, and how extensively prevalent was the
      discontent among the most industrious, enterprising, and respectable
      colonists. Religious animosities amongst the colonists themselves
      embittered the social condition of the country. At a place called Bytown,
      during the autumn, there were repeated conflicts between Protestants and
      Roman Catholics, which left lasting acrimony and dissatisfaction among the
      former, from the fact that Lord Elgin's government appeared to favour the
      latter party. This circumstance renewed the desire for annexation, and a
      petition containing twelve hundred signatures of persons of
      respectability, o British birth or lineage, was got up for presentation to
      the queen. This petition would have been far more numerously signed, but
      for the impression that it could not be received, being unconstitutional.
      At the close of the year the division of parties, especially
      "Annexationists" and "Anti-annexationists," ran high, and a new element of
      discord was introduced by the projected removal of the seat of government
      from Montreal to Toronto or Kingston. This subject was discussed with
      heated temper, even by those who were for separating the Canadas
      altogether from the mother country, and who might be supposed without
      interest in the question.
    </p>
    <p>
      At home a certain party in the commons and the country favoured the views
      of those who would separate the colony from the crown. The speeches of
      these gentlemen encouraged dissatisfaction in Canada, and contributed
      largely to the elements of disturbance there. The Irish Roman Catholic
      members of parliament, and the newspaper organs of that party, were
      singularly inconsistent; they argued for the separation of the colony, yet
      they denounced the disloyalty of the party in Canada which promoted it,
      because that party was chiefly formed of Protestants, and were adverse to
      the French and Catholic sections of the colonists. The influence of the
      Irish newspaper articles, and of the speeches of those who partook of the
      opinions, expressed by them, were mischievous in Canada, where even'
      expression of opinion pronounced at home was watched and reproduced. Some
      of the disloyal papers in Ireland, while abusing the Canadian Protestants
      with bitterness, expressed their hope that they would settle the dispute
      by an appeal to arms, forcibly severing the colony from the sceptre of
      Victoria. These treasonable wishes were published with impunity. The year
      1849 closed sadly in Canada: blood had been shed, incendiarism had been
      perpetrated, disloyalty had spread; and the main causes of this state of
      things were the infatuation of the colonists in favour of commercial
      protection, and the inability of the governor-general of the Canadas, and
      of the ministry at home, to descry the policy which was most calculated to
      serve the interests of the mother country and the colony together.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AUSTRALIA.&mdash;DISCONTENTS CREATED BY THE TRANSPORTATION QUESTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Australian colonies were generally prosperous in 1849; few new
      incidents of any kind occurred, and none to make the year peculiar in
      history. The convict question, however, caused uneasiness. In Van Diemen's
      Land horrible outrages were committed by "ticket-of-leave men," and some
      parts of the island resembled pandemonium.
    </p>
    <p>
      At New South Wales, much discontent was created by the English
      Colonial-office violating an existing compact with that colony, to send
      them no more convicts, and the Assembly passed the following resolutions&mdash;"1.
      That, considering the arbitrary and faithless manner in which this colony
      has been treated by the Right Honourable Earl Grey, this meeting most
      humbly prays her majesty to remove that nobleman from her majesty's
      councils.&mdash;2. That it is indispensable to the well-being of this
      colony, and to the satisfactory conduct of its affairs, that its
      government should no longer be administered by the remote, ill-informed,
      and irresponsible Colonial-office, but by ministers chosen from, and
      responsible to, the colonists themselves, in accordance with the
      principles of the British constitution.&mdash;3. That this meeting, having
      unanimously agreed to the preceding two resolutions, the following humble
      address to her most excellent majesty the queen, embodying them, be
      adopted, and that such address be signed by the chairman on behalf of the
      meeting. [The address was a mere transcription of the resolutions, placed
      in the ordinary form.]&mdash;4. That, considering the discourtesy shown by
      his excellency the governor to the former meeting, and to its deputation,
      this meeting abstains from appointing a deputation to wait upon his
      excellency with the preceding resolutions and address; but requests the
      chairman to transmit them to him, with a written request that his
      excellency will be pleased to forward it to her majesty the queen for her
      gracious consideration."
    </p>
    <p>
      With reference to the arrival of convicts which had just taken place, the
      <i>Sydney Morning Herald</i> had the following:&mdash;"All the convicts
      will be removed from the ship this morning. They have all been engaged. In
      addition to those previously mentioned, a large draft was sent to
      Paramatta on Saturday. The forty-five sent to Moreton Bay were forwarded
      at the expense of the government, not being under any engagement, but
      merely sent to the district in order that the settlers may have the
      opportunity of hiring them. All the rest have been taken from the ship at
      the expense of the employers. We believe that the only restrictions are
      that the men shall not be landed in Sydney, and that they shall not be
      employed in the county of Cumberland."
    </p>
    <p>
      The policy of Earl Grey was, for the time being, carried out.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CEPHALONIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The disturbances which prevailed in 1848 were continued in 1849, and
      revived again and again, fitfully, when they seemed to have been
      suppressed. An attempt was made to assassinate the governor of the island,
      and a soldier was shot by his side, and several others near him were
      wounded. Murder and incendiarism prevailed everywhere, and open revolt
      where there was any chance of even temporary success. The same cause which
      existed in 1848&mdash;the desire for annexation to Greece&mdash;produced
      these proceedings; but certain banditti chiefs took advantage of the
      feeling, in order to promote their own predatory designs. The musket and
      the gallows suppressed these outrages. The public trials of the chief
      offenders betrayed a state of dishonesty, treachery, treason, and
      bloodthirstiness among the population generally, disgraceful to the Greek
      race.
    </p>
    <p>
      The colonial history of the British empire during this year involved no
      other incidents that were remarkable&mdash;in general it was discontented
      and disturbed; but the energy of the military and civil officers, and the
      fidelity and valour of the troops, subjugated all opposition, or held
      adverse interests at bay, and kept down disaffection, until future
      opportunities allowed of more signal success. India was the scene of more
      striking events, which had their full share of peril and glory.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      THE ARCTIC EXPEDITION UNDER SIR J. ROSS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Perhaps no subject engaged the mind of the British people more
      sympathetically and powerfully than the fate of the brave men who formed
      the great Arctic expedition. Sir John Franklin was popular, and eminently
      deserved to be so; and the public desired that every effort should be
      made, and every risk incurred, for his deliverance&mdash;or, at all
      events, a satisfactory solution of the doubts which prevailed concerning
      his existence. For this purpose an expedition was sent out under Sir James
      Ross, with specific instructions to prosecute the search in a certain
      direction, which would not interfere with efforts elsewhere, so as to
      determine, at all events in one great field of exploration, if he yet
      survived. Sir James and his gallant crews arrived off Scarborough on the
      3rd of November, and on the 5th the gallant officer presented his report
      at the Admiralty. The following account of that report, from official
      authority, will afford sufficiently full information of the result:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is Sir James Ross's confident opinion that neither Sir John Franklin,
      nor any of his brave companions, are eastward of any navigable point in
      the Arctic regions; and if there be any chance of their existence, it is
      in the supposition that he proceeded in a westerly direction, and in such
      case we can only expect to hear from the missing adventurers by the
      Mackenzie detachment, or by her majesty's ship Plover, Commander Moore, by
      way of Russia.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir James traversed at least two hundred and thirty miles on the ice, the
      bergs of which were frightful, much more so than any of the experienced
      Arctic voyagers had seen before. Sir James and his party penetrated as far
      as the wreck of the <i>Fury</i>, where he found the old tent standing, and
      everything about it in a state of the best preservation. At this point Sir
      James deposited a large quantity of provisions, and also the screw-launch
      of the <i>Enterprise</i>. The march of Sir James across the boundless
      regions of ice is truly stated as a most unparalleled feat in exploration.
      We are sorry to find, however, that it was in no way successful. The
      captain, officers, and ship's company have worked together most
      harmoniously&mdash;a spirit of emulation having animated every one in the
      great philanthropic task of endeavouring to cany help and succour to their
      long lost friends. In the whole courses of his researches it is said Sir
      James Ross never met with a single Esquimaux.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir James speaks most highly of all those who have been connected and
      associated with him. He is fully satisfied that all is done that could be
      done by the Admiralty, in the appropriation of the vessel, the selection
      of the crew, and the extensive equipment of each vessel, in stores,
      provisions, &amp;c."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A glance at the state of Continental Europe is necessary for a clear view
      of the relation of England to other states. The revolutionary spirit of
      1848 had not passed away, yet already symptoms of reaction appeared in
      several of the continental states. The daring and dissolute doctrines of
      French, German, and Italian socialists created universal alarm, among all
      who regarded, with any sacredness, the ties of family and the rights of
      property. It was seen that, however hateful despotic monarchy, and the
      ascendancy of a bigoted and superstitious church, these oppressions were
      far preferable to the levelling and loathsome tyranny of socialism, in any
      of the forms in which it presented itself in England, France, or Germany.
      Whatever was abhorrent to the natural sense of justice, and the dear
      claims of kindred, was propagated by socialism; and which the socialists,
      whether called Owenites, St. Simonians, or red republicans, were ready by
      force to establish. Enlightened men were therefore in doubt, during the
      early part of 1849, what part to take; their aspirations were for liberty;
      but the multitude preferred license, and, without the multitude, nothing
      could be enforced upon despotic governments and ecclesiastical systems. It
      was now hoped that governments had been warned; that kings would never
      again venture to violate political promises to their people; that
      constitutions would never again be revoked by princes; and that,
      consequently, little was to be apprehended from the governing powers:
      whereas, everything dear to social order, happiness, and sacredness, was
      to be feared from the social and political fanatics that to so great an
      extent guided the peoples,&mdash;exciting false hopes, stimulating violent
      action, propounding doctrines destructive of social order, and menacing a
      tyranny more formidable than had ever before been witnessed in the world.
      With these feelings, the good and true rallied round the centres of
      ordinary government and order&mdash;but, alas! they were deceived; they
      did not take the Scripture warning, "Put not your trust in princes."
      Pledges and promises were made by the foreign despots and their ministers,
      more profusely than even during the war of 1812; but all this was only
      destined to exemplify the necessity for the warning given by Him who best
      understood human nature&mdash;"Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his
      nostrils." The friends of order, peace, and rational liberty believed the
      protestations of potentates, and used their influence, and armed on the
      side of governments in the conflicts of 1849. The result was, they
      unconsciously abetted a reaction by which the old chains were riveted upon
      the people, and new ones forged still further to fetter them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The state of France most interested England, because all great changes in
      that country influence the whole of Continental Europe, and, in fact,
      affect more or less the whole civilised world. France, throughout the
      year, was rent by the violence of party. Three royal factions, the
      Buonapartists, the Orleanists, and the Bourbons, <i>par excellence</i>,
      were sowing broadcast the seeds of social dissension. The two
      great-republican parties&mdash;that of the socialists (or "reds"), and
      that of a philosophic and rational republicanism, led by Cavaignac and
      Lamartine&mdash;were ardent in their appeals for popular support. The
      party of the church watched all the others, ready to exert its influence
      wherever it could serve itself, by preventing any political sect from
      settling into power, except under such conditions as, in its own interest,
      the church should prescribe. The party of the president (the
      Buonapartists) gradually and steadily gained over all the others; the
      soldiery and the peasantry were Napoleonist; the church saw this, and
      threw its weight into the presidential scale. The union of peasant
      proprietary, the army, the church, the Buonapartists proper, and the
      friends of order, who believed in the oath of the prince-president,
      constituted the will of France;&mdash;the policy of Napoleon was accepted
      by many because it was his: it was his, because he knew it would be
      acceptable to many as the only safeguard against anarchy, and the only
      form of absolutism that could be substituted for liberty, or impose upon
      its friends.
    </p>
    <p>
      While revolution raged everywhere, Rome was in arms, the pope was a
      fugitive, and a provisional government ruled the estates of Romagna,
      Bologna, and Ferrara, in the name of freedom. The Romans conducted
      themselves justly and heroically, but the Austrian government, whose
      successes in Italy and Hungary, as well as in the duchy of Austria, gave
      her confidence, was anxious to restore the pope and enforce his government
      by the bayonet. This was not acceptable to either the governments of
      England or France. The latter resolved to interfere, and the question
      arose and was anxiously mooted in England, what, under such circumstances,
      was the true policy of Britain? Lord Palmerston, who was strongly opposed
      to Austrian ascendancy in Italy, was favourable to French intervention;
      and there were persons who asserted that the idea itself originated not at
      the Tuileries, but in the English Foreignoffice. At all events, no
      opposition was offered, and a French expedition to Rome resulted. The
      Romans fought in a way worthy of Romans, but, borne down by the superior
      power of France, their proud city yielded to the invader, and the pope,
      under joint French and Austrian protection, returned to rule his reluctant
      people at the Vatican. It then became necessary for France to modify and
      restrain the fiery persecution which the restored pontiff visited upon his
      temporal subjects, at the instigation of Austria and Naples. In this,
      however, the French were not as zealous as in restoring the pontifical
      tyranny; and, as in the misrule of Louis Philippe, his chief agent of
      corruption and wrong was a protestant, M. Guizot, so in the agency of
      French despotism at Rome, a protestant general, D'Hilliers, was the most
      active instrument.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the socialists, under Ledru Rollin, attempted to upset the
      presidential government, but were beaten by General Changarnier, at the
      head of the troops and national guards, Ledru Rollin becoming a fugitive.
      The president of the French republic worked his will.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general condition of Europe was well described by M. Mauguin in the
      French Assembly, as under arms from the line of the Ural to the Atlantic.
      The attitude, however, which the president resolved to maintain, was one
      of peace with foreign powers, and, except in the instance of Rome, of
      non-interference. This exception he justified on the grounds of the
      necessity of counteracting the ascendancy of Austria in Italy, and of the
      Catholic feeling of the French nation, which forbid the deposition of the
      head of the church.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the most remarkable incidents in French history during the year,
      and that in which the English people undoubtedly took most interest, was
      the assemblage of a Peace Congress of all nations at Paris. Deputations
      from England and America were the most conspicuous persons in the
      assembly, which met on the 22nd of August, in the Salle St. Cécille, a
      music-hall in the Chaussée d'Antin, M. Victor Hugo in the chair. The
      vice-presidents were Messrs. Cobden, Vesschères, Coquerel, Degnore, and
      Durkee. The secretaries were Messrs. Joseph Gamier, Alochin, Elihu Burrit,
      the celebrated American blacksmith, editor of the <i>Olive Leaf</i>, and
      Henry Richards, secretary to the English Peace Society. The two principal
      speakers were the Reverend John Bennet, a congregational minister,
      residing at Camberwell, near London, a very eloquent orator, and Victor
      Hugo, who said he believed the object they had at heart was a religious
      one, and not only desirable, but practicable and realisable:&mdash; "Four
      centuries ago, the different provinces of France made war against one
      another; and he expected to see the day arrive when that which took place
      with respect to the provinces of one country would mark the whole of
      Europe; and that, as Normandy and other provinces formed one France, at
      peace with itself, so the different nations of Europe could dwell in
      harmony as one country. Then would be no longer war, but civilisation; and
      cannon would only be seen as curiosities shut up in museums." M. Hugo
      proceeded to descant on the vast expense of keeping up standing armies,
      and the great advantages that would arise if such money were thrown into
      the channels of labour, by which commerce would be promoted and
      intelligence advanced. M. Hugo concluded by announcing that 500 francs
      would be given for a peace essay, and 500 francs for the best collection
      of facts showing the horrors of war. The Archbishop of Paris gave his
      adhesion to the objects of the assembly. The president of the republic
      looked coldly upon the gathering, having no cordial feeling to the
      chairman. The meeting was got up by the English peace party, and chiefly
      under the auspices of Mr. Cobden. They regarded it as peculiarly
      well-timed, whereas it is almost inconceivable how any number of men of
      ability could suppose the occasion suitable, or that the state of Europe
      offered the smallest hope of producing any influence by such a convention.
      The resolutions submitted to the congress show how impracticable they were
      at that juncture, and events in Europe have since proved how uninfluential
      was the congress itself, and the opinions it expressed. Tire resolutions
      proposed were adopted, and were as follow:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "1. As peace alone can secure the moral and material interests of nations,
      it is the duty of all governments to submit to arbitration all differences
      that arise among them, and to respect the decisions of the arbitrators
      whom they may choose.
    </p>
    <p>
      "2. It is advisable to call the attention of governments to the necessity
      of entering, by a general and simultaneous measure, upon a system of
      disarmament, for the purpose of reducing national expenditure, and of
      removing, at the same time, a permanent cause of disquietude and
      irritation from among the nations.
    </p>
    <p>
      "8. The congress recommends all the friends of peace to prepare public
      opinion, in their respective countries, for the formation of a congress of
      nations, whose sole object should be to frame a code of international
      laws, and to constitute a supreme court, to which should be submitted all
      questions relating to the rights and reciprocal duties of nations.
    </p>
    <p>
      "4. The congress condemns all loans and taxes intended to aid the
      prosecution of wars of conquest and ambition.
    </p>
    <p>
      "5. The congress recommends all its members to endeavour to eradicate from
      the minds of all in their respective countries, both by means of a better
      education of youth, and by other methods, those political prejudices and
      hereditary hatreds which have so often been the cause of disastrous wars.
    </p>
    <p>
      "6. The congress addresses the same invitation to all ministers of
      religion, whose sacred mission it is to encourage feelings of goodwill
      among men; as well as to the various organs of the press, which exercise
      so powerful an influence over the development of civilisation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "7. The congress earnestly hopes for the improvement of the means of
      international communication; for the extension of postal reform; for the
      universal adoption of the same standard of weights, measures, and coinage;
      and for the multiplication of peace societies, which shall keep up a
      correspondence with each other.
    </p>
    <p>
      "8. The congress decides that the committee be instructed to draw up an
      address to all nations embodying the resolutions of the congress; and that
      this address shall be presented to the various governments of Europe and
      America, and particularly to the president of the French republic."
    </p>
    <p>
      There was one political effect produced by the assemblage; the fact that
      the French government allowed it, and that the Archbishop of Paris
      patronised it, led to a general impression in Europe that the policy of
      Louis Napoleon would be peaceful. It is probable that in giving his
      permission for the convention he calculated upon such an effect, which
      suited the purpose of the hour, and comported with the necessities of his
      <i>régime</i>. The policy of the French president towards Great Britain
      was peaceful and friendly. In various minor matters he endeavoured to gain
      the confidence of the English government. He had implicit faith in the
      honesty and goodwill of the English foreign minister, who believed
      Napoleon to be a necessity, and counselled his cabinet to maintain amity
      with him. The British ambassador to the French republic was treated with
      more marked respect than the minister of any other power delegated to it,
      and citizens of the United Kingdom were treated with the most marked
      consideration in France whenever the emperor found opportunity of showing
      it. As a proof of his goodwill, a <i>souvenir</i> of his residence in
      London, and the courtesies which, when an exile, he had received there
      from the Army and Navy Club, he presented that body with a superb piece of
      Gobelins tapestry, and a letter couched at once in the most respectful and
      cordial terms. In greater matters, he appeared anxious to secure the
      sympathy of Great Britain: difficulties arose in the East, which engaged
      the attention of English politicians very much, and the English
      Foreignoffice was officially led to consider that reliance might be placed
      upon the co-operation of France. Events, in a few years, brought this
      feeling more thoroughly and practically to the test.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF GERMANY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The condition of Germany much interested the English government and
      people. The contests between the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark
      threatened to call for the interference of Germany on the one hand and
      Russia on the other, and to involve England in embarrassing questions. The
      attempt of the German democracies, triumphant in 1848, to fuse the powers
      of Germany into a whole, a new Germanic empire, also involved questions of
      great intricacy, and which, however England might desire to keep aloof,
      tended to affect treaties in which she was concerned. The union of all
      Germany as one authority would introduce a new element into European
      relations, disturbing the balance of power. Russia and France had much to
      apprehend from such a union; England but little, so long as the united
      German power abstained from invading the territory or independence of the
      Scandinavian nations. United Germany, possessing popular liberty, would be
      a natural ally of England, and a counterpoise to France, whose ambitions
      England had had so often to check, and a counterpoise to Russia also,
      whose aggrandising policy was so menacing to England and to Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disagreements of the German people as to the respective merits of
      monarchy and republicanism, but more especially on social questions,
      rendered the union of Germany politically impossible. The jealousies of
      Austria and Prussia were equally fatal to such a project. The houses of
      Hapsburg and Hohenzollern were competitors for the prize of German empire;
      and this, rather than the welfare or union of Germany, engaged their
      subtlety and energy. An Austrian archduke became vicar of the German
      unity, and, unless so far as there appeared any probability of his
      securing the supreme authority for the royal family of Austria, his object
      was to humour the German parliament at Frankfort, and gradually to wear it
      out, restoring things to their original condition. When the royal houses
      of Austria and Prussia found that neither could obtain a permanent
      supremacy, they concerted together for the purpose of breaking up the
      parliament, and in the meantime, of practically preventing any invasion of
      the independence or separate prerogative of the individual states and
      their governments by the central representative power which the revolution
      had set up. Accordingly, on the last day of September a convention was
      signed at Vienna, by Austria and Prussia, for the establishment of a
      provisional central power for Germany. This was shortly after ratified by
      both courts. The first article was for the purpose of giving the archduke
      vicar an opportunity of resigning his authority to the provisional central
      power.
    </p>
    <p>
      "1. The government of the Germanic confederation, in concert with the
      vicar, agree on a provisional form or interim, during which time Austria
      and Prussia assume the administration of the central power for the German
      confederation, in the name of all the governments of the confederation,
      until the 1st of May, 1850, unless this power cannot be transferred to a
      definite power before that period.
    </p>
    <p>
      "2. The object of the interim is to maintain the German confederation as a
      union founded on the right of the states appertaining to the German
      princes and of the free cities, to having preserved the independence and
      the integrity of their states comprised in the confederation, and to
      having maintained the internal and external security of Germany.
    </p>
    <p>
      "3. So long as the interim lasts, the affair of the German constitution is
      left to the free concertation of the individual states.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is the same with those affairs which by art. 6 of the federative act,
      belong to the full assembly of the diet.
    </p>
    <p>
      "4. If, at the expiration of the interim, the German constitutional
      question should be not yet settled, the German government will come to an
      understanding with respect to the prolongation of the present treaty.
    </p>
    <p>
      "5. The affairs hitherto carried on by the provisional central power, in
      so far as, according to the legislation of the confederation, they came
      within the competency of the late assembly, are transmitted for the entire
      duration of the interim to a dietary committee, to which Prussia and
      Austria appoint each two members, to sit at Frankfort. The other
      governments can be represented by plenipotentiaries accredited to the said
      committee, either by each individual state or by several states
      conjointly.
    </p>
    <p>
      "6. The committee of the confederation carries on affairs in an
      independent manner, but are responsible to the powers that respectively
      nominate them. It forms its resolutions after deliberation in common. If
      the members cannot agree, the decision takes place by means of negotiation
      between the governments of Prussia and Austria, and which latter, in case
      of need, will refer to a judgment of arbitration. This judgment is
      pronounced by three governments of the confederation. In such case,
      Austria will nominate each time one of the arbiters, and Prussia the
      other. The two governments thus designed have to decide upon a third
      arbiter for completing the tribunal of arbitration. The members of the
      committee of the confederation divide the affairs assigned to them in this
      mode, that according to the legislation of the existing confederation, and
      especially according to the military constitution of the confederation,
      they either personally carry them on, or else direct and superintend the
      carrying of them on.
    </p>
    <p>
      "7. As soon as the ratification by the governments aforesaid of the great
      proposition shall have taken place, the archduke vicar will renounce his
      dignity and depose the rights and duties of the confederation that have
      been confided to him into the hands of the Emperor of Austria and the King
      of Prussia."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEMANDS OF THE RUSSIAN AND AUSTRIAN EMPERORS UPON THE SULTAN OF TURKEY.&mdash;INTERPOSITION
      OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Varied and important as the changes and conflicts were in Western and
      Central Europe during this year, none of these events menaced the general
      peace of Europe so much as a demand made by the czar and the kasir upon
      the sultan for the extradition of certain Hungarian refugees.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the general convulsion of Europe, Hungary flew to arms, and the
      Austrian empire was in danger of dismemberment from the success of the
      Hungarian revolt. Russia, however, joined her armies to those of the great
      German power, and the result was the suppression of the Hungarian
      revolution. The chiefs of that movement took refuge within the Turkish
      territory. This circumstance led to a demand by the ambassadors of Russia
      and Austria at the Porte, for the surrender of all Polish and Hungarian
      refugees into the hands of the governments to which they owed allegiance.
      The sultan refused, and the ambassadors demanded their passports. The
      alarmed sultan consulted the learned doctors of the Koran, and received
      for reply that the abandonment of the refugees would be contrary to the
      law of Mohammed. The English and French ministers counselled resistance,
      and the sultan increased his armies, and ordered remnants of troops
      towards the Austrian frontier. The terms and tone in which the
      communications of the ministers of the czar and the kasir were made, were
      insulting to the sultan, and aroused the indignation of the French and
      British governments, whose interposition was of such a character as to
      lead Austria and Russia to believe that a war with the western powers
      would ensue if the haughty requisition was persisted in. The
      communications between the English ambassador at St. Petersburg and the
      czar's minister for foreign affairs, although maintaining the forms of
      courtesy, were pervaded by an indifferently concealed acrimony, which
      showed that a bad feeling between the two governments underlayed the
      ceremonies of diplomatic civility. A special minister from the Porte was
      sent to St. Petersburg with a conciliatory note from the sultan to the
      emperor, and this, with the firm tone of the French ambassador, and the
      energetic exertions of the English minister, caused the emperors to relax
      their demands, and to insist only upon the removal of certain of the
      refugees from the territory contiguous to that which had been the theatre
      of their revolt. The ill feeling which sprung up on this occasion between
      the governments of Vienna and St. Petersburg, on the one hand, and those
      of England and France, on the other, continued until events arose still
      more grave for Turkey, and for all these powers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Through another year of grave occurrences, and political difficulties and
      involvements such as Europe had seldom Been, Great Britain pursued the
      even tenor of her way, by her moral influence everywhere aiding liberty
      and checking excess, maintaining her own prestige and international
      rights, yet pursuing a policy of non-interference. Her foreign relations
      at the close of 1849 were in all respects satisfactory, but it required
      all the skill and vigilance of the remarkable man then at the head of the
      foreign office to maintain at once peace and the honour of the country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONTINUED DISTRESS IN IRELAND&mdash;CRIME AND OUTRAGE&mdash;POLITICAL
      AGITATIONS EFFORTS OF GOVERNMENT TO MEET THE EXIGENCIES OF THE COUNTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The state of Ireland during this year was a continuation of the want,
      misery, criminality, and sedition which made up its history for so many
      previous years. The causes already noticed so fully in previous chapters
      operated in producing famine and its attendants, disease and social
      discontent. Notwithstanding all the efforts of government by parliamentary
      aid, and of the people of Great Britain by their generous subscriptions,
      the poor in Ireland continued to die of starvation, and where death did
      not immediately happen from that cause, it arose from it mediately,
      through the instrumentality of famine, fever, cholera, dysentery, or
      gradual decay. The efforts of the government were still, to a great
      extent, rendered abortive by the frauds committed upon the funds devoted
      to Irish relief, not only in Ireland, but in England; much that was
      supposed to be applied for the relief of the Irish famishing poor never
      reached Ireland, and much more that did arrive in that country never found
      its way to the objects for whom it was intended. The failure of the
      potatoe crop had so impoverished the people, that, during the spring of
      1849, the destitution in some parts of the country equalled that which had
      been known even during the three previous years. The queen, in her speech
      at the opening of the session, referred to the failure of the potatoe
      crop, and recommended her parliament to make further provision to relieve
      the destitution which prevailed. In pursuance of this recommendation,
      parliament voted £50,000 for the relief of distressed unions, a sum
      utterly disproportioned to the necessities of the case. A bill was brought
      in for levying "a rate in aid," as it was termed, the object of which waa
      to levy a rate upon solvent parishes to aid insolvent parishes. This was
      both inequitable in its conception and application, and was one of those
      make-shifts of the government which, while it raised opposition, failed in
      accomplishing the object contemplated. A vote of £100,000, in anticipation
      of "the rate in aid," was proposed and carried, but this also waa
      inadequate to the purpose for which it was designed. Some idea of the
      magnitude of the miseries of Ireland at this juncture may be formed from
      the fact that the poorlaw guardians of Kilrush expended £1000 per week in
      support of the paupers of that union. Kilrush is a remote and not
      particularly populous district, and was a specimen of the general
      expenditure to which the distressed unions were exposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The terrible distress prevailing brought on a state of social calamity and
      discord such as has seldom been witnessed in the history of the world. As
      the year went on, the prospects of an abundant harvest inspired hopes that
      peace and plenty would at last smile upon unhappy Ireland, but these hopes
      were doomed to disappointment. The growing crops became objects of
      contention between the miserable tenant, and, in many cases, almost
      equally miserable landlord. The tenants sought to cut and remove the crops
      clandestinely. Suddenly the corn would be cut over a vast area of land,
      and carried away, as if by magic, beyond the bounds to which any existing
      legal process on the part of the landlord might be applicable. Rents were
      refused. Many of the farmers were unable to pay, many were unwilling from
      dishonesty, and many considered that the tenants had as good a right to
      the land as those from whom they rented it. They talked of themselves as
      descended from the old families, the natural lords of the soil, and of
      those who then claimed the rents as the seed of the invader and the
      spoiler, whom it was just to deprive of what he had no right to, unless
      conquest and force could confer the right,&mdash;a doctrine that did not
      suit the popular interests. The landlords, on the other hand, sternly
      evicted the tenantry; whole town-lands were depopulated, the expelled
      tenants died of starvation on the public roads, or crowded the workhouses,
      where they were supported by rates levied on the industrious occupier. The
      poor-law was continued upon a plan which protected the property of the
      rich English absentee, and threw the burden upon the resident landlords
      who cultivated their own land, and upon the farmer who rented land. The
      agents of these absentees exacted the rents with bitter severity, and
      often the dwelling of the wretched occupier was pulled down about his sick
      and starving children, who frequently perished within the roofless walls.
      It was civil war, without any of the redeeming manhood which strips even
      that of its aspects of misery and horror. Frequently the police, armed as
      regular cavalry and infantry, were called out to seize the corn in process
      of clandestine removal, or to execute an eviction. On these occasions,
      sometimes, the unarmed peasantry, maddened by despair, would resist, and a
      conflict ensue in which victory did not always determine on the side of
      arms and discipline. The military were often in requisition to seize carts
      of corn under process of removal, or to enforce the expulsion of some
      tattered, hungry, sick, woe-stricken family from their miserable holding
      into the "wide wide world," houseless and hopeless. Frequently the parish
      allowed an outcast of this description at the rate of seven-eighths of a
      penny per day to sustain existence. An English periodical writer truly and
      compassionately remarked, "nothing like Irish misery exists under the
      sun." Whatever the disturbances generally prevailing, a very great number
      of the people offered no resistance to the law; they obeyed and died. Mr.
      P. Scrope* truly observed that the people bore these hardships "with a
      patience and resignation which it is heart-breaking to witness, and which
      one scarcely knows whether to praise or to blame."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Notes of a tour in England, Scotland, and Ireland, with a
     view to inquire whether our labouring population be really
     redundant."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Yet Mr. Crope, while he denounced the state of the law in Ireland as
      affecting landlord and tenant, in terms which attracted the attention of
      the country, and of foreign lands, described the difficulties of landlords
      in a way just to the class and to his subject. "A moment's consideration,"
      he says, "will show the futility of expecting any mercy to be shown to
      these poor people by those whom the law at present arms with the power of
      destroying them. It sounds very well to English ears to preach forbearance
      and generosity to the landowners. But it should be remembered that few of
      them have it in their power to be merciful or generous to their poor
      tenantry. They act under compulsion, usually of the severest kind. They
      are themselves engaged in a life and death struggle with their creditors.
      Moreover the greater number of the depopulators are mere agents for absent
      landlords or for the law-receivers under the courts acting for creditors,
      and bound by the established rules and avowed practice of the Court of
      Chancery itself (the fountain and head of justice) to make the utmost of
      the property entrusted to them, without regard to any other consideration
      than the pecuniary interest of the parties, which is committed to their
      care. Those landlords who have yet some voice in the management of their
      estates, seeing the highest court of judicature in the realm sanction this
      principle of action, think themselves justified&mdash;most of them,
      indeed, are compelled by the overwhelming pressure of their own
      difficulties&mdash;to follow the example. It is vain to expect mercy to be
      shown under such circumstances. All is done in the sacred name of the law.
      The sheriff, the representative of the majesty of the law, is the actual
      exterminator. The officers of the law execute the process. The
      constabulary, acting under the orders of the magistracy, stand by to
      prevent resistance; and if any is expected, the queen's troops are brought
      to the spot, to quell with all the power of the throne what would amount
      to an act of rebellion. It is absurd, then, to cast the blame of these
      foul deeds, and their horrible results, upon a few reckless, bankrupt,
      wretched landlords. It is to the law, or rather to the government and
      legislature which uphold it, and refuse to mitigate its ferocity, that the
      crime rightly attaches; and they will be held responsible for it by
      history, by posterity&mdash;ay, and perhaps before long, by the
      retributive justice of God, and the vengeance of a people infuriated by
      barbarous oppression, and brought at last to bay by their destroyers." It
      is difficult to read such statements and wonder that agrarian outrage
      prevailed extensively in Ireland, and that all over the land murder
      stained the soil with blood.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is impossible to write the history of Ireland in any given year without
      having to record assassinations springing from religious discord, and 1849
      was no exception.
    </p>
    <p>
      Political disturbance was only kept down by the arm of the law. Early in
      the session, Earl Grey moved in the house of lords for a renewal of the
      "suspension of the <i>Habeas Corpus</i> act," and in doing so he stated
      that although there was no reason to fear an insurrection, yet
      disaffection existed extensively, and especially in the districts which
      had been the scenes of insurgency in the previous year. His lordship never
      knew much of Ireland in any respect&mdash;her people, the philosophy of
      her turbulence, or the policy which ought to be pursued towards her; had
      he formed acquaintance with such subjects he would hardly have spoken of
      disaffection existing in certain districts, for it is chronic in Ireland.
      The masses of the people have been disaffected since the English first
      obtained the ascendancy in Ireland; but independent of any hostility of
      race or nationality, a deep-rooted religious animosity towards the creed
      of England rankles in the hearts of all in Ireland who differ from that
      creed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Young Ireland party was not extirpated by the events of 1848, although
      as a public organized body, suppressed. Its writers continued to write,
      although there was little public speaking. Charles Gavan Duffy, more
      fortunate than his fellows, was enabled to escape the legal penalties
      attached to his undoubted treason; juries would not convict,
      notwithstanding the plainest evidence. The Roman Catholics in the juries
      were obstinate in refusing a conviction. This circumstance deepened the
      general distrust existing among Protestants in the fidelity of Roman
      Catholic jurors on any question in which they took a political or
      ecclesiastical interest. There is no reason, however, to suppose that this
      spirit of inequitable partizanship was confined to Roman Catholics. Such
      incidents never justified the government in refusing them alterations in
      the jury laws, popularly demanded, and in exercising so sternly the right
      of challenge which belonged to the crown in such prosecutions. Mr. Duffy
      resumed his place at the office of the <i>Nation</i> newspaper, affecting
      to believe that there was no hope of achieving what he called Irish
      independence by political agitation; that the country needed material
      improvement in the first instance, and that in proportion as it increased
      in wealth would it be likely to obtain a national existence. Mitchell, in
      his exile, denounced this doctrine; and when he afterwards escaped to the
      United States, he impugned these opinions of Mr. Duffy as dangerous to
      freedom, and as a cover to his retreat from the patriotic advocacy of
      Irish nationality. The recriminations of these two champions of Young
      Irelandism showed what little prospect there ever had been of any harmony
      existing in an Irish provisional government, if success had attended the
      efforts of these men. Mr. Duffy, while for a time persisting in his new
      course, and making his paper more an organ of the ultramontane priesthood,
      took every opportunity of inciting the people to treason, at first
      covertly, but gradually in a more open manner. This the government
      permitted, to the disparagement of the loyal, and the injury of peace and
      improvement in Ireland. The Old Ireland party continued to agitate, but
      their agitation assumed still more of a sectarian character. Yet the name
      of O'Connell had lost much of its spell, and at an auction of his library
      in Dublin, his books, even with his autograph, barely fetched the prices
      which the same volumes would have brought at any other public auction if
      the property of an unknown person.
    </p>
    <p>
      The winter of 1849 smote Ireland with fresh accumulations of suffering.
      Gaunt famine stalked abroad; pestilence lurked in the hovels of the
      country, and the cellars and garrets of the great towns; cholera ravaged
      as fiercely in some places as if no other destroyer visited the unhappy
      realm; crime lurked by the wayside, and sedition and bigotry muttered
      their curses everywhere. It seemed as if a wide-wasting ruin covered all.
    </p>
    <p>
      The queen's visit to Ireland made this year memorable in her history. An
      account of this will appear in the narrative of the court in another page.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the humiliation of the Chartists in 1848, they still
      continued blatant. Some rioting occurred, and but for the conviction that
      the people at large would support the government in strong measures, the
      tendency to disturbance would have been still more decidedly manifested.
      The anti-freetraders were still a large and powerful party, and, led by
      Mr. Disraeli, formed an imposing array both in and out of parliament. The
      freetraders were also active and resolute, giving to the government a very
      general support. The agitations in the country assumed no new phases, and
      almost all political questions assumed a politico-economical aspect from
      the temper in which men discussed them, and the prevailing tone of the
      time. The alteration &mdash;virtually the repeal&mdash;of the navigation
      laws caused much excitement in the sea ports, as the agitation of the
      subject did the previous year; but the government and the freetrade party
      mustered all their strength, and succeeded with the measure. The
      government was not popular, but was accepted as a political necessity.
      Lord John Russell had great weight in parliament, "in the city," and with
      the old whig party everywhere; but the more advanced liberals had lost
      confidence in him, and some of his colleagues were unpopular. Foreign
      politics engaged much of the attention of the nation, and the tide of
      reaction which began to roll back over the continent, sweeping away so
      many newly acquired liberties, was a cause of abundant regret, and even
      alarm to the English people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year did not begin or end very prosperously in business and monetary
      matters. The successive blights of the potatoe crop, the advances to
      Ireland, the ruinous bankruptcies of 1848, the enormous railway calls, the
      many failures upon the continent of both banking-houses and commercial
      establishments, by which English firms sustained great losses, and the
      continued disturbance of commercial relations in consequence of the civil
      conflicts on the continent, were causes sufficiently numerous and potent
      to create and sustain apprehension, and embarrass the usual proceedings of
      trade. Still money flowed into England from continental Europe, as the
      place of security which, whatever might betide the world, was supposed to
      be beyond the range of political convulsion. Thus capital was plentiful,
      and money was easily obtained by all creditable establishments. The peace,
      good order, and constitutional liberty by which these blessings were
      established, afforded England a source of prosperity amidst so much that
      was calculated to impoverish. The wrecks of many nations floated around
      her shores, but within her borders all was safe; the shadow of the
      thunder-cloud passed over her, and she heard its peals, as it burst in
      lightning and torrent on less favoured lands.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CHOLERA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There was one calamity, which befel so many nations, from which England
      was not spared. The mysterious cholera, which appeared in 1848 in some
      places, broke out in the autumn of this year with surprising fury. Its
      ravages were far more extensively fatal than in 1832. In 1832 the number
      attacked in London was 14,154, and the number of those who fell victims
      was 6729. In 1848-49, the number attacked exceeded 30,000, and nearly half
      the number perished. In 1832, one out of every 250 of the population died;
      in 1848-49, one out of every 150. More than 80,000 persons died of cholera
      and diarrhoea in Great Britain during the latter period. The disease
      spared neither sex nor age. It was found in London to prevail most near
      the banks of the Thames, and on the south side of the river, where the
      ground was lower and worse drained than on the north. In the higher
      grounds, north and south, the disease inflicted but little injury. Where
      the water supply was from the less pure portions of the Thames, the havoc
      was greater than where it was drawn from a portion of the river further
      up, or from other sources. The disease prevailed most during hot weather
      both in Great Britain and Ireland. The faculty was as little able to treat
      it as when it first appeared; and there was a disposition to rely too much
      on general sanitary measures, without regard to the specific virus of the
      disease.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF 1849&mdash;OPENING OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the second of February the queen in person opened a new session. Her
      majesty's speech referred to most great matters which had occurred in the
      latter part of 1848, and to such subjects as formed the leading features
      of the policy of the ministry for 1849. Her majesty especially recommended
      an alteration in the navigation laws, and she asked for further
      administrative power to preserve order in Ireland. The general tone and
      tenor of the speech were congratulatory. Lord Stanley, in the lords, moved
      an amendment to the usual address, which represented that the state of the
      country was not such as to call for or justify an address pervaded by a
      spirit of gratulation. The amendment was rejected, but only by a majority
      of two. In the commons Mr. Disraeli moved an amendment upon the address,
      similar to that which Lord Stanley had proposed in the lords, and with no
      better success. Mr. Disraeli especially contended for keeping up a much
      larger fleet and army than the government proposed. His arguments were
      singularly opposed to those which, without any professed change of
      principle, he used eight years afterwards, against the government of Lord
      Palmerston, for refusing to reduce the army and navy when serious perils
      demanded their increase in the judgment of that astute and experienced
      minister. Mr. Grattan, son of the distinguished Irishman who assisted
      Irish independence in 1782, proposed an amendment adverse to the
      ministerial policy for Ireland, but it was rejected in a very decisive
      manner. The temper of the house, as displayed towards Mr. Grattan, was
      harsh, invidiously national on all sides, and especially offensive to the
      popular party in Ireland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      REPEAL OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 14th of February Mr. Labouchere renewed the motion for the repeal
      of the navigation laws, which had been defeated the previous year by the
      agitation of the shipowners and sailors, particularly those of the Tyne,
      under the leadership of James Mather, Esq., of South Shields. On the 9th
      of March the second reading came on, and was met by an amendment proposed
      by Mr. Hemes, such as is usually offered in order to defeat a bill. This
      amendment was negatived, in a house of four hundred and seventy-six
      members, by a majority of fifty-six. The government was much mortified
      that the minority was so very considerable. In committee Mr. Labouchere
      modified the bill in a manner which proved the want of proper forethought
      and decided policy in its preparation. This was the case with most whig
      measures. On the 23rd of April Mr. Hemes again endeavoured to defeat the
      bill, securing a very large minority, which further annoyed the ministry,
      but failed to obstruct the progress of the measure. In the lords the bill
      was opposed vehemently by Lord Brougham, who denied that it was based upon
      the principles of free trade. By a majority of ten only the government
      succeeded in carrying it, and it was generally believed that it would have
      been lost, only that the government raised a report of intended
      resignation if the bill had been lost. This decided the opposition of Lord
      Brougham, who desired to produce such a result, and influence the doubtful
      among the Conservatives, as they were not prepared at that moment to
      resume the reins of power. The Bishop of Oxford proposed an amendment
      intended, by securing the anti-slavery lords, to defeat the measure by a
      "side wind;" but his object was transparent, and his end was not attained.
      The bill was carried, and ordered to take effect from the beginning of
      1850.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS&mdash;MOTION FOR GOVERNMENTAL RELIEF.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The agricultural interest was as discontented as it had been since the
      repeal of the corn-laws. It was still hoped that the greater part of the
      public burdens would be shifted to the shoulders of the commercial middle
      classes; and the party calling itself "the agricultural interest," but in
      reality adverse to the prosperity of the farmers and farm-labourers,
      clamoured for public relief. Mr. Disraeli had now fairly succeeded Lord
      George Bentinck as the leader, and he on the 5th of March proposed a
      resolution for a committee of the whole house, to consider such measures
      as might relieve the owners and occupiers of real property, and establish
      a more equitable apportionment of the public burdens. Sir Charles Wood, in
      an awkward and clumsy speech, confuted Mr. Disraeli, no difficult matter
      even in such a speech, for the honourable leader of "the country party"
      had collected his statistics carelessly, and used them illogically. His
      speech was also deficient in the eloquence so striking generally in his
      elaborate orations. It failed to produce any effect upon any party, even
      upon his own, and he could only muster the support of seventy members
      against three hundred and ninety-four. This motion greatly damaged the
      prestige of Mr. Disraeli: it was thought that he was not competent to lead
      a great party, and but for the paucity of talent in the conservative
      ranks, his leadership would have immediately terminated. In the country
      generally, but especially in the large cities and manufacturing districts,
      the speech excited a stronger political hostility to Mr. Disraeli than had
      before prevailed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A very considerable portion of the session was occupied by the affairs of
      Ireland. Under the section devoted to the concerns of that country such
      notice was taken of the proceedings in parliament bearing reference to
      her, as makes it unnecessary to enter at length into their record in this
      place. Early in the session the government requested the house to renew
      the act for the suspension of Habeas Corpus: it was granted. Measures
      bearing upon the poor-laws, and the commercial state of the country, were
      subsequently discussed, the government always succeeding in obtaining the
      support of the house. A bill for facilitating the transfer of encumbered
      estates was introduced on the 26th of April; its object was, chiefly, to
      amend a similar act of 1848, which had been found to a great extent
      impracticable, the usual fate of most whig measures. The new bill was
      carried; but while it did much good, it was sometimes an instrument of
      injustice, very imperfectly answered its own objects, and was not
      conceived or framed in a comprehensive or statesman-like spirit. The great
      changes which its abettors predicted it would create in the social
      condition of Ireland were not realized. The estates brought into the court
      were often purchased by their former owners, or occupiers, or by other
      Irish landowners, who borrowed money for the purchase at a heavy interest,
      on the credit of the estates themselves, which soon became as much
      encumbered as they had been before. English companies and assurance
      offices were also purchasers: their management was generally bad,
      expending large sums without obtaining an adequate return. Ignorance of
      the habits of the people caused much loss to such occupiers, and a species
      of quackery in cultivation sprung up which was injurious to the interests
      of the owners and of the country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VOTE OF THANKS TO THE ARMY IN INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Votes of thanks to the troops engaged in the war of the Punjaub were
      proposed and carried on the 24th of April. These were advocated with
      eloquence, and conceded with enthusiasm. Sir Robert Peel passed an
      eloquent eulogy on Lord Gough, which was as just to the brave old veteran,
      after having served his country with honour for fifty-six years, as it was
      creditable to the impartiality, temper, and talent of Sir Robert.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MR. COBDEN'S MOTION FOR REDUCING THE ARMY AND NAVY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Whigs were not good financiers. Sir Robert Peel excelled his
      contemporaries, and more especially his opponents, in the practicability
      of his financial arrangements. The government had been placed in
      circumstances of great difficulty by events purely of a providential
      nature; but there existed a general impression that they did not meet the
      emergency with skill. A society called the Financial Reform Association
      grew into existence in consequence of this feeling. Its head-quarters was
      at Liverpool. Many important facts were brought to light by it, and much
      information extended, but there was a want of tact in the management which
      defeated these laudable and enlightened exertions. The society had a
      singular fatality for urging particular measures precisely at the juncture
      when there was least likelihood of gaining the ear of either the public or
      the legislature. Mr. Cobden made himself conspicuous in this agitation,
      and began that career of impracticability which gradually limited his
      public usefulness, and at last expelled him from parliament. When the whig
      budget came on for discussion, Mr. Cobden was agitating a scheme for
      returning to the expenditure of 1835, by which he alleged ten millions
      annually would have been saved. The state of Ireland and the continent
      rendered it unlikely that the country would consent to any very great
      reduction in its military and naval defences, yet it was in these
      departments Mr. Cobden contemplated his economical experiments. On the
      26th of February he submitted a motion to the house embodying the
      principles for which he had contended at public meetings. The chancellor
      of the exchequer showed that no reductions which even Mr. Cobden himself
      dare submit to the house would reduce the national expenditure to the
      proposed extent, and proved that the defence of the commerce and
      independence of the country forbade any such reduction. Mr. Cobden only
      obtained seventy-seven to support him, in a house of three hundred and
      fifty-three members. This did not arise from any indisposition to reduce
      the public burdens, but from a conviction that Mr. Cobden rested his
      motion upon false data, and that his scheme was utterly inapplicable to
      the circumstances of the times.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 29th of June the chancellor of the exchequer brought forward his
      budget. He estimated the ordinary income at £51,550,000, and the
      extraordinary income at £580,000. The expenditure he estimated at
      £53,287,000. He contemplated a surplus income for the ensuing year of
      about three quarters of a million sterling. The statement was received
      favourably, but a general impression existed that the chancellor might
      have carried retrenchment much farther. The supplies, however, were
      granted upon the basis of the statement offered.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MOTION ON THE STATE OF THE NATION
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of July Mr. Disraeli moved for a select committee on the state
      of the nation. He did not expect that the government would concede, or the
      house support it; but he made it the occasion for a general attack upon
      the whig policy, and especially the free-trade policy which that party had
      originated in parliament, although Sir Robert Peel, their successful rival
      in this department, carried away the credit of having done so. The speech
      of Mr. Disraeli was rhetorically, and only rhetorically, successful. He
      reenumerated the misfortunes which befel Ireland and the colonies during
      the three previous years, and all the monetary difficulties which befel
      England, and attributed them, with dextrous dishonesty, to whig impolicy
      and free trade. These calamities, which were chiefly caused by delaying
      free trade too long, he ascribed to that measure. The perverted ingenuity
      thus displayed did not serve his party or convince his opponents. He was
      opposed in a blunt and candid speech by Mr. Hume, and in one of the
      happiest orations ever delivered by Sir Robert Peel. Lord John Russell
      also made an effective reply. Mr. Disraeli received small support from his
      followers. If the chief was not equal to the exigencies of the party,
      neither was the party worthy of the chief. Only one hundred and fifty-six
      votes sustained him, although Mr. Disraeli did his utmost to induce a
      decided display of strength. The motion was lost by an overwhelming
      majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PROROGATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Few events of public interest occurred in the parliamentary history of the
      session except those which are here recorded. The prorogation occurred on
      the 1st of August. The president of the council read the queen's speech,
      which referred in the usual vague and general manner to the topics which
      had been discussed, but paid a generous tribute of acknowledgment to the
      heroism of the troops in the Punjaub. The blessing of domestic peace, and
      of the prospects of a good harvest were dwelt upon in terms of
      thankfulness to the Divine goodness.
    </p>
    <p>
      The session of 1849 was not in any way remarkable. Few good laws were
      passed, few good speeches made, and no incidents of striking importance
      entered into its history. The state of parties remained what it had been
      when the session commenced; perhaps, if any change took place, the Whigs
      were on the whole strengthened. Sir Robert Peel gave them a qualified
      support, taking care frequently to express his want of confidence in their
      Irish policy, although nothing in his own past policy warranted the
      expectation that he would have governed Ireland substantially better than
      his rivals.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Outrage on her Majesty.&mdash;There were various occurrences in the course
      of the year of interest or importance to the court, and to the public as
      having reference to the court.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 19th of May her majesty held a drawing-room, and shortly after her
      return, drove out with three of her children in the park. She was
      returning a little before six o'clock, when a shot was fired as the
      carriage passed down Constitution Hill by a man who stood within the
      railing of the Green Park. He was seized, and narrowly incurred being torn
      to pieces by the people, who were in a state of furious excitement at the
      occurrence. He was eventually rescued from the populace by the
      park-keepers and police and conducted to the guard-house of the palace.
      Her majesty displayed the coolest self-possession and courage. Prince
      Albert, who rode on before, heard the occurrence from her majesty's lips
      as she alighted. The name of the criminal was Hamilton; he was a native of
      Adair, county Limerick, Ireland. General Wemyss, who rode exactly in the
      line between her majesty and the criminal, thought that the pistol was
      fired at him, and was of opinion that, had it been loaded with ball, he
      must have been struck; he also considered the report to be from a blank
      cartridge. This opinion proved to be correct, he had no intention of
      hurting any person, and seemed either to have been actuated by a desire
      for display, or to place himself in the hands of the authorities as a
      criminal, for sake of maintenance, as he was in great destitution. He was
      sentenced to seven years' transportation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The ministry had, with much wisdom, advised her majesty to visit Ireland
      in the autumn of 1849. It was supposed by them that such an event would
      soothe the spirit of party, and restore the loyalty which was supposed to
      exist before 1848. Such was its tendency; but it ought to have been
      understood that the people were no more disloyal in that year than in the
      year which preceded it, or any other previous one; and the visit of her
      majesty, although beneficial for a time, on the whole, was not likely to
      give any permanent effect to the loyalty of those who might, during her
      visit, display the like. The Young Ireland press denounced the policy of
      the visit as a trick to ensnare the generosity of the Irish character, and
      to divert the people from the only true political pursuit for Irishmen&mdash;the
      separation of their country from Great Britain; and those papers predicted
      that the reception of her majesty, notwithstanding that national
      generosity which they truly asserted, would be painful to the royal lady,
      and demonstrate the unwillingness of the Irish people to be her subjects.
      The Old Ireland press, like the Old Ireland leader in parliament (Mr. John
      O'Connell), gave a very "uncertain sound "&mdash;it "blew hot and cold
      with the same mouth," protesting that the Irish people were most loyal,
      but at the same time in a very treasonable state; spurned, doubted, and
      encouraged the ministerial policy by turns. The newspapers made a point of
      averring, that if her majesty would only grant repeal and justice to
      Ireland, and, in fact, whatever the party demanded, she would find the
      Irish people, always excepting Orangemen and "swadlers," most peacefully
      disposed. The words of the national poet were echoed by these persons:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "There never were hearts, if our rulers would let them,
     More formed to be tranquil and blest than ours."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The Irish people not connected with these two parties made every exertion
      to prove their real and unaffected loyalty and devotion to her majesty;
      and they boldly declared that the prophecies of the Young Irelanders, and
      the doubts of the Old Irelanders, as to the probability of the queen
      receiving insult, were unworthy of notice. The Irish are too gallant a
      nation to insult a lady and a queen under any circumstances, and there was
      not a man among either Old Ireland or Young Ireland who would do the like,
      however wavering in loyalty; nor was there one among them who would not
      risk his life to chastise such conduct, had it happened in his presence.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the prorogation, the court proceeded to Cowes, where a squadron was
      in readiness, and her majesty, with her husband and children, embarked and
      proceeded on their voyage on the night of the 1st of August. The next
      night, at one o'clock, the squadron arrived at Cove, "amidst a blaze of
      illumination by sea and land." In the morning, the little town of Cove
      received the designation of Queenstown from her majesty, at the request of
      the inhabitants, as commemorative of her arrival there. It was noticed
      that the moment her majesty set her foot on shore, the sun, which had been
      clouded, burst forth with brilliancy. In the afternoon, the royal party
      visited the city of Cork, to receive various deputations, and afford the
      queen an opportunity of seeing the city. She proceeded up the river, and
      never did the scenery on the banks of the beautiful Lee look finer than on
      that bright autumnal day. Her majesty's reception in Cork was most
      enthusiastic. There is no country in the world where public enthusiasm
      appears to greater advantage than in Ireland, when displayed in a good
      cause; and in no part of Ireland are the people more hearty in any feeling
      than m the sunny south. The reception of her majesty and suite was
      everything she could wish it to be. She received an address from the city,
      while seated on the quarter-deck of the royal tender. As the first address
      presented to her in Ireland, it has historic interest:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>May it please your Majesty</i>,&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      We, your majesty' s dutiful and loyal subjects, the mayor, aldermen, and
      councillors of the ancient city of Cork, humbly approach your majesty to
      tender to you, on behalf of ourselves and our fellow-citizens at large,
      the homage of our profoundest loyalty, and of our deepest affection and
      attachment to your majesty's sacred person and crown.
    </p>
    <p>
      We gratefully beg to express our deep sense of the high honour and
      distinction conferred on us by your majesty graciously condescending to
      select our city as the place where you, and your royal and much-loved
      consort, pay your first visit to this portion of the kingdom; and we hail
      with the sincerest feelings of joy and exultation your august presence
      here, and ardently hope that your majesty will be graciously pleased to
      cheer and gladden us by frequent visits, and thus diffuse pleasure and
      happiness amongst us. We sincerely hope that your majesty's gracious visit
      will be like those of the angel of mercy, with healing on its wings, and
      that it is the harbinger of bright and better days for our country, which
      your majesty must be aware is passing through a fearful ordeal.
    </p>
    <p>
      We know that your majesty deeply sympathises in the sufferings and
      privations which your people have undergone, and are still going through;
      and we are convinced that nothing would afford a higher gratification to
      your royal breast than to mitigate and relieve those sufferings, and to
      raise the moral and social condition of your majesty's much and long
      enduring, but patient and faithful Irish subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      We trust that your royal advent here will lay the foundation of a better
      order of things than lias hitherto existed; be the means of fully
      developing the great and varied natural resources of our beautiful and
      fertile country; and that its prosperity, and the consequent comfort,
      happiness, and contentment of its people, will be the glorious and blessed
      results of your auspicious visit.
    </p>
    <p>
      That your majesty may enjoy a long and prosperous reign over a united,
      happy, and contented people, and that you, your royal consort and family,
      may possess every happiness that this world can afford, is the ardent and
      sincere prayer of your loyal and attached subjects, the council and
      citizens of Cork.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty's sail down the Lee was even more picturesque than her voyage
      up; and her departure from Cove was such a scene as, no doubt, the royal
      lady, as well as her subjects of the south, will long and vividly
      remember. Her majesty's yacht tarried the next night at Waterford harbour,
      but she did not visit the city.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Sunday, the 5th, her majesty was expected to arrive at Kingstown, and
      the people of the metropolis, and the surrounding country for many a mile,
      poured multitudinously along the beautiful shores of Kingstown and
      Killany. When in the evening the squadron approached, the enthusiasm of
      the people was boundless. At twenty minutes past seven, the squadron
      dropped anchor in the deep clear waters of Kingstown harbour, and every
      token of cordial greeting that a people could express, or a queen receive,
      indicated the popular spirit. The sea was crowded with barques, the shore
      with people. The former were gaily decked, the latter in elegant attire;
      and over sea and shore rang the loud cheers of a vast and excited
      multitude. Few sights were ever presented to her majesty equal in scenic
      effect. She appeared on deck, and bowed in acknowledgment of the cheers of
      her people. Prince Albert next presented himself, and was received with an
      ardour as great as that which marked the welcome of the queen. Her majesty
      and the prince having retired, the people renewed their cheers, when the
      royal pair again came forward, with their four children, and, amidst
      renewed demonstrations of welcome, bowed to the people in the boats, and
      on the shore. The attempt at illumination in Kingstown was a failure. It
      had been intended to light bonfires on the Wicklow and Dublin mountains;
      this would have been a picturesque and national welcome, but the scheme
      was not executed.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Monday, the 6th, according to previous announcement, her majesty was to
      land, and proceed by rail to Dublin, about six miles. The morning broke
      over the beautiful bay and the bold hills of Wicklow in peculiar
      loveliness. From Howth to Bray Head the mellow light of an autumn morning
      shed its richness; the clear waters of the noble bay, the green hills of
      Dublin, the majestic city, west and south the granite peak of "the
      Sugar-loaf," and the broad forehead of Bray Head, glistened in the
      glorious day. The very earth and heavens welcomed the Island Queen. Amidst
      all the loveliness on which she looked, the fairest spot was that which
      was washed by the waters of Killany Bay, where the soft sweet vale of
      Shanganah, with its silver strand, its green bosom, and noble background,
      stretched away between Bray Head and Kingstown. They were scenes amidst
      which one of queenly taste might love to linger, and were well calculated
      to impress her majesty and family with the beauty of the fair but
      sorrowful land upon which she was about once more to tread.
    </p>
    <p>
      At ten minutes to ten on Monday morning, her majesty, consort, and
      children, came upon deck, and were received with acclamations. The moment
      she set foot on Irish ground, the harbour master hoisted the royal
      standard, and the cannon sent their thunders echoing over the bay, and
      among the hills.
    </p>
    <p>
      The royal suite proceeded by rail to Dublin, the line profusely decorated,
      and the banks thronged with people, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and
      filling the air with their hurrahs. At the Sandy-Mount station the royal
      carriages were in waiting, and a grand procession of the authorities and
      gentry of the county. Seated in open carriages, the royal personages then
      drove, attended by a splendid military escort, to the vice-regal Lodge,
      Phoenix Park. The route was indeed triumphal, everywhere along the
      magnificent course which the cortege pursued, the national expression, "<i>caed
      mile failthe</i>" (a hundred thousand welcomes), was heard. There were
      several halts in the line of progress: the first to afford opportunity to
      the lord mayor to present the keys of the city to her majesty; the second
      was of her majesty's spontaneous desire, in order to admire the beautiful
      church of St. George; the third was at the triumphal arch at the foot of
      Eccles Street, where a scene of much interest was presented. As the royal
      carriage was about entering the triumphal arch, a beautiful fawn-coloured
      dove, ornamented with a white ribbon, was lowered to her majesty by Mr.
      Robert Williams. Her Majesty received this suitable emblem of the effect
      which her royal visit was expected to produce with smiles, and most
      graciously acknowledged the simple but significant gift. The bird was held
      out by her majesty to the royal children, to whom it at once became an
      object of attraction. The Prince of Wales soon obtained possession of the
      bird, which seemed to absorb his attention. In the evening Dublin was
      illuminated, and maintained its well-established fame for pyrotechnic
      displays.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty during her stay held a brilliant court, which was attended by
      the nobility and gentry of Ireland, numbering many among them of those
      most famed for arts and arms, literature and politics. The royal party
      visited most of the public institutions, in which they appeared to take an
      interest, and many expressions were said to have dropped incidentally from
      the queen indicative of her concern for the peace and welfare of Ireland,
      as well as of her admiration of the country. On the Tuesday evening the
      illuminations were spontaneously renewed, and with more brilliancy than
      before, and on the Wednesday evening all the public buildings were a third
      time illuminated. On the morning of that day a levee was held at the
      Castle, the most brilliant ever known in Ireland. The costume of the queen
      attracted the highest admiration. She wore a robe of exquisitely shaded
      Irish poplin, of emerald green, richly wrought with shamrocks in gold
      embroidery. Her hair was simply parted on her forehead, with no ornament
      save a light tiara of gold studded with diamonds and pearls. On the Friday
      the royal party visited the Duke of Leinster, the premier peer of Ireland,
      and the same evening embarked at Kingstown for Belfast. Her departure,
      like her arrival, was attended by vast multitudes. Her majesty ascended
      the paddle-box of the steamer, and waved her hand again and again in
      response to the adieus of the great multitude. On Saturday morning the
      royal squadron arrived at Belfast, where her majesty and suite landed, and
      received as hearty a welcome as elsewhere. The same night she embarked,
      and steamed through a violent gale for the Scottish coast, but was obliged
      to defer the attempt until Sunday, in the evening of which the squadron
      arrived at Loch Ryan, in Argyleshire.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE ROYAL VISIT TO SCOTLAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      After her majesty's triumphal visit to Ireland, the loyal Scottish people
      were most anxious to show her their warm affection and deep respect.
      Arrangements were accordingly made for public entry into Glasgow and
      Perth, by which route her majesty determined to proceed to her autumn
      residence at Balmoral. Ardent as was the hospitality of the Irish, it was
      rivalled by the patriotic fervour of the Scots, and the cities of Glasgow
      and Perth made demonstrations of attachment of which the royal lady might
      well be proud. On the 15th of August the court reached Balmoral, and
      entered upon those happy and private recreations which the royal family
      were wont to enjoy at their delightful Highland home. On the 29th of
      September the court was once more at Osborne.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE QUEEN DOWAGER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On Sunday morning, the 2nd of December, the queen dowager died at Stanmore
      Priory. The royal lady was the relict of King William IV., the uncle of
      Queen Victoria. She was supposed to have been much attached, through her
      husband's reign, to the Conservative party, and to have favoured those
      intrigues in that interest which kept alive so long and so fiercely the
      spirit of faction during the discussions about the reform bill, and for
      some time after that measure was carried. Her majesty was buried on the
      13th, at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, where her coffin was placed beside
      that of her husband.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It is always a subject of deep interest to a nation when its most eminent
      citizens are called away from the duties and honours of their citizenship.
      How frequently has the decease of a great person turned the scale of
      party, baffled armies or states, restored a country from peril, or placed
      it in the imminency of danger? Such was not the case with England in 1849,
      yet many very remarkable persons were that year numbered with the dead;
      the most notable person whose removal took place in this way, was the
      queen dowager.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of January the Earl of Auckland died. This nobleman had
      attracted for some years previously a large share of public attention. He
      was not remarkable in youth for any special gift. In the House of Commons,
      which he entered in early life, he made no figure. The public were
      therefore amazed when, in November, 1830, he was appointed by Earl Grey a
      member of the cabinet, with the important post of president of the board
      of trade, and also the office of master of the Mint. In 1834, he was made
      first lord of the Admiralty. In 1835 he was appointed governor-general of
      India. In 1841 he was displaced, a conservative government coming into
      office. In 1846 he again appeared at the head of the Admiralty board. His
      business habits and good sense qualified him for office, and at the
      Admiralty he rendered some service, but had he not been a peer and a
      friend of Lord Grey, he would never have occupied so prominent a place in
      the government.&mdash;On the 7th Earl Talbot died. His career was
      remarkable only for his having proved himself very unfit to govern
      Ireland, having exemplified, when lord-lieutenant, how little the
      conservative party at that time considered the importance of placing a man
      in the important situation because of his aptitudes.&mdash;On the 20th Mr.
      Cadell, the eminent Scotch publisher, and, in great degree, founder of
      cheap literature in Great Britain. He was identified with Sir Walter Scott
      in the cheap issue of his immortal volumes.
    </p>
    <p>
      Feb. 1st. Lieut.-general Sir Thomas Arbuthnot, a very distinguished
      officer. He was born in the county of Mayo, in Ireland, and died at
      Salford, Manchester, while in military command of the northern district.&mdash;19th.
      Bernard Barton, the quaker poet, the amiable and useful author of so many
      pious and instructive compositions. He was born near London, and died at
      Woodbridge, in the sixty-fifth year of his age.
    </p>
    <p>
      May 9th. General Sir Robert Thomas Wilson, Bart. This officer had
      distinguished himself through a long series of years in the most active
      and daring military services, especially in Germany, Poland, and Russia.
      He was particularly known as having, in conjunction with two other British
      officers, effected the escape of Count Lavalette, after the battle of
      Waterloo. He was a native of London, and died at an hotel there in the
      seventy-third year of his age.&mdash;13th. General the Hon. Sir Edward
      Paget, the last surviving brother of the Marquis of Anglesea. Sir Edward's
      services in the Peninsular war are matters of pride and honour in British
      history.&mdash;19th. Sir Nesbit Josiah Willoughby, Rear-admiral of the
      White. This gallant officer served both by land and sea, having, when not
      engaged by the British Admiralty, joined the Russian army, in which, as a
      colonel, he greatly distinguished himself. He was born in Warwickshire, at
      the family seat, and died in London, in the seventy-third year, of his
      age.&mdash;21st. At Edgeworthstown, county of Longford, Ireland, in her
      eighty-fifth year, Miss Edgeworth, so celebrated as a novelist, and
      deserving equal celebrity as a metaphysician, for her novels abound with
      the most accurate and acute speculations in mental philosophy,
      incidentally occurring in the course of her narratives. She was small in
      stature, lively in disposition, vivacious in thought, a good
      correspondent, and an affectionate friend. The opinion has gained currency
      since her death, that the more intellectual portions of her writings were
      the products of her father's genius, whose hand appeared in nearly all her
      novels.&mdash;22nd. At his house in Pall Mall, aged seventy-five, William
      Vernon, Esq., an artist and a tasteful collector of pictures. He had been
      a successful man of business, and left a large fortune to the nation in
      works of art, the productions of native artists, which reveal the talent
      prevailing among native painters, whom it was the fashion to undervalue.
    </p>
    <p>
      June 4th. The Countess of Blessington. This beautiful and accomplished
      lady, so well known as the friend of Byron, was born at Curragheen, county
      Waterford, Ireland, and she was distinguished through life for literary
      eminence as well as personal beauty. She possessed a noble generosity,
      especially to obscure men of talent. Her house at Kensington Gore, near
      London, was for many years the resort of the most eminent literary men.
      She died at Paris.
    </p>
    <p>
      July 8th. Mr. Wilson, the celebrated Scotch vocalist, at the early age of
      forty-nine. He was born in Edinburgh, and died at Quebec.&mdash;12th.
      Horace Smith, the author, known in connection with "The Pic-nic Papers,"
      "The Rejected Addresses," &amp;c. He was born in London, and died at
      Tunbridge Wells, at the age of seventy.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sept. 12. William Cooke Taylor, LL.D. This learned and gifted man was born
      in Youghall, county of Cork, Ireland. He fell a victim to cholera, in
      Dublin, in the fiftieth year of his age.
    </p>
    <p>
      Nov. 3rd. Mr. Duncan, the African traveller, on board her majesty's ship
      <i>Kingfisher</i>. He was a native of Wigtonshire, in Scotland.
    </p>
    <p>
      Dec. 1. Ebenezer Elliott, "the Corn-law Rhymer." He was born and died in
      Yorkshire. He was the author of several pleasing poems, of a somewhat
      epigrammatic character.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1849 was remarkable for the death of eminent general officers and
      military men of inferior rank. Naval heroes, of a reputation extensive as
      the world, were also called away. The numbers of persons of great mark in
      the nation who died during the year were too great to receive notice
      within the limits of this history. To point out a few in whom the public
      of the present day take most interest is all which space will allow in
      this volume.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1850
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Foreign Relations..... Colonial Affairs..... Ireland.....
     Home   Incidents-Debates in Parliament..... Deaths of
     Remarkable Persons.
</i></pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1850
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1850 was not a striking period of English history. There was no
      foreign war, no colonial revolt, no great question to be solved at home;
      yet in every department of the national affairs there were occurrences of
      importance, as might be expected in so vast an empire, with so many and
      complicated interests.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Spain</i>.&mdash;The interruptions of diplomatic relations with Spain,
      in consequence of the offence taken by General Narvaez at the interference
      of Sir Henry L. Bulwer, was brought to a termination by the appointment of
      Lord Howden as envoy extraordinary, and ambassador plenipotentiary of the
      Queen of Great Britain to the court of Madrid. This event seemed to give
      great satisfaction to the Spanish court and people, and her Iberian
      majesty, on the assembling of the cortes, made the matter a prominent
      topic in her address; but little interest was taken in Great Britain in
      connection with the event.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Greece</i>.&mdash;The independence of the Greek kingdom was not
      followed by any improvement in the condition or character of the people.
      The government constituted by the three protecting powers (England,
      France, and Russia) was corrupt and incompetent, and the king despotic and
      faithless. Russia had an interest in keeping Greece disturbed, and
      especially in exciting both king and people to ambitious projects against
      Turkey, and Louis Philippe, King of the French, aided in promoting the
      corruption, and founded a policy for France inimical to the permanent
      advantage of Greece and the peace of Europe. The Greek government well
      knowing the unfavourable feeling of both Russia and France to England,
      treated British subjects with insult, and frequently allowed Greek
      subjects to treat them with wanton and unprovoked injury. The
      remonstrances of the English minister were unavailing, the wrongs of
      English citizens were unredressed. At last, the British foreign minister
      determined to make a categorical demand for justice, and in case of
      refusal to take reprisals. The demands made by Lord Palmerston were for
      satisfaction of the following claims:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      1. Mr. Finlay, an English subject, was deprived of land in 1838, which was
      enclosed in the gardens of the royal palace at Athens, in 1840.
    </p>
    <p>
      2. M. Pacifico, a native of Gibraltar, was insulted, his house broken into
      at Athens in open day by a mob, aided by soldiers and gendarmes, in 1847.
      The mob supposed that certain measures of the government were incited by
      the British, and that M. Pacifico had personally some part in the matter.
      The government made no effort to restrain the rioters, and refused all
      reparation.
    </p>
    <p>
      3. In October, 1846, six Ionian boats were plundered at the custom-house
      of Salcina. The Greek government refused all satisfaction.
    </p>
    <p>
      4. Two Ionians were illegally arrested at Pyrgos, in 1847, and cruelly
      flogged.
    </p>
    <p>
      5. The police at Paints arrested two Ionians, and subjected them to
      various cruelties and indignities for putting up some English, Ionian, and
      Greek flags on the awning of a coffee-shop.
    </p>
    <p>
      6. The boat's crew of a British man-of-war landed the son of the British
      consul at Patras, in January, 1848, when Greek soldiers seized the unarmed
      sailors, beat and imprisoned them. The Greek government refused to
      apologise for the outrage.
    </p>
    <p>
      After these claims were made, another was added&mdash;that the isles or
      rocks of Corvi and Lapienza belonged to the Ionian Isles, and that,
      therefore, the Greek government should forego all acts of sovereignty in
      respect to them.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of December, 1849, Mr. Wyse, the English minister at the court
      of Athens, called the attention of M. Londos, the minister for foreign
      affairs at the court of Athens, to the claims of England, declaring, that
      the long forbearance of her majesty's government must not be construed
      into indifference. No notice was taken of the note; the Greek king and his
      ministers had for so many years been permitted to offer insults to the
      English government with impunity, they could not conceive that it was now
      in earnest. The conduct of Lord Aberdeen in the English foreign office had
      especially encouraged this state of feeling, and Lord Palmerston had found
      no opportunity during the eventful years 1847-8-9, to enter upon the
      matter with such purpose as the case required, from the known sympathies
      of Russia and France. On January 10th, Mr. Wyse and Admiral Parker had an
      interview with M. Londos, who listened to their representations, but
      reserved a formal reply. The next day he read a note, refusing the
      concessions required. No allusion was made in any of these transactions to
      the cession of the islets. Mr. Wyse then made a formal written demand, and
      allowed twenty-four hours for a reply. During that time the agents of both
      Russia and France were consulted by the Greek minister, who was encouraged
      by them to resist the English requisitions. This was notorious at Athens;
      yet, at the expiration of the twenty-four hours, M. Londos offered to
      submit the matter to the arbitration of France and Russia. Her majesty's
      minister, of course, refused to bring in the arbitration of the powers
      whose jealousy and intrigue had led to the situation. He accordingly
      declared the blockade of the Piræus by the English fleet, and himself
      embarked on board Sir W. Parker's flag-ship. The Greek government treated
      the blockade with contempt, and sent out the <i>Otho</i>, and other
      government vessels. These were seized and sent to Salamis by the admiral,
      or detained near his own ships. On the 20th, M. Londos sent a protest to
      Mr. Wyse against these proceedings, and an hint that the other nations of
      Europe would interfere. Sir W. Parker next laid an embargo upon all Greek
      ships, and made arrangements for the capture of all he might find at sea.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of February, M. Drouyn de Lhuys made an offer in London of
      friendly offices on the part of France, which were accepted, and on the
      12th official notes were exchanged to that effect. Orders were,
      consequently, sent to Mr. Wyse and Admiral Parker to suspend coercive
      measures, pending the friendly intervention of France. The French
      government sent out a negotiator, Baron Gros, who arrived at Athens on the
      5th of March. That gentleman, on examining the claims, fixed upon those of
      M. Pacifico as exaggerated, and no agreement between him and the British
      negotiator could be concluded; and on the 23rd of April, he notified the
      failure of his mission to the Greek government.
    </p>
    <p>
      While this was going on at Athens, the French ambassador in London and the
      English foreign minister had agreed upon a plan of settlement, and the
      French government sent immediately a frigate with despatches for Baron
      Gros, instructing him to that effect. From some mistake or oversight the
      English government sent no orders to Mr. Wyse, and the result was that he
      refused to recognise the instructions sent out to the baron by his
      government. Hostilities commenced next day, which compelled the Greek
      government to submit to the demands of the English minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      When tidings of these transactions reached France the French ambassador
      quitted London, but the difference between France and England was
      ultimately arranged by friendly explanations, and by the English
      government substituting the terms of agreement which had been made by the
      two governments at London, for the mere stipulations accepted by the Greek
      government at Athens.
    </p>
    <p>
      The czar was enraged at these proceedings, and his ministers addressed a
      remonstrance to the British cabinet, couched in terms indignant and
      affrontful. The diplomatic turmoil in connection with the affairs of
      Greece caused considerable discussion in the country and the commons,
      which will be noticed under the section appropriated to parliamentary
      proceedings.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Liberia</i>.&mdash;The British government, in its desire to put down
      negro slavery, took a deep interest in the prosperity of the free black
      colony of Liberia. The English public regarded it as a great experiment as
      to the adaptation of the negro race for self-government and modern
      civilization. The origin of the colony was not as philanthropic as was
      supposed in England. It did not originate in the benevolence of American
      citizens anxious to promote the advantages and progress of the negro, but
      in the selfishness of those who favoured slavery, and were desirous to
      exile the free blacks from the land of their birth, where their good
      conduct was a reproach to oppressors, and their freedom a temptation to
      the whole negro race to break their own bonds. In 1848-9 negotiations for
      a treaty of commerce, based on reciprocal advantages, was opened between
      the infant black state and her Britannic majesty. It consisted of eleven
      articles, which stipulated perpetual peace and friendship, freedom of
      commerce, mutual protection of the subjects of the respective states, the
      establishment of consuls, the slave trade to be piracy, English vessels of
      war in pursuit of slavers to be received with hospitality, and at liberty
      to visit any suspected vessels sailing under the Liberian flag. This
      treaty belongs strictly to the history of the previous year, but became
      known to the British public generally at the beginning of 1850.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Costa Rica</i>.&mdash;The trade of England with the South American
      republics having for many years assumed considerable importance, a formal
      recognition of the principles by which it was desirable to conduct that
      trade became necessary with this particular state. This treaty consisted
      of sixteen articles, which engaged the powers mutually to preserve
      perpetual amity; freedom of commerce; freedom of correspondence; "the most
      favoured nation" clause; personal freedom and protection; exemption from
      forced loans and military conscriptions; establishment of consuls; in case
      of any interruption of friendly intercourse, citizens on the coasts to be
      allowed six months, and in the interior twelve months, to wind up their
      affairs, and safe conduct to be afforded to them; liberty of Christian
      burial and protection of places of sepulture; total prohibition of the
      slave trade. This treaty was signed at San Jose de Costa Rica, November
      27th, 1849, and ratified at London, February, 1850. The treaty to exist
      for seven years, or longer, unless either party gave notice to the
      contrary after that date.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>St. Domingo</i>.&mdash;This was a treaty of eleven articles, engaging
      the respective powers named to mutual friendship; freedom of commerce;
      personal protection and protection of property; "the most favoured nation"
      clause; consular immunities and privileges; religious freedom for the
      subjects of each state within the territory of the other; perpetual
      prohibition of slavery; "right of search;" existence of treaty to be ten
      years, and after that, until due notice on either party had expired.
      Subsequently, an additional article was inserted, providing for the
      possible suspension of the previous articles in case the Dominican
      republic should continue at war with Hayti, or be again at war with that
      nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The treaty was signed at St. Domingo on the 6th of March, and the
      ratifications were exchanged at the same place on the 10th of September.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Coast of Guinea</i>.&mdash;On the Gold Coast, or Coast of Guinea, the
      Danes had long held certain positions or forts, named Christiansbergh,
      Augustabergh, Kongensteen, and Prindsensteen; connected with these was an
      undefined amount of territory. The Danish merchants, who at first derived
      some profit from these establishments, soon found that they could obtain
      from Great Britain more cheaply the various articles of that commerce,
      than by direct communication with the country itself. This arose from the
      numerous interests of Great Britain, and the broader foundation of her
      commercial speculations. The Danish government felt the African
      possessions cumbersome and expensive, and agreed to cede them, with their
      guns, stores, property, territorial rights, &amp;c, to her Britannic
      majesty for the sum of £10,000. A treaty to this effect was signed in
      London on the 17th of August, and ratified there September 11th.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Australia</i>.&mdash;Considerable excitement existed in the Australian
      colonies for a more constitutional form of government, and at last the
      imperial legislature took up the | subject with earnestness. Constitutions
      were granted to the Australian colonies in harmony with their British
      origin. These concessions of the mother country were hailed with delight
      in the colonies. The general prosperity of Australia secured peace. Crime,
      however, prevailed to a great extent in New South Wales, Victoria, and Van
      Dieman'a Land: in the first and last named, from the presence of convicts,
      or those who had been such. Many of this class had made their escape to
      the colony of Victoria, where they committed depredations and violence,
      and brought some disrepute upon the settlement.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Canada</i>.&mdash;The annexation movement continued to disturb the
      province and disquiet the government. Persons holding civil situations,
      and officers of militia who took any part in the agitation, were
      dismissed; and by a vigilant repressive policy the government gradually
      brought the Canadas into a more quiescent state. A reaction at last set
      in, and general expressions of loyalty prevailed where opinions in favour
      of an independent confederation of the British American provinces had been
      boldly announced. The ministry by which the indemnity bill was carried
      during the previous year were not able to retain power. The governor, on
      opening the provincial parliament at Toronto, delivered a speech in French
      and English, which was well received by both parties. Before the year
      closed it was proved that a large majority of the people of the Canadas
      were against separation from the mother country.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>The West Indies</i>.&mdash;The West India Islands were in a
      discontented state throughout the year. Jamaica led the way in the
      expression of dissatisfaction. The English free-trade measures were the
      chief source of the disquietude, and tinged every disappointment or
      misfortune that befel the colonists. The post-office arrangements; the
      local finance; the provision required by the imperial government for the
      support of the various colonial administrations; the relation of the
      planters to the negro free labourers, were all topics of angry debate in
      the colonial press and legislatures. A very general desire to unite with
      the North American States was felt, or at all events, expressed; the
      desire being, as in Canada, to escape free trade, and the additional
      motive that, by such a change, negro slavery might possibly be restored. A
      fear and hatred of freedom was the grand source of colonial sedition
      throughout the continent and islands of British America.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The vast territory comprised in British India was seldom wholly at peace,
      the agitations of contiguous countries extending to it, and requiring the
      constant vigilance of the government, lest mischief beginning beyond the
      borders should spread within them.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the early part of the year there were signs of disaffection throughout
      the north-west districts, and the native garrison of Delhi manifested some
      insubordination on account of batta which they demanded if ordered beyond
      the Sutlej, and which the government had determined to refuse. Sir Charles
      Napier persevered in his attempts to reform the army, and put down
      drunkenness and gaming among the officers, and some severe examples were
      made even in the case of officers of professional merit. In these efforts
      the commander-in-chief was not seconded by the governor-general and the
      authorities at Calcutta.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Nizam's territory disturbances occurred which compelled the
      attention of the Indian government. At Sikhim, in the latter part of the
      previous year, two British officers were seized by the independent
      sovereign of that country, formerly a dependency of Nepaul. The offence of
      these officers was entering the territory without permission; and the
      severity, and even cruelty and indignity with which they were treated,
      called for the interposition of the authorities at Calcutta; but it was
      necessary to move troops against the tyrant before he gave the
      satisfaction required.
    </p>
    <p>
      The border tribes in the neighbourhood of Peshawur gave great uneasiness
      notwithstanding that severe chastisement was inflicted upon them at the
      close of the previous year by Colonel Lawrence. Sir Colin Campbell was
      sent against them, at the head of a considerable force, but his expedition
      was not attended with success. Dost Mohamed used every exertion to prevent
      the peaceful occupation of the province by the English, his hope being
      that they would abandon it as too troublesome and expensive, and that he
      might take possession of it on their retirement. Early in June one of the
      most terrible calamities which had ever occurred in British India took
      place at Benares. A number of magazine boats were in the river, which by
      some means ignited and blew up, spreading destruction far and wide. One
      thousand persons were killed, many of them blown to pieces, and great
      numbers besides were injured. Rumours reached England of the
      dissatisfaction expressed by Sir Charles Napier with many things connected
      with the native armies in India. The extravagance and dissipation of the
      officers, and the constitution generally of the army of the Bengal
      Presidency, were named as the subjects of his displeasure.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The condition of this unhappy country during the year 1850 was only a
      little less miserable than it had been in what were emphatically called
      the "famine years." Great distress prevailed, aggravated by bad laws, and
      the general social state and spirit of the people. The moral condition of
      the country was still worse than its material circumstances. Scarcely had
      the year opened, when a series of the most atrocious murders that ever
      disgraced a country were perpetrated. A gentleman, steward to a person of
      large landed property in the county Tipperary, was shot near his own
      dwelling by cowardly assassins, who fired upon him from behind a hedge.
      Two brothers, in the same county, disputed about land; the younger clove
      the skull of the elder with the spade which he held in working. A poor
      emaciated man, in the same blood-stained county, while in a state of
      starvation pulled a turnip in a turnipfield, and was caught by the owner
      in the act of satisfying his hunger upon it; the inhuman wretch shot the
      miserable delinquent on the spot.
    </p>
    <p>
      These atrocities were but samples of the barbarous deeds which took place
      over many districts in Ireland throughout the year. The criminals were not
      always poor men; farmers, farmers' sons, and even men of this class
      possessing what might be called affluence, either committed, or caused
      others to commit, the savage acts which disgraced their country and
      shocked all civilized nations. Sometimes the murders were effected by men
      who had no wrong to complain of, no injury to redress, but who for a small
      sum of money, or being chosen by the ballot of the ribbon lodges,
      assassinated men whom they had never seen before, having been pointed out
      by their associates in the ribbon conspiracy. Sometimes the assassinations
      were on account of religion; in a few cases, for personal vengeance; but,
      generally, they were in connection with disputes about land. The state of
      the law was such as to have enabled the government to put down these
      societies, and to disarm the people, who were unworthy to be trusted with
      the liberty of keeping dangerous weapons; but the Whigs were unwilling to
      incur unpopularity, and only acted with spirit and determination when the
      government itself was endangered, and anarchy impended. The Conservatives
      charged the government with tolerating, to a certain extent, for political
      purposes, evils which nothing could justify a government for allowing to
      be perpetrated. This imputation was deserved.
    </p>
    <p>
      The political agitations were of the usual character, but gradually
      diminished; the events of the two preceding years having nearly
      extinguished the Young Ireland party, and so lowered the tone of its
      rival, as to deprive it of much notice either in Ireland or England.
    </p>
    <p>
      An agitation for what was called tenant right extended itself, but
      especially in Dublin, the great centre of all Irish agitation, and in the
      north. The character of this movement will more fully appear when noticing
      the debates in parliament which afterwards took place on the subject: it
      is here only necessary to say, that the ostensible and real objects of the
      agitators were very different. They professed to seek justice for the
      occupying tenant; they desired to inflict injustice upon the owner of the
      soil. The Irish tenant suffered much from an unfair state of the law in
      favour of the landlord, who often used to the uttermost the inequitable
      advantage thus afforded him. In the province of Ulster this was less the
      case; a more generous disposition prevailed among the landlords, and a
      more confiding one among the tenantry; the relations between the two
      classes were, as described by themselves, "live, and let live." The
      outgoing tenant claimed a right to a certain sum for his improvements and
      interest, from the incoming tenant, which was altogether irrespective of
      any bargain between the latter and the owner of the soil. This
      prescriptive right was so generally recognised, that all parties were
      satisfied. In the other provinces of Ireland it was otherwise. The English
      and Scottish settlers in Ulster found this usage, which was an old Celtic
      tradition, and adopted it; their power enabled them to assert it; but the
      vanquished Celts themselves were not permitted by those to whom the
      estates were confiscated, to retain a custom so favourable to the
      occupier. The professed object of the agitation was to secure compensation
      to the occupying tenant all over the country for his improvements, and
      such certainty of tenure, according to the nature of his lease or taking,
      as would secure him from vexatious lawsuits and inequitable ejectments,
      against which, notwithstanding that they were inequitable in the eyes of
      all men, there was no redress. As the agitation was developed, it was
      plain that the real object was political and religious on the part of the
      prime movers. It became noticeable that while the clergy of the
      Established Church, the Methodists, Congregationalists, &amp;c, abstained
      from all participation in the struggle, those of the Roman Catholic and
      Presbyterian communions fiercely fanned it. The higher classes were
      generally episcopal Protestants, the former in the north, to a large
      extent, were Presbyterians, and in the other provinces Roman Catholics; it
      was the interest of the clergy of both sects that their flocks and chief
      supporters should be placed in as independent position as possible.
      Ultimately, however, the two parties ceased to coalesce, their objects
      became so dissimilar, that all co-operation was impossible. The
      tenant-right league became a focus of Roman Catholic agitation, for purely
      Roman Catholic objects. Mr. Lucas, an English proselyte to the Church of
      Rome, who had formerly been a Quaker, became a very prominent person, and
      he carried his fanaticism to great lengths. Charles Gavan Duffy coalesced
      with him, and these men, abetted by others, so disgusted their
      Presbyterian confederates, that the latter seceded altogether from the
      confederacy. The doctrines taught by the party which remained became
      increasingly bold, and it was soon apparent that the league was a knot of
      conspirators, whose object was to transfer the property of the Protestant
      landlords of Ireland to the hands of their Roman Catholic tenants, the
      former having a sort of rentcharge upon their own land, which would in
      time have been also taken from them. The state of the law of landlord and
      tenant was so unjust, that a well-organized opposition to it, conducted
      with truth, dignity, and honour, must have speedily adjusted matters. The
      imperial legislature could not have resisted demands so fair. But the
      movement, like almost all others in Ireland, no matter for what object
      originally framed, became a mere sectarian and party one, conducted
      without justice or decency, and with designs that were disloyal to the
      government, and insidious to all classes of Irishmen not identified with
      it. These remarks anticipate the progress and character of this
      unprincipled agitation, as it soon became, but in doing so, an explanation
      is afforded to the reader which enables him to comprehend occurrences and
      debates which entered into the history of subsequent years.
    </p>
    <p>
      The remaining matters of interest connected with Ireland will be found in
      the section given to the affairs of parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME EVENTS.&mdash;PROPOSAL FOR AN EXHIBITION OF THE INDUSTRY OF ALL
      NATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the year a project was mooted for bringing together in one vast
      building specimens of the industry of all nations, The object in view was
      to promote commerce and national amity. The persons who projected this
      scheme had several consultations at the Institution of Civil Engineers, in
      Westminster, and it was finally agreed, if possible, to interest Prince
      Albert in the matter, give him all the credit of its origin, and its chief
      direction. On communicating the matter to the prince, he accepted the
      responsibility, and from that moment her majesty became deeply concerned
      in its success. The interest taken by the queen and her consort soon
      communicated itself to the rest of the royal family and to the government,
      and every exertion was made to secure the aid of foreign courts and
      governments, and the sympathy of foreign nations. A committee was
      organized of the most likely persons to conduct such an undertaking to a
      fortunate conclusion, and the powerful influence of the court was exerted
      throughout the British Isles. It was resolved to erect a building in Hyde
      Park for the display of the various productions that might be forwarded,
      and although a fierce opposition was raised by the aristocracy of
      Kensington and Knightsbridge, the court and government supported the
      committee as to the site they had chosen. A design was made by Mr. Paxton,
      gardener to the Duke of Devonshire, to erect a structure of glass, which
      was accepted, and Messrs. Fox, Henderson, and Co., of Birmingham,
      contracted for the erection. The contemplated size of the "Palace of
      Industry" was such as to make the undertaking one of much courage and
      enterprise on the part of those who made themselves responsible for its
      construction: the particulars will be most properly given under another
      chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of March, the Lord Mayor of London gave a splendid
      entertainment at the Mansion House to the chief magistrates of as many
      towns and cities of Great Britain and Ireland as could accept the
      invitation. There were present two hundred and two chief magistrates of
      English and Welsh cities and boroughs, ten provosts of Scotch burghs, and
      five mayors of Irish cities and boroughs. Prince Albert was present on the
      occasion. The assembled magistrates received such information as enabled
      them in their respective localities to promote the object. The bringing
      together so unusual an assembly attracted the notice of the empire and of
      the civilized world; the project was in that way greatly accelerated.
    </p>
    <p>
      A very large portion of the upper classes were, however, very much opposed
      to the whole design. An alarm was spread that men would be brought
      together from all nations, revolutionists and anarchists, especially from
      France, Italy, and Germany, and that possibly, with the assistance of
      these invaders landing upon our shores in the disguise of promoters of
      peace and industry, a revolution of the disaffected among ourselves would
      be attempted. Many were the dissuasions resorted to for the purpose of
      checking the zeal of the committee, and causing the court to swerve from
      its patronage of so bold a measure! The court, the government, the
      committee, and the leading men in the mercantile interests of the
      metropolis and the provinces, pursued the even tenor of their way, amused
      at the folly of so many persons in a condition of life to know better.
      These fears proved how large a portion of the classes who occupy the
      higher positions in society are ignorant of their own countrymen, and of
      the world. They could not comprehend the scheme, sympathise with its
      objects, or appreciate its benefits. Many men of strong conservative
      tendencies who wished to persevere in what they called the good old ways
      for ever, declared that the shopkeepers of London would be ruined, and
      that western London would be lost in a deluge of immorality, the result of
      such an influx of wicked foreigners from every clime. All these
      apprehensions were destined to be dissipated; but it was in vain that men
      eminent for wisdom and experience, pointed out their groundlessness; they
      were indulged until facts confuted them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, communications were transmitted from foreign courts and
      governments that the most eminent persons in their respective countries
      were nominated as commissioners to collect and arrange the products of
      those countries in the form and way most calculated to ensure the end in
      view. Intelligence of this sort was received from Russia, Sweden, Norway,
      Denmark, Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, the Hanse Towns, Nassau, Hanover,
      Oldenburgh, Mechlenburgh, France, Holland, Belgium, Spain, Turkey,
      Sardinia, Switzerland, the United States, Venezuela, and some other
      foreign countries, as well as from the governors of all our colonies, and
      from various Indian princes.
    </p>
    <p>
      It would appear as if the exhibition which had been held in France for
      various limited objects, and that intended to be held in Vienna, in 1851,
      had suggested to the English projectors the feasibility and desirableness
      of uniting all nations in one grand attempt to exhibit together their
      products, natural and industrial, in the great centre of finance,
      commerce, and power&mdash;the metropolis of the world. The Emperor of
      Austria, however, entered heartily into the views of Prince Albert, and
      postponed the exhibition intended at Vienna to the year 1852. Throughout
      the year the great preparations were pursued, and at the appointed time in
      the ensuing year reached a happy consummation, to the amazement of all,
      and gratification of most of those whose vaticinations were so gloomy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The commercial condition of Great Britain throughout the year was
      favourable. The railway speculations of previous years exercised a
      prejudicial influence upon the money market, and "calls" were severely
      felt; but the foreign commerce of the country increased rapidly, and the
      revenue was in a state which tended to preserve public confidence, and
      showed that the resources of the nation were unimpaired notwithstanding so
      many recent calamities. Free trade began already largely to tell upon the
      great interests which it affected, and justified its advocates and
      promoters.
    </p>
    <p>
      The farming interest was, however, distressed; free trade in corn had
      deranged their habits, and rendered alterations necessary in their
      customary procedure as to the landowners, their farms, and the markets
      which they were reluctant to adopt. The landlords were unwilling to
      concede lower rents, and kept up those which were brought about by war
      prices during the great struggle with France. Hence a protectionist
      agitation pervaded the country, unsettling the minds of the farmers,
      inspiring false hopes, irritating the trading classes, producing counter
      agitation, and by all these means inflicting injury upon the country.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE CHOLERA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The cholera, which broke out at the close of 1848, slumbered during the
      winter and spring, 1849, and then ravaged the country, continued to
      afflict, more or less, during this year also. The mitigation and removal
      of the disease during the year enabled medical and scientific men to give
      more calm and undisturbed investigation as to its phenomena. Some of the
      laws which characterized its advance, prevalence, and removal, were
      discovered and brought before the public; but the cause or source of the
      pestilence still remained a mystery, and no specific treatment was
      discovered. It was remarked that it appeared generally in the same
      districts, towns, streets, houses, and some persons affirmed, even
      apartments, which had entered in the year 1832.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PAPAL AGGRESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The most striking home incident of the year, was the event which went
      generally under the name of papal aggression. England, since the
      Reformation, had been exceedingly jealous of any exercise of authority by
      the Roman pontiff within her dominions, and in consequence of this feeling
      it had been deemed politic at Rome to govern the Roman Catholics of
      England by vicars apostolic. For some years, however, the church and court
      of Rome had been encouraged by the Romanist tendencies of the "High
      Anglican" and Puseyite parties in the English church. Many clergymen and
      laymen went over to Rome, especially of the former, and very many more
      were known to be inclined to follow. It was also alleged that a large body
      of the clergy and gentry were favourable to a union of the Church of
      England with the Church of Rome. In many of the churches, the
      communion-table was turned into an altar; lighted candles were employed in
      the daytime, crucifixes were placed above what was called the altar, and
      the clergy practised genuflexions and intonations which were supposed to
      be peculiar to Roman Catholicism. All these things prepared the minds of
      the people, who were in the main attached to Evangelism, and were steady
      in their Protestantism, to meet any aggressive action on the part of Rome
      with anger, and even exasperation. An occasion arose to put this to the
      test. The pope issued "a brief," constituting an episcopal hierarchy in
      England instead of the vicars apostolic. One archiepiscopal and twelve
      episcopal sees were created, and the territorial limits of the province
      and the sees were marked out. Dr. Wiseman, elevated to the rank of
      cardinal, was appointed Archbishop of Westminster. The language of the
      brief was arrogant in the extreme, and literally outraged the feelings and
      the honour of the English people. It was followed by a document still more
      offensive, written by Cardinal Wiseman, which he termed a pastoral, and
      dated "Out of the Flaminian Gate at Rome." This was addressed to the
      faithful about to become, and whom he treated as though they had already
      become, his subjects. The arrogance of this document was such as to move
      the Protestant feeling of the country, and to awaken a spirit of hostility
      to the Church of Rome which seemed unlikely ever to be quenched. The
      irritation created among the Protestant population was greatly increased
      by the tone in which the cardinal and his newly-created bishops addressed
      their followers upon their appointment to their new offices. The cardinal
      adopted the style of a prince, commencing with the royal "We," his
      authority to "rule over" the province to which he was nominated. His
      vindication of the course pursued by the pontiff was a bitter sneer at
      English and Protestant institutions, mingled with an insulting defiance of
      the established authorities of the British nation. He reminded his hearers
      and the whole British nation (whom he knew would at such a crisis peruse
      his address) that he had no authority in Westminster, or in Westminster
      Abbey, by law, and that he would still pay the entrance fee to go into
      Westminster Abbey like other liege subjects, resign himself meekly to the
      guidance of the beadle, and "listen without rebuke when he pointed out to
      his admiration detestable monuments, or show a hole in the wall for a
      confessional." "He would still visit the shrine of St. Edward, and
      meditate on the olden times when the church would fill without a
      coronation, and multitudes hourly worshipped without a service."
    </p>
    <p>
      The popish Bishop of Birmingham, Dr. Ullathorn, went beyond his master in
      boasting, and uttered the following blasphemous address:&mdash;"The people
      of England, who for many years had been separated from the see of Rome,
      were about, of their own free will, to be added to the Holy Church. He did
      not recollect any people on earth, but those of Great Britain, who, having
      rejected the religion of God, were again restored to the bosom of the
      Church. The hierarchy was restored, the grave was opened, and Christ was
      coming out."
    </p>
    <p>
      Great as was the excitement produced throughout the country by the event
      itself, and by the preposterous pretensions of the new Roman bishops, the
      public feeling was much intensified by a letter of Lord John Russell's to
      the Bishop of Durham. The prelate was supposed to be an ardent and
      consistent Protestant, and the circumstance of a man of such a character
      being selected by the premier as the medium through which to give his
      opinions to the public, parliament not being then sitting, led the country
      to believe that his lordship really sought its support for some great and
      practical purpose; that the letter was intended to indicate an anti-papal
      policy for the future, for which the support of the nation was sought. It
      was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>TO THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF DURHAM</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      My dear Lord,&mdash;I agree with you in considering "the late aggression
      of the pope upon our Protestantism" as "insolent and insidious," and I
      therefore feel as indignant as you can do upon the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      I not only promoted to the utmost of my power the claims of the Roman
      Catholics to all civil rights, but I thought it right, and even desirable,
      that the ecclesiastical system of the Roman Catholics should be the means
      of giving instruction to the numerous Irish immigrants in London and
      elsewhere, who, without such help, would have been left in heathen
      ignorance.
    </p>
    <p>
      This might have been done, however, without any such innovation as that
      which we have now seen.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is impossible to confound the recent measures of the pope with the
      division of Scotland into dioceses by the Episcopal Church, or the
      arrangement of districts in England by the Wesleyan Conference.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is an assumption of power in all the documents which have come from
      Rome&mdash;a pretension to supremacy over the realm of England, and a
      claim to sole and undivided sway, which is inconsistent with the queen's
      supremacy, with the rights of our bishops and clergy, and with the
      spiritual independence of the nation, as asserted even in Roman Catholic
      times.
    </p>
    <p>
      I confess, however, that my alarm is not equal to my indignation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Even if it shall appear that the ministers and servants of the pope in
      this country have not transgressed the law, I feel persuaded that we are
      strong enough to repel any outward attacks. The liberty of Protestantism
      has been enjoyed too long in England to allow of any successful attempt to
      impose a foreign yoke upon our minds and consciences. No foreign prince or
      potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has
      so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion&mdash;civil,
      political, and religious.
    </p>
    <p>
      Upon this subject, then, I will only say, that the present state of the
      law shall be carefully examined, and the propriety of adopting any
      proceedings with reference to the recent assumption of power deliberately
      considered.
    </p>
    <p>
      There is a danger, however, which alarms me much more than any aggression
      of a foreign sovereign.
    </p>
    <p>
      Clergymen of our own church, who have subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles,
      and acknowledged in explicit terms the queen's supremacy, have been the
      most forward in leading their flocks, "step by step, to the very verge of
      the precipice." The honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for
      the church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the muttering
      of the liturgy so as to disguise the language in which it is written, the
      recommendation of auricular confession, and the administration of penance
      and absolution, all these things are pointed out by clergymen of the
      Church of England as worthy of adoption, and are now openly reprehended by
      the Bishop of London in his charge to the clergy of his diocese.
    </p>
    <p>
      What, then, is the danger to be apprehended from a foreign prince of no
      great power, compared to the danger within the gates from the unworthy
      sons of the Church of England herself?
    </p>
    <p>
      I have little hope that the propounders and framers of these innovations
      will desist from their insidious course; but I rely with confidence on the
      people of England; and I will not bate a jot of heart or hope so long as
      the glorious principles and the immortal martyrs of the Reformation shall
      be held in reverence by the great mass of a nation which looks with
      contempt on the mummeries of superstition, and with scorn at the laborious
      endeavours which are now making to confine the intellect and enslave the
      soul.
    </p>
    <p>
      I remain, with great respect, &amp;c.,
    </p>
    <p>
      J. Russell.
    </p>
    <p>
      Downing-street, Nov. 4.
    </p>
    <p>
      Whether the noble writer of this letter was sincere in the feelings he
      expressed was doubted by few at the time, although his subsequent turning
      and time-serving justified the public in believing that the letter was
      used merely for the party purpose of forestalling the opposition by an
      appeal to the Protestant feeling which then seemed irresistible. The
      immediate effect of the letter upon the country was to stimulate afresh
      the indignation which had been so keenly felt and warmly expressed. Public
      addresses were presented to the Queen, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and
      other notable persons, by the clergy of the various dioceses, the
      universities, the corporations of cities, and voluntary assemblies,
      pledging those who presented them to the most loyal support of her majesty
      and the legislature in resisting the pretensions of popery. On the 5th of
      November, the anniversary of the gunpowder plot, there was a burst of
      anti-popish feeling all over the kingdom, such as had not been witnessed
      since the glorious revolution of 1688. The pope, Cardinal Wiseman, the new
      bishops, members of the conclave at Rome, and various other persons,
      offensive by their popery, were burnt in effigy, and "Guys" were carried
      about through London and the provincial cities in mockery of their assumed
      dignity and pretensions.
    </p>
    <p>
      These events produced very opposite effects upon the Roman Catholics
      themselves. Cardinal Wiseman manifested some alarm, and endeavoured to
      appease the popular wrath by directing his emissaries to speak slightingly
      of the importance of the matter, and to represent it as an ecclesiastical
      arrangement only of any interest to Roman Catholics themselves. Lord
      Beaumont, and other members of the Latin church, who were men of culture
      and enlightenment, deprecated the whole proceeding of the court of Rome,
      and the haughty spirit in which its English agents proclaimed them. In
      Ireland the Roman Catholic party were stirred up to perfect fury, and
      "Conciliation Hall" echoed with blustering attacks upon the government,
      and upon Protestantism. The following extract of a speech of John
      O'Connell's depicts the spirit of the Irish sympathies with Cardinal
      Wiseman and his English coadjutors:&mdash;"If a cry be raised against the
      Catholic Church, cannot a cry be raised against the Protestant Church? In
      Ireland, at least, we shall do so. Does the Cardinal Archbishop of
      Westminster send tax-gatherers and bring the force of law to bear upon
      Protestants to compel them to contribute to the support of his dignity?
      No; he will be supported by the voluntary contributions of the Catholics;
      he will receive no money under false pretences; he will take no money for
      services he does not render. But the Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, and
      the Protestant archbishop and bishops of other sees are not so; they
      receive money under false pretenses&mdash;they exact money for services
      they do not perform. The Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, or the other
      Catholic bishops in England or Ireland, do not enforce the payment of
      tithes at the point of the bayonet; the life of no widow's son is taken on
      their account. The soil of Ireland has been saturated with blood in the
      forced collection of this odious impost, and the Catholic people are still
      compelled to pay it indirectly, for they cannot get their receipts for
      their rent until they pay the tithes to the landlord, who has to pay it to
      the parson in the first instance. We must put an end to this. I hope the
      country will rally, and meet the cry against popery by a cry against the
      Protestant Church establishment."
    </p>
    <p>
      The cardinal and his colleagues persisted in their assumption of
      territorial ecclesiastical authority, and the ceremony of his
      enthronisation was attended with extraordinary pomp and parade, while the
      doctrines propounded on the occasion showed Rome to be, as to her ambition
      and purpose, <i>semper eadem</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      Finally, a bill rendering illegal and punishable the assumption of
      ecclesiastical titles was brought into parliament under the auspices of
      the premier: the right of prosecution was, however, reserved to the
      government, and as it was well known that the Whigs would never exercise
      that right from fear of losing the parliamentary support of the Romanists,
      their bill was seen by the public to be a sham. This circumstance, taken
      in connection with the premier's vehement letter to the Bishop of Durham,
      threw an imputation of inconsistency and insincerity upon the political
      character of Lord John Russell, which impaired his subsequent usefulness
      and credit.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMPLIMENT TO LORD PALMERSTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The keystone of the whig political arch was Lord Palmerston. He was by far
      the ablest man attached to the party. It was well understood that the
      connection of the noble viscount with the whig government was not from any
      partizan predilections, but from approval of their foreign policy, and
      from a patriotic desire to maintain the honour and credit of the country
      in its relation to other states, by devoting his diplomatic talent and
      experience to the conduct of the foreign office. The conservative party,
      knowing the powerful support which the presence of the noble lord in the
      whig cabinet gave to it, was unscrupulous in its desire to weaken his
      prestige, and "the peace party," considering that his lordship would be
      prompt in claiming redress for any injuries offered to British subjects,
      affected to believe that his policy was rash, and to desire on public
      grounds his removal from office. The policy of Sir Robert Peel, and his
      foreign minister, Lord Aberdeen, was essentially one of compromise: it
      preserved peace by a concession of everything that the national temper
      would allow to be conceded. This answered the views of the peace party,
      and of those whose commercial interests were subserved by peace at any
      price, and who therefore identified themselves with "the peace party on
      principle," although not holding at heart its theory. The House of Commons
      supported the policy of Viscount Palmerston, and early in June originated
      a subscription among its members for the purpose of presenting to Lady
      Palmerston a picture of her gifted husband. On the 22nd of that month a
      deputation, consisting of about ninety members, waited upon her ladyship,
      and presented the portrait, with a suitable address. The picture was a
      full length, and represented Lord Palmerston in cabinet council, a
      portrait of Canning, his political preceptor and exemplar, being suspended
      in the council-room. It was a curious and happy coincidence, that on the
      day on which this tribute of respect to her husband was presented to Lady
      Palmerston, a telegraphic despatch from Paris announced the settlement of
      the Greek question.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ARRIVAL OF THE KOH-I-NOOR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Considerable excitement was created by the arrival of this magnificent
      diamond. "The mountain of light," as its eastern designation means, was
      valued at two millions sterling, and was the most costly precious stone in
      the world. A certain Brazilian gem in the crown of Portugal was alone
      admitted to be a rival. Its discovery was made in the mines of Golconda,
      and passed into possession of the Mogul emperors from the king of that
      country. From Delhi it was borne away by the conquering Persian, and when
      his rebellious subjects assassinated him (Nadir Shah), Ahmed Shah carried
      away to Affganhistan this treasure. Runjeet Singh obtained it thence by
      inhospitable and unjust stratagem. At the conquest of Lahore the gem
      became the property of the British crown. The great diamond at the top of
      the Russian sceptre weighed a greater number of carats, but was not so
      beautiful. The arrival of the "glittering carbon" was opportune for the
      great Exhibition of 1851. Many events of political importance caused less
      conversation and curiosity than the arrival of this "mountain of light."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ATTACK UPON GENERAL HAYNAU.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the struggles between the Kasir and his insurgent provinces, one of
      his most efficient and successful generals was Haynau. He was also,
      unfortunately, one of the most cruel and sanguinary, women having been
      frequently subjected by his orders to the most indecent and merciless
      application of the lash.
    </p>
    <p>
      This officer visited England during the autumn, and his presence excited
      much indignant comment, and various demonstrations of personal dislike. It
      occurred that, on the 5th of September, he, with two other foreigners,
      presented themselves at Barclay's brewery for permission to inspect that
      very great establishment, so much an object of curiosity among foreign
      visitors. According to the rules of the establishment, visitors sign their
      names in a book, and this circumstance caused the general to be identified
      by the numerous work-people, who were excited with an intense disgust of
      his presence. The draymen and brewers abandoned their occupations, and
      cried out. "Down with the Austrian butcher," "Down with the
      woman-flogger," and many other expressions too truly descriptive of the
      general's character. He was assailed with every form of indignity, even
      with blows, and sought for safety in flight, pursued by a large and
      furious mob, every moment increasing. The general ran along Bankside, and
      found refuge in the "George" public-house, whither the mob pursued him,
      forcing open every door but that in which the general found concealment.
      The police opportunely arrived, and with difficulty dispersed the mob; the
      general was then brought out upon the wharf, and brought up the river to
      Somerset House in the police galley, crowds following along shore,
      uttering menaces and execrations. None of the perpetrators of the attack
      were identified or punished; and it is beyond question that the
      authorities did not pursue the matter as international relations with
      Austria gave that power a right to expect. A diplomatic quarrel between
      the two governments ensued, which threatened the interruption of all
      friendly communication. The Austrian foreign minister dispatched an
      indignant protest against the inhospitality shown to a dignified subject
      of the Kasir, and the apathy of the British government in reference to the
      offence of the offenders. It was the cause of much bad feeling to England
      in the higher circles of Vienna; yet it impressed the government of his
      imperial majesty, and other foreign governments, with the fact, that the
      people of England sympathised with liberal policy, and hated cruelty and
      oppression; that no European state could be guilty of the atrocities which
      Austria had committed, and hold the respect or esteem of the English
      people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.&mdash;OPENING OF THE SESSION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Parliament was opened by commission on the last day of January. The lord
      chancellor read the royal speech from the throne. The speech referred to
      the leading events, the history of which have been already related in this
      chapter. It also gratified the house by the intelligence that Sweden and
      the United States of America had taken steps to reciprocate the advantages
      conceded to the ships of these nations. Her majesty referred to her visit
      to Ireland with great satisfaction, and the countenances of the audience
      expressed sympathy with these statements. The address to her majesty in
      the Lords, was moved and seconded by the Earl of Essex and Earl Methuen.
      The former complimented the press in eloquent and judicious terms for the
      great services which it had rendered to the cause of law and order during
      the tumultuous seasons that had so recently passed. An amendment was
      proposed declaring that recent legislative enactments, and heavy local
      taxation, oppressed the agricultural interest and caused distress. The
      mover of this amendment was the Earl of Stradbroke, and it found a
      seconder in the Earl of Desart.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was obvious thus early in the session that the Protectionists were
      prepared to urge their principles, and if possible compel the legislature
      to retrace its steps on the subject of free trade. "Out of doors" this
      produced anger and discontent among the numerous and powerful classes who
      had carried the free-trade agitation to a successful issue. It had the
      effect of lowering the reputation of the conservative party for wisdom,
      discretion, and disinterestedness. The leaders of the party were boldly
      reproached by the press as anxious to sustain their luxurious living by
      taxing the necessaries of the people, and the House of Lords was denounced
      by the popular press, and at popular meetings, as "a normal school of
      agitation,"&mdash;the title given by Lord Lyndhurst as speculatively
      applicable to popular corporations. Lord Stanley lent his great name and
      his able advocacy to the support of the amendment; it was opposed by the
      free-trade lords and the ministry, and defeated. In the commons, a similar
      amendment to the address was moved by Sir J. Trollope, and seconded by
      Colonel Chatterton. After a debate of two nights, the amendment was
      rejected by an overwhelming majority.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AFFAIRS OF GREECE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The political campaign of the session might be said to have opened on the
      4th of February, when Lord Stanley demanded explanations from ministers in
      reference to the affairs of Greece. The Marquis of Lansdowne gave a clear,
      temperate, and just exposition of the facts, and of the policy of the
      government. Lord Aberdeen animadverted upon that policy in a manner that
      was deficient in all those qualities which characterized the speech of the
      ministerial leader. It was neither clear, temperate, nor just.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Milner Gibson, both addressed demands
      for explanation, Mr. Disraeli in the interest of the tory opposition, and
      Mr. Gibson in the interest of the "Peace at all price" party, as a certain
      knot of gentlemen in the house was designated. The answers of Lord
      Palmerston were lucid and statesman-like; his opponents were no more than
      children in his hands. He had neither the eloquence of Disraeli, nor the
      assurance, which ignorance alone can supply, possessed by Mr. Milner
      Gibson, who, whatever his merits, was innocent of all knowledge, for good
      or evil, on subjects of foreign policy; but his lordship showed his
      perfect cognizance of all the bearings of the dispute, of international
      law, and of the policy which his country could alone pursue, with honour
      to herself, and justice to her injured subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      So long as the Greek question remained open both these sections of
      opponents tormented the ministry, and when, on the 15th of May, the French
      ambassador suddenly left London, a perfect storm of hostility fell upon
      the cabinet. Lord Palmerston defended the policy of the foreign office
      throughout with candour, courtesy, and yet with a satirical wit, which
      keenly annoyed the opposition, while no excuse was left them to impeach
      the veteran minister's politeness, or constitutional respect for the
      house. The ministry were not apprised that the French ambassador had been
      withdrawn from any dissatisfaction with England, but the explanations
      given in the French Assembly soon left no doubt of that. Lord Stanley
      brought on a debate on the 18th of June. He arraigned the policy of
      government with an eloquence which was most formidable. He was supported
      by Lord Aberdeen in a disingenuous and un-English speech. The government
      was never more feebly defended, and the result was a signal defeat, Lord
      Stanley's motion of censure being carried by a large majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, Mr. Roebuck brought forward a resolution of confidence in
      the cabinet on the 24th of June. The speech of the honourable member was
      constitutional and effective. Lord Palmerston delivered a most powerful <i>exposé</i>
      of his foreign policy. Sir Robert Peel took much the same views in the
      commons as Lord Aberdeen did in the lords, and, considering that both
      these statesmen had by their impolicy allowed the grievances to accumulate
      which it devolved upon Lord Palmerston to redress, their conduct was
      equally inequitable and ungenerous in withholding from him their support,
      not to say opposing him. The speech of Sir Robert Peel was the last he
      ever delivered, and was remarkable for that circumstance as well as for
      the ability it displayed; but the principles of foreign policy put forth
      by the illustrious baronet were such as tended to make the country weak in
      its foreign relations, and were more calculated to subserve the immediate
      interests of Lancashire than the permanent interests of that powerful
      district, or the honour and weal of the empire at large. Mr. Gladstone and
      Mr. Cobden were also among the prominent opponents of Lord Palmerston's
      policy. The minority was large, the government policy having been
      supported only by a majority of forty-six.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 8th of February, Lord John Russell made a statement in regard to
      colonial government. His lordship denounced the imprudence of the Colonial
      Reform Association, which, by its correspondence with disaffected persons,
      kept alive discontent wherever it existed, and indirectly promoted it
      everywhere else. The pith of the noble lord's statement was, that the
      colonies were a source of strength in peace and war, contrary to the
      doctrine propounded by Messrs. Cobden and Bright: that it was the duty of
      England to preserve her colonial influence, and to extend civilization and
      freedom wherever her flag was planted; and that in most cases the colonies
      were in a position, as to population and intelligence, to justify the
      institution of a constitutional form of government in harmony with that of
      the parent state. The noble lord's speech was received with loud cheering,
      especially on the conservative side of the house, when he announced the
      opinion of the government that the colonies were sources of commercial and
      political strength, and ought to be retained. The speech was followed by
      the proposal of resolutions in harmony with its statements. A very wide
      diversity of opinion was expressed by the house, Mr. Gladstone
      animadverting with bad temper upon such portions as did not meet his
      approbation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      AUSTRALIAN COLONIES' BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 18th of February, in pursuance of these resolutions, Lord John
      Russell moved "the Australian Colonies' Bill." Mr. Roebuck criticised the
      measure in a tone of severity, in which he was followed by other members,
      but the second reading was easily carried. On its committal, considerable
      opposition was offered, in the form of amendments, to which the government
      could not accede. Mr. Roebuck and Sir William Molesworth led this species
      of opposition, and neither in a fair or national spirit. The bill was
      carried, with some slight modifications; but, upon bringing up the report,
      Sir William Molesworth moved the re-committal of the bill, and was
      seconded by Mr. Gladstone. The object of Sir William was to initiate a
      broad and liberal line of policy in colonial affairs on principles which,
      it appeared to the government, would be adverse to the interests and
      subversive of the authority of the parent country. Mr. Gladstone was
      actuated by sheer party opposition. Only forty-two votes were found in
      favour of the re-committal.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Gladstone then moved an additional clause, giving the Church of
      England in the colonies the power of synodical action. The speech of the
      honourable member was so thoroughly sectarian as to forbid any chance of
      success, as it awakened prejudices in many directions which a more prudent
      politician would have endeavoured to allay. The portion of the house
      usually known as "Young England," sustained Mr. Gladstone, but the
      government opposed him, and the house at large went with it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the third reading, Mr. Gladstone made another attempt to oppose its
      progress by moving that it be suspended until the opinion of the colonies
      could be taken as to its provisions. This motion was plausible, and this
      time the obstructor spoke plausibly, concealing the temper which really
      pervaded his opposition. Mr. Roebuck seconded it, although his motives and
      policy were utterly opposite to those of the mover. The majority was large
      which rejected the postponement. Other modes of obstruction less prominent
      were unattended by success.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the lords the second reading was carried <i>nemine contradicente</i>.
      Afterwards, Lord Brougham, who co-operated with Mr. Roebuck in the
      commons, moved that counsel should be heard at the bar against the bill;
      this motion was defeated. The Bishop of Oxford, who co-operated with Mr.
      Gladstone in the commons, moved that the bill be referred to a select
      committee; the motion was refused. The lords accepted the bill with great
      reluctance, but continued to deal with it in good faith; they amended it
      in various particulars, to which the commons afterwards consented, and the
      bill became law.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LOCAL BURDENS ON LAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 19th of February, Mr. Disraeli moved for a committee of the whole
      house to consider the burden of the poor law and other local burdens borne
      by the land, and with a view to such revision as would relieve that
      interest. The debate was a renewal, under another form, of the
      protectionist controversy. Mr. Bright, Mr. James Wilson, and Sir Robert
      Peel, made very effective speeches against the motion. On a division, Mr.
      Disraeli secured a powerful minority, his motion having been defeated by a
      majority of only twenty-one votes.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 28th of February, Mr. Hume brought on a motion for the extension of
      the franchise. Like most of that honourable gentleman's measures, this was
      as ill-timed as it was well-intended. Sir Joshua Walmsley seconded it. Mr.
      Roebuck, Mr. Fergus O'Connor, and some other members advocated it, who did
      not bring any parliamentary or moral influence to its support. Only
      ninety-six votes were given in its behalf.
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    <h2>
      IRISH DISTRESS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The parliamentary measures concerning Ireland have been noticed under the
      section of the chapter devoted to its history, and therefore only require
      a passing reference. Early in the session Lord John Russell made a
      statement to the house concerning Irish distress, and proposed various
      resolutions pertinent to the repayment of loans, and the modes of dealing
      with insolvent "unions." These resolutions were agreed to, and a bill
      founded on them was passed.
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    <h2>
      IRISH FRANCHISE BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the passing of the Reform Bill Ireland was not placed on an equality
      with England, and this fact operated strongly in promoting the disloyalty
      which had prevailed there. But for the Irish liberal members the reform
      bill for Great Britain could not have been carried, and the Irish people
      expected from the liberal representatives of Great Britain similar
      support, which was not accorded. This filled the minds of the Irish with
      strong resentment, and caused them to agitate for a reform bill on terms
      substantially as popular as that accorded to Great Britain. Moved by
      considerations of this sort, Lord John Russell resolved to enlarge the
      Irish franchise, and a bill was brought in for that purpose. It was warmly
      supported by Mr. Hume, Mr. Bright, and other English members of the
      liberal party, who desired even a more democratic measure for Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The main feature of the bill was the extension of the franchise to all
      occupiers of land to the amount of £8 per annum, adopting the rating as
      the ultimate standard of value. The bill was read a second time, after a
      fierce conservative opposition, which continued until it finally passed
      the commons. In the lords it was vehemently opposed by Lord Brougham upon
      principles not reconcilable with his well-known political creed. Lord
      Desart proposed to raise the qualification to £15, and carried his
      proposition. Lord Stanley made a proposal intended to obstruct the
      registration, and carried it against the government. In this state the
      bill passed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons the amendments of the lords were discussed with bitter
      acrimony, and a strong sense of injury, deepened into resentment, was
      circulated in Ireland, when the tidings of the lords' amendments reached
      that country. This reacted upon the commons, and the government was
      considerably embarrassed by the suspicions and anger of its own general
      supporters among the Irish members. Lord John proposed that the commons
      should confer with the lords upon the feasibility of establishing a £12
      franchise instead of the £8 or the £15. Some other amendments of the lords
      were rejected. A conference ensued, and the lords conceded to the commons
      on the basis of their new proposals.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BILL FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE LORD-LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 18th of May, the premier moved for leave to bring in a bill for
      this purpose. This was one of the many ill-digested and inconsiderate
      measures by which Lord John Russell's government was characterised. The
      Irish people almost unanimously opposed it, and so did their
      representatives. Mr. Shiel, however, who had become a mere ministerial
      hack, took part with the government against the known feeling of his
      countrymen. He was chastised by Mr. Disraeli in one of that gentleman's
      most eloquent and happy orations.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second reading was carried by a large majority, but it was so obvious
      that if the bill were proceeded with, it would be by virtue of an English
      majority on an Irish question, against the feeling of the Irish members
      and their constituents, that the government abandoned it. Much evil was
      inflicted by its introduction in the temper it evoked in Ireland; and much
      evil was also accomplished by abandoning it, for it exposed the
      vacillation of the premier and the government, so as to lessen their moral
      influence in both Great Britain and Ireland.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS OF DEBATE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There were few other measures of importance as to general government or
      law introduced by the cabinet, but the subjects introduced by private
      members were very various, such as&mdash;the conduct of government on the
      question of the extradition of Hungarian refugees from Turkey, brought on
      by Lord Dudley Stuart; the abandonment of the naval efforts on the coasts
      of Africa to suppress the slave-trade, introduced by Mr. Hutt, and
      efficiently opposed by Mr. Buxton; different party questions, connected
      with outrage in Ireland, on the social condition of that country; bill for
      a new tribunal instead of the judicial committee of privy council; reform
      of the universities; alteration of the law of marriage as to degrees of
      affinity; Sunday labour in the Post-office; amendment of the factory act;
      debate on the continuation of the annuity of £12,000 per year to the Duke
      of Cambridge, on occasion of the death of his father, &amp;c. The city of
      London having elected Baron Rothschild, a Jew, as their representative,
      and he having refused to take the oaths, "on the faith of a Christian," a
      debate ensued of much importance in the commons. Mr. Hume moved that the
      oath should be administered to Baron Rothschild on the Old Testament. This
      was obstinately resisted by the tory members, but ultimately carried. The
      next day, Baron Rothschild was sworn on the Old Testament, but refusing to
      adopt the words, "on the true faith of a Christian," he was ordered to
      withdraw. Sir F. Thesiger moved that a new writ should be issued for the
      city of London. The attorney-general proposed two resolutions:&mdash;1st,
      that the oath taken by Baron Rothschild was not according to law, and did
      not entitle him to take his seat; 2nd, pledging the house to a bill in the
      next session, altering the form of the oath. A debate ensued, which was
      confused and desultory, and much opposition from both sides of the house
      was offered to the resolutions, which were, however, eventually carried.
      The issue was not satisfactory to the city of London, the members of the
      Jewish persuasion, or the country.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FINANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The financial campaign may be represented as having opened on the 8th of
      March, when Mr. Cobden made a series of resolutions, pledging the house to
      retrenchment. The basis of the honourable member's speech and motion was,
      that warlike armaments were not necessary, there being no likelihood of
      any nation going to war with us; and the costly character of such
      armaments affecting the progress of commerce and civilization, and
      depriving the people of comfort by an oppressive taxation. The honourable
      member was of opinion that the differences between states did not require
      a resort to arms, and that if our government only adopted proper means to
      effect it, they would find it possible to adjust all disputes with foreign
      countries by arbitration. The resolutions were rejected by an overwhelming
      majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th, Mr. Drummond submitted to the house a resolution,
      recommending economy in the public outlay. This was entertained as a party
      resolution by the protectionists, who thus suddenly became the professed
      advocates of economy for the purpose of allowing the agricultural burdens
      to be relaxed. Being a party motion, it was well supported, and the motion
      was rejected by a majority of less than fifty members.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various motions were made by individual members to give a new form to the
      pressure of taxation, and to adjust in a different way the public burdens.
      The chancellor of the exchequer, in his financial statement, which is
      given at the close of this section, anticipated some of these motions, and
      secured their defeat by his success in inducing the house to acquiesce in
      his own budget. Others came on before the budget was introduced, but all
      shared a like fate, as the financial policy of the government received the
      decided support of the house. Some of the financial motions of the session
      made by independent members attracted much attention, and produced some
      impression in the house, being supported by considerable minorities. Thus
      Lord Duncan moved for the repeal of the window duty. There followed a
      debate of the most animated character in a thin house, various leading men
      opposing the government. On a division, the motion was rejected by only a
      majority of three, there having been eighty to seventy-seven. This was the
      narrowest escape in the commons which the government experienced in the
      session.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Cayley was recognised as the champion of the favourite financial
      measure with the protectionists, the repeal of the malt duty. He
      accordingly introduced that subject by motion, which was seconded by Mr.
      Christopher, another champion "of the agricultural interest." It was
      warmly supported by several of the leading Conservatives; but Lord John
      Russell, Mr. James Wilson, and the chancellor of the exchequer, delivered
      powerful speeches against it. Mr. Milner Gibson, always intelligent on
      economical questions, made a very able speech against the repeal of the
      tax. The motion was lost, a large majority being against it.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of March, the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial
      statement, which was eagerly looked forward to by both sides of the house,
      and by the country, as it was supposed that a vigorous effort to defeat
      the ministry on that point would be made. The minister was determined, if
      possible, to meet the ideas of all parties, and he hit upon the expedient
      of relieving the agricultural interest by reducing the duty on bricks.
      Neither the ministers nor their supporters were very sanguine that this
      would give satisfaction, but it met with very general approval, the
      trading, tenant, and agricultural interests all felt concerned in the
      cheapness of this useful material, then heavily taxed; and the result was
      unanimity in the favourable reception given to the chancellor's proposal.
      The following correctly describes the ministerial scheme.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE BUDGET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house having resolved itself into a committee of ways and means,&mdash;The
      chancellor of the exchequer proceeded to lay before it the financial
      statement for the ensuing year. He had to lay before the house two
      estimates&mdash;one, that up to the 5th of April next, and the other up to
      the 5th of April, 1851. He had estimated the income for this year at
      £52,262,000; but he was happy to say that it would probably amount to
      £52,874,000. He could not, however, take the estimate for next year so
      high, as, during the last quarter, the returns bad not been so good. He
      would, however, take them at £52,785,500. He had estimated the expenditure
      of last year at £50,853,622, but it amounted only to £50,553,651; and he
      calculated that next year there would be a surplus of two millions and a
      quarter. He had calculated last year on a surplus of only £104,000,
      whereas the increase amounted to £523,500. He did not, however, anticipate
      such favourable results from the customs this year as last, for there
      would be a probable loss on sugar of between four and five hundred
      thousand pounds; on brandy, and likewise on corn, there would also be
      probably a loss. The right honourable gentleman then enumerated the
      various sources of revenue from which he anticipated revenue, as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Excise         14,045,000

     Stamps          6,860,000

     Assessed Taxes  4,320,000

     Income Tax      5,410,000

     Customs        20,000,000

     Post-Office       820,000

     Crown Lands       160,000

     Miscellaneous     260,000

     Old Stores        410,000

     Making a total of         £52,285,000.
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     With respect to the expenditure,

     the interest on the Funded Debt was      28,105,000

     Other charges on the Consolidated Fund    2,620,000

     Navy Estimates                            6,613,000

     Army Estimates                            6,120,006

     Ordnance                                  2,434,417

     The Militia                                 110,000

     Commissariat                                500,000

     Miscellaneous                               211,159
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Excess of expenditure in former years  4,000,000
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Making altogether an expenditure of £50,613,582.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      To this should be added the expenses of the new houses of parliament, and
      for a building to hold the records of the house. Upon the whole, he
      calculated, after meeting their expenses, upon an available surplus of
      fifteen hundred thousand, in round numbers. The right hon. gentleman then
      adverted to the propositions which had been made to reduce the duties on
      windows, tea, timber, malt, soap, bricks, paper, advertisements, and
      attorneys' certificates; and also the proposition of the hon. member for
      Buckingham, to place on the consolidated fund certain charges otherwise
      provided for hitherto, and said he would not assent to those propositions,
      for which no special case had been made out. When he remembered that,
      within the last few years, no less a sum than £148,000,000 had been laid
      out in railways, he could not help thinking that there was a strong
      symptom of a return to more prosperous times. He would now state his own
      views on the subject. He had thought that they should first direct their
      attention to a reduction of the debt, and he should state to the house the
      fact, that since 1831, we had borrowed no less than £35,000,000, while in
      the same twenty years we had only applied £8,000,000 towards its
      re-payment, leaving a balance of debt of no less than £27,000,000. If they
      were always to borrow when the revenue was deficient, and never to pay
      when they had an excess, he could not see how they were to get out of debt
      at all. Neither could he see how they would get rid of the income-tax if
      they were to apply every surplus to the reduction of taxation instead of
      to the reduction of the debt. He felt it desirable, however, that some
      relief should lie given in the way of taxation; and the first class to
      which lie should apply the principle would be the small holders of land,
      by reducing the stamp duty on the sales of land up to £1000, and rendering
      it more equitable on transfers above that amount. Also a reduction of the
      duty on mortgages and bonds, and to reduce the stamp duty on leases from
      one to half per cent. He also thought it desirable that the habitations of
      the labouring classes should be improved, and he should therefore propose
      the total repeal of the duty on bricks. He estimated the loss to the
      revenue at £300,000 on stamps, and at £455,000 on bricks; making a total
      of £755,000, which was about one-half of the surplus available. He
      thought, therefore, that he was making a fair distribution of the surplus,
      one half to the reduction of taxation, and one half to the reduction of
      the debt. He proposed to make advances for the purpose of drainage and
      land improvement as an inducement to an expenditure of capital, which
      could not fail to be considered a national as well as an individual
      benefit. The last sum granted in this was for England and Scotland,
      £2,000,000; and of this, owing to priority of application, the gentlemen
      north of the Tweed had got no less than £1,600,000. He proposed to advance
      another £2,000,000, and to take care to reserve a fair share of it for
      England. He also proposed to advance for similar purposes £1,000,000 to
      Ireland, £800,000 of which should be for arterial drainage. He hoped to be
      able to make these advances without any addition whatever to the public
      debt. These were the proposals he had to submit to the house. He also
      proposed to apply £25,000 in order to got rid of the perpetual annuities.
      He hoped to be able to make these advances without making any addition
      whatever to the funded debt, if the house would leave him a surplus to do
      so. He proposed, by the payment of a sum of £250,000 out of the surplus in
      hand, to extinguish the equivalent fund, which was a charge on the public
      funds of £10,000 a year, since the junction of the debt of Scotland with
      that of England at the time of the Union. That would leave him £500,000;
      and that he thought the house should leave him as a reserve fund. The
      right lion, gentleman concluded by moving a vote of £9,200,000, to be
      raised by exchequer bills, for the service of the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      After some discussion, in which Mr. Hume, Mr. Newdegate, Lord John
      Manners, and several other members took part, the motion was agreed to.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF SIR ROBERT PEEL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A record of this event properly belongs to parliamentary history. Disraeli
      justly described the baronet when he called him "a very great member of
      parliament." It was as a member of parliament, rather than as a man or a
      minister, that Sir Robert Peel was great. Possessing superior culture and
      extraordinary talents, he was not a man of genius. His administrative
      abilities were of a very high order, perhaps we might say, of the highest
      order that this country had ever known in a minister; but he was indebted
      for his conceptions sometimes to his friends, often to his opponents. The
      great aim of his policy was conservative&mdash;conservative of class
      privilege and old institutions. He resisted every measure of civil and
      religious liberty introduced in his time, until the overwhelming pressure
      of public opinion rendered further resistance hopeless. Thus, he opposed
      Catholic emancipation, the repeal of the corporation and test acts, the
      reform bill, and free trade, until all these measures were forced by
      public opinion. It was his gift to discern more keenly than other men when
      the moment arrived beyond which public opinion could be no longer safely
      opposed, and he was then generally ready to adopt the very measures which
      he had before so warmly denounced, and blamed others so strongly for
      promoting. He had, by his timely apostasy on all great questions
      conciliated the masses, and by preventing the conflict of parties and
      classes on these occasions, he did much to promote the public welfare at
      the expense of his own consistency. Measures seemed to be regarded by him,
      not in the light of principle, but in that of political expediency. He
      passed bills, not because truth, freedom, and justice demanded them, but
      because they promoted the interests of party, or, it might be, because he
      thought it was expedient for the national interests at the time that they
      should be passed. Even the great measure of the repeal of the corn laws he
      retarded longer than any other man could have retarded it. He was the
      minister who passed it, and who hindered it from passing sooner. His whole
      political history was a confession of political error, and repentance. Yet
      he did not leave the honour of carrying out their own measures to men who
      had formed a public opinion concerning them, and who could with conscience
      and honour have conducted them through parliament; he refused them all aid
      in each efforts, and when his time arrived, seized the schemes and carried
      them, demanding the homage of the Conservatives for conceding so little to
      the people, and the homage of the people for conceding to them so much
      more than they could have obtained from anybody else.
    </p>
    <p>
      The personal history of this eminent man contained little that was
      striking; a cold prudence preserved him from engaging in and personal
      matters that could make his life eventful. He was born in the year 1788,
      in a cottage near Bury, in Lancashire, where his father then lived in
      humble circumstances. Mr. Peel founded in that neighbourhood works for
      calico-printing, and laid by that means the foundation of a very great
      fortune. He was afterwards knighted, and having written a pamphlet
      entitled, "The National Debt a Source of National Prosperity," he was
      frequently consulted by Mr. Pitt, and it is alleged, conceived the idea
      that his son might become Mr. Pitt's successor. He sent young Robert to
      Harrow at an early age, where he was on the same form with Byron the poet,
      who thus recorded his impressions of him: "There were great hopes of Peel
      among us all, masters and scholars. As a scholar he was greatly my
      superior; as a schoolboy out of school I was always in scrapes, he never;
      and in school he always knew the lesson, and I rarely." "The boy was
      father to the man" in both these cases, for Peel through life maintained
      the same cautious, industrious, and circumspect habits, which certainly
      never characterised his far greater schoolfellow. He left Harrow for
      Oxford, where he especially distinguished himself as a classic. In 1809 he
      became of age, and entered parliament for a rotten borough openly bought
      for him by his father. His first speech was a success, and although he
      never gave promise of becoming a brilliant orator, he grew in favour with
      the house by the practicability of his views, and his faculty of
      perceiving the tone of feeling prevailing in the assembly at the time. In
      March, 1811, he made a very able speech in favour of the Duke of
      Wellington, then fighting the battles of the Peninsula, and against whom a
      public outcry had been raised. Percival, then in power, was so pleased
      with the speech that he invited Mr. Peel to take office, and he commenced
      his career, before he was twenty-three years of age, as under-secretary of
      the colonies. Upon the death of Percival he was appointed chief secretary
      for Ireland, under the administration of Lord Liverpool. During his Irish
      secretaryship he opposed Catholic emancipation with great zeal and some
      bitterness. Afterwards he held office in various other situations. During
      the free-trade agitation of 1819, he was its warm opponent, and when the
      great Lancashire meeting took place at Peterloo, afterwards the site of
      the free-trade hall in Manchester, and the Peterloo massacre occurred, Mr.
      Peel defended that act, which left for so many years a deep discontent in
      the hearts of the operatives of Lancashire. When in 1821 Lord John Russell
      first brought forward his motion for a reform in parliament, he met from
      Mr. Peel a determined opposition, such as the honourable baronet continued
      to offer against all increase in the power of the people, until Lord John
      had the pleasure of carrying his view triumphantly through parliament in
      the shape of the reform bill. Even after that measure passed, Sir Robert
      devoted his talent to advise and lead his party in every practical attempt
      to defeat it. In 1822, while preparation was making to invade Spain, at
      the instigation of "the Holy Alliance," Mr. Brougham called the attention
      of the house to the circumstance, and eloquently denounced that despotic
      confederacy. Mr. Peel, with his usual caution, defended "the Holy
      Alliance;" but notwithstanding his guarded language, he left no doubt of
      his sympathy with foreign as well as domestic tyranny. The defender of the
      Peterloo massacre and the Holy Alliance gave no promise of ever being
      popular with the people of England. The other leading facts and features
      of his political career will be found in the pages of this history, where
      his part in public affairs has been noticed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Robert married, in 1820, Julia, youngest daughter of General Sir John
      Floyd, Bart., and when his death occurred, his family consisted of Robert,
      his successor in the baronetcy, then secretary of legation in Switzerland;
      Frederick, then M.P. for Leominster; William, a captain in the royal navy;
      John Floyd, an officer in the Fusilier Guards; Arthur Wellesley, not then
      quite of age; Julia, married to Viscount Villiers; and Eliza.
    </p>
    <p>
      The circumstances of Sir Robert's death were as follow: On Saturday, the
      29th of June, he had been to Buckingham Palace, where he had made, a call,
      and entered his name on her majesty's visiting book. He then rode slowly
      up Constitution Hill. When he arrived nearly opposite the wicket gate
      leading to the Green Park, his horse suddenly became restive. The baronet
      was a bad horseman, and he soon lost all control of the animal, which at
      last threw him over its head. Several gentlemen rendered assistance
      immediately, and among them two medical men. Mrs. Lucas, of Bryanstone
      Square, was passing in her carriage, in which he was conveyed to his
      residence. Dr. Foucart, of Glasgow, and Sir James Clark accompanied him in
      the carriage. An examination of his person was immediately made, when the
      medical gentlemen present pronounced that he had incurred severe injury of
      the shoulder and fracture of the collar bone; it was hoped that no
      internal consequences had been produced by the fall. The fracture was
      compound. He continued to grow worse in spite of every surgical remedy,
      until the Tuesday night following, when, a little after eleven o'clock, he
      expired. After death it was perceived, <i>for the first time</i>, that the
      fifth rib had been fractured on the left side. It is astonishing that the
      faculty Were unable to discover this, for it was the region in which he
      had felt most pain. This was supposed to have been the cause of his death;
      but the family opposed a <i>post mortem</i> examination.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Becket Denison and Lord Villiers had ridden the horse to prove it, and
      it had met the bands and the omnibuses without shying, so that no
      apprehension was entertained that Sir Robert's deficient horsemanship
      would be of any serious consequence with so quiet an animal; he had also
      ridden it regularly for a week without having any cause of alarm. The
      event seemed, therefore, one of those singular providences which so often
      occur, baffling human precautions, confounding calculations, and showing
      that that the ways and destinies of men are in the hands of an all-ruling
      Power.
    </p>
    <p>
      Tidings of his death spread with great rapidity, and universal regret was
      displayed by the people. Shops were closed, the flags of the ships in the
      river and on the public buildings were lowered, and many went immediately
      into mourning. The funeral took place the ensuing week; the body was laid
      in the mausoleum of the family, at Drayton, near Tamworth, the whole
      population of the district manifesting every token of respect and sorrow
      of which the occasion allowed.
    </p>
    <p>
      On Thursday, July the 4th, the following occurrences, in the house of
      commons, marked at once the estimation in which Sir Robert was held by
      public men, and his own singular and unostentatious character. Lord John
      Russell introduced to the house the circumstance of the honourable
      baronet's decease, and said:&mdash;"It is impossible not to lament that
      hereafter this house will be no longer guided by that long and large
      experience of public affairs, by that profound knowledge, by those
      rhetorical powers, by that copious yet exact memory, with which this house
      was wont to be enlightened, instructed, and guided. It is not for me, or
      for this house to speak of the career of Sir Robert Peel. It never
      happened to me to be in political connexion with him; but so late as that
      last debate to which I have referred, I took occasion to thank him for
      that fair and frank support which he had given to the present government.
      Sir Robert Peel, sir, in that speech which preceded the one which I
      addressed to the house, and in which he opposed the policy of the
      government, spoke with such temper and such forbearance towards all those
      who might hold an opposite opinion to his, that it must be a satisfaction
      to those remaining that his last act should have been one of such candour
      and kindness towards those all around him. Sir, there can, I think, be no
      doubt that, however history may deal with the wisdom of the course he
      pursued, that it will be admitted that on two great occasion» when he held
      power, undisturbed and apparently with every sign of security, and when he
      proposed measures to this house which shook, and, after a time, subverted
      his party, he did so from those motives of deep love for his country which
      ever distinguished him." Having slightly adverted to the course of the
      late right honourable baronet on the corn-laws, the noble lord concluded
      by observing, "That if it should appear to the family and friends of the
      late Sir Robert Peel to be desirable to take such a course, though I shall
      not now proceed to make any motion on the subject, I will give my willing
      support to a proposal for conferring the same honours on his remains that
      was awarded to Mr. Grattan and Mr. Pitt. I may, perhaps, be permitted to
      add, that I thought it right to obtain the sanction of the crown before I
      made this proposal, and I feel assured that anything which could do honour
      to the memory of Sir Robert Peel, or which could add any further tribute
      of respect to his name, would be unhesitatingly acquiesced in by her
      majesty. Sir, I wish, therefore, in concluding these few words, to say
      that, in disposing of this proposal, I place myself entirely in the hands
      of the friends of the late Sir Robert Peel. Having had no political
      connexion with him, this proposal comes from me without the tinge of
      partiality; and I may say in conclusion, without any fear of a charge of
      insincerity, that I do feel, that this country, as well as posterity
      hereafter, in recognising the claims of individuals deceased to the title
      of eminent statesmen who have adorned the annals of this country, or
      contributed to its lustre, those of the late Sir Robert Peel will be
      amongst the foremost."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Goulburn, while acknowledging, on the part of the family of the late
      lamented right honourable baronet, the high honour shown to his memory in
      the offer made by the noble lord, begged gratefully to decline it, as
      opposed to the wishes of Sir Robert Peel, as expressed in his will, which
      was dated May 8, 1844, and in which he stated, "I desire that I may be
      interred in the vault in the parish of Drayton-Bassett, in which my father
      and mother were interred, and that my funeral may be without ostentation
      or parade of any kind." Nor did this sentiment undergo any alteration;
      for, not later than six weeks since, when alterations were made in that
      particular church to which that memorandum referred, Sir Robert Peel
      pointed out to Lady Peel the very spot in the vault in which he wished and
      trusted his body might be laid, without any of that parade or ostentation
      which he so strongly deprecated, and the absence of which gave him such
      great satisfaction in the case of the funeral of the late queen-dowager.
      Under these circumstances, therefore, he was sure that he (Mr. Goulburn)
      had but one duty to perform, and the family of the late Sir Robert Peel
      but one wish, and that was the thankfulness with which he (Mr. Goulburn),
      on their part, had to acknowledge the intentions, both of her majesty and
      her parliament, in wishing to confer on his late lamented friend that, the
      greatest honour that could be paid to a subject&mdash;a proposition which
      they were compelled respectfully, but thankfully, to decline. He (Mr.
      Goulburn) only entreated the house to add to that mark of respect which
      they had paid to the ability and public services of his lamented friend
      the further mark of respect to his simplicity of character, and give
      effect to his desire as to the way in which he wished his funeral
      obsequies to be conducted. The entry of the adjournment of the house
      immediately after its meeting on the previous day, out of respect to the
      memory of the deceased statesman, was an honour which would live for ever
      in the journals of that house, and an honour which was never before paid
      to a subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was subsequently intended to make Lady Peel a peeress in her own right,
      but she declined the honour, her late husband having enjoined that none of
      his family should accept any honour or reward from his country.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the tidings of Sir Robert's decease reached other countries, much
      sympathy was expressed; the French assembly, and also the Congress of the
      United States, having in the most marked manner paid tributes of respect
      to his memory. M. Guizot, the favourite minister of Louis Philippe of
      France, wrote a memoir of Sir Robert, which displays much talent, but over
      praises the subject of the memoir, without doing justice, nevertheless, to
      his policy. The opinions and measures of the great statesman will long be
      a subject of discussion, not only in England, but in other nations. The
      following estimate of his political principles and career by Count Cavour,
      the eminent Sardinian statesman, a man intellectually superior to Sir
      Robert, is probably the truest and best of the many which has appeared. It
      was uttered in a speech during a sitting of the Sardinian senate, in the
      year 1857, when sufficient time had elapsed for foreign statesmen, at all
      events, to form a fair judgment of the man, unbiassed by the interests of
      their respective states. Count Cavour had been taunted with having
      expressed himself in very high terms of Sir Robert's commercial and
      financial policy, while he at the same time refused, in many respects, to
      accept him as an exemplar. He, consequently, addressed to the senate the
      following remarkable speech:&mdash;"I entertain the highest admiration for
      that statesman; I believe that few men have rendered greater services to
      mankind than he has. Yet I do not believe that Sir Robert Peel was always
      infallible in his political career. It is my opinion that Sir Robert Peel
      would have left a much more illustrious name behind him, if, instead of
      having been compelled by circumstances to introduce reforms, he himself
      had originated them. I think that Sir Robert Peel would have left behind
      him a fame unequalled in history, if, instead of proposing the
      emancipation of the Catholics in 1829, he had proposed it in 1825. I think
      that his name would have eclipsed all those of ancient and modern
      statesmen if the reform of the corn-laws had been initiated in 1840&mdash;a
      good harvest year&mdash;instead of being passed in consequence of the
      famine which desolated Ireland, and instead of being in some measure a
      consequence of the potato disease. In fact, if Sir Robert Peel had been
      the originator of reforms, he would at his death have left to his friends
      a political inheritance far different from that which he bequeathed to
      them. If Sir Robert Peel had associated his name and his whole career with
      successive reforms, there would be no need of recording at the present
      time a strange fact which has taken place in England&mdash;namely, that a
      party, consisting of eminent men, including the most eloquent speaker in
      parliament, and the most able legislators, has been completely routed at
      the late elections. And this, gentlemen, is the fate of parties who allow
      themselves to be led by public opinion, and who wait to the last moment to
      carry out reforms which they have not the courage to introduce. I trust
      that the senate, convinced of this truth, will give its support to the
      present government, which, while following the example of Sir Robert Peel,
      nevertheless deviates from the course he adopted by making itself the
      originator of reforms, not waiting to grant them to any popular pressure,
      nor to the pressure of unforeseen circumstances."
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The queen in person prorogued parliament on the 15th of August. The
      address to her majesty, and the royal speech, were ordinary documents. The
      houses were prorogued to the 15th of October, but parliament did not meet
      again for the transaction of business that year.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Birth of a Prince</i>.&mdash;On the 1st of May her majesty was
      delivered of a son, the third prince that had been born to her. The
      baptism took place in the chapel of Buckingham Palace, on the 22nd of
      June. The ceremony was unusually superb.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, her Royal Highness the Duchess of
      Cambridge, his Royal Highness Prince George, her Royal Highness Princess
      Mary, his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia, his Serene Highness Prince
      Edward of Saxe-Weimar, his Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningen, his
      Grace the Duke of Wellington; the Belgian, Portuguese, and Prussian
      ministers; the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, Lord John Russell,
      Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmerston, Earl Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir
      Francis Baring, Sir John Hobhouse, the Earl of Carlisle, the Right Hon.
      Fox Maule, Sir William Somerville, and others invited to the solemnity,
      assembled in the old dining-room, at the palace, at six o'clock, the royal
      family being conducted to an adjoining drawing-room, and were conducted to
      seats in the chapel.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Chester
      (clerk of the closet), the Bishop of Oxford (lord high almoner), with the
      Rev. Henry Howarth (rector of the parish of St. George, Hanover-square),
      the Hon. and Rev. Gerald Wellesley (resident chaplain to her majesty), the
      Rev. Lord Worthesley Russell (deputy clerk of the closet), and the Rev.
      Henry George Liddell (chaplain to his Royal Highness Prince Albert),
      assembled in the room adjoining the old dining-room, and took their places
      at the communion-table. The Archbishop of Canterbury commenced the
      baptismal service, and on arriving at that part for naming the child, the
      Countess of Gainsborough handed the infant prince to the archbishop, when
      his royal highness was named Arthur William Patrick Albert.
    </p>
    <p>
      The queen, the prince, and the royal personages then passed up the grand
      staircase to the Throne-room, where her majesty was joined shortly before
      eight o'clock by her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester. The
      remainder of the company continued in the Green Drawing-room. The queen
      wore a dress of white, watered, and brocaded silk, with a broad flounce of
      Honiton lace, trimmed with white satin ribbon. Her majesty also wore a
      diadem of emeralds and diamonds, and ornaments of emeralds and diamonds to
      correspond. From the ribbon of the Most Noble Order of the Garter was
      suspended a most splendid George, set in brilliants; the ribbon itself was
      confined on the left shoulder by a diamond clasp. The queen also wore the
      garter as an armlet, the motto being formed of diamonds. The infant prince
      had a robe and mantle of Honiton lace over white satin, with a cap to
      correspond. The Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, and the Princess
      Helena, wore dresses of white watered silk with satin stripe, trimmed with
      white satin ribbon and silver fringe; the silk woven at Spitalfields. The
      dress of her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent was of the richest white
      watered silk, of English manufacture, trimmed with blonde, having diamond
      ornaments down the front, and the stomacher adorned with brilliants. Her
      royal highness's head-dress was formed of feathers, blonde lappets, and
      pearl and diamond ornaments. The necklace and earrings were diamonds. His
      Royal Highness Prince Albert wore a field-marshal's uniform, with the
      collars of the Orders of the Garter and the Black Eagle (of Prussia), with
      four stars set in diamonds of the Garter, the Thistle, St. Patrick, and
      the Bath, and the ensigns of the Golden Fleece.
    </p>
    <p>
      Her majesty was conducted by the lord steward and the lord chamberlain, at
      eight o'clock, to a state banquet in the picture-gallery, accompanied by
      the royal family, the foreign ministers, the cabinet ministers, and the
      other ladies and gentlemen who attended the ceremonial. "The christening
      cake" was placed in the middle of the dinner-table on the plateau of the
      magnificent service of gold plate. The top of the cake represented an
      octangular fountain, ornamented with a number of small vases, filled with
      miniature bouquets. The fountain rested on a circular plinth, containing a
      number of painted vignettes, set in silver frames.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the toast of "The Queen and the Prince," her majesty rose from the
      banquet, and proceeded to the White Drawing-room, accompanied by her Royal
      Highness the Duchess of Gloucester, her Royal Highness the Duchess of
      Kent, her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, her Royal Highness
      Princess Mary of Cambridge, and the other ladies present. Soon after
      which, his Royal Highness Prince Albert, his Royal Highness the Prince of
      Prussia, his Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge, his Serene
      Highness Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar, his Serene Highness the Prince of
      Leiningen, and the other guests, proceeded to the Music-room, when the
      doors of the White Drawing-room were opened, and the queen received an
      evening party.
    </p>
    <p>
      The name of Patrick was given to the infant prince in compliment to the
      people of Ireland, and was a graceful sequel to her majesty's confiding
      visit to that country the previous autumn.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Arrival of the Nepaulese Ambassador</i>.&mdash;This illustrious person
      arrived on the 25th of May, accompanied by his two brothers, and a
      brilliant suite. He brought presents to her majesty, worth a quarter of a
      million sterling. On his arrival at the Custom House, the officials
      attempted to search his luggage, but he intimated that by their so doing
      he would lose caste, and in case of any attempt of the kind, he would not
      persevere in the object of his visit, but return by the next steamer. His
      religious scruples were respected, but to make himself certain, he placed
      a man with a drawn sword constantly beside his baggage. The ambassador was
      feted by the great, and his liberality in dispensing presents of precious
      stones did not detract from his popularity. He was received at court most
      graciously, and returned to his country greatly impressed with British
      power, and remained a friend and an ally of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Death of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge</i>.&mdash;On the 8th
      of July, this popular prince died at Cambridge House. He was the seventh
      son of George the Third. His remains were interred at Kew Church, with
      many demonstrations of sorrow on the part of the people. Her majesty was
      much attached to her royal relative, and was much afflicted by his death.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Visit of her Majesty to the King of the Belgians</i>.&mdash;On the 21st
      of August, lier majesty, the prince, and four of the royal children,
      embarked at Osborne for Ostend, in tempestuous weather. Her majesty being
      "a good sailor," was seldom deterred from her voyages by bad weather. The
      royal visitors only remained a few days, and returned to Osborne. The
      visit had no political significance, but was dictated simply by the
      affection of the royal pair for their uncle, the Belgian king.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Her Majesty's Visit to Scotland</i>.&mdash;On the 27th of August, the
      court paid its autumnal visit to the north. A visit was paid, <i>en route</i>,
      to Castle Howard, the seat of the Earl of Carlisle. At Newcastle-upon-Tyne
      the royal party was received by Earl Grey, and the corporations of
      Newcastle and Gateshead made many demonstrations of loyalty, which were
      gratifying to her majesty. As on the previous year her majesty visited
      Dublin, Cork, Belfast, and Glasgow, it was deemed politic and respectful
      to pay a visit to Edinburgh, of such a nature as to show the inhabitants
      of the Scottish metropolis her interest in it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The citizens of "the modern Athens" vied with those of the other great
      cities of her majesty's dominions in enthusiastic loyalty. The queen took
      up her residence in Holyrood House, which greatly gratified the national
      feeling of the Scotch. Immediately on her arrival, she entered the
      apartments which were once occupied by the beautiful and unfortunate Mary,
      Queen of Scots. Her majesty regarded the historical objects there
      presented to her, with melancholy interest. The following day the royal
      family ascended to the top of Arthur's Seat, where it was said her majesty
      was intensely excited by the magnificence of the scenery. The following
      day, Prince Albert laid the foundation-stone of the Scottish National
      Gallery. The remaining portion of the day was spent in visiting remarkable
      persons and places. On the day following, her majesty and suite proceeded
      to Balmoral. On the 10th of October the court left their Scottish retreat,
      and returned to Edinburgh, remaining at Holyrood Palace for the night, and
      the next day proceeded to England. The first tidings which met her majesty
      on her return to Buckingham Palace were, of the death of the Queen of the
      Belgians, her august aunt, by marriage.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0004" id="linkDimage-0004">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_796_holyrood.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Holyrood Chapel" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_796_holyrood_th.jpg"
      alt="796.jpg Holyrood Chapel "  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <i>The Queen and the Papal Aggression</i>.&mdash;During the winter, while
      the court was at Windsor, the papal aggression disturbed the country. It
      was known that her majesty felt great indignation, and her people
      determined to regard the act of the court of Rome as an insult to her as
      well as to the nation. The corporations of London and Oxford, and the
      University of Oxford, have the privilege of demanding audience of the
      crown; they were all received by the queen in a manner to mark her sense
      of the indignity offered to her by the Roman court.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Assault on the Queen</i>.&mdash;On the 27th of June, her majesty having
      visited her uncle at Cambridge House, as she re-entered her carriage, a
      man rushed forward and struck her on the face with a cane; the blow drew
      blood, and caused a considerable swelling. A poor man present instantly
      struck the ruffian in the face in return; and other bystanders seized him,
      and handled him very roughly. He was taken into regular custody by the
      police, and interrogated at the Home Office. He had been an officer in the
      army. He was sentenced to seven years' transportation. His sanity was
      doubted, as his manners were incoherent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF REMARKABLE PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the year a number of persons died remarkable in every department of
      fame. Some of these have come in review under other sections, as in the
      case of Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Cambridge. The following persons
      of note may be referred to in this section, as all that our space allows.
    </p>
    <p>
      January 7th, in London, Lieutenant Waghorn, R. N. This remarkable man had
      devoted a very considerable portion of his life to the establishment of
      steam communication between this country and India. He explored several
      overland routes to India with success. In these enterprises he expended
      his fortune, and the government refused all suitable acknowledgment for
      the great services he had rendered to the state and to commerce, except a
      paltry pension, unworthy of the donors.
    </p>
    <p>
      This year was remarkable for loss to the naval service by the death of
      distinguished officers. Only two days after the decease of the gallant and
      indefatigable Waghorn, Admiral Schombergh died, an officer who had seen
      extraordinary variety of service, and had carried into effect several
      improvements in victualling the navy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 16th, Commander Le Vesconte, more popular, however, as a consul
      than distinguished as a commander.
    </p>
    <p>
      February 14th, Rear-Admiral Sir Gordon Bremer, after long and arduous
      services to his country.
    </p>
    <p>
      It would be a task beyond our limits to notice the individual history and
      exploits of the heroic men in the naval service who died during this year.
      Among the most memorable of these were the Hon. Vice-Admiral Bouverie, and
      Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Richardson, K. C. B.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among many notable military officers who died, the following deserve
      especial notice:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      February 23rd, Captain Maurice O'Connel, nephew of the late Baron
      O'Connel, chamberlain to the Emperor of Austria. This officer had no rank
      in the British service.
    </p>
    <p>
      March 7th, the Hon. Sir Hercules Robert Pakenham, lieut.-general. This
      officer, well-known as the brother-inlaw, and one of the generals of the
      great Duke of Wellington, had seen long and trying services, and was
      always distinguished by his great gallantry.
    </p>
    <p>
      The month of August closed with the announcement of the death of
      Major-General Sir Alexander Cameron, G.C.B. This heroic man had served in
      nearly every country of Europe, where the standard of England floated over
      the field of battle. At Corunna he, with Sir John Hope, carried to a boat
      the last wounded Highlander, that could be descried straggling near the
      scene of action. Marshal Soult and his staff observed this act of heroism,
      and warmly expressed their admiration.
    </p>
    <p>
      The list of literary and scientific men who passed to the great account,
      was a longer and more remarkable one than that of England's deceased
      warriors.
    </p>
    <p>
      In January, Mr. Charles Robert Forrester, whose writings were very
      popular, under the <i>nomme de plume</i> of "Alfred Crowquill."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th, Francis Jeffrey, one of the judges of the Court of Session in
      Scotland. He was the colleague of the Rev. Sydney Smith and Henry Brougham
      in founding the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, and celebrated in every country
      for his critical contributions to that periodical.
    </p>
    <p>
      February 2nd, Rev. Edward Bickersteth, rector of Watton, Hertfordshire.
      His place amongst literary men was won by his religious writings, which
      were exceedingly popular and useful. This eminent clergyman shed great
      lustre on the church by his devoted religious life, and gained for himself
      great renown in the department of religious literature.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th, the Rev. T. S. Grimshaw, A.M., vicar of Biddenham. This
      renowned clergyman distinguished himself in the department of literature
      in which the Rev. Mr. Bickersteth gained so much fame. Mr. Grimshaw wrote
      a "Life of the Rev. Leigh Richmond" (author of "The Dairyman's Daughter"),
      the "Life and Works of William Cowper," &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23rd, Sir William Allan, R.A, limner to Her Majesty for Scotland,
      president of the Royal Scottish Academy. This artist was original and
      indefatigable, but could obtain no patronage out of his own country, where
      his treatment of Scottish subjects won for him popularity.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of March, John Peter Deering, Esq., a celebrated architect. He
      designed Exeter Hall, London, the University Club-house, and the best
      portions of University College, London.
    </p>
    <p>
      April 7th, Canon Bowles, of Salisbury, eminent as a Latin and English
      poet. His early sonnets were highly intellectual and artistic in their
      versification. His memoirs of the poet Pope, and of other distinguished
      persons, were extremely popular, but did not obtain the lasting fame of
      his poetry.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th, in New York, Thom, the self-taught and celebrated Scottish
      sculptor. His "Tarn O'Shanter," and "Old Mortality," obtained for him a
      wide-spread fame in Great Britain and the United States of America.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23rd, at Rydal Mount, near Ambleside, William Wordsworth, D.C.L.,
      the poet, whose works have had a universal circulation. His chief
      productions are "The Evening Walk," "The Excursion," and "The White Doe of
      Rylstone." He also wrote many deeply touching minor poems.
    </p>
    <p>
      May 24th, Miss Jane Porter, authoress of many works, which have been
      translated into various languages. The most popular of these were
      "Thaddeus of Warsaw," and the "Scottish Chiefs." Sir Walter Scott is
      represented as having admitted to George IV. that his idea of the
      "Waverley Novels" was suggested by the perusal of the "Scottish Chiefs."
      If this currently believed anecdote be correct, Miss Porter was the
      founder of the school of modern historical novels, and not Sir Walter
      Scott.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th, Mr. Richard J. Wyatt, known as a sculptor of great merit
      throughout Europe. His death took place at Rome.
    </p>
    <p>
      July 4th, at Barham, Suffolk, Canon Kirby, rector of that parish. He was a
      distinguished naturalist, and the author of various eminent works,
      especially in the department of entomology. His <i>Monographic, Apium
      Anglio</i>, his description of the <i>Fauna Boreali Americana</i>, and his
      "Bridgewater Treatise," on the "history, habits, and instincts of
      animals," have made him a world-wide tame.
    </p>
    <p>
      July 12th, Mr. Robert Stephenson, civil engineer, who had obtained an
      honourable notoriety for his achievements in his profession.
    </p>
    <p>
      August 19th, Sir Martin Shee, president of the Royal Academy. He was not
      only celebrated as a painter, but was an accomplished scholar and author.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 30th of October, one of the most benevolent and amiable ladies in
      the world of letter's, Mrs. Bell Martin, died at New York. This gifted
      lady was born at Ballinahinch Castle, in Galway. Her father, Mr. Thomas
      Barnewell Martin, M.P. for Galway, died in 1847. Miss Martin married a Mr.
      Bell, who assumed the name of Martin. The estates of Mr. Martin, of
      Ballinahinch, were in area the largest in the United Kingdom, and Miss
      Martin was commonly styled "the Irish heiress," from her very large
      patrimony. The failure of the potato crops, and the ensuing famine, which
      afflicted Ireland for several years, ruined Miss Martin's inheritance. The
      estates were encumbered, and as landed property in Ireland during "the
      famine years" brought but little in the market, the Ballinahinch properly
      was thrown into the Encumbered Estates Court, and there were no assets for
      "the heiress," She left the extensive region over which she had almost
      reigned as a princess, without any longer having a claim to a single acre.
      She was in deep distress, and, to the dishonour of the gentry of Ireland,
      she found no friends in her hour of trial. She took up her residence on
      the continent, and supported herself by her pen: she was the authoress of
      "St. Etienne, a tale of the Vendean war," "Julia Howard," and some minor
      works. Her contributions to the <i>Encyclopédie des Gens de Monde</i> were
      numerous, and gained her high reputation. She eventually sought New York
      as the sphere of her enterprise. During the voyage she was prematurely
      confined, and died in consequence, soon after her arrival at the Union
      Place Hotel. It was generally believed in that city, and in the land of
      her birth, that uneasiness as to her temporal prospects aggravated, and
      perhaps caused the illness, which proved fatal to this highly gifted lady.
    </p>
    <p>
      November 15th, Joseph Hullmandle, whose inventions and improvements
      connected with lithography, and tinted lithographic printing, contributed
      so much to the perfection of that branch of artistic skill.
    </p>
    <p>
      November 26th, Lord Nugent, a celebrated politician, poet, and man of
      letters. The title was Irish, and became extinct with him.
    </p>
    <p>
      December 8th, Mr. William Sturgeon, celebrated for his scientific
      learning, his voluminous productions on electricity, and various branches
      of natural science. He had been originally a shoemaker, afterwards a
      soldier, subsequently scientific lecturer at Addiscombe College, and in
      his old age suffered much from poverty. Lord John Russell obtained him a
      grant of £50 per year from the Civil List, so paltry a recognition of such
      great merits and services as is exceedingly dishonouring to the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      Several remarkable persons were removed by death from various walks of
      life unnecessary to classify. The following were the most remarkable
      instances:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 24th of January, Sir Felix Booth, the celebrated brewer, a man of
      large wealth, and a patron of science. He fitted out, at an expense of
      £17,000, the expedition in search of the North-West passage, commanded by
      Captain Ross, who commemorated the name of his munificent patron by giving
      to the northern termination of the American continent the name of Felix
      Boothia.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 6th of March, Sir James Gibson Craig, Bart., who had distinguished
      himself as a leader of the Scottish Whigs for many years.
    </p>
    <p>
      July the 8th, at Cambridge House, Piccadilly, H.R.H. Prince Adolphus
      Frederick, of Brunswick Lunenburgh, Duke of Cambridge, youngest surviving
      son of George III. He was a very benevolent prince, liberal in politics,
      patriotic in feeling, and much beloved by the country.
    </p>
    <p>
      July 20th, Sir Robert Peel, Bart., the statesman and parliamentary leader.
      Such ample notice has been taken of his life and death, on former pages,
      that it is not necessary more particularly to refer to it in this place.
    </p>
    <p>
      August the 7th, Louis Philippe, the exiled King of the French, aged 77
      years. Few princes experienced so many and such great vicissitudes of
      fortune. He died at Claremont, in Surrey. When in his power the most
      obsequious homage was paid to him by the court and the citizens of London;
      in his exile, he was allowed to sink almost unnoticed into obscurity and
      death. His faithlessness to political engagements, his avarice, and want
      of principle generally, had created a universal obloquy round his name.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkD2HCH0016" id="linkD2HCH0016">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1851
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     General Condition of Great Britain: Agitation against "the
     Papal Aggres-sion," and strong national feeling against the
     Pope and the Church of Rome; Efforts  of the
     "Protectionists," and hostility of the people to that
     party..... Parliamentary   Conflicts: Resignation  of the
     Russell Ministry, and its Resumption of Power.....
     Exhibition of the Industry of all   Nations..... The
     Census..... General   Condition   of Ireland..... The
     Court..... Colonial Affairs: War in  South Africa; Discovery
     of Gold in California; Hostility of the Arabs near
     Aden..... Foreign Affairs: European Relations..... Outrage
     upon an English gentleman by an Austrian officer in
     Florence..... Deaths of Eminent Persons in 1851.
</i></pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1851
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1851 opened more auspiciously upon England than several preceding
      years. There was neither pestilence nor famine in Great Britain or
      Ireland. No commercial panic smote the prosperity of the country. Crime
      was not more than usually prevalent, and was rather on the decrease. The
      royal family were in health, and their happiness was a subject of
      universal care, as their persons were the objects of devoted loyalty. No
      sovereign in the world held so high a place in the affections of her
      people, or presided over dominions on the whole so united and prosperous.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great home subject of interest was "the papal aggression," referred to
      in a former chapter. Nearly all classes of Englishmen were indignant at
      the terms in which the pope decreed the new arrangements for the episcopal
      government of his church in England. There were many, especially among the
      dissenters, who considered that the true policy to pursue on the part of
      the English people was to view the whole affair with contempt, but even
      these were angry at the haughty contumely with which the pope's bulls and
      rescripts treated the queen, government, and people of England not of the
      Roman Catholic communion. Mr. Roebuck was especially the champion of the
      pope and the new hierarchy, asserting the right of Romish hierarchs to
      assume territorial titles here, as they did in the United States. Lord
      John Russell was the champion of the anti-aggression movement, and his pen
      and tongue were animated by a peculiar fervour in the controversy. The
      dissenters and many churchmen doubted his lordship's sincerity, believing
      that his zeal was simulated, and that he cared more for the service
      rendered to his government by raising a politico-religious cry at a
      critical period of his parliamentary ascendancy, than he did for
      protecting the rights of the crown, or the honour of Protestantism,
      against such invasions of either as the papal procedure had initiated.
      Whatever might have been the case in this respect, the agitation led by
      his lordship against the papal aggression was the chief means of carrying
      him safely through the session, in which the parliamentary tactics of his
      party and of his government were without consistency or cleverness, and
      the financial management of his chancellor of the exchequer as clumsy in
      detail, and what might be called manipulation, as destitute of invention,
      originality, and foresight.
    </p>
    <p>
      When parliament was opened on the 4th of February, by her majesty in
      person, the public anti-popery demonstrations were very decided, and an
      outburst of loyalty came from all classes, such as only could arise from a
      thoroughly excited state of the public mind. It was known that Lord John
      Russell was to bring in a bill making it penal for the Roman Catholic
      hierarchy to assume territorial ecclesiastical titles, and this gave to
      the people an extraordinary interest in the progress of her majesty in
      state to the House of Lords. From her palace at Pimlico to her palace in
      Whitehall vast crowds collected, who rent the air with tumultuous and
      excited cheers and exclamations of loyalty. On no occasion of a royal
      progress were the assembled multitudes greater, and the peculiar
      excitement of their voices and deportment was such as no great festal
      occasion evokes. The royal speech referred to the cause of this
      excitement, and when her majesty assured the assembled senators that she
      was determined to preserve "the rights of her crown, and the independence
      of the nation," her elocution was at once so precise, emphatic, and
      animated, as to cause an unusual sensation among her hearers; and when the
      passage was read by the general public, accompanied by the fervent
      panegyrics of the press, the public zeal against the papal brief was, if
      possible, intensified.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general conduct of the Roman Catholic body, hierarchy, and press, was
      provocative of popular anger, and calculated to create an illiberal
      feeling towards Roman Catholics. Various pretensions were asserted in a
      highhanded manner by the Roman Catholic bishops in their epistolary
      communications; and their literary organs spared the Protestants of
      England no bitterness of invective, to which the most exasperating
      polemics could give expression.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public irritation on this controversy was kept up during the whole
      year, for the pretensions of the Romish hierarchy were not moderated, and
      in Ireland the chief bishops of the Roman Catholic church openly derided
      and defied the power of the government and people of England to put any
      law against their assumptions into practical effect. It is probable that
      these magnates had good information that Lord John and his government
      merely intended to carry a bill which might be held <i>in terrorem</i>&mdash;a
      mode of legislating against the church of Rome, which an experienced
      politician must have known was futile.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bill brought into parliament by Lord John, to vindicate the rights of
      his royal mistress and the independence of England, was called "the
      Ecclesiastical Titles Bill," and may be described in a single sentence as
      providing penalties, in the shape of a moderate fine of £100, against
      every Romish ecclesiastic assuming a territorial title belonging to the
      Protestant hierarchy. The Roman Catholic members of the commons opposed it
      with a vituperative eloquence, neither creditable to their religion,
      country, nor the especial cause of their advocacy. The whig ministry, and
      their supporters on both sides of the house, justified the bill on narrow
      and inconsistent grounds. The Protestant abettors of "the aggression"
      treated the hubbub raised as unworthy the greatness of England&mdash;the
      pope being a poor prince of very little power. Disraeli, with even more
      than his usual ability, supported the measure of the government, urging
      that the pope had, it was true, no formidable military force, but he had
      an army of a million of priests, and still greater numbers of persons
      belonging to various religious orders, the members of which were wholly
      devoted&mdash;mind, body, and estate&mdash;to his behests. This reasoning
      produced considerable effect on the house, and destroyed the effect of Mr.
      Roebuck's arguments for allowing the Roman Catholic religion to develop
      itself in its own way. The bill met with so much opposition in its later
      stages from Sir James Graham and the Peelite party, that its progress was
      somewhat obstructed; but the vehement demands out of doors for its
      enactment, lowered the tone of the parliamentary opposition to it, and it
      was carried ultimately by a very large majority. It was introduced, by
      Lord John Russell, as early as the 7th of February. In consequence of the
      opposition it encountered, the cabinet divested it of several of the more
      stringent clauses, and on the 7th of March Sir George Grey reintroduced
      the bill, after a temporary absence from office of the government. It was
      not until the close of July that the bill received the royal assent.
    </p>
    <p>
      Several cases were brought into courts of justice throughout the year,
      which kept up the irritation thus excited. Among these was the case of
      Miss Talbot, a Roman Catholic lady under the guardianship of the Earl of
      Shrewsbury, a Roman Catholic peer. The lady had a fortune of £80,000. She
      was advised by her guardians to enter a nunnery, and was placed there to
      pass through the preliminary stages before finally taking the veil. In
      that case, the whole of the vast property she possessed would be made over
      to the Roman Catholic church. The Berkeley family brought the matter into
      court, and such an exposure was made of the bigotry of Lord Shrewsbury,
      and the schemes set on foot to deprive the young lady of her property in
      favour of the church, as exasperated the already intensely excited popular
      mind. The young lady married Lord Howard, son of the Duke of Norfolk, and
      so settled the contest, at the same time disproving the allegations and
      oaths of the ecclesiastical party, who sought to victimize her, that she
      was about to take the veil in the result of her own importunity for
      permission so to do.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public indignation against the Church of Rome was much stimulated by a
      remarkable law case, Métairie <i>versus</i> Wiseman and others. The
      co-defendants with the cardinal were several Roman Catholic priests, and
      some laymen known as much devoted to sacerdotal influence. The plaintiff
      was one Julie Métairie, next of kin to a deceased Roman Catholic
      gentleman, a native of France, whom it was alleged, when in a state of
      mental incapacity, was induced by a priest named Holdstock to make a
      testament of his property in favour of the Church of Rome, and of certain
      charities favoured by that church. It was given in evidence that the man
      had been a sceptic nearly all his life, hated priests, and was especially
      prejudiced against the peculiar disposition of his property, which the
      priests alleged that he had actually made upon his death-bed. A Roman
      Catholic physician, one Gasquet, had called in the priest. It appeared on
      the trial that no will, or other document, disposing of his property,
      could be produced by Cardinal Wiseman, or the priests his co-defendants,
      in the handwriting of the deceased, or of his attorney. A document,
      however, was drawn up by a Roman Catholic barrister, at the confessor's
      request; and, according to the affidavits, the dying man was held up in
      the bed by the priest, while the latter took hold of the hand of the
      expiring man, and with it signed a deed, conveying £7,000 to certain
      trustees for Roman Catholic uses. Cooke, the barrister, by whom the deed
      was drawn up, prepared a power of attorney, by which the property was
      placed in his hands upon the decease of M. Carrée (the name of the man
      thus entrapped). This paper also the dying man was made to sign, but he
      intimated his desire to retain the papers which he signed, but was not
      allowed. One of the allegations made at the trial which most prejudiced
      the public was, that the priest who effected the trick did not again visit
      the dying man, who was permitted to die unabsolved, unanointed, without
      any of the "consolations" which Roman Catholics prize so much.
    </p>
    <p>
      The plaintiff, on behalf of himself and other relatives of the deceased,
      filed a bill in chancery, demanding judgment upon the invalidity of the
      deeds by which M. Carrée's property was wrested from his relatives, and
      placed in the hands of the priests. After nine days' argument the
      defendants paid the money into court. The matter was not again argued, as
      the defendants consented to pay £4,000 out of the £7,000 over to the
      relatives not to proceed. This was accepted to avert any uncertainty in
      the issue dependant upon doubtful points of law, and to avoid exhausting
      the property by litigation. The public expected that the priests, in order
      to the vindication of their own proceedings in the case, would have
      promoted the investigation, and have, in case of a decision in their
      favour, acted generously towards the relatives of the alleged legatee.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various cases in which priestly pretension and intolerance were rumoured,
      kept alive the feeling created by the trials referred to; so that during
      the whole year manifestations of popular resentment towards the Roman
      Catholic Church, and especially its ecclesiastics, were put forth in
      almost every part of Great Britain. When the 5th of November arrived, the
      day upon which the detection of Guy Faux's attempt to blow up the
      parliament usually receives a popular celebration, there was an outburst
      of patriotic hostility to the Church of Rome, which the magistrates in
      London and the great cities of the provinces in vain endeavoured to
      prevent or moderate. Cardinal Wiseman and the Pope were carried about the
      streets in effigy, and the figures by which they were ludicrously
      caricatured, were burnt amidst the acclamations of vast crowds, not always
      confined to the lower orders.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various events in Ireland, of violence offered to clergymen and scripture
      readers, and assassinations of gentlemen whose protestant zeal was
      prominent, aided the circumstances which in England kept the public
      exasperation against popery at so high a pitch.
    </p>
    <p>
      Incidents of persecution abroad, not materially differing from common
      occurrences, and such as happen without particular notice by the English
      people at other periods, were related and commented upon by the English
      press in terms of the bitterest reproach to the Roman Catholic religion,
      and its abettors. On the whole, no subject occupied the minds of the
      inhabitants of the United Kingdom so constantly throughout the year 1851,
      as that of the aggressive acts and spirit of the papal court and its
      ultramontane supporters.
    </p>
    <p>
      The public mind was also much agitated by the question of "Protection of
      Industry." A powerful party, consisting chiefly of the landlords, clergy,
      shipping interest, farmers, and certain sections of persons who had
      profited by "protection duties," were determined, if possible, to revoke
      the decision of the legislature in favour of a free trade in corn, and to
      reverse the policy of Sir Robert Peel, of relaxing and finally removing
      all differential duties and taxes, imposed otherwise than for revenue,
      upon foreign commodities. The leaders of this reactionary party were very
      eloquent men&mdash;the Earl of Derby, and Benjamin Disraeli. Both these
      gifted persons have since been repeatedly in power, and, while evidently
      as hostile to a free-trade policy in office as well as when out of office,
      yet they affected in their parliamentary orations to be on the side of the
      popular theory of free trade, and often made speeches so glaringly
      inconsistent with those previously made by them as to damage the
      reputation of public men in the national esteem. Presuming upon the
      ignorance, or forgetfulness, of the population at large, the peer and the
      commoner have frequently spoken as though they had been the invariable
      champions of freedom of commerce, and of civil and religious liberty. In
      1851 they were the persistent and acrimonious opponents of freedom,
      religious, political, and commercial, and by their eloquence stimulated
      those who sympathised with them, and incensed those who believed that a
      great economical victory had been accomplished by the free-trade
      legislation of Sir Robert Peel, which was irreversible. Those who
      considered that the "Derby-Disraeli party" only used their anti-free-trade
      agitations to accomplish a mere party purpose, to regain office, and check
      the general progress of free institutions and reform, were exasperated at
      the political charlatanism which they considered to be thus displayed, so
      that the public lost temper with the party, and was disposed even to
      violent manifestations of its hostility. A remarkable instance of this
      occurred at Tarnworth, previously the seat of the lately deceased
      parliamentary champion of the repeal of the corn-laws, Sir Robert Peel.
      The landowners of North Warwickshire, and their party adherents, convened
      a public meeting to discuss their alleged grievances, and selected
      Tamworth as the place of meeting. The populace and the free-traders
      declared that the place chosen was not one which would naturally be
      appointed for such a gathering, and believed that Tamworth was named for
      the meeting in order to insult the memory of Sir Robert Peel, and by a
      display of strength affront the liberal party, in matters of commerce, on
      the spot where the ashes of their chief reposed. The Protectionists would
      not yield to any suggestions concerning the bad taste displayed as to the
      moral battle-ground they had chosen. They were warned that it would become
      a material battle-field as well, but the warnings were rejected. The
      ringleaders in the great agricultural demonstration, Lord Lewisham, and
      Messrs. Newdegate and Spoon er, members of parliament, marshalled their
      hosts, and it was intended to make such a demonstration of strength on
      behalf of the agricultural interest as would awe the government, and
      impress the country with an idea of the growing power of the party. The
      populace, however, attacked the meeting&mdash;a severe conflict ensued;
      the Protectionists were driven from the town. The vehicles of the
      agricultural party were broken or thrown over Tamworth Bridge; many
      persons were dangerously wounded, especially among the Protectionists; and
      the issue was a fresh demonstration of the unpopularity of protectionist
      doctrines, and of their chief advocates. The moral effect of the incident
      throughout the country was adverse to the party who promoted the
      assemblage. The riot occurred on the 28th of May, and the strong popular
      hostility evinced, had its influence in parliament in emboldening the
      hostile eloquence of the free-traders, and damped the ardour of the
      protectionist gatherings in the coming autumn.
    </p>
    <p>
      Throughout the parliamentary session the agricultural interest made its
      complaints incessantly heard. The leaders declared that the landed gentry
      and farmers were rapidly proceeding to ruin in consequence of free-trade,
      and their vaticinations of frightful calamities to the nation were
      singular displays of extraordinary hypocrisy, or delusions. Amongst the
      most doleful prophets and lugubrious friends of agriculture was Benjamin
      Disraeli. He was also the most acrimonious of advocates, while defending
      claims ignored by the nation as unjust, denounced by political economists
      as injurious; and, obviously in the exclusive and selfish interests of a
      class, he denounced the advocates of free commerce as without honour,
      honesty, or patriotism, sparing his opponents neither as individuals nor
      as members of a party. The moral effect of this unprincipled vituperation
      upon the country was injurious to the party it was intended to serve, and
      lessened the confidence which the people had been accustomed to repose in
      the integrity of public men. Early in the session Mr. Disraeli introduced
      a resolution on agricultural distress. An opening, almost an invitation,
      for him to do so was given by Lord John Russell, who, with his usual
      mal-adroit attempts to conciliate his opponents, inserted in the queen's
      speech an expression of regret for the distress borne by the agricultural
      interest. Disraeli accordingly proposed, "That the severe distress which
      continues to exist among the owners and occupiers of land, lamented in her
      majesty's speech, renders it the duty of the government to introduce,
      without delay, measures for their effectual relief." In his speech he
      advocated the remission of taxes from the landed interest, as the
      alternative to protection, attributing the distress complained of to the
      repeal of the corn laws. The chancellor of the exchequer, in a matter of
      fact speech, refuted Mr. Disraeli's allegations that land was taxed
      disproportionately to other property, or that the repeal of the corn laws
      had failed of its object. Sir James Graham, in a clever <i>ad captandum</i>
      speech, called upon the house and the country to beware that the real
      object of Mr. Disraeli and his party was to re-impose the corn laws. Mr.
      Labouchere argued upon the same view of the policy of Mr. Disraeli's
      party, which Sir James Graham had exposed. Mr. Cardwell and Mr. Cobden in
      very eloquent terms adopted the same strain. The latter gentleman said
      that there could be no doubt of the meaning of Mr. Disraeli's motion, for
      whether a duty on corn, or compensation for the loss of it, were the
      object immediately aimed at, the result would be the same&mdash;the
      advantage of a class at the expense of the country. He threatened the
      renewal of a national agitation against the exclusive selfish policy of
      the landlord class. Lord John Russell declared that he considered Mr.
      Disraeli's motion as fraught with more dangerous consequences than any
      motion which in the course of his public life he ever recollected. Mr.
      Disraeli's resolution was negatived by a majority of only fourteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this juncture in the agricultural agitation political affairs in
      parliament assumed peculiar and various complications. On the 20th of
      February Mr. Locke King, the member for East Surrey, asked for leave to
      bring in a bill to make the franchise in counties, in England and Wales,
      the same as in boroughs&mdash;the occupation of a tenement of the value of
      £10 a year. Lord John Russell refused the assent of his government,
      pledging himself to bring in a bill to improve the representation, a
      promise which through many succeeding years his lordship was in no hurry
      to fulfil. The motion of Mr. King was carried against the government by a
      majority in the proportion of nearly two to one. It was generally felt
      that this vote virtually sealed the fate of the government. The
      agricultural party were therefore emboldened to renew their previous
      tactics on the discussion of the budget, and to press for the especial
      exemption of their class from a large proportion of the general taxation.
      The budget had been previously introduced (on the 17th), in a committee of
      ways and means. The income had exceeded the expenditure by more than two
      and a half millions sterling. This fact left an opening for the reduction
      of taxation, which the agriculturists had already claimed in their own
      peculiar interest. They were prepared upon the 21st of February, upon the
      order for going into committee on ways and means, to make propositions,
      which, if carried, would appropriate to themselves the two millions and a
      half of surplus as effectually as if the money were taken and divided
      among them. Lord John Russell requested the postponement of the order of
      the day to the 24th, intimating that he was moved to desire this
      postponement for especial reasons. It was well known that his lordship
      felt himself incapable of carrying on the government against the attacks
      of the Protectionists, on one hand, and the parliamentary reformers on the
      other. On the 24th Lord John informed the house of this fact, and declared
      that he spoke "as the organ of a government which no longer existed." Lord
      Stanley had been invited by her majesty to form a government, but did not
      succeed, and she again called upon Lord John to construct a new cabinet.
      His lordship informed the house that he had undertaken the task, and
      requested an adjournment. On the 28th the house resumed its sitting. It
      then appeared that Lord Aberdeen had been summoned by her majesty to form
      a ministry, but his lordship, Sir James Graham, and the Peel party
      generally, refused to co-operate with Lord John in the ecclesiastical
      titles bill, the Peelite section of both houses, especially its leader,
      Lord Aberdeen, being committed to the new ecclesiastical party called
      Puseyites, who sympathised with the efforts of the Roman Catholics to
      restore the grandeur of their hierarchy. Lord Aberdeen dared not face the
      popular feeling on that question. Finally, the Duke of Wellington's advice
      having been sought by his royal mistress, he advised her, as the best
      solution of the difficulty, to confide to Lord John Russell the
      reconstruction of his ministry. The protectionist party determined to
      oppose the government on every measure which afforded a chance, by small
      defeat, of weakening its influence over the house and the country. When
      the ecclesiastical titles bill again came before the house, Sir F.
      Thesiger moved three amendments, the object of which was to make it more
      effective. This the party of Sir Frederic knew well neither Lord John, his
      ministry, nor the Whigs generally, really desired. By this means the true
      whig view of the question was forced out. Lord John resisted the
      amendments. The house was indignant. His lordship confided in the votes of
      the Roman Catholic members, but they, anxious to humiliate him, walked out
      of the house in a body. The amendments were carried amidst the derisive
      cheers of the Protectionists. Large majorities in every case defeated the
      half measures of Lord John. So little did he appear to comprehend the
      spirit of the house and the country, that instead of bowing to their
      decision, or resigning his office, he attempted on the third reading of
      the bill to reverse the votes carried by such overwhelming majorities: he
      failed still more signally than before. He stood in a false position to
      the house, the country, and the Roman Catholic party. He had brought in,
      with vast pretensions to a zealous Protestantism on his lips, a measure
      which was never intended by him, or his party, to answer the purpose
      proclaimed. His opponents took it out of his hands with skill and
      moderation, and made it much more practicable for its ostensible purpose,
      although still short of a sound and efficient bill to restrain the
      hierarchy of Rome from the assumptions it desired.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Protectionists found another occasion to damage the government during
      the discussion of the budget. On the 5th of April the chancellor of the
      exchequer made his second financial statement for the year, which was much
      more favourably received than the former one. He, however, retracted some
      of the boons conceded in the first budget to the agricultural interest.
      This gave satisfaction to the majority, but exasperated the protectionist
      party, which attempted to defeat the government on the question of the
      income tax, by direct resolutions moved by Mr. Herries; a considerable
      majority defeated the movement. On the bill going into committee Mr. Hume,
      then in the zenith of his influence, moved an amendment to the effect that
      the tax should be maintained for one year only. The honourable member was
      an extreme Liberal in politics, but his support of the free-trade party
      was neither very warm nor very intelligent. His amendment was
      energetically opposed by the government, and by the free-trade leaders,
      especially Mr. Cobden and Mr. Sidney Herbert. The Protectionists rallied
      round Mr. Hume, and the little circle of radical members who, like Mr.
      Hume, were suspected of being heterodox to the free-trade doctrines. The
      temporary coalition was led by Mr. Disraeli, always in the van when a
      political or parliamentary trick was the hope of his party. The government
      was defeated, and acquiesced in the motion. This success greatly
      encouraged the Protectionists, who made a direct assault upon the
      government, on the 8th of May, when Mr. Cayley proposed the abolition of
      the malt tax, but was beaten by a large majority.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th of June Mr. Bass moved that half the malt tax should be
      repealed in October, 1852. On a division the motion was rejected. Various
      other attempts were made on isolated subjects to support the landlord
      interest by the remission of taxes bearing on it. Lord Naas repeatedly
      defeated the government on the mode of assessing the spirit duties, but
      ultimately the ministry got rid of the resolutions of his lordship. In
      June Mr. Disraeli moved a series of resolutions on the position and
      prospects of the country and the policy of the government, in which he was
      supported by the entire strength of the tory party. The object of the
      resolutions was to oppose the application of the surplus revenue to the
      reduction of taxes, such as the window, coffee, and timber duties, until
      the result of a select committee on the income tax, proposed by Mr. Hume,
      should be known. The object of the resolutions was to preserve the surplus
      revenue for the reduction of taxes borne by a single class, that of the
      landlords, and for their exclusive benefit. It was the question of the
      right of peculiar advantage by the landed interest brought out in another
      form. Mr. Disraeli appeared to great disadvantage as a financier,
      political economist, and even as a party leader. His speech was factious
      in spirit, resting upon no sound principles of policy or economy, and
      altogether unworthy of the leader of a great party, and of one who aspired
      to a reputation for statesmanship. The chancellor of the exchequer made an
      unusually happy speech in reply. It was not usual for that honourable
      member to indulge in the witty and satirical vein which so cleverly and
      appropriately pervaded that particular oration. The disingenuousness and
      factiousness of Disraeli roused the spirit of Sir Charles, and inspired
      him with a sarcasm unlike his own serious and even dull tone of address.
      He accused Mr. Disraeli with delivering a two hours' speech on fiscal and
      economical subjects, from which a single proposition could not be
      extracted, and concluding by trite reflections upon the necessity of
      maintaining public credit, couched in highflown language about the empire
      of the Cæsars, with its triple crown, the mines of Golconda, pillared
      palanquins, and other things having as little to do with the question.
      These poetic fancies were very pleasing, but the house would have better
      liked to hear arguments in support of a motion against repealing taxes.
      The following passage from the speech of the chancellor of the exchequer
      excited much mirth among the members, at the expense of the protectionist
      leader:&mdash;"Mr. Disraeli would not jeopardize public credit (by
      repealing taxes); but only six days after Mr. Hume's motion (for
      continuing the income tax only one year) was carried, Mr. Cayley moved the
      house to remit £5,000,000 by the repeal of the malt tax. If it be wrong to
      jeopardize public credit, surely it was as much endangered on the 8th of
      May (when Mr. Cayley proposed the remission of the malt tax), as it was on
      the 30th of June (when the ministers proposed to repeal duties which
      affected the whole community), yet on the division list in favour of Mr.
      Cayley's motion I find the name of Benjamin Disraeli! Can it be that there
      are two Benjamins in the field? One Benjamin voting for the reduction of
      five millions of taxes, and another Benjamin who is afraid to meddle with
      a surplus of £1,600,000."
    </p>
    <p>
      The effect of this cutting and just satire upon the dishonest pretences of
      Mr. Disraeli in refusing the repeal of taxes to the amount of the surplus
      revenue, on the ground of maintaining public credit, was exceedingly
      striking. The house was at first convulsed with laughter, after which
      serious murmurs rolled along the benches to the right of the speaker's
      chair, and the Conservatives, in sullen and moody silence, showed their
      consciousness of the moral effect of this <i>exposé</i>, especially as the
      resolutions were lost by a very large majority. The speech of Sir Charles
      Wood was much quoted out of doors, and Mr. Disraeli became, for a
      considerable time, most unpopular throughout the country. It was much
      mooted among the opposition whether he should not be deposed from a
      leadership which his eloquence did not always serve, and which his
      reckless inconsistency so often damaged.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Protectionists were unable to make any impression upon the house or
      the country favourable to a reversal of free trade, or the removal from
      the landed gentry of the taxes which they professed bore most heavily upon
      them.
    </p>
    <p>
      In connection with the protectionist agitation, the navigation laws, and
      their repeal, held an angry prominence. The shipowners agitated the
      peculiar burdens on shipping almost as loudly as the landlords complained
      of the peculiar burdens on land. The cause of the shipowners was espoused
      by the landlords, and among them the Earl of Derby was the most prominent.
      The act of 1849, for the removal of maritime restrictions, was discussed
      in both houses, and the shipowners and landed interests demanded that the
      legislature should retrace its steps on that subject. The house, however,
      maintained the policy of 1849.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF 1851.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the foregoing notices of proceedings in parliament, reference was made
      to them in connection with the great subjects which agitated the country
      at large. Those notices necessarily abridge the relation of this section
      of the chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the session was not fruitful in legislation, a considerable range
      of important subjects was embraced by the discussions which took place.
      The ministry was desirous to improve the laws, and carry some useful
      measures. Private members in vain sought opportunity to direct the
      attention of parliament to practical and useful legislation: the great
      agitations of the day, and mere party disputes, consumed the time of the
      house. The Protectionists caught at so many opportunities for prolonged
      debates, for the purposes of gaining some pecuniary advantage, and of
      worrying the ministry, that the public business was greatly impeded. The
      Peelites, especially in the commons, were hostile to the ecclesiastical
      titles bill. That small section of the house which prided itself in
      following the policy of Sir Robert Peel in everything, belonged, in almost
      every individual case, to the Puseyite party in the established church,
      and viewed with apparently bitter animosity the attempt of Lord John
      Russell to curb the pretensions of the Romish hierarchy. Mr. Gladstone and
      Sir James Graham, always hostile to the religious liberties of Protestant
      dissenters, led the opposition to the government measure. It was obvious
      enough that the house and the country were resolved upon the passing of
      the bill, but the Peelite and Puseyite orators resisted it at every stage,
      with a zeal and activity which surpassed that of the Roman Catholic
      members. In vain the government pressed upon the house the urgency of the
      public business, and the number of the measures which ought to occupy
      attention: Puseyites and Protectionists maintained debates on every
      possible occasion, rendering legislative measures on a great variety of
      subjects impracticable.
    </p>
    <p>
      The ministerial crisis has been already referred to, and its termination,
      by the announcement (on the 3rd of March) that the government had resumed
      office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The defeat of the government on the motion of Mr. Locke King, for leave to
      bring in a bill to assimilate the elective franchise in boroughs and
      counties upon a tenpound value occupation has incidentally been noticed in
      connection with the ministerial crisis. Mr. Locke King brought in his
      bill, and moved the second reading on the 2nd of April. The debate which
      ensued was remarkable from the circumstance that Lord John Eussell pledged
      himself to bring in, at the beginning of the next session, a bill to
      extend the franchise. This pledge, up to the close of the session of 1859,
      more than eight years, has never been redeemed. The excuse urged has been
      always the same&mdash;the pressure of public business&mdash;an excuse, the
      sincerity of which cannot be accepted by the most credulous friends of his
      lordship's party. Mr. Disraeli declared that he desired to see the "great
      settlement of 1831" improved, in the sense of confirming "the proper
      territorial influence and power," which he assured the house was essential
      to the liberties of the English nation. Mr. Disraeli desired an
      improvement of the Reform Bill which would consolidate the power of a
      class: Lord John promised a reform which would increase the power of the
      people. Persuaded by his lordship's specious promises, those of Mr. Fox
      Maule, and other members of the government, the Liberals supported the
      government, and Mr. Locke King's bill was lost by a vast majority. The
      speech of Mr. Bright much conduced to this result, as he showed that the
      ten-pound occupants, in counties, would be under the control of the landed
      interest, which Mr. Bright denounced as opposed to the material interests
      and civil and religious liberties of the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Henry Berkeley endeavoured to secure another measure of reform&mdash;the
      conducting of elections by vote by ballot. The government resisted this,
      and Lord John Eussell, with a tone of ridicule and acrimony, offered the
      motion an ostentatious opposition. The government was beaten by a majority
      of eighty-seven to fifty. The bill was read a first time, but Mr. Berkeley
      did not proceed with it, the same pretence set up by the government on
      Locke King's motion soothing the reformers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Cobden signalized himself by proposing a resolution pledging the house
      to arbitration in case of national differences. Mr. Cobden's motion was in
      itself impracticable, his statistics partial, and his tone personal and
      unjust to the statesman by whom our foreign relations had been conducted.
      Lord Palmerston replied in one of the most happy speeches he ever
      delivered, vindicating himself from the implications made by Mr. Cobden.
      Mr. Roebuck supported Mr. Cobden, whom, and whose party, he has so often
      opposed since, when their peculiar opinions were advocated in a similar
      manner. The motion was withdrawn, in consequence of the conviction of all
      parties being strongly expressed that the course proposed by Mr. Cobden
      was utterly impossible.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the House of Lords a remarkable debate arose upon a proposition of the
      Earl of St. Germains, to make marriage with a deceased wife's sister
      legal. The measure was opposed by the bishops. The Bishop of Norwich made
      a speech of remarkable clearness and force in opposition. Lord Campbell,
      the lord-chief-justice, made an oration of an eccentric and illogical
      character; its spirit and temper were even worse than its arguments; the
      people of Germany and America were referred to in a manner the most
      insulting and unjust. The bishops and the law lords defeated the bill.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Redesdale, one of the champions of Puseyism in the established
      church, made a motion in the peers for the revival of convocation, which
      was successfully opposed by the evangelical "primate of all England."
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the subjects introduced during the session which excited most
      interest in the country, was the removal of Jewish disabilities. Lord John
      Russell produced a bill in the commons which was carried, but was thrown
      out in the lords. Events followed of an important nature and of historical
      interest. An alderman of the city of London, named Salomons, had been
      elected to sit in parliament for the borough of Greenwich. He determined
      to take his seat. He presented himself at the table of the house on the
      18th of July, but refused to take the oaths "on the true faith of a
      Christian," the form prescribed by the rules of the house. He was then
      ordered by the speaker to withdraw. Mr. Salomons sat down on one of the
      benches o the ministerial side of the house, but the speaker insisted upon
      his withdrawal, upon which he returned to the bar, but under protest of
      his right to take his seat. Called upon, in the course of the discussion
      which ensued, by various members to do so, he repeatedly resumed his seat,
      addressed the house, and voted on divisions concerning himself. After long
      protracted and violent discussions, he was conducted forcibly by the
      sergeant-at-arms below the bar. The house, at the instance of Lord John
      Russell, resolved that he had not a right to sit until he took the oath of
      abjuration on the true faith of a Christian. Lord John at the same time
      intimated his intention to persevere in seeking the emancipation of Jewish
      citizens from all civil disabilities on account of their religion. These
      events in the English House of Commons attracted the attention of the
      Jewish community all over the world, and the reports were perused
      extensively abroad as well as at home.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of May a party debate arose upon the conduct of Lord
      Torrington, when governor of Ceylon. Debates occurred in both houses, the
      object of the opponents of government being to condemn the policy of Lord
      Torrington, and the friends of government to uphold him. Nothing was
      proved against his lordship sufficient to justify the course pursued
      against him, but it was made plain that his appointment to the government
      of a colony as distracted as it was important, did not arise from the
      noble lord's fitness, but from his political interest; and that Earl Grey,
      the whig colonial minister, had performed his official duties in a way
      crotchety, self-sufficient, and arrogant&mdash;in the spirit of the
      partizan rather than of the patriot.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various bills were passed in reference to administrative departments of
      the church, and of the state. A bill for the removal of Smithfield market
      was carried on humane and sanitary considerations, after a discreditable
      opposition from the corporation of London. Law reform made some progress,
      especially in connection with the court of chancery. There were several
      sharp discussions and important motions on colonial and foreign affairs,
      which will be more appropriately noticed when referring to those
      departments of the history of the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of August parliament was prorogued, and the legislative history
      of 1851 terminated.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EXHIBITION OF THE INDUSTRY OF ALL NATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the home incidents of the year none excited more general interest
      than "the Great Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations," which was
      opened on the 1st of May. During 1850 public expectation had been
      intensely directed to it. The patronage of the queen, and the active
      assistance as well as patronage of her consort, threw a halo of
      respectability and popularity around the undertaking. The design was to
      erect a large temporary building, into which might be brought, in an
      honourable and peaceful rivalry, specimens of the manufacture and art of
      all nations. The site selected for the building was Hyde Park, near the
      Prince's Gate. Mr. Paxton (afterwards Sir Joseph Paxton), gardener to the
      Duke of Devonshire, devised a plan for erecting the building of glass&mdash;a
      bold and novel scheme, which resulted in a structure elegant and useful.
      Mr. Fox (afterwards Sir Charles) was the principal contractor. All
      concerned worked with zeal and skill, and their task was brought to a
      satisfactory termination. The building was a parallelogram, 1,848 feet
      long by 408 feet wide. The distribution of the articles sent for
      exhibition was upon the principle of giving to each country a separate
      compartment in the building, with the exception that all working machinery
      was placed together at the north-west end. It would require a volume to
      describe the wonderful variety and beauty of the productions of skill and
      labour brought together in this Crystal Palace of industry; nothing equal
      to it for curious and instructive interest had ever before been realized.
      On the 1st of May this fairy fabric was opened with all the circumstances
      of pomp which royalty and multitudes of persons gathered from many nations
      could present. There were arrivals from almost every nation; and from
      Europe and America the numbers were so great that the vast area of London
      seemed thronged day by day, and almost night by night, with crowds. The
      various national physiognomies and costumes gave a picturesque effect to
      the streets and parks, and especially to the interior and neighbourhood of
      the building for the Exhibition on the opening day. Everything connected
      with its inauguration was auspicious, and public order was preserved in a
      wonderful manner; all men from all nations and peoples seemed earnest to
      maintain the harmony and decorum of the happy occasion. Those classes of
      English society which made themselves notorious for their hostility to
      human progress, and especially to the increase of manufactures in England,
      had been opposed to the project of the Exhibition; and had it not been for
      the ardour with which the prince, the husband of her majesty, took up the
      enterprise, opposition from these classes would have been far more
      vigorous and virulent. All the fears of the objectors to the undertaking
      proved groundless, and all their vaticinations false; improvement to the
      national industry, and social enjoyment of England, and a happy
      intercourse with their brethren of many nations were the results. It was,
      however, a long time after the Exhibition had accomplished its good
      purposes, and the last fragment of its material was swept away from the
      site it had occupied, before the murmurs and objections of the
      anti-progress classes died away.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE CENSUS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This year was remarkable for the accurate knowledge obtained of the amount
      of the population, the decennial census having been taken. The importance
      of this subject can hardly be overrated. Population, as we are taught by
      an inspired instructor, is a leading element in the prosperity of a
      nation: "In the multitude of the people is the king's honour; but in the
      want of people is the destruction of the prince." Only in modern times
      have we arrived at any enumeration of the people on competent authority;
      the estimates of earlier periods are of comparatively little value. Amidst
      the scenes of carnage presented in the first thousand years of our
      authentic history, the natural growth of the population was constantly
      checked, and there were probably periods when the numbers were greater
      than just after the desolations produced by the Roman conquest, at which
      time the population of Great Britain was estimated at only 1,700,000
      persons. After the desolating wars of the Roses ended with the accession
      of Henry VIL, in 1485, to the English throne, the numbers of the whole of
      the people in Great Britain were estimated as only 3,000,000. In the time
      of Elizabeth they reached 4.000,000, according to a calculation based upon
      the parish registers. Mr. Reckman, an authority on this matter, gives the
      following estimates:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Years.             Population.           Rate of Increase.

     1600............    4,811,700   ............     15-66

     1630.............    5,600,317   ............     16-38

     1670............    5,773,646   ............      3-09

     1700...........     6,045,608    ............     4-70

     1750...........     6,517,035    ............     7-51

     1760...........     6,479,730   ............      7-28

     1770...........     7,227,586    ............     11-54

     1780...........     7,814,827    ............      8-12

     1790...........     8,540,738    ............      9-29

     1800...........     9,187,176    ............      7-56
</i></pre>
    <p>
      From the last of these periods we have had a census every ten years; the
      following are the results:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Years.                  Population.          Rate of Increase.

     1801   ............    10,267,893   ............

     1811   ............    12,047,455   ............    14

     1821   ............    15,180,350   ............    18

     1831   ............    16,364,893   ............    15

     1841   ............    18,658,372   ............    14

     1851   ............    20,936,468   ............    12
</i></pre>
    <p>
      It will thus be seen that our people more than doubled their numbers
      during the first half of the present century. The population is now more
      than twelve times as great as it was immediately after the Roman conquest.
      These numbers did not increase in equal proportion over the face of the
      whole island. Some of the rural districts have been thinned by emigration,
      which had proceeded with great rapidity for some time, partly to the
      manufacturing districts, and partly to the colonies and to the United
      States of America. The agricultural districts also furnished the greater
      proportion of recruits for the army, an average of from thirty to forty
      thousand a year. The number of emigrants from the whole of Great Britain
      during 1842 amounted to 128,344. The great increase of population has been
      in our manufacturing towns, such as Birmingham, where there were only
      73,670 persons in 1801, and 173,081 in 1851; Sheffield, which in 1736
      contained 14,105, had increased to 88,447 in 1851; Manchester, exclusive
      of Salford, had only 41,032 in 1734, whereas in 1851 it had 316,213;
      Liverpool, in 1700, had no more than 5,145 inhabitants, in 1851 it had
      375,955. Glasgow three hundred years ago contained only 4,500 inhabitants,
      in 1851 its numbers reached 344,986. The density of the population was
      found to vary in different parts of England, and Wales, from as few as
      eighteen persons in a square mile, to as many as 185,751 in a similar
      area. A very curious and interesting illustration has been furnished of
      the increased proximity of the inhabitants, in consequence of the increase
      of population, during the present century. A messenger to deliver a
      thousand letters, at a thousand houses of average proximity, in 1801,
      would have to travel two hundred and six miles; but in 1851 he could
      perform his work by travelling only one hundred and forty-three miles. As
      the people were no longer serfs of the soil, but free to rove as their
      interests or pleasure dictated, a wonderful readiness to change the
      locality of their homes had displayed itself during the first half of this
      century, and especially the last decade of it. In this way large additions
      were made to the population of certain great centres of trade. It was
      found that the disposition to settle in London was greatest in the
      Metropolitan, Southern, Eastern, and South Midland Counties. The people to
      the north of Nottingham, Leicester, &amp;c., were less inclined to live in
      London. Their tendency, strengthened by the opportunity of finding
      employment, was to resort to the great manufacturing districts of
      Yorkshire and Lancashire. The census led incidentally to considerations
      connected with the general progress of Great Britain. Its material and
      social interests kept pace with its population. It is a law which operates
      with the increase of the people, that the increase of the means of
      supporting them augments in a superior ratio. The masses realized the
      advantages of progressive science and art, the variety of manufacture,
      division of labour, freedom of commerce, and freedom of thought. They were
      in possession of many luxuries as well as comforts not known even to noble
      and royal persons in previous ages of our history. The 3,647,611 inhabited
      houses of Great Britain, from the palace of the monarch down to the humble
      dwelling of the cottager, presented a striking contrast to the miserable
      hovels of the poor, and the inconvenient magnificence of the great, in the
      bygone periods of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman history, and of the
      Plantagenets, the Tudors, and the Stuarts. Great improvements had began in
      the domiciles of the lower classes; in the sanitary condition of cities
      and towns: and in draining, lighting, and paving. The progress of the arts
      and manufactures in Great Britain had been then very great. Coal and iron,
      which lie at the base of our manufacturing industry, were appreciated, and
      had reached a great production. Until 1740 wood only had been used for the
      smelting of iron; after that year coal was applied successfully. In 1788
      the produce was several thousand tons; in. 1800 it was one hundred and
      eighty thousand; in 1851 it reached the enormous amount of two millions
      and a half. Iron and steel were brought into use for the most excellent
      tools, as well as for the works in which they have been employed. This
      branch of improvement made a remarkable progress, little known beyond the
      circles of men of science and artizans. It has been correctly observed
      that the calculating machine of Mr. Babbage could not have been executed
      by means of the imperfect tools which were formerly in the hands of our
      machinists. We are indebted to the efforts made for the completion of that
      apparatus for some of the most beautiful tools.
    </p>
    <p>
      The marvellous increase of our cotton, woollen, and silk manufactures,
      more especially, strikingly illustrate the general law of material
      progress with the increase of population. To give the details of these
      statistics would be entering upon a subject too extensive for our limits,
      but the reader would find them an interesting accompaniment to the
      population reports of 1851.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1851 was singularly free from agitation in Ireland; still the
      social condition of that country was not free from its usual elements of
      disturbance. The papal scheme for establishing a territorial hierarchy in
      England, caused in Ireland an extraordinary degree of exultation.
      Addresses from the altars, and through the columns of the press, testified
      the sacerdotal enthusiasm that the event enkindled. The opposition of Mr.
      Gladstone, Sir James Graham, and others&mdash;who either openly espoused
      Puseyism or had an inclination towards its dogmas&mdash;to the
      ecclesiastical titles bill greatly encouraged the priest party in Ireland.
      Yet the Irish and English Roman Catholic laity had little sympathy.
      O'Connell had often publicly declared that the aristocratic predilections
      of the English Roman Catholic gentry, and their prejudice against the
      Irish people, of all sects and parties, made them a dead weight upon the
      Roman Catholic cause, to which his party tact and <i>ad captandum</i>
      oratory had given buoyancy. He had thoroughly indoctrinated the Irish
      Roman Catholic laity, and even the older clergy, with this view. The
      younger members of the priesthood were so thoroughly ultra-montane, that
      they, without counteracting Mr. O'Connell's statements and opinions on
      this subject, at least publicly, gave way to the wildest hopes and
      aspirations of papal ascendancy in England, and ultimately, through
      English instrumentality, in the colonies. The ecclesiastical titles bill
      called forth the most malignant denunciations of Lord John Russell,
      politically and personally; the house of Bedford was singled out from the
      aristocracy of England for vehement abuse; a wild controversy raged
      through the land; sermons against Protestantism, remarkable for the
      absence of all argument such as the Roman Catholic priests of the old
      school prided themselves on using, and pervaded by a fierce fanaticism,
      were delivered throughout the country; and all reply on the part of
      Protestant clergymen were treated not as theological arguments, but as
      insults, which disturbed the public peace, and constituted a peculiar
      "Catholic grievance." Many Protestants in Ireland countenanced this
      feeling; controversy and proselyteism, on the part of the Church of Rome,
      were by such Protestants held up as a proof of Roman Catholic zeal.
      Controversy and proselyteism on the part of the Protestant clergy were
      denounced as proofs of clerical imprudence, an attack on the "rights" of
      Roman Catholics, and a proof of some connection, open or covert, with
      Orangemen. This description of feeling amongst certain classes of
      Protestants in the higher ranks in England and Ireland was fashionable,
      but the honest zeal of the middle and poorer classes of Protestants
      restrained its manifestation. The columns of the Roman Catholic
      newspapers, and the sermons of the priests, during 1851, in Ireland,
      furnished extraordinary specimens of vindictive fanaticism.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although public disturbances and assassinations were less common in 1851
      than was usual in Ireland, there were some heartless proofs of class and
      religious animosity. In the month of July a singular trial took place
      evincing this. A gentleman named Smyth, of landed property, and
      considerable influence in his county, was, with one Helier, put upon his
      trial for the murder of his own mother, for the purpose of inheriting her
      property. Witnesses were called who swore to complicity, or a knowledge of
      complicity on the part of others, in a conspiracy, in which Mr. Blood
      Smyth was the moving person, for the murder of his mother. The evidence of
      these persons revealed a state of moral feeling, in the south of Ireland,
      among the peasant and low farmer class, perfectly atrocious. The result of
      the trial was, that the clearest proof was obtained that the deceased lady
      had died a natural death; that no attempt to murder her had ever been
      made; that the alleged criminals had really no motive for such a crime;
      that they were innocent, and that the accusation was the fruit of a
      conspiracy among dismissed servants and tenants of the accused, in order
      to be revenged upon him. The family of the accused were considered over
      zealous Protestants, and this formed an additional incitement to combine
      for the purpose of a legal assassination more cruel and terrible than if
      he had, like so many other Irish gentlemen, been shot down upon the public
      road. The latter terrible fate befell Mr. E. White, of Abbeleix, for
      asserting his right to some peat land which he had purchased. This
      circumstance offended the "Ribband" men, who in open day lodged a bullet
      in his heart, in a populous neighbourhood. The murderers were well known,
      but the populace sympathised with them. In the north of Ireland several
      gentlemen and men of humble note fell victims to the weapons of the
      "Ribband" assassins, under circumstances plainly indicating the complicity
      of the great mass of the peasantry of the Roman Catholic communion. Mr.
      Bateson, brother of Sir Robert Bateson, was beaten to death with bludgeons
      on the road near Castle Blayney. Men were arrested against whom the
      strongest proofs of guilt were produced, but the jury refused to convict.
      The difficulty of obtaining Roman Catholic members of juries to convict in
      Ribband cases, even upon the clearest evidence, greatly impeded the course
      of justice in Ireland. Mr. Eastwood, a magistrate, and deputy-lieutenant
      of a county, incurred a fate similar to that of Mr. Bateson. It was
      generally felt by the peaceable and loyal in Ireland, and by the people of
      England generally, that justice was not scrupulously administered by the
      whig party in Ireland. Anxious to preserve their majority by the votes of
      the Irish Roman Catholic members, and of latitudinarian members who
      represented Roman Catholic constituencies, the Whigs were unwilling to do
      anything, however called for by equity or imperial policy, which offended
      the popular party in Ireland, unless a <i>quid pro quo</i> were attainable
      in increased English support. The ecclesiastical titles bill, however
      imperfect (designedly so), secured an amount of British support which more
      than balanced any loss of Irish members; but in Ireland the priest party
      were coaxed by the Whigs, and concessions made to them unworthy the
      dignity of imperial administration. The whig government in Ireland was
      utterly unprincipled and corrupt. At the close of the year a great law
      case established that in a singular manner. The case is given in law
      reports as Birch <i>versus</i> Somerville, Bart. Birch was a Dublin
      newspaper proprietor; Somerville, Bart., the Irish secretary. The action
      was for £7,000 "for work and labour done." The work and labour was the
      support of the whig government in <i>The World</i> newspaper, in a mode
      and for ends utterly disreputable. The Earl of Clarendon, Lordlieutenant
      of Ireland, and Sir W. Somerville, personally prompted this Birch, whose
      paper had an infamous reputation. These high officers of state disposed of
      the public money, and it may be also their own, to bribe this Birch. The
      Earl of Clarendon was examined, and admitted that Birch had been in his
      pay for years to support law and order; and acknowledged that independent
      of the money given to Birch in Ireland, he had also received money in
      London for the same object. The moral effect of this trial was so damaging
      to the government of Lord Clarendon, that it lost all hold upon the
      support of the respectable classes in Ireland. Lord Naas subsequently
      brought the subject under the notice of the House of Commons, when its
      damaging effects upon the existence of the Russell ministry was such as
      would probably have led to its downfall, irrespective of all casual
      circumstances or internal feuds.
    </p>
    <p>
      The census of Ireland, taken this year, revealed the following facts as
      compared with 1841. In the metropolitan province of Leinster, in 1841, the
      number of houses was 320,051; a diminution had taken place of considerably
      more than 40,000 houses&mdash;the number being 277,552. The reduction in
      the number of families was nearly the same, from 362,134 to 321,991. The
      population was lessened from 1,973,731 to 1,667,771. The reduction in the
      other provinces was even greater in proportion; so that, in all Ireland,
      the number of houses was decreased, within the decade, from 1,384,360 to
      1,115,007; and the population from 8,175,124 to 6,515,794; a decrease of
      more than twenty per cent.&mdash;the total decrease being 1,659,330.
    </p>
    <p>
      With a population of more than six millions and a half, a fertile soil,
      and temperate climate, it was felt that Ireland ought to become a powerful
      and prosperous country. Belgium, Holland, Portugal, Switzerland, all the
      different states of Italy, Germany, and Scandinavia, were inferior to
      Ireland in the number of inhabitants and in national resources. Good
      government, and good conduct on the part of the people, it was generally
      believed, would develop the country to a condition of prosperity rivalling
      that of most other lands.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0006" id="linkDimage-0006">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_805_edinborough.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Grass Market Edinborough"
      src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_805_edinborough_th.jpg"
      alt="805.jpg the Grass Market Edinborough "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The incidents of the year affecting royalty were few. On the 27th of
      August her majesty, consort, and several of the royal children, left the
      marine residence at Osborne, Isle of Wight, for Balmoral, in the Scottish
      Highlands. The royal progress was marked by the usual manifestations of
      loyalty. On the 7th of October the court left Balmoral. Two accidents
      occurred on the railway to the train in which her majesty travelled; the
      first on the journey to Edinburgh, when, after leaving Forfar, the axle of
      a carriage-truck became heated by friction, and some delay occurred, which
      caused alarm at Edinburgh. It gratified the inhabitants of the Scottish
      capital that her majesty and suite took up their brief abode at Holyrood
      Palace. Between Glasgow and Edinburgh, while the train was driven at the
      rate of thirty miles an hour, one of the feeding pipes from the tender to
      the engine burst with a loud explosion; the train was obscured in steam,
      and came to a stand at Kirkliston, where it was obliged to remain until
      assistance arrived from Edinburgh. During these accidents the composure
      and courage of the queen struck all observers with astonishment. It had
      been arranged that Liverpool should be visited by the royal travellers;
      and a magnificent reception was prepared for them. Her majesty was not,
      however, favoured upon the occasion with that beautiful weather which
      generally smiles upon her voyages, journeys and public appearances in her
      great cities. One of the most gloomy and rainy days ever known at
      Liverpool frowned upon the loyal efforts of its inhabitants. This did not
      repress their enthusiasm. A vast concourse filled the streets, and made
      the most hearty demonstrations of welcome to their queen. From Liverpool
      the court proceeded to Worsley Hall, the mansion of the Earl of Ellesmere.
      This was probably, the most remarkable of all her majesty's previous
      journeys. The queen and suite embarked at Liverpool, in barges, and
      proceeded by the Bridgewater Canal to Worsley. While at Worsley, only a
      few miles from Manchester, her majesty paid a visit to that great city. On
      no occasion, even in the metropolis, was so vast a multitude of persons
      collected to see the queen; and, probably, on no occasion was she ever
      welcomed in a provincial city with so prodigal an expenditure and splendid
      a display of loyalty. Manchester and Salford were both traversed in their
      great principal thoroughfares by the royal procession, attended with
      military pomp, and many persons of very great eminence in the nation were
      in her suite. The profuse expenditure, displayed in flags and decorations,
      attracted the notice of the royal lady so much, that she expressed her
      regret that the citizens of Manchester should have gone to so great an
      expense on her account. A large public pleasure-ground in Salford, set
      apart by public subscriptions for the recreation of the people, and
      designated Peel Park, in honour of the free-trade champion, lay in the
      route taken by the royal <i>cortège</i>. In that park one of the most
      extraordinary fights was presented to her majesty ever witnessed by a
      monarch&mdash;eighty thousand Sunday-school children, of all religious
      denominations, were assembled to see their queen. The bringing together of
      such a mass of young persons, and the arrangements for placing them in a
      proper position to see and to be seen, was a work of anxiety and toil of
      which those only can form a conception who took part in it. Much of the
      credit of the occasion was due to the late Robert Needham, Esq.,
      solicitor, of Manchester, who, with extraordinary toil, from the effects
      of which he never recovered, arranged and carried out the vast work. The
      writer of this history was present on the occasion, and can never forget
      the spectacle, which partook of the sublime and the affecting. Together
      with the vast host of children, dressed in holiday array, and with the
      fair and open countenances for which the children of Saxon Lancashire are
      remarkable, there were their teachers and ministers, and in the rear a
      vast multitude consisting of the parents and friends of these children,
      and of the religious congregations whose zeal and liberality provided
      instruction for their juvenile charge. There were fourteen tiers of
      galleries around the chief carriage-way of the park. These tiers were so
      arranged that the <i>cortège</i>, passing along the road, could see at
      once the whole array, and the children from every tier see the queen and
      her attendants. As her majesty entered the park, the whole host raised
      their voices and began the national anthem. For a few moments the effect
      was sublime; it was, however, only during the first verse. The boys of the
      Irish Roman Catholic schools burst the limitations of their orders, and of
      their positions, and raised a tumultuous shout, which was caught up in an
      instant by the other children, and almost as soon by the vast multitudes
      who filled the park. The author of these pages has witnessed many public
      entries of royal persons into great cities, and many, especially, in the
      great metropolis of these islands, but never were sounds or scenes
      presented to his senses so imposing and inspiring as on that occasion. The
      queen was evidently much affected, and the great Duke of Wellington, who
      was in her suite, and was an object of nearly as hearty demonstrations as
      even her majesty, showed emotion, and was heard to say that he had never
      witnessed so interesting a scene. The young members of the royal household
      were naturally objects of intense interest to the multitude of children,
      and they, by their greetings and eager expression of countenance, showed
      how much they felt the excitement which such a multitude of young persons
      was calculated to inspire in princes and princesses of their own age.
      Probably, when many more years have run their course, and some of these
      royal children shall sit on thrones, they will remember a lesson
      profitable to royalty&mdash;the loyal spirit of the juvenile population of
      Manchester, and of all that population, in the year 1851. Doubtless the
      same virtues which, on the part of their royal parents, commanded respect
      and affection, will characterise those scions of the royal house of
      England, who already tread with early, but no uncertain step, the path of
      honour and goodness in which their queenly exemplar and teacher has
      conducted them. The great Manchester demonstration was followed by
      illuminations so general and so costly that her majesty and her suite were
      represented as taking an interest in them, such as pyrotechnical displays
      did not usually excite. From Worsley the queen and a portion of her suite
      proceeded to Windsor.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of November the court received, by electric telegraph,
      intelligence of the death of the King of Hanover, her majesty's uncle, in
      the 81st year of his age. He had never been regarded as kind to her
      majesty when Princess Victoria; and had been by far the most unpopular
      prince in the family of George III. A considerable party among the Tories,
      both in England and Ireland, gave rather open expression to their desire
      that the Duke of Cumberland (King of Hanover), rather than the rightful
      claimant, the Princess Victoria, should come to the throne on the decease
      of William IV. Great indignation was excited at the time by the supposed
      existence of a conspiracy to effect this object, for the success of which
      there could have been no hope, so thorough was the detestation of the
      people to the Duke of Cumberland, and so generous their recollections of
      the Duke of Kent, and their feeling to his only child&mdash;their rightful
      sovereign. Whatever might have been the feeling of her majesty on these
      matters, she commanded the court to go into mourning upon her uncle's
      decease.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>The Cape of Good Hope</i>.&mdash;The earliest important events of the
      year connected with our colonial empire occurred in the Cape settlements.
      During the autumn and winter of the previous year the governor, Sir Harry
      Smith, suppressed all indications of rebellion, deposed the chief,
      Sandilia, and proclaimed his mother sutee in his stead. Sandilia, however,
      prowled about the English borders making incursions for plunder. Sir Harry
      directed a column, six hundred strong, under the command of Colonel
      Mackinnon, to disperse the marauders. That officer committed the error so
      common on the part of British commanders&mdash;he marched without flanking
      parties, or an advanced guard, except a party of Caffre police, who of
      course led him into an ambuscade, at the expense of a number of officers
      and men killed and wounded. This success on the part of the savages led to
      a general rising of the tribes, especially the brave and cruel Gaikas; the
      English colonists lost much property and many lives. No adequate means had
      been adopted either by the government or colonists to guard against the
      deceit common among uncivilized races. Sir Harry Smith, and the troops
      which he commanded, were in imminent peril at Fort Cox. By the beginning
      of the year 1851 the Caffres had penetrated to the very heart of the
      colony. Sir Harry Smith escaped from Fort Cox, at the head of a flying
      escort, to King William's Town, where he established his head-quarters
      throughout the war. On the 21st of January the first general action was
      fought at Fort Hare and the Fingo village of Abee. The Caffres were the
      assailants, and numbered about six thousand men. There were two
      24-pounders in Fort Hare, and their fire drove back the aggressors, who
      had suffered severely during their repeated assaults. The garrison made a
      sortie at a moment of confusion in the Caffre ranks, caused by the havoc
      of the guns; the sortie was successful, but not until after a fierce
      conflict at close quarters. The force at Sir Harry Smith's command was
      totally inadequate to suppress such an insurrection, unless, indeed, by
      singular good fortune, and with most severe loss. The Hottentots,
      encouraged by the success of the Caffres, burst into sudden rebellion, and
      committed numerous murders upon the settlers, as well as inflicting loss
      upon the armed bands of loyalists, and troops, with whom constant
      skirmishes were maintained. The natives in the English pay, even the Cape
      Mounted Rifles, deserted in great numbers, and strove earnestly to
      organize Caffres and Hottentots for more effective war. Colonel Somerset,
      now promoted to the rank of majorgeneral, succeeded in coming upon the
      main force of the Hottentots with two columns of British, one six hundred
      and the other three hundred strong. The general committed precisely the
      same errors, and in the same manner, as Lord Clyde and his lieutenants in
      India, in the mutiny of 1857, afterwards made the English nation
      accustomed to expect from British officers&mdash;the stronghold of the
      Hottentots was so carelessly invested that they escaped, and the war,
      which, so far as they were concerned, might have been terminated, was
      consequently prolonged. In various actions which took place the Caffres
      and Hottentots fought well; the Fingoes, the allies of the British, fought
      indifferently. The English suffered from successful ambushes on the part
      of the enemy, and from being badly supplied with ammunition. Colonel
      Fordyce, who was very active, but not always successful, in command of
      separate columns under the orders of General Somerset, was killed, and
      many brave officers and men fell.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 31st of October a draft of a constitution for the colony,
      dispatched by Earl Grey, arrived at Cape Town. It was transmitted to the
      Cape for the approval of the legislative council, in order eventually, by
      the queen's sanction, to become law. According to that document the
      parliament of the colony was to consist of the governor, the legislative
      council, and a house of assembly. The legislative council was to be
      elective, the members retiring by rotation at intervals of five years,
      until ten years had expired, when the members should hold their places in
      the council for ten years. The house of assembly to consist of members
      elected for five years. The franchise to be possessed by occupiers of
      tenements of the value of £25. The sessions were to be annual. The
      colonists received this constitution with unbounded joy, and petitioned
      the queen to grant this as the charter of the colony, without any
      reference to the legislative council then existing, in which the petition
      declared that the people had no confidence. The granting of a constitution
      to the Cape was the result of the energetic requests of the colonists,
      their dissatisfaction with the administration of Earl Grey in the colonial
      office in London, and the demands of the English House of Commons: the
      matter was also expedited by the enormous charges for the Caffre war upon
      the imperial exchequer, which the English government and parliament were
      anxious to escape; the readiest and safest mode of accomplishing which the
      House of Commons declared was by granting to the colonists
      self-government. Lord Derby, regretting the liberty conceded to the
      colonists, threw obstacles in the way of the measure, but, by a very small
      majority, he was defeated in the House of Lords.
    </p>
    <p>
      The rebellion at the Cape of Good Hope was prolonged during the opening
      months of 1851, and finally died out from the exhaustion of the enemy, in
      the presence of reinforcements of British troops. As tidings of its
      progress arrived in England, they occasioned grave discussions in the
      press, and party debates in parliament.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Cape of Good Hope alone, of all the British colonies, was a source of
      public anxiety during the year 1851. India, so often the field of
      conflict, triumph, and disaster, afforded comparatively few incidents of
      great public interest suited to the records of a general history. Peace,
      loyalty, material development, and prosperity characterised the colonial
      chronicle of the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Discovery of Gold in Australia</i>.&mdash;In September news reached
      England of the discovery of gold fields at Bathurst, in New South Wales.
      Before the close of the year intelligence was received in England of fresh
      discoveries; these were in Victoria. The immediate consequence of the gold
      discoveries was disadvantageous to the colonies, as men of all trades and
      professions forsook their callings to repair to the "diggings," and the
      shepherds abandoned their flocks, so that hundreds of thousands of stock
      were lost, or perished. The ultimate effect upon British Australia was,
      however, most prosperous&mdash;several of the colonies of that vast region
      becoming enriched with mineral wealth. Although the public announcement of
      the treasures contained in the mineral resources of certain of the
      Australian settlements was made at the period above referred to, it was
      known to the authorities many years previously that gold might be
      obtained, but, under the influence of a false policy, the fact was
      concealed.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Hostility of the Arabs at Aden</i>.&mdash;The British settlement at
      Aden, important because of the command of the Arabian Sea, which it
      enabled the English to maintain, suffered this year in various ways. The
      station was most sickly, and the Europeans, and Bombay sepoys, in
      garrison, were alike exposed to heavy mortality. The Arabs resorted to
      violence and assassination; British officers were murdered if they strayed
      beyond the limits of the garrison. The crews of British merchantmen on the
      coast were attacked, and some wrecked mariners were massacred.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Mohammedan populations of the British empire showed indications of
      intense irritability against the English, and, indeed, everywhere amongst
      Mohammedans, animosity to Europeans appeared to increase.
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS&mdash;EUROPEAN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>France</i>.&mdash;The relations of the United Kingdom with France, are
      not only more important in themselves than those which the former sustains
      with any other nation, but they influence the whole foreign policy of the
      British government. France is ascendant upon the continent notwithstanding
      the rivalry of Russia, and the policy of France often complicates the
      relations of England with other powers. This has arisen frequently from
      national jealousy, and as frequently from the sudden and extreme changes
      to which the government of France is liable in its form and principles.
      The revolution of 1848 brought France morally nearer to England. Louis
      Philippe had much difficulty in holding in rein the war spirit, which for,
      his own selfish and crooked policy, he had himself evoked. After that
      corrupt prince was driven from the throne by the people he had betrayed, a
      friendly feeling sprung up towards England. The moderate republican party
      regarded Great Britain as a land of freedom, and the natural ally of
      France. That party, however, maintained its ascendancy but for a short
      time. The Napoleonists, red republicans, priests, and peasants, united in
      the support of Charles Louis Napoleon Buonaparte. He was elected president
      of the republic, and 1851 witnessed, through his instrumentality, events
      of great magnitude, and which exercised potent influence upon the public
      mind and policy of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      There can be no doubt that from the hour Louis Napoleon took his place in
      the National Assembly he had resolved, by the aid of the partizans of his
      name, the priests, and their agents connected with the press, to undermine
      the assembly, and hold it up to the ridicule and resentment of the
      country. The hostility of that body to universal suffrage, and the
      advocacy of that political theory by the Buonapartists, gave to the
      president of the French republic a popularity with the "reds," which
      otherwise he never could have obtained.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the latter part of 1850, a great review of troops took place at
      Sartory, during which cries, from many of the soldiers, of "Vive
      l'Empereur" were heard, and were encouraged by the generals in the
      Buonapartist interest. Some officers who repressed those exclamations, and
      others who refused to join in them, were dismissed by Louis Napoleon's
      executive. These circumstances raised formidable debates in the assembly,
      and afterwards led to votes and demonstrations hostile to Louis Napoleon.
      On the other hand a large number of the representatives, who were indebted
      for their return chiefly to the priesthood, and what remained of a landed
      aristocracy, used every instrumentality they could bring into requisition
      to damage the executive, to lower the authority of the president, and to
      create a monarchical reaction. While they brought forth as a crime the
      fact that the soldiers had cried "Vive l'Empereur" they took every
      opportunity themselves to utter the party shouts of "Vivent les Bourbons!"
      or "Vivent les Orleans!" A singular circumstance exhibited the efforts of
      a large proportion of the assembly to bring about a monarchical reaction.
      During the prorogation a permanent committee was formed, in which a small
      minority of republicans was placed by the votes of the assembly. There
      were twelve reactionists; these men were found to be in constant
      communication with the two branches of the exiled Bourbons. Six of them
      spent most of the time of the prorogation at Wiesbaden, with the <i>pseudo</i>.
      court of the elder Bourbon branch; the other six went to England, and were
      constantly at Claremont with the Orleanist branch of the exregal house. As
      M. Flaudin taunted these sections of the assembly with desiring, they
      really purposed that Louis Napoleon should be a <i>president fainéant</i>,
      while yet permitted to retain the nominal functions of government. Louis
      Napoleon strengthened himself by a new ministry, in which the assembly, by
      a large majority, declared its want of confidence. M. Montalembert and
      some others, who were expected to vote on the side of the opposition,
      voted with the Buonapartists. This made it evident that a strong party
      among the priesthood deemed it the best policy to support Louis Napoleon,
      as the friend of the pope's temporal power at Rome, and of the Roman
      Catholic religion in France. A very large number of the priests, and of
      the lay devotees, refused to trust Louis Napoleon as a friend of the
      church. They did not forget that his first public act, on arriving at the
      estate of manhood, was to create, or at all events aid in council, and in
      the field, an insurrection against the pope. Neither did they forget that,
      although a French army garrisoned Rome, to support the pope under the
      auspices of the president of the French republic, that the president in
      his less fortunate days had animadverted in severe terms upon the
      education and patriotism of the Roman Catholic clergy of France. He had in
      one of his works drawn invidious comparisons between them and the German
      clergy, much to the disadvantage of the former. The following was
      especially quoted by that section of the French clergy and laity who were
      unwilling to give the president a warm support:&mdash;"The clergy will
      cease to be ultramontane when they shall be obliged, as formerly, to
      distinguish themselves by learning, and to obtain their education from the
      same sources as the generality of' citizens. Southern Germany, without
      contradiction, is the country in which the Roman Catholic clergy are the
      best instructed, the most tolerant, and the most liberal; and why are they
      so? Because the young men who in Germany destine themselves to the
      priesthood, learn theology in common with students destined for other
      professions. Instead of being from infancy sequestered from the world, and
      obtaining in ecclesiastical seminaries a spirit hostile to the society in
      the midst of which they have to live, they learn at an early age to be
      citizens, before being priests. The consequence is that the German
      Catholic clergy are distinguished by great enlightenment and ardent
      patriotism. There are no sacrifices which they are not ready to make for
      the triumph of liberty, and for the independence of Germany. In their eyes
      to be a priest is to teach morality and charity; is to make common cause
      with all the oppressed; to preach justice and toleration; to predict the
      reign of equality; and to teach men that political redemption must follow
      religious liberty. Let the education of the clergy be the same in France
      as it is in Germany, and it will produce the same results. By the union of
      priests and laymen there will be a double action which will be favourable
      to society; priests will become citizens, and citizens will become more
      religious. Then&mdash;but then only&mdash;we shall be happy to see, as in
      Germany, the ministers of religion at the head of education, teaching
      youth the morality of Christ, which destroyed slavery, taught men, that
      they are equal, and impressed on them that God has placed in their hearts
      faith and love, in order to believe in what is right, and to love one
      another."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Complete Works of the Emperor Napoleon III.," vol. ii.
     Chapter on "The Clergy and the State."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The espousal of the president's cause by M. Montalembert, then recognised
      as the lay leader of the ultramontane party, decided many waverers,
      notwithstanding their affection for the elder Bourbons, and their horror
      of such liberal enunciations by Louis Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the president's ministry of favourites was turned out by the vote of
      the assembly, he resorted to the extraordinary measure of forming a
      ministry of men who had no votes in that body. This he alleged was only a
      provisional ministry, but the assembly did not place faith in these
      assurances, and offered it every opposition. The new ministry were allowed
      to sit in the assembly as ministers, to answer any interpellations, or
      make any statements connected with their offices. This ministry remained
      in office| until the 11th of April, when it gave place to that which it
      had provisionally succeeded, and which in its turn encountered the
      opposition of the assembly.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the months of April and May petitions were got up in Paris, and the
      provinces, in favour of a revision in the constitution Of 1848. On the
      28th of May the assembly was entitled, by its original constitution, to
      entertain the question of a general revision of the constitution of the
      state, but no alteration could take place unless approved by three-fourths
      of the entire votes. Motions for an alteration in the constitution were
      made by the Buonapartists, and supported in various details by the
      monarchists of both branches of the Bourbons. The great aim of these
      parties was the prolongation of the president's official term, and the
      enacting of laws to prohibit and punish public banquets and public
      meetings of a political nature. For this purpose, and for any purpose of
      repression (as he had said in a speech at Djion), the assembly was always
      ready to respond to the demands of the president of the republic. Although
      so ready to uphold the ministry in their repressive measures there was a
      determination in the assembly to frustrate their power as the ministry of
      Louis Napoleon. This they soon effected by a formal vote of censure, for
      using improper influence in order to obtain from the provinces, through
      the medium of the public functionaries, petitions for a revision of the
      constitution.
    </p>
    <p>
      The new ministry was still in the interest of the president of the
      republic. The assembly, which had been prorogued on the 10th of August,
      recommenced its duties on the 4th of November. Business began by a long
      "message" presented in the name of the president of the republic, the main
      feature of which, and that which excited most attention in the assembly,
      and in France, was a proposal to abolish the electoral law of the 31st of
      May, 1850, and to re-establish the electoral law of the 15th of March,
      1849. The last named provided that all citizens of age, who have resided
      six months in the commune were electors. The law of May, 1850, abolished
      universal suffrage. That act of the legislature was a revolution; the
      assembly by passing it virtually abolished the constitution, which could
      be only legitimate as the act of a constituent assembly. The assembly was
      to a large extent elected under the influence of the priests, who
      struggled incessantly to accomplish a reactionary policy. From the moment
      that universal suffrage was abolished, the great mass of the people
      abetted the pretensions of the president of the republic, whose writings
      had always advocated universal suffrage. Thus the assembly secured the
      ascendancy of Louis Napoleon by the very means which they believed most
      efficacious in thwarting his power and restoring that of the Bourbons.
      When the reading of the message of the president of the republic
      terminated, the assembly presented a scene of strange agitation, which was
      rendered still more intense when the minister by whom the message was
      read, M. Thurigny, demanded "urgency." A violent discussion ensued upon
      this demand. The discussion took its tone from the known ambition of Louis
      Napoleon Buonaparte, and his open attempts to tamper with the army. To
      prevent a <i>coup d'état</i>, of which many became apprehensive, the
      assembly began a struggle to obtain more direct power over the troops. A
      <i>projet de loi</i> was brought forward by the questors to that effect.
      The ministry and the Buonapartists demanded that the sole power over the
      army should be vested in the chief of the state&mdash;the president of the
      republic, and not in the president of the legislative assembly. General
      St. Arnaud, afterwards commander-inchief of the French army in the Crimea,
      was foremost in the interest of Louis Napoleon. It would be difficult to
      say which of the two parties, that consisting of the Buonapartists and the
      executive on the one hand, or the majority of the assembly on the other,
      was the more unconstitutional, faithless, and ambitious. The allegation of
      M. Cremieux was true, "the majority of the assembly had no great
      attachment to the republic. It incessantly invoked the constitution, which
      it every day trampled under foot. The assembly was afraid because it did
      not feel behind it that force which supported assemblies." The assembly
      voted against the government by a large majority. The conflict between
      that body and the executive increased from day to day. Both parties
      contemplated a <i>coup d'etat</i>, and each proceeded to its execution
      characteristically. The assembly prepared a bill, the real object of which
      was to facilitate the impeachment of the president of the republic.
      Numerous causes for impeachment were provided, such as the president
      taking command of the armed force in person, inciting his own re-election
      to the presidency, or attempting to change the form of government. The
      most serious provision of this <i>projet de loi</i>, was that whenever the
      president of the republic was accused, "<i>the accused immediately ceases
      his functions</i>." By the introduction of this project things were
      brought to a pass, between the assembly and the president of the republic,
      in which the power of one or other must perish. If Louis Napoleon
      permitted the project to become law his personal destruction would be
      effected by the legitimist majority. If he were not re-elected president
      of the republic, and descended into private life, he would be politically
      ruined, for he was heavily in debt, and no pecuniary resources were at his
      disposal sufficient for his maintenance as a public man. Then or never
      must he make some bold and comprehensive movement to countervail the
      majority of the assembly. The issue of this conflict has been presented by
      the author, in another of his works, with such brevity, that he cannot
      hope to offer a more complete condensation. It was as follows:&mdash;"On
      the 1st of December a proclamation was put forth dissolving the assembly,
      and calling upon the people by universal suffrage to accept a government
      identical with the scheme of Napoleon I. when first consul. The
      proclamation made known the desire of the president to surrender his
      position into the hands of the people, or to accept the headship of a new
      government on the plan he proposed, and resting on universal suffrage.
      These proclamations were posted on all the walls of Paris by dawn of the
      2nd of December; all the leading men of the assembly were arrested; Paris
      was filled with troops. After struggles on the part of the assembly, and
      many casualties in the streets, the eventful day of the 2nd of December
      wore away. On the 3rd the people awoke from the stupefaction with which
      the suddenness of the <i>coup</i> struck them, and preparations were made
      by the republicans and red republicans for resistance. On the 4th that
      resistance was offered; barricades were erected, and every token of a
      fierce contest quickened into life. Whenever an opportunity occurred, the
      soldiery were assassinated, and the military retaliated with savage
      vengeance. Men, women, and children were swept from the streets by
      discharges of musketry and grape. By the night of the 4th, the conflict
      was over. The president ruled all things. The 'ticket' put to the electors
      was as follows:&mdash;'The French people wills the maintenance of Louis
      Napoleon Buonaparte's authority, and delegates to him the powers necessary
      to frame a constitution on the basis of his proclamation of the 2nd of
      December.' This was to be carried by a simple affirmative or negative by
      all Frenchmen twenty-one years of age, in possession of their civil
      rights. On the 20th and 21st of December the ballot took place, and the
      result was that more than eight millions of men voted in the affirmative.
      The votes of the army were taken separately. The army in France voted
      almost unanimously for Buonaparte; in Algiers a large majority was against
      him. Before twelve months the empire was proclaimed."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Nolan's "History of the War against Russia," vol. ii.,
     chap, lxxvii. J. S, Virtue, City Road.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Events of domestic interest to France have been treated at this length
      under the head of our own foreign relations, because upon the event just
      related turned the European policy of England during many years. The
      closing events of 1851, in France, influence materially the foreign
      relations, and even the domestic policy, of England, while these sheets
      are passing through the press, at the close of 1859. Eight years have
      rolled away, and yet the power of Louis Napoleon in France, achieved by
      the revolution which he effected by the <i>coup d'état</i> of 1851, was
      the hinge upon which turned the foreign policy of the United Kingdom, even
      in 1860, not only in Europe, but in Asia, not only in the eastern but in
      the western hemisphere.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the tidings arrived in England of the strange, sudden, and daring
      occurrences at Paris, men's minds were greatly agitated. A conflict of
      opinion arose in parliament and throughout the nation. Some regarded the
      <i>coup d'état</i> as Montalembert regarded it in 1859, as a violation of
      conscience, a treason, a perjury, a sanguinary violation of the rights of
      the French people; others deemed it an advantage gained by order, and even
      freedom, over anarchy and the despotism of red republicanism; they spoke
      of it as Montalembert did in 1851, when he addressed his countrymen, and
      told them that "to vote against Louis Napoleon would be to declare in
      favour of the socialist revolution, the only thing which can at present
      succeed the existing government." It will, however, belong to other
      chapters of this history to depict the effect upon English affairs, and
      English public opinion, of the policy and power of him who seized the
      reins of government, in France, with a hand as daring as that of his
      renowned uncle.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS IN THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT CONCERNING THE STATE OF AFFAIRS AT
      NAPLES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Throughout the year 1851 the state of the kingdom of Naples attracted the
      attention of the civilized world, but made most impression in England. The
      King of Naples was a bigot and a tyrant, a man of obstinate will, and he
      exhibited a fierce hatred to both civil and religious liberty. During the
      European struggle for freedom, in 1848, he swore to give a constitution to
      his subjects, and to observe it for ever. Utterly faithless in his own
      character, he violated his oath when the opportunity of power permitted.
      The description Milton gives as the probable result of restoring Satan and
      his fallen host to their primitive glory, on professions of repentance,
      depicts the actual conduct of the Neapolitan Bourbon when he attained to
      power, after being spared by his subjects the humiliation so generally the
      lot of European princes in the great year of revolutions&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Height would recall high thought, and ease recant
     Vows made in pain, as violent and void."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      A pamphlet, written by Mr. Gladstone, roused intelligent persons in
      England, and in Europe generally, to the atrocities perpetrated upon
      virtuous, loyal, and even illustrious subjects, in sheer wantonness of
      power, by the Neapolitan king. Lord Palmerston, then at the head of
      foreign affairs, sent a copy of the pamphlet to the English minister at
      every court of Europe, with the design of calling the attention of all
      civilized nations to the oppression with which the people of the kingdom
      of Naples were overwhelmed by their perjurious prince. This announcement
      was received by enthusiastic cheers in the House of Commons. Lord
      Palmerston, however, was disappointed in his expectation that the moral
      influence of Europe would be brought to bear upon the Neapolitan
      government, in favour of humanity. Some of the European states upheld the
      conduct of the King of Naples, and the pope especially lent him his moral
      support, although twenty thousand citizens of the kingdom of the Two
      Sicilies were incarcerated for expressing liberal opinions, or demanding
      the institutions which the king had sworn to respect. Thus supported by
      the despotic states, and the sovereign pontiff, he bid defiance to the
      constitutional states of Europe, and even increased the cruelties of his
      stern absolutism.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DIPLOMATIC DISPUTE WITH AUSTRIA AND TUSCANY, ARISING FROM AN OUTRAGE UPON
      A YOUNG ENGLISH GENTLEMAN AT FLORENCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was early in January, 1852, that the tidings arrived in England of one
      of the most unprovoked and barbarous outrages ever perpetrated upon one of
      her sons, but the event itself occurred in 1851. The events of this
      chapter relate to that year, but as the transactions at Florence, in which
      England suffered so much humiliation, extended into 1852, it is proper the
      narrative should also extend into that year, so far as they are concerned.
    </p>
    <p>
      It appears that a young English gentleman, Mr. Erskine Mather, about
      nineteen years of age, and his younger brother, Mr. Thomas M. Mather,
      about sixteen, had been for some time in Paris, where their parents had
      placed them to promote their education. The elder brother being delicate,
      had been ordered south as the winter approached. In this search after
      health they had a desire, at the same time, to acquire in the country a
      knowledge of the language of Italy, and of the art for which that land is
      celebrated. They had already spent two or three months at Nice, and in
      November had moved down to Genoa, and then on to Florence, where they
      meant to reside for the winter; at which place the injury and insult were
      inflicted. On the 29th of December Earl Granville, the foreign minister of
      England, in writing to the Honourable P. C. Scarlett, the <i>charge
      d'affaires</i> at Florence, thus speaks of these young Englishmen, and the
      outrage:*&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * From No. 3 Despatch, in Official Documents.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "The story of the young men is so candidly told, and they appear, from the
      tenor of another letter which has been shown to me, to be such
      well-conditioned and inoffensive persons, that I cannot question the truth
      of their statement, or entertain any doubt that a cowardly and cruel
      injury has been inflicted on the elder of them." The following are the
      facts of the case as detailed by the young gentleman himself to M.
      Salvagnoli, the distinguished Tuscan lawyer, and which were afterwards
      confirmed, in every point, by the evidence of Italian and French witnesses
      who saw the deed committed.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATEMENT OF MR. ERSKINE MATHER TO M. SALVAGNOLI.*
    </h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * From 2 in No. 13, Official Papers
</i></pre>
    <p>
      On the 29th of December, 1851, my brother and I set out to go and
      breakfast at a <i>café</i> in the Piazza del Duomo.
    </p>
    <p>
      Passing by the Piazza San Marco we stopped to look at the band of the
      regiment, and other soldiers standing about; after waiting three or four
      minutes we passed on, leaving them still there. When we arrived about the
      middle of the Via Langa we again heard the music, and, as they were
      marching the same way, we walked on their right hand nearly to the end of
      the Via Martelli. That street being very narrow, as you are aware, and at
      this time rendered more so by a carriage passing along, as our <i>café</i>
      was on the other side we were obliged to cross between the band and the
      guard, where they had left a space of about forty or fifty feet, and many
      other persons were crossing at the same time. While walking arm in arm
      with my brother I suddenly received a violent blow on my back, making me
      turn short round. I then perceived that it was given by the officer in
      advance of the guard, who held in his hand his naked sword, with the flat
      edge of which he had struck me.
    </p>
    <p>
      I asked him somewhat angrily, but without threat or gesticulation, in the
      best Italian I knew, why he had struck me, using nearly these words, "<i>Perche
      m'aveti dato questo?</i>'" While I was speaking to the officer I was
      suddenly interrupted by another person, dressed in the Austrian uniform,
      who placed himself between the officer and me, at the same time giving me
      a blow in the face which drew blood. The blow made me start and fall back;
      before I could recover myself I received another cut, on the head, from
      the first officer, which stunned me; it passed through my hat, making a
      wound nearly three inches and a half in length, and down to the bone,
      causing the blood to flow violently.
    </p>
    <p>
      A short time after I begged my brother to follow the officer, that he
      might recognise him; and I was taken to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova,
      where I was obliged to remain three weeks before I could return home. As
      it has been said that I used threatening language to the officer after the
      first blow, I solemnly assure you that it is utterly false and without
      foundation, which the following reasons will prove:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      1st. It is impossible to believe that I could for a single instant have
      contemplated an act so full of folly and madness, as alone, and, unarmed,
      to threaten a man with his sword in hand, at the head of a large body of
      men by whom he was supported.
    </p>
    <p>
      2nd. If I had contemplated the folly of opposing an officer under such
      circumstances, I should have done so by a sudden and instantaneous blow,
      and not by taking a position, and thus inviting the irresistible
      assailment of so many armed men.
    </p>
    <p>
      3rd. Another proof that I was not in a menacing attitude, and was not
      prepared for any personal attack, is the fact of the second assailant
      giving me, without opposition or hindrance, a violent blow on the face.
    </p>
    <p>
      4th. If I had been in a menacing attitude, or prepared for defence, with
      my arm raised, instead of receiving the blow on my head he would have
      struck my raised arm.
    </p>
    <p>
      5th. The wound, which I to this moment bear, was not given, holding the
      sword short, near the point, as all the military officers who have
      examined it can testify; which proves that I was at a considerable space
      from him, only reached by a sword or other weapon: thus he was beyond any
      threatening attitude of mine, as I was without sword or arms.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus I have proved the absurdity of the assertion that I made any
      threatening resistance; equally untrue is the assertion that the blow was
      given because wearing a white hat they thought I was a Tuscan. If the
      first reason had been sufficient, the other, miserable as it is, had not
      been necessary. But all the defence is palpably false, contradictory, and
      nothing worth. An untruth defended cannot become truth. All these facts,
      without troubling you further, prove the truth of my statement, which it
      has been my duty to give you.
    </p>
    <p>
      I am, &amp;c,
    </p>
    <p>
      James Ekskine O. Mather.
    </p>
    <p>
      The British residents and travellers then at Florence were strongly
      indignant at so cowardly and unjustifiable an attack on their young
      countryman. The British residents were the pride and ornament of the
      Tuscan court on days of high ceremony and festival, but on the grand
      reception day, the first day of the year, they unanimously intimated
      officially that they would mark their dissatisfaction of the disgraceful
      assault by abstaining from presenting themselves, without the fullest
      investigation and redress were granted. This feeling of indignation rose
      so high that it was with difficulty the many young Englishmen at Florence
      could be restrained from making an attack upon the officers of the Croat
      regiment, Kinsky, amongst whom was Lieutenant Forshalier, the brutal
      assailant.
    </p>
    <p>
      After much negotiation at Florence and Vienna, the British <i>charge
      d'affaires</i> was at length informed, on the 15th of January, by Prince
      Lichtenstein, that he had been authorized by Marshal Radetzky to state
      that the marshal approved that an inquiry should be instituted into the
      affair. This inquiry was gone into in secret, without any professional man
      being permitted to be present in the interests of justice, or in defence
      or support of the wounded Englishman. The city of Florence in command of
      Austrian troops,&mdash;its duke replaced on his throne and there supported
      by them,&mdash;all the official men and courts existing, as it were, by
      the tolerance of those troops, an inquiry to investigate fairly a charge,
      by those thus humbly protected, against one of the officers of their proud
      protectors would seem hopeless. Yet such were the manly independence,
      veracity, and courage of the Italian and French witnesses that the whole
      truth came out, and, as the British <i>chargé d'affaires</i> afterwards
      writes to the Duc de Casigliano, the foreign minister of Tuscany, "the
      evidence which has thus been obtained, conclusively establishes that a
      most unprovoked outrage was committed on an unarmed and unoffending
      British subject;" and the British government were satisfied, he said, that
      "the government of Tuscany must be anxious to mark their abhorrence of
      this outrage inflicted upon an innocent individual."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Official Papers, No. 18.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Of that evidence Mr. Scarlett, the <i>chargé d'affaires</i>, writes to
      Earl Granville ** that, "All the witnesses concur, more or less, in
      bearing out Mather's statement.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     ** Official Papers, No. 18.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      None are in contradiction with it. Perhaps the most important evidence is
      that of Pini, which exactly corroborates Mather's statement, and certainly
      there is not a single syllable, from first to last, at variance with it."
      Thus speaks Giovanni Pini, the important witness of the scene of blood and
      outrage:&mdash;"On the day in question, about twelve o'clock, more or
      less, I was in the Via Martelli, about half way down, when I heard coming
      towards me the Austrian military band, which was accompanying, as usual,
      the detachment intended to relieve the guard of the city. As soon as the
      band had passed, I stationed myself on the path where the people were,
      that is between the band and the soldiers who were behind. The street
      being rather narrow the people who were close by the band, I may say in a
      crowd, were pressing upon each other. A few steps further on I observed an
      Austrian officer, who had a cap on, and was therefore at the time off
      duty, strike, with his left hand, a young man who was on that side of him,
      with a blow which hit him on the face, and I suppose it was given with
      some force, for the young man who received it staggered backwards; and I
      observed that, as soon as he had recovered himself, another Austrian
      officer, who was the one at the head of the soldiers, and marching with
      them with his drawn sword, strike with it the same young man on the head,
      inflicting a wound on his forehead, from which blood began to flow in such
      quantities, as wine from a broken bottle. I immediately ran to the
      assistance of the poor youth, who had been so unreasonably ill-treated,
      since I could not find that he had offended the soldiers in any manner.
      Besides myself he was assisted by a gentleman who showed that he was his
      brother, although he could not speak Italian, and a Frenchman whom I do
      not know. There was also a priest, who was moreover unknown to me. There
      were other persons, also, who witnessed the transaction like myself, but I
      could not discover among them any of my acquaintance. The wounded person,
      whom I understood to be an Englishman, signified to me his gratitude for
      the assistance I had afforded him, but said little, as he spoke only in
      his own language to his brother, who started off from us immediately in
      order to look at the officer, who had inflicted the wound, so as to be
      able to recognise him, and then came back directly. He overtook the
      officer at the Piazza del Duomo, because the detachment was going towards
      the Piazza del Gran Duca. I and the brother of the wounded man then
      conveyed him to the first doctor's shop, which is on the Piazza del Duomo,
      at the corner of the Via Martelli; but, finding that the apothecary could
      not treat him, we went off forthwith to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova,
      where the wounded man, having lost much blood, fainted away, and after
      having been brought to, was put into bed.... From the wounded man himself,
      as well as from the medical men who were attending in the room, I heard
      that if the Englishman had not had on his head a rather stout hat, he
      might have been killed on the spot; but I do not know how deep the wound
      was."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Page 51 of Official Papers.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Francis Catani, a priest, also gave evidence, to a certain extent, to the
      same effect, and added, "that he had heard that if the Englishman had not
      had his hat on his head he would have been killed on the spot, for it was
      that which alone protected him."
    </p>
    <p>
      And the Senator Giuseppe Vai states that "the young Englishman went aside
      quickly towards the end of my house, the Casa Marchesini, or perhaps
      rather under it, and at the same time I heard that a few words were
      rapidly exchanged between them, which I did not understand, because I was
      too high up to be able to distinguish them (he was at an upper window of
      his house), and also because the band was making a noise, and at the same
      moment I saw that the said officer, raising his sabre, gave the young man
      a blow on the forehead with it, using the cutting edge, by which the
      latter fell down upon the step by the wall of' the Casa Marchesini, but
      with almost the rapidity of lightning he got up again, and when he was
      standing I saw the blood was flowing from the place where he was
      struck.... Because this act produced upon me a disagreeable impression I
      withdrew from the window."
    </p>
    <p>
      These extracts of evidence demonstrate the guilty nature of the outrage,
      and the careful and truthful statement of the young Englishman, as well as
      his cool and courageous conduct in a case at the time apparently so
      desperate.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Mather, the father of these youths, immediately left England for
      Florence, and, as he passed through London, laid the case before the
      foreign minister, as far as the detail had reached him by the letters of
      the younger brother, which were handed to the minister. He arrived at
      Florence after his son had been three weeks in the hospital; part of that
      time in a dangerous state. The kind attention and the great skill of the
      medical officers of that magnificent Florentine institution were doubtless
      the chief causes of his recovery. The conduct of these young Englishmen
      under such trying circumstances has been praised by almost every political
      writer who took an interest in the subject, and there seemed only one
      opinion throughout the country, that their coolness, courage, and
      endurance, under great difficulties and personal dangers, could not have
      been surpassed by the bravest and most experienced men.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston, after the publication of the Official Papers, on
      reviewing the whole facts of the case, in a debate upon it in parliament,
      declared "that he found much to criticise in almost all the parties
      concerned, except Mr. Mather and his sons."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * House of Commons debate, June 14,1853.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      In the route to the hospital, in the occurrences there, as well as in the
      account of the outrage, the graphic details by the generous-hearted
      Giovanni Pini bring the reader in presence of the cruel and bloody scene.
      While ill in hospital, pressed by professing friends, the British <i>chargé
      d'affaires</i> among them, to authorise proceedings in the Tuscan law
      courts, Mr. E. Mather firmly refused his sanction. He at once elevated the
      question to its right position by an appeal to the representative of his
      country for the redress of an injury done to a British subject, and for
      the future protection of British subjects, to be redressed by the Tuscan
      government to the satisfaction of that of Britain, without reference to
      his own private wrong. His young brother, before the day had closed,
      sought out Mr. Scarlett, the British <i>chargé d'affaires</i>, and also
      Prince Lichtenstein, the Austrian commander-in-chief, taking with him two
      witnesses to testify to the exactitude of his statement, and to them he
      poured out in clear and emphatic language the story of the outrage
      committed. The conduct of these two young Englishmen, without friends in a
      strange city, relying on their sense of right, and sustained by their own
      firmness and courage, was truly heroic. Their father, one of the most
      patriotic and useful public men in the north of England, warmly approved
      of their course of conduct, and pursued their views for redress. It is
      humiliating to our country to write what historical truth compels us to
      admit, that their efforts were met by the chicanery of diplomacy and
      treachery on the part of British officials, which have left behind an
      unpleasant impression of incapacity and want of principle, when the purest
      honour, and a high sense of national justice should have exclusively
      prevailed. They were well sustained, however, in their course by the
      generous sympathy of the people of Florence, and at home by the warmest
      feelings of their countrymen. As an eloquent public writer earnestly
      expressed himself in reference to their conduct, and that of the Earl of
      Malmesbury, the successor to Earl Granville:&mdash;"Both father and sons
      have nobly vindicated themselves as Englishmen; it was only when the
      national honour was confided to the minister, that the national honour was
      degraded by the spirit of the Jew pedlar." After several weeks' delay in
      Florence, the Mathers removed from that city to Genoa, where the father
      leaving his sons in safety, and for the purpose of the better recovery of
      the eldest, himself returned to England, to press the case personally upon
      the foreign minister of England. His first demand was punishment of the
      officer who had committed what Lord Granville called, "a cruel and
      cowardly outrage," and then, but not without the first was granted,
      compensation to the injured youth by the government under whoso
      jurisdiction the culprit acted. The Earl of Malmesbury, then foreign
      minister (the Whigs having left office), after several imperfect and
      ineffectual attempts for the better security of his countrymen abroad, by
      the signal punishment of the Austrian officer, wrote to Mr. Mather,
      senior, by his undersecretary, a letter, on the 24th of May, 1852, in very
      pitiable terms, to the effect that no national redress had been obtained;
      but that one thousand francesconi had been placed to the credit of his
      son, by the Tuscan government, for the injury which he had sustained. Mr.
      Mather's answer, with his indignant refusal of the acceptance of such
      redress, received high eulogies from the public writers of the day, and
      brought on debates in both houses of parliament. We extract a portion of
      the letter:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Now, my lord, you will do me the favour to remember, that a British
      subject, my son, was attacked in Florence by two armed Austrian officers,
      receiving the most 'unmerited and brutal treatment,' as your lordship has
      expressed it; that he was cut down by one of them, left in his own blood,
      his life in danger for a length of time, and his health perhaps for ever
      injured; and all this without any provocation, any offence, as it has been
      proved by evidence not to be controverted, of the most respectable
      witnesses,&mdash;people the subjects of the state whose officers had so
      acted,&mdash;yet for all this no real redress has been obtained; that
      officer is still at large, and remains unpunished....
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whatever personal reparation you might deem proper to demand, which I
      conceded with regret, to your lordship's express commands (as I foresaw a
      probable misapplication of such concession), was, as you know, to give
      place to public honour.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You now inform me that Prince Schwarzenberg, the late prime-minister of
      Austria, 'prior to his death had addressed a note to her majesty's
      government expressing his great regret at the occurrence, and at the act
      of the Austrian officers.' The extent of such regret may be estimated by
      this:&mdash;the Austrian officer, who stained the honour of the Austrian
      army by his bloodthirsty and cowardly act, has been allowed to go free and
      unpunished, and his conduct has been approved, at least defended, by
      Prince Schwarzenberg's lieutenant, the Austrian commander-in-chief in
      Tuscany, Prince Lichtenstein. This man I frequently saw, in all the pride
      of military array and overbearing insolence, in the streets of Florence, a
      public example to his brother officers, and the world, of the impunity
      with which British subjects may be treated, and the evidence of the low
      estimation of his superiors for British honour, and British power. This
      all the while that British statesmen and diplomatists were making urgent
      demands for redress, your lordship among the number.... Has it been
      obtained?...
    </p>
    <p>
      "The patriotic manner in which I have repeatedly expressed myself in this
      unfortunate affair, as you are pleased to observe, has originated in
      feelings that induce me now to express the pain which I feel that this
      crime is sought to be compromised, and the indignation, as far as I am
      concerned, with which I reject the offer of the Tuscan government, and any
      participation in such proceedings.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I will not pretend to be a judge of what is due to the honour of England,
      but I know what is due to my own."
    </p>
    <p>
      The effect of this note was that Lord Malmesbury threw the responsibility
      on Mr. Scarlett, his representative in Tuscany, and annulled his
      proceedings. He then sent out Sir Henry Bulwer to endeavour to arrange the
      affair, or to withdraw the embassy from Florence. A sort of apology was
      given by the court of Florence for the outrage, and a responsibility was
      assumed by it for the future, in case of injury to British subjects&mdash;as
      if the law of nations had not already secured it. No redress or punishment
      for the outrage ever followed Sir Henry's mission. He might, for all its
      purposes, have as well remained in England. The Mathers refused to the
      last the money compensation, and to this hour, in this infamous matter,
      the guilty officer has never met his just punishment, nor public honour
      been satisfied. It is known that had the course been pursued which the
      father and sons adopted, and justice been satisfied, any personal
      compensation was to have gone chiefly to the public hospital of Florence,
      and for other public institutions of that refined capital, in which those
      Englishmen had received so much kindness and sympathy when it was
      personally dangerous to yield it, in the presence of their barbarous Croat
      invaders. Mr. Erskine Mather is now a scientific British officer, and
      bears amidst the ranks of England's defenders the visible scar of the
      wound so treacherously and wantonly inflicted upon him because he was an
      Englishman: a remembrance to every Englishman of how little he may rely
      upon the defence of his own honour, or the honour of his country in his
      person, while the diplomacy of England is in the hands of men who
      sympathise with foreign despotism, or find luxurious and lucrative
      appointments at foreign courts under the ostensible duty of watching over
      the interests of their country.
    </p>
    <p>
      The remaining features of English affairs, in relation to foreign nations,
      were of too little interest to require notice in these pages.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS DURING THE YEAR 1851.
    </h2>
    <p>
      No one who knows England can wonder that her annual obituary presents such
      long lists of great names, when it is remembered how widespread is her
      empire, and how varied her enterprise. It is only possible to select a few
      of the remarkable persons for notice, whose departure from this life in
      1851 excited the attention and regret of large classes, or of the whole
      nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of February occurred the death of Mrs. Shelley, widow of Percy
      Bysshe Shelley, the celebrated poet. Mrs. Shelley was a lady of
      extraordinary gifts, and these were stimulated by the genius of her
      husband. As an authoress she will always rank high, although only one of
      her books has attained a just proportion of fame, "Frankenstein." That was
      received throughout Europe and America as one of the most remarkable works
      of imagination which the 19th century had seen, and it gained for her a
      reputation as lasting as extensive. "Lodore," "Volperga," "The Last Man,"
      and others produced also a great impression, but not one of a very
      permanent character, at least, in the British Isles. "The Last Man"
      deserves a higher estimation than has been awarded to it. There is a very
      penetrating sadness in all Mrs. Shelley's works written after the loss of
      her gifted husband, and an impression of enervated physical strength, and
      effort to write in spite of depression, is conveyed to the reader.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5 th, at Guildford, Surrey, the Rev. John Pye Smith, D.D., LL.D.,
      F.R.S., for many years Principal of the Independent Congregational
      College, at Homerton. He was one of the greatest scholars of his age. The
      author of this work knew him well, and can in truth say his virtues were
      as conspicuous as his scholarship was profound. He was especially
      benevolent and modest. A celebrated divine once said of him that he "had a
      very <i>troublesome</i> conscience," referring to its extreme tenderness,
      and his nervous scrupulousness lest he should wear the remotest appearance
      of evil. His religious works are chiefly critical and controversial, and
      are written in a style of quiet and graceful simplicity, with great
      perspicacity of expression and perspicuity of thought. His "Scripture
      Testimony of the Messiah" is a wonderful monument of human learning and
      clear, candid, and cogent logic. It is the greatest standard work in the
      language, on "the Unitarian Controversy." When he retired from the
      direction of' the college at Homerton, where he trained many eminent men
      for the Christian ministry among congregationalists, three thousand
      guineas were presented to him as a tribute of respect. At his death the
      interest of the same was applied to divinity scholars in the college for
      candidates for the Christian ministry among the congregationalists,
      established at St. John's Wood, London, the Principal of which was Dr.
      John Harris, author of many curious and literary productions much prized
      in tire religious world.
    </p>
    <p>
      February 23rd, at Hampstead, London, Joanna Baillie, the celebrated
      authoress. She was the friend of Sir Walter Scott, who admired both her
      poetic and dramatic genius exceedingly. Her plays, although open to
      criticism as to selection of subject, plot, and stage effectiveness,
      display the poetic power of her mind to great advantage.
    </p>
    <p>
      April 28th, in London, aged eighty-one, Admiral Sir Edward Codrington. He
      saw great variety of service as a naval officer, and displayed
      professional skill and personal courage. In 1826, he received the command
      of the Mediterranean fleet. He commanded the following year the combined
      fleets of England, France, and Russia, in the destruction of the Egyptian
      fleet, at Navarino. A son of this eminent and amiable man subsequently
      commanded the British army in the Crimea, during a war of England and her
      allies against Russia.
    </p>
    <p>
      May 23rd, at Florence, where he officiated as British minister to the
      court of Tuscany, the Right Honourable Richard Lalor Shiel. He was the son
      of an Irish merchant, and was born in Dublin. His early education was in
      the English Jesuit College, at Stonyhurst, a place which made many bad
      Catholics by the excess of its ultra-montanism. Mr. Shiel was afterwards a
      student of the Dublin University, where he distinguished himself. He was
      called to the Irish bar in 1814. He wrote several plays which had merit,
      and were for a time made popular by the acting of Miss O'Neil. Mr. Shiel
      was never very successful as a lawyer, his taste lying in the direction of
      dramatic literature and politics. He began his political career at an
      early age; his first passionate oration, to a Dublin Roman Catholic
      audience, was made at eighteen years of age. He became one of the leaders
      of the Roman Catholic emancipation movement, being second to O'Connell
      only as a leader of party and an orator; his eloquence, however, was more
      refined than that of his more potential colleague. His speeches were
      dramatic, rhetorical, and effective. Their moral tone was offensive,
      vituperative, and vindictive. He was very small of stature, ungainly and
      unprepossessing in appearance, and had a strange squeaking voice; but in
      spite of these and other defects he was, next to O'Connell, the most
      powerful agent in carrying Roman Catholic emancipation. He was, however,
      never heartily trusted by O'Connell, who saw his value as an instrument
      and flattered his vanity by fulsome panegyric: when, however, the great
      agitator suspected the drift of any movement of Shiel, he turned against
      him his keen although coarse satire, and, by his contemptuous sneers and
      ludicrous and striking caricatures, turned the tide of popular feeling
      against his subtle and unreliable colleague. After Roman Catholic
      emancipation was achieved Mr. Shiel became a member of the imperial
      parliament, where he distinguished himself by his eloquence more than he
      ever did as a tribune. His oratory was, however, characterised more by
      histrionic passion, rhetorical artifice, and boldness of declamation, than
      by logic or truth. Many times the beauty of his parliamentary orations
      dazzled his opponents, and drew forth their admiring eulogy, and often his
      sarcasms smote them with a severity more terrible than any launched from
      his side of the house. He became a mere whig partisan; his ambition was
      office, and he excited the strong resentment of the Irish party, with
      which he had acted, by his silence where "Irish or Catholic interests"
      were concerned, if the whig party were opposed to their demands. No orator
      had espoused with more seeming heartiness various liberal opinions, which
      he abandoned when he became a pet of the Whigs. Like O'Connell he had
      harangued with great fervour large democratic assemblages in favour of the
      voluntary principle in religion, and like O'Connell he mocked it and
      vituperated it, when it served his purpose to do so. He had been a great
      anti-slavery agitator, uttering fervent sentiments concerning the equal
      right of men of all creeds and colours, and the duty and policy of
      applying this great principle in the West India possessions of England,
      and all over the world; but when his parliamentary party adopted a course
      which displeased the anti-slavery party, and a deputation of eminent
      philanthropists waited upon him, believing that in Richard Lalor Shiel the
      black man had a friend as true as he had been an eloquent advocate, those
      gentlemen were received with a haughty insolence, and a contemptuousness
      which there was not even a decent effort to suppress. Upon the Protestant
      dissenters of England he poured loud and eloquent praise when he was
      agitating for Roman Catholic emancipation, as the English dissenters gave
      an ostentatious support to that movement. When the end was gained which he
      hoped to serve by such flattery, he manifested a profound animosity to
      those whose services he had commended. His real views on subjects of civil
      and religious liberty were selfish and narrow. His professed patriotism
      was to a certain extent real, but it was narrow and invidious where true,
      and it was for the most part simulated. He was an object of hatred to the
      ultramontane party in his own church; and a report prevailed in Europe,
      which does not appear to have been substantiated, that he was, by that
      party, ingeniously deprived of life through skilful agency appointed for
      that purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      August 5th, Mrs. Harriet Lee, in her ninety-eighth year. This lady was one
      of the authoresses of the "Canterbury Tales." Her works were various and
      popular.
    </p>
    <p>
      August 6th, at Hong-Kong, the distinguished missionary, Gutzlaff. He was
      by birth a Pomeranian, but was associated with the English so intimately
      as interpreter, and as secretary to the Hong-Kong government, that he was
      always regarded as a British citizen.
    </p>
    <p>
      August 12th, aged fifty, the Honourable Elliott Drinkwater Bethune, à man
      whose efforts for legal reform in England and India won for him the
      gratitude of the good, and caused him to incur the bitterest hostility of
      the selfish classes affected by proposals of reform.
    </p>
    <p>
      November 18th, aged eighty-one, at Herenhausen, the King of Hanover, uncle
      to her majesty.
    </p>
    <p>
      December 19th, at Chelsea, London. Joseph Mallord William Turner, the
      great English landscape painter, whose works are too well known, and whose
      fame is too widely spread, to require more particular notice.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXIV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1852
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Home Affairs:  General State of Great Britain; Religious
     Agitations; Death of the Duke of Wellington;   The  Court;
     Parliamentary Discussions; Changes of Ministry..... Ireland:
     Animosities on Account of Religion; Insecurity of Life;
     Terrible Assassinations..... Colonies:   War  at  the Cape;
     Gold in California; General Condition of the British
     Colonies..... Foreign Affairs: Electric Telegraph Between
     London and Paris; Revival of the French Empire; English
     Policy in Reference to that Event; Indignant Feeling of the
     English nation towards Austria and the despotic Princes of
     Italy; Efforts of the British Navy to put down Piracy and
     Slavery.
</i></pre>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1852
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1852, like its predecessor, opened in the British Isles with
      fierce religious controversies. The agitation about the papal aggression
      had not died away, and events occurred, from day to day, inflaming the
      spirit of religious difference. Yet this was not an unmixed evil&mdash;"The
      greatest blessings have been achieved by discussions, errors suffer in the
      ordeal; truth never does; the dross is consumed in the fire; the gold
      comes out more brilliant, more precious, more pure."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Rev. Dr. Cumming's "Apocalyptic Sketches," p. 153
</i></pre>
    <p>
      What was generally called the Achilli trial, early in the year, aggravated
      the existing religious dissensions, and extended the spirit of polemical
      conflict. Although the trial did not take place until June, the public
      anticipated it with intense excitement. Dr. Achilli had been a Roman
      Catholic priest; he left the Church of Rome, and devoted himself to preach
      against its tenets, and the spirit of persecution which it breathed. He
      produced a powerful impression both in Great Britain and Ireland. It
      became exceedingly important to silence him, and the Romish church
      resorted to its old instrument in such cases, defamation. The Rev. Mr.
      Newman, a Roman Catholic priest, a convert from the Church of England, who
      had, as a clergyman of that church, distinguished himself at Oxford by his
      Jesuitical casuistry in upholding Puseyism, and teaching that, by
      receiving the Church of England Articles in a "<i>non-natural sense</i>,"
      clergymen might remain in her communion, and receive her emoluments, while
      they taught the doctrines peculiar to the Church of Rome, publicly
      attacked the character of Dr. Achilli, averring that he was unworthy of
      credit, because he had been expelled from the Church of Rome for dissolute
      habits. Achilli took an action for libel, which was tried in the Court of
      Queen's Bench, when a verdict was given in favour of Dr. Achilli. The case
      assumed a peculiar aspect from the fact that a number of women had been
      brought from Italy, by the Roman Catholic priests, who swore that they had
      participated with Dr. Achilli in criminal intercourse. The doctor solemnly
      swore that some of these women he had never seen, and that, in respect to
      others whom he had known, no accusation had ever until then been brought
      against him. The mode in which these women gave their testimony, and the
      contradictory character of it, left the jury no alternative but to believe
      the allegations of Dr. Achilli, that the case was got up against him, by a
      conspiracy of Roman Catholic priests, for the purpose of destroying his
      moral reputation, and thereby preventing his effective preaching from
      injuring their sectarian interests.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another event still more aggravated the <i>odiumtheologicum</i> which
      prevailed. In the town of Stockport fierce religious riots broke out
      between the Irish Roman Catholics and the Protestants of that town. A
      religious procession of an offensive nature was got up by the Roman
      Catholic clergy. This was resented by the Protestant population as an
      insult: the Roman Catholic party persisted in the aggressive movement, and
      the result was riot and bloodshed for several days. This event produced
      terrible excitement elsewhere: and in Ireland some of the newspapers in
      the Roman Catholic interest incited the people to commit violence upon
      their Protestant neighbours. In addition to the animosity which raged
      between Protestants and Romanists, the controversy concerning the
      admission of Jews to parliament divided other sections of the community.
      The parliamentary debates on this subject in the previous year were
      remembered, and the remembrance embittered by various incidents. Among
      these was the trial of Miller <i>versus</i> Salomons. Mr. Salomons having
      been elected member for Greenwich, presented himself in the House of
      Commons, and voted. The action was to enforce a penalty of £500 for having
      voted without taking the oath of abjuration. The case was tried in the
      Court of Exchequer, before the barons, who were, with the exception of
      Baron Martin, unanimous in a decision against Mr. Salomons. This trial
      took place in April, and had the effect of exasperating the wealthy Jewish
      community of London and exciting the liberal politicians, who desired the
      emancipation of their Jewish fellow citizens from all civil disabilities
      on account of their religion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general condition of Great Britain was prosperous. The influx of gold
      from the newly-discovered gold regions, especially those of Australia,
      stimulated enterprise. The recent remissions of duties afforded relaxation
      to the pressure of taxation upon industry; trade was good; the industrial
      classes were contented; the farmers, sharing in the general prosperity,
      yielded less willingly to make themselves instruments of agitation in the
      hands of Lord Derby. Benjamin Disraeli, and other less prominent leaders
      of the opponents of free-trade, especially in corn. With the exception of
      the Cape of Good Hope, the tidings received from the colonies were
      favourable. No foreign war threatened, although many apprehended that the
      "<i>coup d'état</i>" by leading to the revival of the empire, would also
      lead to a revival of the old imperial attitude of France to England,&mdash;that
      of menace and ambition. The policy pursued by the British government was,
      however, so conciliatory and fair, that no opportunity was left for France
      to make a quarrel. It was moreover the interest of the French president to
      court alliance with England, to prevent the possibility of a continental
      coalition against him, which he knew would never dare the power of France
      while England was her ally. The discussions connected with the outrage
      committed upon Erskine Mather, Esq., at Florence, by Austrian officers,
      alone agitated the country in connection with foreign politics. The
      progress of that event was laid fully before the reader in the last
      chapter. During the debates about it in parliament and the press, in 1852,
      a strong public sentiment was evoked against the Duke of Tuscany, and the
      Austrian government and army. Much sympathy was felt towards the young
      Englishman who had so well maintained his country's honour, and to his
      father, by whom he was sustained in the manly and patriotic course which
      he had adopted. The procedure of the diplomatic agents of the English
      government, of the English government itself, and of the foreign minister,
      Lord Malmesbury most especially, excited the indignation of the people,
      and tended much to weaken the cabinet of which Lord Malmesbury was so
      prominent a member: probably the apathy and want of manly spirit and
      patriotism displayed by the British government and its <i>employés</i> in
      the Florence affair, did more to shake the confidence of the people in the
      administration than all the party attacks to which in its short existence
      it was exposed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the home events of the year which excited general interest were a
      series of earthquakes, which spread alarm over a large portion of Great
      Britain. Such rare phenomena in this island naturally attracted the
      attention of the philosophical, and affected the multitude with awe. On
      the 4th of November the inhabitants of the northwestern districts of
      England felt the shocks usually characteristic of earthquake. The chief
      force of the subterranean commotion seemed to be beneath Liverpool and the
      districts that surround it. In Manchester the shock was felt more severely
      than in most other districts. On the opposite coast of Ireland, especially
      in the counties of Dublin and Wicklow, the vibrations of the earth were
      nearly as remarkable as in Lancashire and Cheshire.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0007" id="linkDimage-0007">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_814_wellington.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The decease of the most remarkable man in Europe, perhaps in the world,
      the great Duke of Wellington, filled the country with grief, commanded the
      sympathy of all nations friendly to Great Britain, and the attention of
      civilized men in every portion of the world. In England, it was the most
      important event of the year's history. No man exercised the same influence
      over her fortunes. His name was a tower of strength before her enemies,
      and his wisdom the chief and <i>dernier ressort</i> in her councils. He
      was the most confidential private counsellor of the queen, who regarded
      him with the veneration and affection due to the friend of her childhood,
      when she was neglected by the corrupt court of one uncle, and the
      apathetic court of another, the sovereigns of the empire over which she
      also was destined to reign. The removal of the great Duke was an
      irreparable loss to her majesty and to the country she so wisely ruled;
      and in no branch of the public service was this loss felt more than in the
      army, which he had raised to un unprecedented pitch of efficiency and
      glory. A brief notice of the life of this extraordinary man is desirable,
      that the reader may more clearly see the important influence his death
      necessarily had upon the position and policy of the United Kingdom.
      Concerning the origin and career of this glorious man, J. H. Stocqueler
      has made the following striking remarks:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Nobly born, carefully educated, and connected with people enjoying
      considerable political influence, he was subjected to no early wrestlings
      with fate. He was launched upon the stream of life under the most
      favourable auspices, tasting neither the bitterness of poverty nor the
      humiliation of obscurity. His public life, from first to last, was one
      uninterrupted chain of glory, each link more brilliant than its
      predecessor, and, unlike other great adventurers, whose course from
      insignificance to splendour was broken, through a series of mischances or
      their own unsteadiness of character, his progress knew no culminating
      point&mdash;his fame no tarnish, his fortunes no reverse.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But the even tenor of his career is no disparagement of the vast merit of
      the Duke of Wellington. If his antecedents were less humble than the
      public beginnings of other men, let it be remembered that he reached a
      higher eminence than any personage of whom the annals of England possess a
      record&mdash;always excepting John, Duke of Marlborough, his prototype in
      all things but political virtue. Nor has his upward path been free from a
      thousand obstructions, which none but a gigantic mind and a firm heart
      could surmount. His difficulties began with his direct responsibility. His
      triumphs followed as the results of his indomitable perseverance, his
      unflinching courage, and his amazing constancy."
    </p>
    <p>
      The most accurate and, at the same time, brief account of the birth,
      education, and early professional progress of the future hero, is one
      written by the author just quoted.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Stocqueler's "Life of Wellington," p. 23.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "It was in March, 1769, that Arthur Wellesley first saw the light.
      Biographers differ as to the date and the locality; but it appears by the
      evidence taken before a parliamentary committee in 1791, to inquire into a
      petition against his return for the borough of Trim, on the ground of his
      being a minor, that he was really born at Dangan Castle, in the county of
      Meath, Ireland, at the time alleged above. His father was the second Earl
      of Mornington, who enjoyed much celebrity for his nice musical taste; his
      mother, Anne, the eldest daughter of Viscount Dungannon. Early in life
      Arthur Wellesley was sent to Eton College for his education, in
      conjunction with his afterwards distinguished brother, Richard.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Being desirous for the military profession he was sent to the college of
      Angiers, directed by Pegnard, a celebrated French engineer.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At the age of eighteen, after he had gone through a course of French
      military instruction, Arthur Wellesley was gazetted to an ensigncy in the
      73rd regiment. This was in March, 1787. Nine months later he was promoted
      to a lieutenancy in the 76th. Subsequent exchanges carried him into the
      41st foot, and the 12th Light Dragoons.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In 1791 (30th of June), being then twenty-two years of age, he procured a
      company in the 58th Foot, whence, four months later, he exchanged to a
      troop in the 18th Light Dragoons. Under the system in force in the British
      army, officers, avid of rapid promotion, must seek it in other regiments
      than their own, if their immediate seniors are prepared to purchase
      advancement. As Arthur Wellesley had had no opportunities of displaying
      zeal and gallantry in the field during these four years of service, his
      quick progress may be fairly set down to the combined action of
      ministerial favour, and a sufficiency of pecuniary means. Neither at
      school, nor college, nor in the performance of the easy regimental duty
      peculiar to a time of peace, and incidental to five exchanges, did he
      display any of those qualities which developed themselves in so remarkable
      a manner a few years later.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Previous to obtaining his company, Lieutenant Wellesley was returned a
      member of the Irish parliament. He sat for three years, during a portion
      of which time he was an aide-de-camp to the Earl of Westmoreland, then
      Lordlieutenant of Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The young member occasionally spoke, always in opposition to liberal
      measures; and his oratory was characterised more by a curt and decided
      form of expression than by the efflorescence then popular among the
      Grattans, Cuffs, Parnells, and other members of the legislature. His
      opinions were of the tory cast; and, even at that early period he opposed
      himself to any consideration of the Catholic claims, and to schemes of
      parliamentary reform. As an aide-de-camp, and a member of a Protestant
      family, his sentiments were, of course, coloured by the opinions of the
      noblemen and statesmen with whom he associated."
    </p>
    <p>
      The early military services of Arthur Wellesley, both in Europe and in
      India, were brilliant. Some of his first exploits in action were marked by
      promptitude and genius rivalling in lustre the feats of his proudest days.
      In India, his conquests of the refractory chiefs, Dhoondiah and the
      Peishwah, and his successes in the Mysorean war, under Baird, were full of
      daring and of glory.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * For an extended account of General Wellesley's Indian
     campaigns see "Nolan's History of the British Empire in
     India and the East." Virtue; City Road and Ivy Lane, London.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      As a general officer, he showed every quality which commanded respect from
      his seniors, reverence from his juniors, confidence alike in those whom he
      commanded, and those who devolved responsibility upon him, and the
      astonishment and admiration of his enemies. The treatment he received in
      India was not just nor considerate, and to the latest period of his life
      he felt that neither by his brother the Marquis Wellesley, the East India
      Company, nor the government at home, was he requited as his merits
      deserved, nor did he deem that their conduct to him while on actual
      service was what it should have been. The self-mastery and loyalty with
      which he endured slights and injustice while rendering great services,
      have probably never been exhibited equally by any soldier of ancient or
      modern times. On the occasion of his being superseded at Bombay by General
      Baird, he wrote:&mdash;"My former letters will have shown you how much
      this will annoy me; but I have never had much value for the public spirit
      of any man who does not sacrifice his private views and convenience when
      it is necessary."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     **  "The Duke of Wellington's Supplementary Despatches
     relating to India."    Edited by his Son.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The time has arrived when foreign writers, even in France, are beginning
      to do justice to the hero's fame, and to the genius displayed in his
      Indian campaigns, which have been so much overlooked both at home and
      abroad, although so well appreciated in India. An able writer, a French
      officer&mdash;Captain Brialmont&mdash;has, in a recent work,*** especially
      drawn the attention of military men in France to the Indian campaigns of
      General Wellesley.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     *** "History of the Life of Arthur, Duke of Wellington,"
     from the French of M. Brialmont, Captain of the Staff of the
     Belgian Army. With emendations and additions by the Kev. G.
     K. Gleig, M.A., Chaplain-General to the Forces.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      In describing the conduct of the general at Assaye, Brialmont remarks:&mdash;"It
      was an inspiration of the greatest hardihood which induced the English
      general to engage a force ten times as great as his own, and covered in
      its front by an important river. The battle of Assaye will always be
      regarded as one of the boldest enterprises of that general, whom certain
      authors represent as endowed only with the qualities which are necessary
      for defensive warfare."
    </p>
    <p>
      Some time after his arrival in Europe, he was entrusted with a command in
      Portugal, against the French then occupying that country. He was much
      embarrassed by his own government, and the wilfulness of the people to
      rescue whom was his mission. The convention of Cintra arrested his
      successes. The stupidity of his superiors defeated his schemes of
      conquest. "Yet, even as things stood, the success achieved was of no
      ordinary character. The British soldiers had measured their swords against
      some of the best troops of the empire, and with signal success. The 'Sepoy
      General' had indisputably shown that his capacity wras not limited to
      oriental campaigns. He had effected the disembarkation of his troops&mdash;always
      a most hazardous feat&mdash;without loss, had gained two well-contested
      battles, and in less than a single month had actually cleared the kingdom
      of Portugal of its invaders. The army, with its intuitive judgment, had
      formed a correct appreciation of his services, and the field-officers
      engaged at Vimiera testified their opinions of their commander by a
      valuable gift: but it was clear that no place remained for General
      Wellesley under his new superiors, and he accordingly returned to England,
      bringing with him conceptions of Spanish affairs which the event but too
      speedily verified."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Traveller's Library: "Memoir of the Duke of Wellington."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Previous to the expedition to Portugal, and after his return, he sat in
      parliament, and held the office of Secretary for Ireland. In 1809 he
      received the thanks of parliament for his military services at Vimiera and
      Rolica. In the meanwhile, disaster frowned upon the arms of Spain. "Her
      armies were dispersed, her government bewildered, and her people dismayed;
      the cry of resistance had ceased, and, in its stead, the stern voice of
      Napoleon, answered by the tread of 300,000 veterans, was heard throughout
      the land."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     ** "History of the Peninsular War," by Sir William Napier.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Portugal was menaced. Sir John Cradock, who commanded, was unequal to the
      occasion, and the British government was about to withdraw the English
      army of occupation, when it occurred to Lord Castlereagh that Sir Arthur
      Wellesley ought to be consulted. That officer counselled the augmentation
      of the British forces, and drew up a plan of defence. The government
      offered him the command of the Portuguese, which he declined. Finally,
      Cradock was recalled, and Sir Arthur accepted the command of the allied
      English and Portuguese. He again landed in Portugal, amidst the
      acclamations of troops and people, and, with his characteristic activity,
      commenced operations. Then followed the passage of the Douro, one of the
      most daring exploits recorded in the history of war. ***
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     *** Captain Brialmont says that French generals admit that
     the passage of the Douro was bold even to rashness.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The passage of the Douro foiled the French commander, and compelled him to
      retire. After various complicated movements, the rival armies confronted
      one another at Talavera, where a dreadful conflict issued in victory to
      the British. The British, unsustained by proper support, through the
      negligence of the English government, and the irrational conduct of the
      Portuguese, were compelled to fall back. Before doing so, Wellesley
      accomplished another grand feat&mdash;the execution of the lines of Torres
      Vedras. This defensive position was skilfully selected, and as skilfully
      fortified. Such was the secrecy and celerity observed in the construction
      of the works, that the French had learned nothing of their existence,
      numerous as were their spies, and the English army generally knew as
      little of it as the French. When the moment arrived for the execution of
      his project, the English general retired behind these lines, in the face
      of an overwhelmingly numerous enemy, who gazed with wonder upon the
      impregnable defences which were presented to their view.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before, however, the British accomplished their retreat, one more victory
      testified their greatness in battle, and the superiority of their chief.
      The English took post on the heights of Busaco. The French attacked the
      position, and were repulsed. Having entered the lines of Torres Vedras,
      the British awaited the advance of the grand army which was to drive them
      into the sea. Massena advanced in his pride and his power, but recoiled
      from the task of storming such well-prepared positions. Having waited long
      enough, without being able to make any impression upon the English lines
      of defence, to bring disease, discouragement, and scarcity of provisions
      upon his own army, he retired, harassed in his retreat by the exulting
      English. While Wellesley was thus engaged in personally superintending the
      defence of Lisbon, by maintaining the fortified lines thrown up between
      the Douro and the sea, he was also occupied with general plans for
      ultimately driving the French out of the Peninsula, directing operations
      in places at a distance from his head-quarters, and carrying on a
      laborious correspondence with the Portuguese and British civil
      authorities, and even with the Spanish patriots. When Massena was driven
      into Spain, Wellesley's first care was the reconquest of the frontier
      fortresses. Almeida, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Badajoz, fell into the hands of
      the British general, then Lord Wellington. His successes were, however,
      obtained with great difficulty and loss of his soldiers, through the
      inadequate supply of material to his army by the home authorities. Every
      fortress which was not strategically abandoned by the French, was won by
      the skill of the general-in-chief, and the recklessness of life shown by
      his soldiers, in spite of the want of almost every appliance proper for an
      army. The sieges which Wellington prosecuted to a successful result "will
      always reflect immortal honour on the troops engaged, and will always
      attract the strongest interests of an English reader; but which must,
      nevertheless, be appealed to as illustrations of the straits to which an
      army may be led by want of military experience in the government at home.
      By this time the repeated victories of Wellington and his colleagues had
      raised the renown of British soldiers to at least an equality with that of
      Napoleon's veterans, and the incomparable efficiency, in particular, of
      the Light Division was acknowledged to be without a parallel in any
      European service. But in those departments of the army where excellence is
      less the result of intuitive ability, the forces under Wellington were
      still greatly surpassed by the trained legions of the emperor. While
      Napoleon had devoted his whole genius to the organization of the parks and
      trains which attend the march of an army in the field, the British troops
      had only the most imperfect resources on which to rely. The engineer
      corps, though admirable in quality, was so deficient in numbers, that
      commissions were placed at the free disposal of Cambridge mathematicians.
      The siege trains were weak and worthless against the solid ramparts of
      Peninsular strongholds. The intrenching tools were so ill made that they
      snapped in the hands of the workmen, and the art of sapping and mining was
      so little known that this branch of the siege duties was carried on by
      drafts from the regiments of the line, imperfectly and hastily instructed
      for the purpose. Unhappily, such results can only be obviated by long
      foresight, patient training, and costly provision; it was not in the power
      of a single mind, however capacious, to effect an instantaneous reform,
      and Wellington was compelled to supply the deficiencies by the best blood
      of his troops." *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Memoir of the Duke of Wellington."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The terms in which this illustrious man complained of the incompetency of
      the government at home are instructive to those who, in the present
      generation, contend for reform. "I do not receive one-sixth part of the
      money necessary to keep so great a machine in motion." "The French army is
      well supplied," he wrote on one occasion, "the Spanish army has everything
      in abundance, and we alone, on whom everything depends, are dying of
      hunger." "I am left entirely to my own resources," he wrote in 1810, "and
      find myself obliged to provide, with the little which I can procure, for
      the wants of the allies, as well as for those of the English army. If I
      yield, God help me, for nobody will support me." This sorrowful language
      was too true, for so utterly corrupt was the English administration, that
      in order to save themselves from public odium, they would have ruined him.
      A distinguished reviewer of one of the memoirs of his grace thus comments
      upon the treatment which he received:&mdash;"From the inadequate supplies
      of money sent to him from his government, he had to create a paper-money
      of his own, and to increase his supplies by opening a trade in corn with
      America. When he complained of the attention which the home government
      paid to the criticism of some of his officers, they replied that these
      officers were better generals than he; they compelled him to send back the
      transports on which, in the event of a defeat, the safety of his army
      depended; and on one occasion Lord Liverpool gave instructions to an
      officer of engineers at Lisbon of which Wellington knew nothing, and which
      began with these words, which were also news to him:&mdash;'As it is
      probable that the army will embark in September, &amp;c.'" So much was the
      duke dependant on his own resources that, being unable to prevent the
      departure of some of his generals, he was often obliged to discharge
      himself, on the same clay, the duties of general of cavalry, leader of the
      advanced guard, and commander of two or three columns of infantry. His
      want of material was such that at the siege of Badajoz he had to employ
      guns cast in the reign of Philip II., and, for lack of mortars, he had to
      mount his howitzers upon wooden blocks; while at Burgos he was obliged to
      suspend the attack till a convoy of ammunition should come up, which had
      been expected for six weeks. He was even obliged to complain of his army.
      "We are an excellent army on parade," he said, "an excellent one to fight,
      but take my word for it, defeat or success would dissolve us." The
      discipline was by no means perfect. After the battle of Vittoria the
      soldiers obtained among them by way of booty about a million sterling;
      many regiments disbanded themselves, and some three weeks afterwards the
      commander-in-chief had to announce that there were still 12,500 marauders
      among the mountains absent from duty.
    </p>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding every impediment which the lazy, conceited, and
      impracticable character of the Spaniards, the want of civil organization
      in Portugal, and the ignorance and incapacity of his own government could
      interpose, Lord Wellington, in a series of campaigns, and of great and
      sanguinary battles, drove the French from Spain, followed them into
      France, defeated them at Bayonne, Orthes, and Toulouse, and only paused in
      his career of victory upon the announcement of the allies entering Paris,
      and the abdication of Napoleon.
    </p>
    <p>
      The policy and conduct of the Duke of Wellington during the occupation of
      France by the allies were stern, but just and wise. He was inflexible in
      carrying out the objects of the allies, but temperate and equitable in
      curbing the vindictive propensities of the allied chiefs and armies. He
      met the great continental sovereigns and generals in Paris on a footing
      highly honourable to himself and his nation; his influence preponderated
      in their counsels, and he received more marks of deference than any other
      man of the times and the occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to England, his name and person were surrounded by honours.
      He received in the House of Lords at once the recognition of all the steps
      of the peerage&mdash;they had been conferred upon him in his absence. He
      was the idol of the court and the aristocracy, and to a considerable
      extent of the people. The escape of Napoleon from Elba led to the British
      and Prussian campaign in Belgium, which involved the sanguinary battles of
      Quatrebras and Waterloo, in the former of which Ney sustained a terrible
      repulse from Wellington, and in the latter Napoleon was utterly defeated
      and put to flight, and the way to Paris opened for the conquerors. Once
      more the duke occupied France with his armies, and with still greater
      opportunity than at the close of his previous campaign for displaying the
      eminent qualities which he possessed in the council, as well as in the
      field. After the peace, and the banishment of Napoleon to St. Helena.
      Wellington obtained an extraordinary influence in the councils of
      successive British sovereigns, and became one of the most active and
      potential politicians in Europe. His career of war had closed&mdash;a new
      public race was run by him, in which his countrymen were less disposed to
      regard him with favour. How he fulfilled his new destinies is still matter
      of discussion. The tory school of politicians, to which he belonged,
      consider him as having in a great measure forsaken his party, and lowered
      the standard of his principles. Liberal politicians regard him as having
      struggled to maintain class interests contrary to the convictions of his
      great mind, and in subservience to the interests and prejudices of his
      "order." His country generally has, therefore, not given him credit for
      the highest order of statesmanship, but reveres his memory as that of a
      man who served the country and the crown with fidelity, and who studied
      the national honour in all things. Probably the following estimate of his
      political capacity, position, and services, is as accurate as any ever
      given to the public:&mdash;"By a destiny unexampled in history, the hero
      of these countless conquests survived to give more than one generation of
      his countrymen the benefit of his civil services. Such an ordeal has never
      before been endured by any public character. Military experience does not
      furnish the fittest schools of statesmanship, especially when the country
      to be governed is that of a free, intelligent, and progressive people.
      But, if the political principles of the great man who has now departed
      were not always reconcilable with the opinions and demands of modern
      advancement, they were at least consistent in themselves, were never
      extravagantly pressed, never tyrannically promoted, and never obstinately
      maintained to the hindrance of the government or the damage of the state.
      In estimating Wellington's politics it must never be forgotten that he was
      a politician of 1807, and that he descended to us the last representative
      of a school that had passed. If he was less liberally-minded than the
      statesmen of his later days, we may fairly inquire how many of his own
      generation would have been as liberal as he?"
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1822, the duke appeared at the allied conference at Vienna, the object
      of which was to put down the rising demand on the continent for
      constitutional government. Spain was intensely agitated, and its imbecile
      monarch was afraid to resist any longer the call for free institutions, so
      loudly and unanimously made by his subjects. The continental sovereigns
      viewed the slightest approach to political freedom with alarm. The
      restored Bourbon government of France took the lead in the policy of
      repression, and demanded the countenance of the continental powers, and of
      England, for an invasion of Spain, to support the king in trampling out
      the last spark of liberty among his subjects. Mr. Canning was minister for
      foreign affairs in England. He instructed the Duke of Wellington to resist
      the proposal of France, and to insist upon non-intercession. Either his
      grace performed his part inadequately, as was generally believed in
      England, or the continental sovereigns, having used England for the
      destruction of Napoleon, were agreed to thwart her influence, and make no
      concessions to her opinion, for they unanimously supported the project of
      a French invasion of Spain. This event took place, inflicting upon the
      Spanish people more indignity, disdain, and injury than the invasions by
      Napoleon had done. The British government talked much and did nothing.
      "The Holy Alliance" took no notice of the indignant orations in the
      British parliament, the protests of the ministry, and the explanations of
      the duke. A French invasion overthrew liberty in Spain within little more
      than ten years of the date when a British army had driven out the French
      in the name of liberty, independence, and non-intervention. The Spaniards
      never believed that the duke was free from some participation in this
      aggression, and his popularity, such as it was at the close of the war,
      was never regained in that country. The event also deprived the Spaniards
      of all confidence in professions of non-intervention and respect for
      national independence in England. They did not believe that her powerless
      protests were sincere, but regarded her as having made the previous war in
      the Peninsula for a policy exclusively her own&mdash;the suppression of
      the popular and imperial elements in France. The Duke of Wellington, in
      his place in the house of peers, declared that he had faithfully carried
      out Mr. Canning's instructions, but that the allied courts were unmoved by
      arguments or protests.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1826 the duke was sent by his sovereign on an especial embassy to St.
      Petersburg. He was not favourably impressed with the Emperor Nicholas or
      his people. He regarded the whole policy of Russia as faithless and
      aggressive, and only friendly to England as far as she might be made,
      through the false representations of the Russian diplomatists,
      unconsciously subservient to the territorial aggrandisement of Russia,
      especially in the direction of Turkey. The Emperor Nicholas himself the
      duke learned to regard with distrust, mingled with personal contempt for
      his duplicity.
    </p>
    <p>
      At home, the duke was the object of innumerable honours. A mansion was
      erected for him, called Apsley House, at Hyde Park Corner, £200,000 was
      voted to purchase for him and the inheritors of the title, the estate of
      Strathfieldsaye, in Hampshire, which is entailed, on condition of the
      noble owner, for the time being, annually presenting a tri-colour flag to
      her majesty, on the 18th of June, the anniversary of the battle of
      Waterloo. These flags have been since accumulating, and hang in the
      armoury of Windsor Castle, with similar trophies commemorative of the
      battle of Blenheim, rendered by the heirs of the great Duke of
      Marlborough.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1818 the duke was made master-general of the ordnance; in 1819,
      governor of Plymouth; and in 1820, colonel of the Rifle Brigade.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great continental courts in 1818 gave him the rank of field-marshal in
      their respective armies, together with military and civil distinctions,
      such as were only customarily conferred on crowned heads, or the very
      noblest of their subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile the British Isles were intensely agitated; a cry for
      parliamentary reform resounded from the gates of Buckingham Palace to the
      Land's-end, to John O'Groat's house, and to the cliffs of Connemara. Roman
      Catholic emancipation was another demand, which was ceaselessly heard, and
      the Protestant dissenters of England were active and importunate in
      demanding redress for the grievances of which they complained. The duke
      was adverse to all these concessions, and determined to resist them as
      long as they could be resisted, with safety to the crown and peerage. The
      people hated the prince-regent, and when he reached the throne as the
      fourth George, he was one of the most unpopular monarchs in Europe. The
      measures adopted by this prince to preserve illiberal institutions were
      bloody and remorseless; executions for political offences were numerous
      all over the land, men of virtue and honour were incarcerated for liberal
      opinions uttered or printed, public meetings were put down by charges of
      cavalry, or by cannon loaded with grape and canister, drawn up against an
      unarmed and really loyal people, exasperated by unendurable oppressions.
      Against these wickednesses the duke exerted no influence, raised his voice
      in no protest, but was in the minds of the people regarded as one of the
      haughtiest of their oppressors. On the death of Lord Liverpool, and the
      appointment of Mr. Canning to the premiership, he received from the duke
      an uncompromising, bitter, and ungenerous opposition. Canning was
      professedly a Conservative, but his opinions were moderately liberal, and
      everything liberal was resisted by Wellington and his <i>alter ego</i> in
      politics, Mr. Peel, afterwards Sir Robert. There was a bigoted and angry
      party spirit in all the duke's proceedings. He would not command the army
      nor direct the ordnance, but resigned all his military offices, because
      the king made Canning the chief of a ministry in which the duke himself
      served. Canning and Huskisson introduced a corn-bill, which was the first
      relaxation proposed by members of a government to the corn-law. This
      measure had been prepared in the Liverpool cabinet, and received the
      assent of the duke himself; yet such was his animosity to the moderately
      liberal policy of Canning, that he proposed the rejection of the bill in
      the lords, and threw it out. There was a want of honour and good faith in
      this conduct, wholly at variance with the manly, frank, straightforward
      character of the duke, and there is no way of accounting for it but by
      supposing that he was instigated to the course he adopted by Peel, whose
      tortuous and uncertain principles and policy began to assume prominence.
      It was Peel's character throughout his career to betray all who trusted in
      him as a leader, and to cany by trick and treachery all the measures
      against which, in his public life, he most vehemently and acrimoniously
      inveighed. The duke was taunted in the house with intriguing for the
      premiership. He declared, in reply, that he was "unqualified for such a
      situation." Nevertheless, when offered, he accepted it. He declared that
      he "should be mad even to think of it;" but he did think of it, at all
      events afterwards, and took it, and also filled it better than his tory
      predecessors. Perhaps the truth of the case was, that Peel originated all
      the intrigues against Canning, in which the duke was unconsciously an
      abettor of the designs of that artful man. Peel saw that his best hope of
      attaining to the chief post in the councils of the country was by using
      skilfully and patiently the influence he had acquired over the duke. He
      foresaw, as it was easy to foresee, that events would soon make the duke
      tired of the post, and that he would in such case certainly devolve it
      upon him, as "his man of all work." One of the most harassing oppositions
      to which an English premier was ever exposed was directed and led by
      Wellington and Peel against Canning, chiefly on the ground of his
      willingness to concede Catholic emancipation, and some relaxation of the
      duties upon corn, and the restrictions upon trade. In this opposition the
      duke was sincere, but there is good ground for believing that Peel, filled
      with envy against Canning, was already laying his own schemes for carrying
      concession even farther than Canning or Huskisson ever dreamed of doing.
      Canning was shamelessly deserted and betrayed on all hands. He displayed
      wonderful ability, justifying the language of Byron: "Canning is a genius,
      almost a universal one, a scholar, a wit, a statesman, an orator, and a
      poet." He struggled against the factious opposition treacherously carried
      on in the name of principles by men who, like Peel, felt no homage for
      them, until his proud and sensitive heart broke. The Peel and Wellington
      faction killed him. In the fourth month of his premiership he died at his
      post, leaving to posterity a great name, and an eternal reproach against
      his unprincipled persecutors.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Goderich ("prosperity Robinson") could not carry on the government.
      The duke was made premier, eight months after he had publicly declared his
      own incapacity for such an office. One of his first acts, notoriously
      under the influence of Peel, was to give office to Huskisson, the champion
      of free trade, and the energetic colleague of Canning! He added four more
      of Canning's colleagues. Thus, after he and Peel had declared Canning and
      his cabinet to be irreligious, revolutionary, and dangerous to the
      country, in all the cant phrases of the time, their very first act was to
      take possession, as it were, of the Canning cabinet itself, and next of
      the Canning policy, on account of which the illustrious dead had been
      solemnly denounced by the one, and vituperated, in a manner far exceeding
      parliamentary licence, by the other. The repeal of the corporation and
      test acts, demanded by the dissenters, the emancipation of the Roman
      Catholics, and the claims of the commercial community, and the political
      economist, for a relaxation of the protectionist policy were now to be
      satisfied; but the policy chosen was to keep all these parties at bay, to
      resist all melioration of things as they were as long as possible, and
      then to concede nothing on the ground of justice, or of human rights, but
      only what popular power could force. This policy Peel did not manage
      happily, and the duke was brought down with him as by a dead weight. The
      parliamentary tact of Peel, his debating power, his aptitude for public
      business, and the singular influence of the duke, worked wonders for a
      time; but eventually much more had to be conceded to the public power,
      than, if at first and generously, the government had shown a reforming
      spirit, would have been at once insisted upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell moved for a repeal of the corporation and test acts,
      oppressions which goaded the dissenters, and which in themselves were as
      profane as they were hypocritical. Of course the duke and Mr. Peel
      resisted this, but the House of Commons carried the measure.
    </p>
    <p>
      Instead of the duke and "his man Friday," as the wags of the day termed
      Peel, resigning, as men of honour ought to have done, they resolved to
      take up the measure against which they had voted and argued, and uttered
      the most earnest warnings on the sacred ground of religion! The duke
      carried the measure through the House of Lords!
    </p>
    <p>
      A month afterwards a corn-bill, the first inroad actually effected upon
      the protective system, was carried in the House of Commons. The duke
      declared the repeal or modification of the corn-laws to be especially
      wicked, as injuring the landed interest; nevertheless, he took up the
      measure and carried it through. Corn might come in, if only Whigs and
      Radicals could be kept out. Thus early, measures which Canning proposed
      with consistency and honour,&mdash;and for proposing which these men
      hunted him to death,&mdash;they inconsistently, and with a violation of
      principle which lowered the character of public men, carried through
      parliament to preserve the ministerial ascendancy of Peel and the party.
    </p>
    <p>
      As the session advanced the spirit of reform both in and out of parliament
      advanced. Penryn and East Retford were rotten boroughs, with only a
      handful of constituents. The reformers demanded the transfer of the
      representation from two such insignificant and corrupt places to
      Manchester and Birmingham. The duke would not consent to the
      enfranchisement of the two great centres of manufactures; he held fast by
      the rotten boroughs. Huskiseon, Grant, Lamb, and Lords Dudley and
      Palmerston resigned. Thus the Canning cabinet was expunged, and a pure
      tory remainder formed the nucleus of a new ministry, which was composed of
      Lord Aberdeen, Sir H. Hardinge, and Sir George Murray,&mdash;men in every
      way immeasurably inferior to those who, no longer able to follow the
      bigoted yet inconsistent and time-serving policy of the duke and Peel,
      were obliged to resign office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The state of Ireland now became alarming. The Roman Catholic population,
      led by O'Connell, menaced insurrection, and a system of agitation was
      maintained very effective, and very embarrassing to government. The Roman
      Catholics knew that nothing would be conceded by Wellington and Peel on
      principle, but that anything might be wrung from them, if, by the
      concession, they supposed that they thereby gave a longer lease of power
      to the privileged classes. The army began to discuss the question of
      religious disability, and a third of the force was alleged to be Roman
      Catholic. The duke came to the conclusion that to avert civil war, Roman
      Catholic emancipation must be effected. In his public statements he
      greatly exaggerated the dangers of withholding the measure; but as neither
      he nor Peel were supposed at heart to be very earnest, although very
      illiberal Protestants, the public considered it a new trick to take
      popular public measures out of the hands of the liberal party, to pass
      them in forms less in harmony with the principles involved in them, than
      would have been the case if carried by the Whigs. In February, 1829, the
      measure of Roman Catholic emancipation was announced in the speech from
      the throne, and was carried through parliament by all the power which the
      ministry could command. The high Protestants lost confidence in the duke,
      and the Earl of Winchelsea impeached his private honour in connection with
      the events which had transpired. On the 31st of March the duke and the
      earl met in Battersea Fields to fight a duel. The duke fired and missed;
      Lord Winchelsea fired in the air, and the affair terminated. Throughout
      the political transactions of his premiership his grace showed much
      passion, and a tyranny to his colleagues in office more suitable to the
      barrack-room than the cabinet. Peel was the abettor of all this, and by
      many deemed the inventor of it. After conceding such a large measure of
      religious liberty, his grace seemed to dislike more inveterately than ever
      all measures of free-trade and parliamentary reform. The French revolution
      of 1830 excited the whole country, and an agitation for reform of
      threatening magnitude arose and spread throughout the land. He had the
      hardihood to attempt prosecutions of the press, although by such means the
      French king had brought about his dethronement. He defied public feeling,
      and did so with an air of peremptory authority and insolence offensive to
      parliament and the people. He became one of the most unpopular men in
      England. Almost all parties united in deeming him unfit to lead the
      government of the country in such a crisis. He was hooted by mobs in the
      streets; the windows of his mansion were broken, and had to be defended by
      iron casings. A new parliament was elected; a reform was demanded. The
      duke met the demand by a sturdy defiance. He declared, "that the country
      already possessed a legislature which answered all the good purposes of
      legislation, that the system of representation possessed the full and
      entire confidence of the country, and that he was not only not prepared to
      bring forward any measure of reform, but would resist such, as long as he
      held any station in the government of the country." With those words the
      career and credit of the duke as a statesman may be said to have closed. A
      perfect hurricane of rage arose around him through all the land. He was
      hurled from power, and the Whigs came into office pledged to a Reform
      Bill, which, after vain and fierce opposition, became the law of the land.
      King William IV. became alarmed at the rapid progress of reform; he
      suddenly dismissed the Whigs, and "sent for the duke." The latter failed
      again in his discernment of the true slate of public feeling in England.
      He refused to become premier, advised the king to send for Sir Robert Peel
      (what the latter had been all along planning and expecting). Sir Robert
      arrived and formed a ministry, the duke becoming minister of foreign
      affairs and leader of the government party in the House of Lords. This
      ministry was speedily swept away by the popular indignation, and the Whigs
      again returned to power. From that time the duke seems to have made
      expediency his sole rule of political action; he became heart and soul a
      Peelite. In 1841 he had an opportunity of upholding Sir Robert Peel in
      power for some time, and of aiding him in the great work of commercial and
      economical reform, against which both had all their life protested and
      straggled. It can hardly be urged in excuse for the duke's long opposition
      to commercial reform, that questions of finance and political economy were
      out of the proper range of his subjects, for he was a first-rate
      financier, and a successful student of political economy. He is
      represented to have said of himself that his true genius was the Exchequer
      rather than the War Office. "At one of the most critical conjunctures of
      the Peninsular war, he drew up a most able paper on the true principles of
      Portuguese banking; and at Seringapatam, after very serious evils had been
      experienced from a long-standing debasement of the coinage, a memorandum
      was accidentally discovered in the treasury from the pen of Colonel
      Wellesley, every prediction and observation of which had been exactly
      verified by events." His desire to stand by his order, to uphold
      government by that order, and to maintain its revenues by the protection
      of territorial produce overpowered alike his sense of justice, and his
      patriotism.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1843, he resumed the office of "commander-in-chief of the land forces,"
      which he held until his decease. In his management of the army, he
      displayed the same repugnance to reform as in civil life, and a
      determination to resist all changes that lessened aristocratic influence
      in its government, or the promotion of its officers. The liberal views and
      measures which spontaneously emanated from the Duke of Cambridge, in
      1858-9, would have been impossible to the Duke of Wellington, except under
      such a pressure of popular power as made a concession of some things
      necessary to preserve others. The improvements which gradually grew up in
      the condition of the common soldier seldom, almost never, had his
      approbation, and were generally carried out by successive whig governments
      in opposition to the commander-in-chief.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of April, 1848, when the great Chartist meeting took place
      near London, the dispositions made by the great duke to put down any
      attempt at insurrection, excited the admiration of all military men.
    </p>
    <p>
      At no period in the Duke of Wellington's history did he so fully enjoy the
      confidence and respect of his countrymen as when death approached. The
      mode of his death was such as might be expected at his advanced age. It
      was easy&mdash;as the lamp expires when the oil which fed it becomes
      exhausted. One of the honours which he bore was that of warden of the
      Cinque Ports; he was therefore staying at Walmer Castle when his brief but
      fatal illness occurred. His remains were there placed in a coffin, which
      the inhabitants and the troops of the surrounding garrisons were permitted
      to see. On the 10th of November, the body was removed to London, and laid
      in state at Chelsea Hospital, where a vast concourse of persons were
      permitted to see it. Thence it was taken to the Horse Guards, whence the
      funeral procession went forth to St. Paul's Cathedral, in the dome of
      which, beside the body of Nelson, it was to be deposited. The funeral was
      the grandest which ever took place in England, or perhaps in Europe.
      Military representatives from all the important nations in Europe, except
      Austria, attended. Vast multitudes of people crowded the thoroughfares
      along which the procession moved, and of that multitude exceeding great
      numbers were dressed in deep black. In parliament and throughout the
      country, demonstrations of respect for the memory of the departed hero
      were made, and the court went into mourning. Thus closed the life and
      obsequies of one of the greatest men to whom the British Isles had ever
      given birth. His grace was a widower at his death. He had married, in
      1806, an Irish lady of rank, the Honourable Catherine Pakenham, daughter
      of the second Baron Longford, and sister to the gallant Generals Pakenham,
      who distinguished themselves under the command of his grace in the
      Peninsular. The duchess died in 1831, leaving two sons, the Marquis of
      Douro, heir to the title, and Lord Charles Wellesley, both military men.
      Lord Charles Wellesley, from loss of sight, has since been obliged to give
      up the military profession; and the successor to the great duke, although
      a man of general talent, and allowed by military men to possess remarkable
      ability for the profession of arms, has not followed that career, but
      maintains a high position at court and in public affairs.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There were few incidents connected with the court in 1852 interesting to
      the general reader. Her majesty and the royal family spent the usual
      season in London, especially in connection with ministerial changes and
      parliamentary proceedings. Windsor Castle and Osborne House also received
      their royal proprietor at the accustomed seasons. In the summer, however,
      her majesty made a cruise in her yacht, before retiring to her autumnal
      Scottish retreat. A royal yacht squadron escorted the queen and the royal
      household from Cowes along the southern coast of England to Plymouth, the
      party landing at various points celebrated for their picturesque
      situation. Having cruised about the south and south-west coast, the
      squadron returned to Osborne. At the close of August, her majesty, the
      prince, and the elder five children left Osborne for Balmoral. Her
      residence there was shortened by tidings of the death of the Duke of
      Wellington, which reached her September 16th. Early in October she left
      for Windsor, visiting <i>en route</i> the Menai Straits, and passing
      through the tubular bridge.
    </p>
    <p>
      A curious circumstance occurred to her majesty on the 30th of August. The
      royal lady was then made aware that she was legatee to a large fortune,
      bequeathed by a barrister of Lincoln's Inn. He was a man of singularly
      penurious habits, allowing himself to be in want of necessary food, and
      neglecting cleanliness. An old housekeeper, who had served him twenty-six
      years, he left without any provision whatever. The sum bequeathed to his
      sovereign was £250,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0008" id="linkDimage-0008">
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    </p>
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      <img title="Southampton" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_819_southhampton_th.jpg"
      alt="819.jpg Southampton "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS AND PARTY CONFLICTS DURING 1852.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The parliamentary history of 1852 was in various respects eventful. It was
      rendered so by the character of the debates both on home and foreign
      questions, by the rivalry of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, for
      the leadership of the whig party, the changes of ministry, and the last
      effort of the tory and protectionist party to gain ascendancy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of February the queen opened parliament in person. "The speech"
      referred to the necessity of amending the Reform Bill. Lord John Russell
      hoped by this means to prolong his lease of power, which was seriously
      menaced in consequence of his dismissal of Lord Palmerston from the
      cabinet the previous year. Such was the confidence reposed in that noble
      lord by the commons and the country for the management of foreign
      negotiations, that from the moment it was understood that serious
      differences existed between the premier and the foreign secretary, the
      government lost its moral power. An impression also gained ground
      throughout the country that Prince Albert interfered with the legitimate
      transaction of business at the foreign office, that the premier was so
      much of a courtier as to connive at this, and that Lord Palmerston, having
      asserted the dignity and independence of an English minister, became an
      object of dislike to the prince, Lord John sacrificing his colleague to
      the caprices of the court. Whatever might have been the truth, these
      impressions prevailed among the people, and contributed to Lord John
      Russell's displacement from office. Even after both those noblemen gave
      explanations in the commons, the public retained the impressions,
      sympathised with Lord Palmerston, and withdrew much of their confidence
      from Lord John, nor has his lordship been able to regain the popularity he
      previously possessed, even up to the time these sheets are passing through
      the press, near the commencement of the year 1860.
    </p>
    <p>
      Parliament had only just met when Sir Benjamin Hall, by questions directed
      to the premier, brought out a statement of the circumstances which led to
      his dismissal of the popular foreign minister. It appeared that without
      any instigation from Lord John, the queen complained to him of the
      management of the foreign office. Her majesty demanded that all despatches
      should be shown to her, that no decision on foreign questions should be
      made by the foreign minister until her opinion was taken, that no despatch
      which she had signed should be arbitrarily altered by the minister, and
      that she should receive early and prompt intimation of all negotiations
      between the foreign office and the ministers of foreign courts. Her
      majesty directed Lord John Russell to show the document conveying her
      demands to the foreign secretary. From the production of this stern,
      severe, and rebukeful missive from the royal hand, it became evident
      either that Lord Palmerston had failed in his duty, abused the confidence
      of her majesty, and behaved with intolerable insolence, assumption, and
      arrogance, or that a conspiracy existed to prejudice the mind of the queen
      against a faithful and most competent minister, and that the premier
      either aided that conspiracy, or took no decided stand to resist it. It
      appeared that the main occasion of the cabinet and court differences with
      Lord Palmerston was in connection with the <i>coup d'état</i> in Paris.
      The court and the premier sympathised with the house of Orleans, and
      consequently with the opposition given by the French assembly to the
      president of the republic. Lord Palmerston believed that the assembly
      provoked the conduct of the president by invading his constitutional
      rights, and by violating the constitution formed by the constituent
      assembly, and in virtue of which the legislative assembly of France
      existed. Despatches sent to the English minister at Paris, the Marquis of
      Normanby, of a private nature, were by that nobleman shown to the French
      minister for foreign affairs, and out of that event arose the
      complication. Lord Palmerston pleaded unqualified innocence of the
      impeachment implied in her majesty's written commands to Lord John. Lord
      Normanby was well known to be of Lord John's section of the whigs, and a
      court favourite. From all these circumstances, the country drew the
      following conclusions with extraordinary unanimity:&mdash;that Lord
      Palmerston acted with more independence of the first minister than was
      customary on the part of a secretary of state, but that his great talents,
      great experience, great influence at home and abroad, justified him; that
      Lord John Russell was imprudent in overlooking the peculiar claims and
      qualifications of the foreign minister, displayed an unworthy jealousy of
      his great colleague, and probably by his private complaints of
      insubordination, caused the letter of her majesty, so humiliating to her
      long-tried and most able minister; that Lord Normanby either showed grave
      indiscretion, or played his part in a plot adverse to Lord Palmerston; and
      finally, that the court was unduly sympathetic with the Orleans dynasty.
      No efforts on the part of Lord John Russell's friends could root out these
      convictions from the general public, and although the House of Commons
      said little about it, there were sufficient indications given that such
      convictions were largely shared there. In the debate that ensued, all
      sides of the house expressed confidence in Lord Palmerston's sense of duty
      and responsibility, and respect and admiration for his talents. It became
      at once evident that the days of Lord John Russell's ministry were
      numbered, and that it must be long, in any fresh ministerial combinations,
      before he could occupy the same high post in the counsels of her majesty.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 9th of February, Lord John made a statement as to his views of
      parliamentary reform. His lordship proposed the disfranchisement of all
      small constituencies proved to be corrupt by a system of inquisition
      adapted to the purpose. He declared that a ten-pound franchise in boroughs
      was too high, and proposed a five-pound franchise. The county franchise of
      fifty pounds he would reduce to twenty pounds. The copyholds and long
      leaseholds of ten-pound qualification he would reduce to five pounds. All
      persons living within boroughs paying two pounds a-year assessed taxes he
      would enfranchise as county voters. Boroughs having less than five hundred
      electors were to have the number of the enfranchised augmented by adding
      neighbouring towns in the same representations. Property qualification of
      members to be repealed. Reform, mainly on the game plan, to be extended to
      Scotland and Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Hume expressed dissatisfaction with any measure that did not comprise
      the ballot and triennial parliaments, and a large number of liberal
      members sympathised with the radical leader. The majority of the liberal
      members received the announcement of the premier with great favour. His
      lordship proposed introducing a bill on the 23rd of February. Sir Robert
      Inglis and Mr. Newdegate opposed the measure with expressions of earnest
      apprehension, because it was proposed by Lord John to abolish the oath of
      abjuration. Mr. Disraeli, however, offered the chief opposition to the
      measure. He endeavoured to lead the house to postpone the consideration of
      the bill, but obviously for the object of gaining time to throw out the
      bill itself. Sir George Grey, in a speech of unusual felicity, exposed the
      dishonesty of Mr. Disraeli's pretences as to the necessity of delay in
      order to perfect measures which he was eager to defeat.
    </p>
    <p>
      The house gave leave to bring in the bill. It never was brought in, new
      events depriving its author and the cabinet of the power to carry any
      measure. The foregoing statement of the character of the proposed reform
      bill of 1852 is, however, important, as the question of reform occupied
      attention for several years subsequently in a serious degree, and "the
      proposed bill of 1852" was constantly referred to by all parties in the
      discussions which took place.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE MILITIA BILL.&mdash;DEFEAT AND RESIGNATION OF THE CABINET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 16th of February, Lord John, in a committee of the whole house,
      explained his intentions in reference to the local militia acts. This
      question excited considerable interest, as the Duke of Wellington and Sir
      John Burgoyne had pointed out the possibility of an invasion, and the
      defenceless state of the coasts and of the country generally. The <i>coup
      d'état</i> in France had also created considerable public uneasiness. The
      secrecy, sternness of purpose, swiftness of action, boldness, and
      indifference to bloodshed shown by the president of the French republic,
      caused most men to reflect upon the possibility of some terrible <i>coup
      de main</i> being attempted against England; the president, in his
      writings as Prince Charles Louis Napoleon Buonaparte, having so often
      asserted that he represented a defeat, the defeat of Waterloo, which
      France must avenge. Lord John proposed to allow the plan of "the old
      regular militia" to fall out of use, and to establish a new scheme for a
      local militia. Ireland was to be exempt from the measure. In twelve
      months, the number of men to be raised was 70,000, in two years 100,000,
      in three years 130,000, after which period Great Britain alone should
      furnish, if necessary, 180,000 men.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston's expulsion from the cabinet was then about to tell on the
      ministry, and the future history of party. His lordship opposed the
      ministerial measure; and, released from ministerial privacy, declared that
      he had urged upon Lord John in vain since the year 1846 the organization
      of a militia. His lordship opposed the plan of a local militia, preferring
      the old force, and, as an Irish peer, expressed some warmth that Ireland
      was excluded from the arrangement.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the bill came forth from the committee, Lord Palmerston proposed
      amendments in harmony with the principles upon which he had criticised the
      measure on going into committee. The two noble lords were now fairly
      pitted against one another as rivals for parliamentary influence, and the
      result was the defeat and resignation of Lord John Russell. The Irish
      members supported Lord Palmerston in great force, and threw out the
      ministry. His lordship also received considerable support from the
      Derby-Disraeli party. From that moment it was obvious that Lord John
      ceased&mdash;at all events for many years, should Lord Palmerston survive&mdash;to
      be the leader of the House of Commons.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
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    </div>
    <h2>
      THE EARL OF DERBY'S ADMINISTRATION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The majority in favour of Lord Palmerston's measure caused the adjournment
      of the house. The queen sent for Lord Derby, and committed to him the
      reins of power.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the first acts of his lordship, after conferring with Mr. Disraeli
      and a few of his most attached adherents, was to offer a seat in his
      cabinet to Lord Palmerston. Mr. Disraeli had, however, in the debate upon
      the address, renewed his agitation of the previous year for re-adjusting
      taxation in favour of the landed interest, as compensation for the loss of
      high prices for corn, which had been secured by protection. As this was
      only another mode of reenacting protectionist laws, and one which was
      especially offensive to all the community not inheriting land, it was
      impossible for Lord Palmerston to accept office with Lord Derby, even if
      their political differences were less. Failing to strengthen his
      government by the accession of Lord Palmerston, Lord Derby, had recourse
      to Mr. Gladstone, but his repugnance to act with Disraeli personally, and
      his opposition to the protectionist schemes of both that minister and Lord
      Derby, rendered all negotiations unsuccessful. The ministry, therefore,
      became a pure tory and protectionist cabinet, except so far as Lord
      Stanley was concerned, whose opinions were supposed to be liberal,
      although connected with the ministry by the influence of his father.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following ministry was ultimately formed:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                        In the Cabinet.

     First Lord of the Treasury   ...    Earl of Derby.

     Lord Chancellor  ...............    Lord St. Leonards.

     Chancellor of the Exchequer          Mr. Disraeli.

     President of the Council  ......    Earl Lonsdale.

     Privy Seal.......................    Marquis of Salisbury.

     Home Secretary   ...............    Mr. Horace Walpole.

     Foreign Secretary...............    Earl of Malmesbury.

     First Lord of the Admiralty.....    Duke of Northumberland.

     President of the Board of Control    Mr. Hume.

     Post-Master General ............    Earl of Hardwicke.

     President of the Board of Trade      Mr. Henley.

     First Commissioner of Woods/Forests  Lord J. Manners
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                      Not in the Cabinet.

     Commander-in-Chief
     of Her of Majesty's Land Forces ......   Duke of Wellington.

     Master-General of the Ordnance            Viscount Hardinge.

     Paymaster of the Forces,
     and Vice-President of the Board of Trade  Lord Colchester.

     Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.... Mr. Christopher.

     Secretary at War ....................    Major Beresford

     Secretary of the Admiralty...........    Mr. O'Brien Stafford.

     Attorney-General......................    Sir Frederick Thesiger.

     Solicitor-General  ..................    Sir Fitzroy Kelly.

     Judge Advocate-General................    Mr. Banks.

     Chief Poor-Law Commissioner...........   Sir George Trollope.
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     SCOTLAND.

     Lord-Advocate..................    Mr. Anderson.

     Solicitor-General ..............    Mr. Inglis.
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     IRELAND.

     Lord-Lieutenant  ...............    Earl of Eglinton.

     Lord-Chancellor  ...............    Rt. Hon. Mr. Blackburn.

     Chief Secretary.................    Lord Naas.

     Attorney-General................    Mr. Napier.

     Solicitor-General  .............    Mr. Whiteside.
</i></pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     QUEEN'S HOUSEHOLD.

     Lord-Steward.....................    Duke of Montrose.

     Lord-Chamberlain.................    Marquis of Exeter.

     Master of the Horse..............    Earl of Jersey.

     Mistress of the Robes  ..........    Duchess of Athole.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      This ministry was but slightly modified during the year, and altogether
      apart from political changes. The death of the Duke of Wellington led to
      the appointment of Lord Hardinge to the Horse Guards, Lord Raglan becoming
      master-general of the Ordnance.
    </p>
    <p>
      This ministry was not popular. In the cabinet the lord-chancellor was not
      an accession of strength. Although a very high Tory, he was not liked by
      the aristocracy; and although a very good lawyer, he was believed by the
      country to be narrow-minded and prejudiced. Lord John Manners was
      extremely unpopular, in consequence of his well-known couplet, expressive
      of the desire that learning and commerce should perish rather than that
      the power of the aristocracy should be diminished. The Duke of
      Northumberland was considered utterly unfit for the important duties
      imposed on him, and it was supposed that he would patronise "jobbing," and
      promotion by unfair means.
    </p>
    <p>
      Out of the cabinet, the English appointments were generally severely
      criticised, except those of the household and the law officers. These
      latter were considered able men, but bigoted partizans&mdash;clever enough
      for attorneygeneral and solicitor-general, but very unsuitable for judges,
      to which honours the offices notoriously led.
    </p>
    <p>
      All the Irish appointments were popular in Ireland, although the gentlemen
      who filled them belonged to a party of so small a minority. Lord Eglinton
      was a gentleman personally liberal and generally esteemed, generous, and
      off-hand, fond of Ireland, and adapted to intercourse with the Irish. Mr.
      Blackburn, the lord-chancellor, was considered the greatest equity lawyer
      in Ireland, and an impartial judge. Lord Naas, the chief secretary, was an
      Irishman who knew the country well, and was connected with many popular
      families. Joseph Napier was held to be a first-rate lawyer and scholar, a
      polished gentleman, and a sincere Christian. Whiteside was regarded as
      having too much of the clever, eloquent, fiery Irish agitator in his own
      constitution, not to have some complaisant sympathy with such qualities in
      his countrymen. Accordingly, the government worked well in Ireland for its
      own ascendancy, but every step it took in England rendered the hope of
      ministerial longevity impossible. Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli were
      personally liked; both were believed to be more liberal than their
      relation to their party allowed, and their brilliant eloquence made the
      country proud of them in or out of office.
    </p>
    <p>
      The time soon arrived for testing the House of Commons as to the amount of
      toleration it was likely to show to the new ministry. On the 27th of
      February, Lord Derby offered the lords an exposition of his views, which,
      even while he was yet speaking, found its way substantially to the
      commons, and was buzzed about among the members. In his speech, his
      lordship disavowed any intention to interfere violently with free-trade
      principles, but avowed himself still a Protectionist, declaring, that in
      his opinion, the importation of all articles which competed with the
      industry of the country ought to be taxed, and that corn ought not to be
      exempt. A report of his lordship's speech had scarcely reached the
      commons, when it was evident that so far as the parliament then sitting
      was concerned, the doom of his ministry was sealed. When, the next day,
      the wings of the press bore to the country his lordship's oration,
      indignation was everywhere excited, and the free-traders were united and
      strengthened, in a manner they had not been from the time of the repeal of
      the corn-laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Derby made a statement connected with reform, which proved to be
      nearly as distasteful to a majority of the people out of doors as that on
      free-trade. He expressed his intention not to proceed with Lord John
      Russell's reform bill, which he described as unsettling everything and
      settling nothing, which began by exciting the country, and finished by
      dissatisfying it.
    </p>
    <p>
      His lordship, as if not satisfied with the opposition such statements were
      likely to raise against him, provided himself with a third element of
      hostility, by invoking the assistance of his hearers for the extension of
      the established church, and of an education entirely under the control of
      the parochial clergy. The dissenters and Roman Catholics were much alarmed
      ly this portion of his lordship's speech, and quietly, but extensively and
      effectually, prepared to give a strenuous opposition to his government.
      Thus, in his <i>début</i> as premier, Lord Derby contrived to set against
      him the free-traders, reformers, dissenters, and Roman Catholics, at a
      moment when there was a majority against him in the commons. The premier's
      oratorical onslaught was so indiscreet, that only the most headstrong and
      ignorant of his own party had any hope that he would display the tact,
      sagacity, self-control, and party-moderation which alone could enable him
      to hold his ground against the opposition in the commons, and the general
      want of confidence in his ministry.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such was the imprudence of the first minister, that although Earl Grey
      gave him an easy opportunity of withdrawing his anti-free-trade doctrines,
      the most in the form of concession which he (Lord Grey) could extort was,
      that the government had no <i>present</i> intention of proposing a tax on
      the importation of corn, but regarded it as a question still open, and
      remaining with the intelligence of the country for solution. Some of the
      high whig peers expressed their approbation of his lordship's views in
      terms of warm support. On the other hand, the Earl of Aberdeen strenuously
      opposed the purpose which the government evidently contemplated, of
      imposing a new corn-tax.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the commons, an adjournment to the 12th of March was proposed and
      carried.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the houses resumed their sittings, it became evident to the
      government that the imprudent speech of Lord Derby had roused the
      opposition to a high pitch of excitement. Demands were made as to whether
      the government intended to re-impose the corn-laws. No honest answer could
      be extracted in either house&mdash;experience had made the leaders wary:
      the answers given were, in effect, that the government would abide by the
      decision of the country. This reply made it evident that parliament was to
      be dissolved on the question of free-trade and a corn-law. After the
      country had reasonably concluded that the question was settled, fierce
      disputes from end to end of the kingdom were about to be raised. The old
      members of the Corn-law League accordingly convoked meetings in London and
      Manchester, and it was determined to resuscitate that powerful body, and
      with new and more effectual instrumentalities of agitation, upon the first
      proposition for imposing a tax upon the importation of corn. The
      uneasiness throughout the country became very great, and a personal
      ill-will to the two tory leaders began to show itself in the north of
      England, and throughout Scotland.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of March, Lord Beaumont presented a petition from certain
      inhabitants of the West Biding of Yorkshire, praying the house to set at
      rest the question of free-trade, as commercial enterprise was seriously
      injured. Lord Derby answered that he did not consider the question
      settled, and that the next general election must decide it. On the same
      evening, Mr. Villiers, the leader of the anti-cornlaw party in the
      commons, demanded final and explicit explanations from the government,
      alleging that distrust and alarm filled the country. Mr. Disraeli denied
      the statements, and resorted to the usual tricks of words to evade the
      interrogatory; the inference from his reply was that a desperate effort
      would be made to gain a corn-law majority in a new House of Commons, and,
      in case of success, re-impose the corn-laws. Lord John Bussell, Sir James
      Graham, Mr. Gladstone, Lord Palmerston, Sir A. Cockburn, and other
      prominent men on the liberal side of the house, expressed their
      determination to offer every resistance they could employ to the
      re-imposition of any duty, in any form, upon the importation of corn.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rumours began to circulate, that the government would endeavour to go on
      with the public business in the face of an adverse majority, and on the
      19th of March, the Duke of Newcastle demanded explanations in the lords
      from the premier. The duke presented a petition from the Commercial
      Association of Manchester, praying for relief from the confusion and
      uncertainty thrown into commercial operations by the speeches of the
      leading members of government, in fact, demanding that the question of a
      corn-law should once more be submitted to the country. Lord Derby denied
      the assertions of the Manchester Association, refused to dissolve
      parliament, or to give any explicit information as to his intentions in
      reference to free-trade.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the House of Commons, the same night, Lord John Bussell demanded that
      the public should be at once relieved from all uncertainty by an appeal to
      the country. So decided and angry was the aspect of the house, and so loud
      the demonstrations of its determination not to be trifled with on the
      great subject of a corn-law, that Mr. Disraeli was compelled to give that
      assurance which Lord Derby refused, and pledged the government to dissolve
      parliament, and meet the new house within the year, and as soon after the
      public business necessary to the country was disposed of.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was, however, found difficult to transact business&mdash;the house was
      so excited; so that the question of dissolution was again and again
      renewed in angry and almost boisterous terms. Mr. Cobden called the
      attention of the house to the fact that the country had once more a
      protectionist government; that the fact was indisputable, and ought to be
      met with that intelligence and decision which became the greatest question
      of the day. He urged the house to limit the rates of supply, until the
      country decided whether it wished a tax upon bread, to enrich the
      landlords. Mr. Cardwell, in language as decided as that of Mr. Cobden,
      urged the house to fulfil its constitutional obligations, and compel the
      government of the minority to give suitable assurances of an early
      dissolution. Lord John Bussell declared that the government had taken a
      course for which there was no precedent in the constitutional history of
      England. He followed Mr. Cobden and Mr. Cardwell in insisting upon the
      government adopting such a course as to a dissolution, as would remove
      from the house the necessity of taking measures to assert its own high
      prerogatives. Mr. Disraeli declined pledging the government more
      definitely than he had done, which drew from Mr. Bright an invective full
      of fire, yet marked by a dignity unusual with that honourable member; he
      demanded that the supplies should be stopped, or the house be assured that
      no effort would be made by the government to retain power by
      unconstitutional methods. The result of these vigorous proceedings were
      statements made in both houses on the part of the ministry, that it was
      the intention to dissolve parliament and have an autumn session to settle
      the question of protection. It does not appear that these promises were
      made in good faith;&mdash;at all events no autumn session was called,
      although a new parliament met in November, and the question in debate set
      at rest.
    </p>
    <p>
      The government introduced a militia-bill, which Lord John Bussell and the
      Whigs generally opposed. Lord Palmerston supported the government, as did
      the Peel party, his lordship criticising the tactics of Lord John with
      severity. The opposition between these two statesmen kept the liberal
      party divided, and alone enabled the government to maintain its course.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Brougham introduced a bill to enable parliament to meet thirty-five
      days after a dissolution. The bill was carried through both houses without
      opposition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The government took up a bill of Lord John Russell's for the
      disfranchisement of the borough of St. Albans, on account of gross bribery
      and corruption. The bill was carried, no opposition being offered except
      by a small number of Lord Derby's own party in the House of Lords.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sudbury and St. Albans being disfranchised, a question arose as to the
      appropriation of the four seats. On the 10th of May, Mr. Disraeli brought
      in a bill for the purpose, proposing that the four vacant seats be given
      to great county constituencies in the north of England. Mr. Gladstone
      opposed the measure, on the ground that the government was trifling with
      the prerogatives of the house. It was a government in a minority, and its
      duty was to pass no measures but such routine business as the country
      absolutely required. Mr. Disraeli had given this promise, and,
      notwithstanding, sought to appropriate to county constituencies the four
      borough votes of which other constituencies had been penally deprived. The
      speech of Mr. Gladstone was received with enthusiasm by the house, and his
      amendment, "That the house do pass to the order of the day," was carried
      by a very large majority. That this was purely a party movement of Mr.
      Gladstone was soon made evident enough, for he assisted the government
      soon after in carrying a bill for giving New Zealand a constitution; and
      he himself brought in a measure termed "the Colonial Bishops' Bill."
    </p>
    <p>
      Various motions were brought under the consideration of the house, but
      were received with impatience, and all further attempts of government to
      prolong the session by inducing the house to entertain bills, were
      fruitless; all were bent upon one object,&mdash;that of bringing to an
      issue before the country the question of the re-imposition of a tax upon
      corn.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.&mdash;OUTRAGE ON MR. MATHER AT FLORENCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The impatience of the house for a dissolution did not prevent it from
      discussing the foreign policy of the government. It was considered that
      Lord Malmesbury had shown a sympathy for despotic states, and had by his
      diplomacy played into-the hands of Austria, and the petty tyrannical
      Italian governments. Lord John Russell brought his lordship's conduct, as
      well as the policy of the government, before the house on the 14th of
      June.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the last chapter, our readers were informed that a young English
      gentleman of moral excellence and high culture, the son of a patriotic and
      influential gentleman of the county of Durham, named Mather, was wantonly
      cut down in the streets of Florence by an Austrian officer. Lord John
      Bussell exposed the conduct of Lord Malmesbury in this affair, and was
      ably supported by Lord Palmerston. The government suffered much in
      reputation, both in the house and throughout the country, from this
      debate. Their defence was extremely feeble, while the attacks of the
      opposition glowed with indignant eloquence. Probably at no period of party
      strife did the two great parties in the house appear more strongly
      contrasted than during that debate. Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston
      spoke with exceeding force, and uttered sentiments worthy of British
      patriotism and British statesmanship. Mr. Disraeli, on the other hand,
      spoke with an apathy, where insults to England and to a defenceless
      Englishman were concerned, which was discreditable to a statesman of any
      free country, or indeed to any speaker that had a sympathy with manhood
      and national dignity. In the elections which ensued, the tone adopted on
      that occasion by the chancellor of the exchequer, and the conduct of Lord
      Malmesbury, told effectively against the government in various
      constituencies in the north of England. A feeling was created that the
      rights of Englishmen in foreign countries were neglected by their own
      government, and that so far as English ambassadors and ministers were
      concerned, Englishmen abroad were at the merey of any foreign tyrant who
      thought proper to wrong them. This feeling had extended for some years
      upon the continent, and the debate in the commons promoted by Lords John
      Russell and Palmerston, brought out such glaring criminality on the part
      of the English foreign office in connection with Mr. Mather, that the
      sentiment became strengthened on the continent that unless an English
      traveller had powerful connections in his own country, he might be made
      the object of foreign outrage with impunity. Mr. Bernai Osborne only
      expressed the truth in the strong language with which he concluded his
      speech, "Lord Malmesbury had trifled with the honour of the country, and
      disgraced it in the eyes of the whole continent of Europe." In the House
      of Lords, warm debates arose upon the same question, in which Lord
      Malmesbury made a defence still more disingenuous and unpatriotic than it
      was feeble.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      LAW REFORM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding the difficulties of the government, various useful bills
      which had been prepared by the Whigs, but which the Russell government was
      unable to carry, were passed into law. By the end of June, all these
      measures were enacted as laws.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.&mdash;GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 1st of July, her majesty in person prorogued her parliament, and
      announced her intention of speedily dissolving it. This event took place
      shortly after, and was followed by a general election, when the voice of
      the country was so decidedly given against protection as to cause the
      abandonment of all idea by the protectionist party of re-imposing a
      corn-law. The orators of the government, however, announced throughout the
      country their intention to promote a parliamentary struggle for the
      re-adjustment of the public burdens, so as to relieve the landlord
      interest of a large share of the proportion of the taxes borne by them.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The houses of parliament assembled on the 4th of November. On the 11th her
      majesty in person delivered the speech from the throne. The speech
      referred to commercial policy in terms which the Hon. Mr. Villiers
      denounced as "vague and equivocal."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BOTH HOUSES CARRY RESOLUTIONS PLEDGING THEM TO THE FREE-TRADE POLICY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of November, the Hon. Mr. Villiers proposed a series of
      resolutions affirming the prosperity of the country, and the comfort of
      the poorer classes, as resulting from the policy of free-trade, and more
      especially in corn, pledging the house to support the measure of 1846, by
      which all duties on corn were repealed. The chancellor of the exchequer
      moved an amendment with the intention of defeating these resolutions. The
      government, however, assumed the tone of converts to free-trade on the
      ground that the country had pronounced for it. Mr. Frederick Peel, with
      bitter and eloquent irony, in the best speech he probably ever delivered
      in parliament, reminded Mr. Disraeli of his taunts and abuse of Sir Robert
      Peel for changing his opinions on the subject of a corn-law, and invited
      the right honourable satirist to account for his own change, if it were
      effected by any other motive than to retain office. He went to the country
      advocating the re-imposition of a corn-tax, and on his return presented
      himself to the house a convert to the opinion that it would be wrong to
      disturb the settlement of 1846. After a protracted debate, Lord Palmerston
      proposed an amendment which more generally embodied the public opinion,
      and was more adapted to party exigencies. All opposition to it on the part
      of the government was so hopeless, that most of their supporters left the
      house. Eighty remained, and voted against his lordship; four hundred and
      eight members supported it. The House of Commons was pledged to the
      free-trade policy.
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar debate took place in the lords with nearly identical results.
      Various measures were discussed without leading to any parliamentary
      decision or useful law. It was evident that on all subjects of free-trade
      and financial philosophy the government and the majority of the house were
      at issue&mdash;the one desiring to restore protection under various sly
      and indirect pretences, the other anxious to develop free-trade
      principles, and a system of national finance in harmony with the
      principles of political economy.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE GOVERNMENT SCHEME OF FINANCE.&mdash;DEFEAT AND RESIGNATION OF THE
      MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of December, the chancellor of the exchequer stated to the
      house the views which the government entertained of the principles of
      finance which were applicable to the condition of the country. He declared
      that he accepted as irreversible the decision of the country in favour of
      a free commercial policy, and that his object was to harmonize with that
      the system of national taxation. He proposed to relieve certain interests
      which he considered had suffered by the free-trade policy. The first of
      these named by him was the shipping interest. His views connected with
      that subject met with general approbation, as they comprehended only the
      removal of special and unjust taxation. He proposed to satisfy the West
      India interest by allowing sugar to be refined in bond. The opinions
      stated by the right honourable gentleman were so at variance with his
      former violent orations in favour of the shipping interest, and that of
      the sugar-growing countries, as to excite astonishment and amusement in
      the house. Observing this feeling, he exclaimed, "I may be called a
      renegade, I may be called a traitor&mdash;" but the sentence remained
      unfinished amidst shouts of laughter from all sides of the house, and
      reiterated bursts of derisive cheers from the opposition. In fact, the
      leader of the commons gave up the shipping and colonial interests, with
      some slight show of concession, which nearly the whole house was prepared
      to make. The third interest for which he demanded relief was that of the
      owners of land. He adverted to the local burdens which he had so often
      pointed out as intolerable to the landowners, and admitted, amidst
      long-continued peals of laughter, that the agricultural interest had no
      longer ground of complaint on such matters, and denounced contrary
      opinions as obsolete. For the relief of the agricultural interest he
      announced his intention to reduce the malt-tax one half, and to abolish
      the drawback from spirits made in Scotland. He would reduce one half the
      duty on hops; he would continue the income-tax, about to expire, but
      reduce that of farmers by one-half. This announcement was received with
      demonstrations of astonishment and anger by the opposition. He would
      impose the income-tax in Ireland, but would exempt the landed interest of
      that country from its application. This announcement threw the house into
      extraordinary agitation. Perceiving this, the right hon. gentleman
      expressed sympathy with the sufferings through which Ireland had passed,
      and drew from the fact of these sufferings the inference that while
      imposing new taxes upon other portions of the community in that country,
      the landed interest ought to be exempt. He would also increase the
      house-tax, in order that the inhabitants of the metropolis might bear a
      proportion of the burden from which land would be relieved, and would
      extend the tax to all houses rated at £10. The right hon. gentleman
      intimated that his financial scheme should be considered as a first step
      in a new direction.
    </p>
    <p>
      The financial statement of the chancellor excited an intense ferment
      through the country. The landed, the West Indian, and the shipping
      interests, which were all supposed to derive advantage from protection,
      supported him, all the rest of the community exhibited an angry
      opposition. The monied and commercial classes in Ireland, the English
      manufacturers, and the London householders, were Mr. Disraeli's fiercest
      opponents. Besides the popular hostility, Mr. Disraeli had to encounter
      that of the political economists, and all the leading financiers in the
      country. The monied interest ridiculed the estimates, and it became
      evident in a few days after the announcement of his plan to the house,
      that it had seriously impaired the reputation of its propounder. His
      unfitness for the post of chancellor of the exchequer was proclaimed
      everywhere, and every where accepted as true.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 6th of December, on the report of the Committee of Supply being
      brought up, the House of Commons, led on by Mr. Gladstone, showed an
      uncompromising opposition to the whole scheme of Mr. Disraeli.
    </p>
    <p>
      After a series of adjournments, Mr. Disraeli replied to the criticism of
      his opponents in language personally offensive, and full of party
      violence. This led to a scene of singular excitement: Mr. Gladstone
      retorted in the most eloquent speech he ever delivered in parliament.
      Attempts were made by the government party to stifle his voice in uproar,
      but the house sustained him by repeated and long-continued rounds of
      applause. Mr. Gladstone's denunciation of the budget as a delusive and
      dishonest scheme was followed by a vote which rejected it. The
      protectionist members voted to a man with the government, but a majority
      was against them, and the government resigned.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FORMATION OF A NEW MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The queen sent for Lord Lansdowne, by whom she was advised to send for
      Lord Aberdeen, as the most prominent member of the Peel party, upon whom
      it would properly devolve to form a government, as that of Lord Derby was
      defeated on a question of political economy and finance.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 27th of December the new government appeared before parliament. Its
      constitution was as follows:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                       In the Cabinet

     First Lord of the Treasury......    Earl of Aberdeen.

     Lord-Chancellor  ...............    Lord Cranworth.

     Chancellor of the Exchequer......    Mr. Gladstone.

     President of the Council........    Earl Granville.

     Privy Seal.......................    Duke of Argyle.

     Home Secretary  ................    Viscount Palmerston.

     Foreign Secretary................    Lord John Russell.

     Colonial Secretary  ............    Duke of Newcastle.

     First Lord of the Admiralty ....    Sir James Graham.

     President of the Board of Control    Sir Charles Wood

     Secretary at War.................    Mr. Sidney Herbert.

     Commissioner of Works/Buildings      Sir W. Molesworth.

     Honorary.........,..............    Marquis of Lansdowne.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      On meeting parliament, an adjournment until February was approved by all
      parties.
    </p>
    <p>
      The government was not popular: few of the positions were occupied by
      those whom the country regarded as the men for the place. The premier had,
      as foreign minister, neglected the honour of England more than Lord
      Malmesbury had done. He had been outwitted by Louis Philippe, and had been
      the sycophant of Russia and Austria. He was, to use his own phraseology,
      "regarded as a sort of Austro-Russian." His sympathy with Puseyism made
      him unpopular with large and influential sections of the religious public.
      Indeed the Aberdeen cabinet was regarded as, on the whole, more Puseyite
      than any which England had seen since the rise of the party in the
      established church. The Duke of Newcastle, to whom the administration of
      colonial affairs was entrusted, was of the Puseyite school, and his
      appointment, when known in the colonies, gave great dissatisfaction. The
      chancellor of the exchequer was more a champion of ecclesiastical
      exclusiveness than any member of the Derby cabinet, and Mr. Sidney Herbert
      rivalled Mr. Gladstone in this respect. The Lord Chancellor was also of
      this politico-ecclesiastical party, and was regarded as a crotchetty man,
      of little intellectual strength. As an equity lawyer, he had won
      reputation; as a judge there had been more appeals from his decisions than
      from all the other judges of the bench.
    </p>
    <p>
      The appointment of Lord John Russell to the foreignoffice, while Lord
      Palmerston was placed in the home-office, was regarded as an absurd
      inversion of their appropriate positions, and the arrangement was
      considered as an unwarrantable concession by Lord Aberdeen to the vanity
      of the ex-premier. Events justified the suspicions and dislikes of the
      public, except in the instance of Lord Palmerston, who proved himself to
      be the most efficient home-minister the country ever possessed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Irish appointments were very unpopular amongst the Protestants in
      Ireland, and among those in England who gave themselves any concern about
      Irish appointments. The Irish ministry of Lord Derby was greatly superior
      to that of Lord Aberdeen, in talent, moral standing, and influence in the
      country where their functions were to be sustained.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the adjournment of the house closed the parliamentary history of
      1852.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The distracted state of Ireland was, as usual, a source of uneasiness to
      the empire. There was, indeed, no insurrectionary movement, but the spirit
      of agrarian outrage continued, and numerous murders were perpetrated of a
      most savage nature&mdash;the country people conniving at the crimes, and
      secreting the criminals. These evils were, to a great extent, provoked by
      the unjust state of the law between landlord and tenant. Efforts were made
      in parliament to mitigate the injustice and oppression to which the
      tenantry in Ireland were subjected; but the landed interest in England
      upheld that in Ireland in resisting all melioration.
    </p>
    <p>
      Religious intolerance continued to agitate every other malady of Ireland.
      Indeed this was the <i>fons et origo mali</i>, for it deprived honest men
      and patriots of opportunity to combine for their country's freedom and
      prosperity. During the elections caused by Lord Derby's dissolution of
      parliament, the priests incited the populace, in some places, to acts of
      disturbance and violence. At Six Miles Bridge the soldiery were attacked
      while protecting voters in the free exercise of their franchise.
      Proceedings were taken against a Roman Catholic priest for the part which
      it was alleged he took in those disturbances. Public opinion considered
      him to have been the cause of the outbreak, but the tory government,
      anxious for party purposes to conciliate the Roman Catholics, did not dare
      to prosecute him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Young Ireland agitation was not extinguished, and it received some new
      inspiration of hope from the escape of Thomas Meagher, from Australia.
      That adventurous young man made his way from his penal abode at the
      antipodes to America, where he became a citizen. He was a true patriot,
      and an ardent friend of liberty; he had no sympathy with the pro-slavery
      and red republican opinions of his former coadjutor, Mitchell, nor with
      the raving and malignant bigotry of Charles Gavan Duffy. In the United
      States he was an object of universal respect, his amiability and eloquence
      winning, in private and public, "golden opinions from all sorts of men."
    </p>
    <p>
      Ireland showed various symptoms of returning prosperity. The only
      agitation in which the higher classes took part was in opposition to the
      unjust scheme of Disraeli, to tax the Irish fundholder for the advantage
      of the English and Irish landholder. This measure was denounced by the
      capitalists of Ireland as a violation of faith to the public creditor, and
      sapping tire foundations upon which the security and sacredness of
      property rested.
    </p>
    <p>
      The ribbon conspiracy was active during the year, and no suitable effort
      was made by Lord Derby's government to uproot it.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The colonies were generally prosperous throughout the year, and quietude
      and contentment prevailed. The Cape of Good Hope, and even India, were
      less disturbed than usual; but in each of these places a few events
      occurred to which we shall especially refer.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the early part of the year, the troubles which harassed the colony in
      the previous year exercised some influence. The efforts of the governor to
      establish tranquillity and good government met with co-operation from the
      colonists. The Boers, however, showed a disposition hostile to the
      British, chiefly because they hated the liberty which the English enjoyed
      and extended to the coloured population. The eagerness of the Boers to
      subdue to slavery the natives who came within their control, was not
      abated by the bitter lessons which their past experience had received.
      Before the year had far advanced, the whole colony was in repose, law and
      order for a time having been everywhere established.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      India generally was quiet throughout this year, except upon the frontiers
      of Birmese territory. The vast regions comprehended under the name of
      British India, are never free from some tumults, local insurrections, and
      sudden and almost unaccountable revolts of petty chiefs. The year 1852 was
      not without events of this sort, but there was no startling incident
      except a war with Birmah, which of course was waged from India, and by the
      governor-general. A brief account of it will appear most appropriately in
      the relation of the foreign affairs of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      The author of "The Three Presidencies" relates the political events of
      interest to the English in India, with the following brief but correct
      summary:&mdash;"Throughout India, with the exception of the north-western
      frontier, the most profound peace has reigned. The only disturbance which
      broke this complete tranquillity was the periodical incursion of some of
      the hill-tribes, especially of the Momunds. Their forays were mainly
      directed against the inhabitants of the villages in their vicinity, where
      they frequently committed great destruction of life and property. These
      marauders occupied the forces under Sir Colin Campbell from early in
      January, at various periods, until quite the end of the year, often
      falling upon our troops when not expected, and inflicting considerable
      loss. These freebooters mustered very strong in light horse, by the
      rapidity of their movements and their intimate knowledge of every mile of
      the country, bade defiance to such of our troops as were brought against
      them. In Scinde, the occurrence of the year was the deposition of Ali
      Morad from his princedom. The plots and falsehoods of this designing
      intriguer having been completely brought home to him, and it being made
      clear how nefariously he had deprived both his brothers and the British
      government of large tracts of territory, no time was lost in stripping him
      of his ill-gotten honours and estates, and reducing him to the rank of a
      simple chief. An attempt was made, during 1852, to establish an annual
      fair at Kurrachee, for the supply of the great commercial marts above the
      Indus with European goods, and the disposal of their produce in return."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;BIRMESE WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The general relations of Great Britain with other nations were tranquil
      during the year, although some alarms were entertained as to the
      intentions of her nearest neighbour on the European continent. The war
      with Birmah was, however costly and sanguinary and was the most prominent
      matter of public interest in the foreign relations of the British empire.
      It was in 1851 that the occasion for hostilities was given by the Birmese,
      and that the governorgeneral took measures for reprisal. Various acts of
      oppression and cruelty to British subjects were perpetrated by the
      authorities of Ava.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * For a minute and extended account of the causes of both
     the wars with Birmah, see Nolan's "History of the British
     Umpire in India and the East." Virtue: City-road.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      It was not, however, until 1852 that the conflict assumed a serious
      character, and that tidings reached the English public of this new Indian
      war. Early in January, 1852, the King of Ava pretended a willingness to
      settle the differences between him and the British by negotiations. By
      this means he succeeded in capturing a number of English residents at
      Rangoon, whom he subjected to indignity and suffering. Commodore Lambert,
      who commanded the naval expedition, blockaded the Birmese ports. The
      governor-general despatched from Calcutta, and the Governor of Madras,
      from the capital of that presidency, strong bodies of troops. Preparations
      of an extensive nature were made to bring the war to a speedy issue.
      Several officers of eminent ability, among them the great and good
      Havelock, afterwards Sir Henry, and the saviour of India, joined the
      force. By the 24th of February, six steamers left Bombay for Madras, where
      they embarked the troops destined for the Birmese campaign, under the
      command of General Godwin, viz., two European and four native regiments,
      with four corps of artillerymen, chiefly Europeans. These left Madras on
      the 29th of March, whilst at Calcutta the armament had been equally
      hastened. The last of the force despatched there left the Hoogly on the
      25th of March, the total having been similar to the Madras force&mdash;two
      European and four native regiments, with their accompaniments of
      artillery, in four steamers and four transports. These amounted in the
      aggregate to about eight thousand men.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 1st of April was the clay appointed for the ultimatum. A steamer was
      sent to Rangoon, to obtain the king's reply. The English envoy found the
      river lined with stockades, and from thence a heavy fire was opened upon
      him; this was the only answer to the British ultimatum his Birmese majesty
      deigned to give.
    </p>
    <p>
      Admiral Austin, with the Bengal force, arrived at this juncture, and at
      once attacked and conquered Martaban, so that, by the evening of the 5th
      of April, the British were masters of the place. The Madras troops arrived
      on the 7th, and the forces of the two presidencies proceeded up the river
      and attacked the stockades, which were defended by twenty-five thousand
      men.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in May, the British resolved upon attacking Bassein, sixty miles up
      one of the branches of the Irriwaddy. From that point, the Birmese
      commander contemplated an invasion of the British province of Arracan.
      After a desperate struggle, a very small number of British succeeded in
      storming the stockades and capturing the place.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the English were engaged capturing Bassein, the Birmese attempted
      the reconquest of Martaban, but were repulsed with great slaughter, by a
      very small force, with little loss.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of July, Prome was attacked: the conquest was easy, but the
      conqueror did not deem it necessary to garrison the place; consequently,
      as he retired to Rangoon, the enemy re-entered Prome.
    </p>
    <p>
      The incompetency and inactivity of the British general caused July and
      August to pass uselessly. The whole army murmured. All the abuses of
      British military official routine prevailed, and the accounts which
      arrived in England excited, as tidings from India had so often done, much
      popular discontent. A popular writer thus criticised General Godwin's
      conduct, and gave the following relation of his proceedings:&mdash;"The
      expected reinforcements having reached head-quarters, the force available
      amounted in the month of September to nearly twenty thousand men, in the
      highest state of efficiency, and quite large enough to have at once swept
      all before them to the very gates of the emperor's palace. But this did
      not appear to be the view taken of the matter by General Godwin, who now
      made preparation for once more attacking Prome. In tire middle of this
      month, two regiments, a field-battery, with a detachment of sappers and
      miners, left Rangoon, followed within a few days by the general, and a
      party of artillerymen. They ascended the river without opposition until
      the 9th of October, when, as they approached the stockaded defences of the
      city, they were fired upon from many sides. The enemy's gunnery was not of
      first-rate quality, and in less than two hours was entirely silenced, the
      ground being completely cleared of the opposing force by the shells thrown
      from the steamers. The troops were landed towards the evening, and,
      advancing at once upon a pagoda and the few remaining defences, carried
      everything before them at the point of the bayonet. Night fell before the
      town could be reached, and it was therefore not until the next morning
      that Prome was occupied for the second time by our troops. A large body of
      Birmese troops, amounting to upwards of six thousand men, were known to be
      posted within a few miles of the town, strongly entrenched behind
      stockades, and out of reach of our steamers, the artillery practice from
      which appears to have impressed them with a proper sense of our
      superiority in that arm of war. To have dislodged them with the force at
      his command would have been a matter of comparative ease; but so thought
      not General Godwin, who, fearful probably of terminating the war too
      quickly, determined to await the arrival of further troops before
      attempting any forward movement. He did not wait long, however; but within
      a day or two left for Rangoon, in search of the troops considered to be
      requisite for further operations. This reinforcement was dispatched
      towards the latter part of the month. By this time the Irriwaddy, which
      had been previously deep enough throughout for our largest steamers, sank
      so suddenly, and as it appears so unexpectedly, that several of the
      flotilla were left aground in the middle of the stream, with every
      prospect of having to remain there until the next rains should float
      them."
    </p>
    <p>
      The English general seemed to be unable to manage the large reinforcements
      which he had received, or to avail himself of the combinations which the
      activity of the governorgeneral made to facilitate the objects of the
      expedition.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general resolved to attack Pegu again, which had been abandoned after
      a previous successful attack. The conquest was easy, and a garrison was
      established. This detachment was attacked in December by large numbers of
      the enemy. The garrison was hemmed in, and in the greatest danger; General
      Godwin, after failing to relieve the place, by ill-judged and inadequate
      measures, at last sent a strong force, which successfully encountered
      every obstacle, and dispersed the enemy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 28th of December, 1852, Pegu and Martaban were "annexed" to British
      India by proclamation of the governor-general. When these tidings reached
      Ava, a revolution occurred, promoted by the emperor's brother, with the
      design of propitiating the English, and making peace. The emperor was made
      a captive, and his brother ascended the musnid.
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, the British forced the great pass between Arracan and Pegu,
      leading through it two hundred and fifty elephants sent from Calcutta to
      convey stores to the army under Godwin. Baffled and beaten, the Birmese
      troops fell back upon the capital early in the year 1853.
    </p>
    <p>
      The British opened negotiations with the new sovereign, which were
      tediously protracted until May. An embassy was sent to the Birmese court,
      and the emperor had the folly and arrogance, after all the disaster and
      defeat experienced by the arms of Ava, to demand homage from the English
      envoys. The firmness of these gentlemen, and the fear of renewed
      hostilities, caused the sovereign to waive his claims to forms and
      ceremonies of abject submission, and the issue was peaceful. Cordial
      relations with the Birmese dominions were not however established, either
      at that juncture or subsequently: but the salutary fear of British power,
      caused by the war of 1851-2-3, prevented any violent interruption of good
      neighbourhood on the part of the Birmese.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The most important of all the foreign relations of Great Britain are those
      connected with France&mdash;the most powerful of all the allies or enemies
      of England. During 1852, peace and professions of friendship prevailed
      between the two nations, but there existed considerable apprehension in
      Great Britain that the designs of the French president were hostile to
      England, and that the country was inadequately defended. The Duke of
      Wellington, without giving any opinion as to the intentions of the
      president, made more powerful than ever by the <i>coup d'état</i>,
      declared that there was danger from the defenceless state of the country,
      and recommended the government to fortify and aim. His grace inspected the
      coasts, and by the opinions he pronounced increased the public
      apprehension of peril, while he also stimulated the confidence of the
      country in its great capacity for defence. Sir Howard Douglas, the
      distinguished engineer officer, accompanied the duke in his coast
      inspections, and in a work* published by him on the subject, he thus
      describes the duke's impressions;&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Observations on Modern  Systems of Fortification."    By
     General Sir Howard Douglas, Bart.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "When the late Duke of Wellington visited the coast defences&mdash;on the
      alarm of an invasion, soon after the accession of Louis Napoleon, the
      present Emperor of France, to the presidency&mdash;his grace, being at
      Seabrook, between Sandgate and Hythe, conversing with his staff and the
      other officers, the principles of permanent camps and other fixed defences
      became the subject of discussion, when the duke used the following
      expressions, 'Look at those splendid heights all along this coast; give me
      communications which admit of rapid flank movement along those heights,
      and I might set anything at defiance.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      The fears felt in England that a struggle with France would be speedily
      necessitated were intensified, when, at the close of the year, the
      president of the republic appealed to the universal suffrage of France, as
      to whether he should assume the name and power of emperor. This appeal was
      answered by 7,824,189 "ayes," and 253,143 "noes."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of December, the senate and legislative corps met, and
      proceeded to St. Cloud, to announce to the president of the republic that
      he had been elected sovereign of France. He accepted the splendid boon,
      and declared himself Napoleon III. The British government recognised the
      title, declaring that whatever form of government the French people chose
      to adopt would be acknowledged and respected by England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL EUROPEAN RELATIONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      England interested herself in certain diplomatic discussions concerning
      the succession to the crown of Denmark, and in the disputes which occurred
      between the government of Copenhagen and the German Confederation,
      connected with Schleswig Holstein.
    </p>
    <p>
      A treaty of commerce and navigation, between her Britannic majesty and the
      King of the Belgians, also signalized the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      No other events of serious importance engaged the attention of England in
      connection with Europe.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Another of the many disputes concerning territory, or rights, perpetually
      occurring between Great Britain and the United States, took place in 1852.
      The contest regarded the fisheries off the American coasts; the citizens
      of the United States claiming the right, in virtue of a certain convention
      dated 1818, to fish off the coasts, and dry fish on the coasts, of an
      extensive area of British territory. The British colonial minister, Sir J.
      Pakington, conceded nearly all that the Americans demanded, to the
      mortification of the colonial subjects of Great Britain. Discussions
      concerning Central America, and the formation of a ship-canal between the
      Atlantic and the Pacific, also engaged the diplomatic abilities of British
      and American ministers. Ostensible agreements were entered into, but
      neither nation heartily acquiesced, and no expectation was entertained in
      England that the people of the United States regarded the settlement as
      final.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      EFFORTS AGAINST THE SLAVE TRADE, AND TO SUPPRESS PIRACY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The energy put forth by the British government to destroy the traffic in
      slaves by an armed naval force off the coasts of Africa were this year
      unremitting and successful. Several vessels trading in slaves were taken,
      and though the British squadron was not sufficient to suppress, it was a
      powerful check upon the slave trade.
    </p>
    <p>
      Naval operations off the Chinese coasts, within the Straits of Malacca and
      on the coasts of Labuan, were also crowned with success. Through the
      instrumentality of Rajah Brooke, the Malay pirates were defeated and
      ultimately extirpated from the bays and creeks of Labuan. The position of
      the rajah at Sarawak afforded him facilities for directing these
      enterprises, which his indomitable courage and energy enabled him to make
      available. His country did not appreciate his deeds as highly as they
      deserved, and certain cliques in England decried his labours and aspersed
      his motives. He rendered commerce and his country great and disinterested
      services.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the year 1852, death was as usual busy in the circles of eminent
      persons: the fame and talents of some of the deceased render it desirable
      and necessary to record their names upon the page of history.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd of January, George Herbert Rodwell, the celebrated composer
      and writer, was removed from among the living. His musical compositions
      and stage productions were numerous and popular.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the month of February, Samuel Prout, F.S.A., celebrated for his
      drawings in water-colours, and a peculiar style of depicting public
      buildings, died. Also, Dr. Murray, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, a
      man of extraordinary influence, acquired by prudence, moderation,
      patriotism, and consistency of character.
    </p>
    <p>
      The most remarkable man who departed this life in the British Isles during
      1852 was Thomas Moore, the poet. He died in his seventy-third year, at
      Sloperton Cottage, Wiltshire, where, through the generous patronage of
      Lord Lansdowne, the poet spent his most tranquil years. This extraordinary
      man was born in Aungier Street, Dublin, in the year 1779. The poet's
      father was a grocer, but subsequently received an appointment as
      quarter-master to a regiment. The poetical genius of Thomas Moore was
      shown at a very early period of life&mdash;in his thirteenth year he
      contributed to the Dublin periodicals. He was at that time under the care
      of a very celebrated schoolmaster, Mr. Samuel Whyte, who took a deep
      interest in the precocious genius of his pupil, and had no small share of
      honour in bringing him into notice. As early as fourteen years of age he
      entered the Dublin University. He was scarcely more than a year a pupil in
      the university when he published a paraphrase on the fifth ode of
      Anacreon. This was so well received that he proceeded to translate the
      remaining odes, which performance ultimately met with a most encouraging
      reception. In his nineteenth year, he proceeded to London in the hope of
      obtaining by subscription a sufficient amount to secure the success of his
      "Anacreon," and also to enter as a student the Middle Temple. The work did
      not appear until 1800, when, under the patronage of the Earl of Moira, he
      was enabled to dedicate it to the Prince of Wales. In 1802, he published a
      volume under the designation of, "The Poetical Works of the Late Thomas
      Little." The moral tone of these productions offended the public taste,
      and inflicted injury upon the poet's reputation which his subsequent life
      did not remove, even when the glory of his genius shed lustre upon his
      name and his country. His more popular works are well known. In politics
      he was a whig partizan, but was not at heart attached to any school of
      politics. He was ostensibly a Roman Catholic, and was intolerant as a
      writer in defence of Romanism, while in private he was most liberal on
      religious subjects, and showed no earnest belief in any system of
      theology. He was one of the most accomplished scholars of his day, but was
      not a profound thinker, and was regarded as rather a lazy writer. His
      imagination was not of the highest order, but it was rich and diversified.
      His artistic taste and harmony as a poetical writer were exquisite. His
      love of music and song was a deep passion. In society, he held every
      circle as in a spell, so charming were his conversation and manner, and so
      brilliant and vivacious was his wit. Lord Byron, who had so happy a power
      of describing a notable character in a single sentence or paragraph, said
      of him, "He is gentlemanly, gentle, and altogether more pleasing than any
      individual with whom I am acquainted."
    </p>
    <p>
      When Lord Melbourne was in office, in 1835, he counselled her majesty to
      bestow a pension on the poet of £300 a-year. Moore had found it difficult
      to realize this sum by his writings, as his prose works did not meet the
      expectations raised by his poetry. When he became a pensioner he seldom
      wrote, verifying the predictions of his friends. He exchanged too early in
      life the department of literature in which he had made so great a
      reputation for prose, in which he sought by memoirs, historical writing,
      and even controversy, to increase his income, and establish a new
      reputation. A passionate love for Ireland pervaded most of his writings,
      especially his Irish melodies. He constantly breathed a fervid wish from
      his earliest years for her national independence, and severance from
      England. Yet when a large portion of his countrymen flew to arms for that
      purpose, in 1798, he, although nineteen years of age, took no part in the
      struggle: neither did he show any desire to live in Ireland, but courted
      English aristocratic society, and served English party interests. During
      three years before his death, the brain gradually softened, and he sunk
      into childishness. None of his children survived him. His widow, a
      charming person, retained a pension of £100 a-year, conferred upon her by
      the government.
    </p>
    <p>
      The poetical works of Thomas Moore retain their popularity in many lands.
      Not only in England, where he spent by far the greater part of his life,
      and in Ireland, where he was born and educated, and whose popular joys,
      sorrows, hopes, aspirations, traditions, and prejudices he sung so
      sweetly, but wherever the English language is spoken, his fame is
      cherished and his verse repeated. Nor is the delight inspired by his works
      limited to the language in which they were written. All over the continent
      of Europe, among the nations whose language is of Latin and Celtic origin,
      his muse inspires deep interest and pleasure. His extraordinary oriental
      poem, "Lalla Rookh," has been translated into Persian, and delights the
      literary sons of Iran as it erst thrilled the imagination and heart of all
      persons of poetic temperament in the British Isles. In the city of Dublin,
      a statue has been erected to his memory, close by the old senate, now used
      as the Bank of Ireland, and near the poet's Alma Mater, Trinity College.
      The statue is a failure, private partiality and <i>clique</i> interest
      having stifled public competition and robbed the great sculptors, and the
      poet, of the reward of genius, the city of Dublin of an ornament of which
      it might have been proud, and his country of the opportunity of paying a
      suitable tribute of respect to one of the most gifted of her sons. Had
      M'Dowell or Hogan been allowed to execute a statue for Moore, it would
      have been accomplished <i>con amore</i>, and in a way worthy of the poet
      and of the sculptor.
    </p>
    <p>
      The month of February witnessed the death, at the advanced age of ninety,
      of John Landseer, the celebrated engraver. He left behind him three sons,
      all eminent&mdash;George, Charles, and Sir Edwin.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the deaths of remarkable persons in April was that of General Arthur
      O'Connor, aged eighty-nine, at the Chateau de Rignon, near Nemours. This
      notable person was one of the leaders in the terrible Irish rebellion of
      1798. He was the third son of Roger Connor, of Connorville, by Anne
      Longfield, sister of Lord Longueville. He was called to the Irish bar in
      1788. Lord Longueville returned him to the Irish parliament as
      representative of Philipstown, in the King's County, in the year 1790.
      Lord Longueville afterwards deprived him of his seat in parliament, and
      disinherited him, by which a loss occurred to Mr. O'Connor of £10,000
      a-year, in consequence of his violent advocacy, in the Irish parliament,
      of "Catholic emancipation." He afterwards became a leader of the "United
      Irishmen," and one of "the Directory of Five," of that body. After various
      unsuccessful efforts to separate Ireland from Great Britain, he was
      arrested, and made an ingenious and desperate effort to escape, assisted
      by the Earl of Thanet. In 1804, he was deported from Ireland, his life
      being spared on condition, it was alleged, of some disclosures as to the
      plans for insurrection even then entertained by him and his colleagues.
      Buonaparte made him a general of division, and he subsequently received
      further promotion in the French army. In 1809 he married a niece of
      Marshal Grouchy, daughter of the Marquis Condorcet, the French
      mathematician. In 1834, he was permitted by Earl Grey, then in power in
      England, to revisit Ireland for the purpose of disposing of some property
      inherited by him, and which the British government had not confiscated.
      With the proceeds he purchased the chateau where Mirabeau was born, and
      there General O'Connor died. The celebrated agitator Fergus O'Connor, once
      member of parliament for Cork, and afterwards for Nottingham, was nephew
      to the general.
    </p>
    <p>
      In May, Mrs. Coleridge, only daughter of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. She was
      a lady of extraordinary attainments and vigour. Her acquaintance with the
      classics was most extensive and accurate, and by her translations from the
      Latin her reputation was to a great extent made. Wordsworth and Southey
      were her intimate friends, and intense admirers of her genius. In a review
      written by an eminent critic, it was remarked of her that "she was the
      inheritrix of her father's genius, and almost rival of his attainments."
    </p>
    <p>
      In August, in his eightieth year, Thomas Thompson, M.D., F.R.S., London
      and Edinburgh, Regius Professor of Chemistry in the University of Glasgow,
      and President of the Glasgow Philosophical Society. Dr. Thompson, as a
      chemist and inventor, had obtained a great celebrity.
    </p>
    <p>
      In August, the death of Joseph W. Allen, the celebrated landscape-painter,
      took place at Hammersmith. He was the son of a schoolmaster in that place.
    </p>
    <p>
      In September, George Richardson Porter, senior, Secretary of the Board of
      Trade, Treasurer of the Statistical Society. The statistical writings of
      this remarkable man brought about many changes in the law, and conduced
      signally to the repeal of "the corn-laws."
    </p>
    <p>
      Dr. Macgillivray, Professor of Natural History, and Lecturer on Botany in
      the University of Aberdeen. As a writer, a professor, and a philosopher,
      the doctor obtained an enduring fame, not only in Scotland, but throughout
      the learned world.
    </p>
    <p>
      Augustus Nathmure Welby Pugin, the celebrated architect, was among those
      called away by death in this month.
    </p>
    <p>
      In November, Gideon Alderson Mantell, LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.L.S. He was
      distinguished in early life by a thirst for knowledge, and a capacity to
      attain it under the greatest difficulties, being lowly born&mdash;the son
      of a shoemaker at Lewes. As a chemist, a physician, a naturalist, and a
      geologist, he obtained a wide-spread reputation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Countess of Lovelace died this month. This lady had achieved nothing
      remarkable by any effort or genius of her own, but the country felt great
      interest in her as the only daughter of the popular poet. Lord Byron: of
      her he had sung,&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "Ada, sole daughter of my house and heart."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      She was a lady of very elegant mind, and capable of accurate and profound
      thought; her intellectual attainments were very considerable, and of a
      nature unusual for ladies. Her remains were laid beside those of her
      father.
    </p>
    <p>
      In December, the death of the Rev. Samuel Lee, D.D., was recorded. He was
      Canon of Bristol, and Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of
      Cambridge. His knowledge of languages was vast and critical, and he
      attained especially a great reputation in the dead languages of the East.
      He was born in great obscurity, and received his first rudiments of
      learning in a charity school. He was one of the most remarkable men of the
      age.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Kensington, Mr. Stephens, the celebrated entomologist, added another to
      the list of remarkable persons removed during this year.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is not possible within the space allotted to this work to notice the
      removal from life of all the eminent persons recorded in the obituary of
      this year&mdash;persons whose life was a portion of English history in its
      most interesting aspects, and whose death excited the deep attention and
      regret of the nation, A record of great political events, merely, will not
      depict the history or progress of a nation, but as her mighty children one
      by one disappear from the social state, upon which they have impressed
      their own intellect and character, their names and deeds should be
      presented as forming a glorious part of the facts and history of the
      country and the time.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXV.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1853
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Condition  of Great   Britain..... The Court..... State of
     Ireland..... Colonial Affairs..... Foreign Affairs..... The
     War with Russia..... Parliamentary and Party Events.....
     Deaths of Eminent Persons.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1853
    </p>
    <p>
      Great Britain was peaceful and prosperous&mdash;no internal strife, no
      civil feud, no general discontent disturbed her fair aspect, or impeded
      her glorious progress. The working classes were better off than in
      previous years. Pauperism declined, crime was greatly lessened. In 1852,
      the commitments in England and Wales were 3899 fewer than the average. In
      1853, the favourable difference was seen not so much in decreased numbers
      as in the lesser gravamen of the offences. Much sickness was caused by the
      excessive severity of the weather during the spring quarter. From the 20th
      of-April to the 15th of May, the temperature on one day fell to 14° below
      the average, on another to 13°, and on others to 10°, 9°, and 8°. There
      was a heavy fall of snow in April, and still more heavily during the first
      fortnight in May. The snow in the north was so accumulated upon the ground
      that the lines of railway were occasionally closed, and trains embedded in
      the snow. The effect of such severe weather late in the spring and in the
      opening of summer was disastrous upon the crops, and entailed upon the
      harvest consequences which formed a check to this otherwise prosperous
      year. With a deficient harvest came the certainty of a war with Russia,
      still further embarrassing a year which opened with so many felicitations.
      The appearance of Asiatic cholera in the autumn tended also to depress the
      close of the year. That fell disease burst out with extraordinary violence
      at Newcastle-upon-Tyne in the month of August, where more than 2000 lives
      were sacrificed to its fury. The disease reached London the same month,
      and there also effected serious ravages, both in 1853 and in 1854.
    </p>
    <p>
      The revenue of the year 1853, up to the 8th of January, 1854, was&mdash;receipts,
      £69,410,976 15s.; disbursements, £55,769,252 4s. The surplus revenue,
      after adding balances to the actual income, exceeded three millions and a
      quarter sterling&mdash;a financial condition of the country proving great
      prosperity: and one for congratulation at a time when war so imminently
      impended.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 7th of April, her majesty was delivered of a son. Her recovery was,
      as on similar occasions, speedy, and the country hailed the event with
      joy. On the 28th of June, the infant prince was baptized in the private
      chapel of Buckingham Palace. The splendour usual on such occasions was
      perhaps somewhat surpassed. Many foreign princes and ministers were
      present. The sponsors were the King of Hanover, the Princess of Prussia,
      the Princess Mary of Cambridge, and the Prince of Hohenloe-Lengenburgh.
      The child was named Leopold George Duncan Albert. The ceremonial was
      followed by a brilliant state banquet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The court was not exempt from illness prevalent during a portion of the
      year. In July, measles attacked her majesty, Prince Albert, the Prince of
      Wales, the Princess Royal, and others of the royal children. This event
      postponed the visit of the court to the Dublin Exhibition, and caused
      uneasiness for a short time both in Ireland and Great Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 11th of August, her majesty reviewed a portion of her fleet at
      Spithead. It was a magnificent spectacle, affording one of the most
      gorgeous and glorious displays of naval power ever presented to the eyes
      of even a British sovereign. Her majesty wherever she appeared was
      received with the greatest enthusiasm; and, in this grand review, she was
      attended by the members of both branches of the legislature.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 29th of August, her majesty visited the Dublin Exhibition of
      Industry, an event which is more particularly noticed in the following
      section.
    </p>
    <p>
      After her majesty's visit to Ireland, she sailed to Holyhead, whence, on
      the 5th of September, she proceeded to Balmoral, to enjoy her Scottish
      Highland retreat. While at Balmoral an incident occurred illustrative of
      the character of the royal family. A fire broke out near the palace. Her
      majesty rendered prompt assistance, directing the efforts used to
      extinguish the fire, while Prince Albert and the Prince of Wales
      personally worked with ardour and assiduity to accomplish that object.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of October the royal family arrived at Windsor Castle for a
      prolonged residence.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the United Kingdom, in its capitals, great harbours, and even remote
      hills and glens, continued to witness the domestic happiness, private
      virtues, queenly goodness and dignity, and public usefulness and activity
      of their noble queen and her family. It might in truth be said that every
      heart in the British Isles felt the aspiration "God save the queen."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      STATE OF IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The condition of the sister kingdom was still one of faction, feud, and
      fiery religious and political agitation. Emigration to the British
      colonies, and the United States of America continued, and by this means
      the land was relieved of such a portion of its pauper population as
      lowered the poor-rates and gave relief to the occupiers. Increased
      attention began to be paid by the landlords to the cultivation of the
      soil, and commerce appeared somewhat to revive. The expectations of
      improvement in Ireland, which were entertained in England, were too
      sanguine. When these hopes of seeing Ireland more peaceable and prosperous
      were much cherished, tidings continually arrived of deeds of violence and
      blood, connected with the law of landlord and tenant. To this fruitful
      source of crime in Ireland, much of the evil state of things there was
      attributable. The landlords were exacting, and cherished no kindly feeling
      for the peasantry, especially where political and religious differences
      existed between the landlords and the priests. The people, on the other
      hand, shared with their spiritual advisers in a rancorous religious and
      political hostility to the landlords, whom they regarded as the
      descendants of invaders and plunderers. It was a common impression among
      the peasantry, that the rightful owners of the forfeited Irish estates
      were the descendants of those who had been dispossessed. Prophesies,
      attributed to various Irish saints, were in circulation among the people,
      promising the reconquest of Ireland by the children of her own land and of
      the true faith, the expulsion of the stranger, and the restoration of the
      soil to the families from whom it had been taken by the sword. With these
      feelings to the landowners on the part of the farming and labouring
      population in the Roman Catholic provinces of the country, it cannot be
      matter of surprise that any trick, or act of violence by which a landlord
      was deprived of his just rights, was regarded either as a "venial
      offence," or no offence, or even a patriotic and virtuous act, according
      as the conscience of the rude casuist was more or less under such
      influences. Had the landlords as a body administered their estates in a
      spirit of justice; used their power to bring land questions under the
      influence of just and simple legislation; and, as magistrates and
      legislators, set an example of moderation, good sense, and true
      patriotism, the prejudices of the peasantry would have been worn down, in
      spite of sacerdotal or other influences to sustain and foster them. Such a
      happy state of affairs had not arrived in 1853, and the old tales of
      brutal and barbarous murders filled Europe-with a sense of astonishment
      and mystery as to the social and political condition of Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was peculiarly remarkable that during the prevalence of a general state
      of affairs so lamentable, there should arise in Dublin a Palace of
      Industry, the sequel of that erected in Hyde Park. The site chosen was
      admirable&mdash;the lawn of Leinster House, at a former time the property
      of "Ireland's only Duke," but then in possession of the Dublin Royal
      Society. Mr. William Dargan, a celebrated contractor for railway works,
      with patriotic feeling, conceived the idea of erecting a building, at his
      own risk, for the display of the industrial products of Ireland. One
      thousand men were employed daily for many months in completing the
      structure, which was admirably adapted to its purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of May, the building was opened with much <i>éclat</i>. It was
      found more imposing and elegant than the public expected, and the pleasure
      felt by the people of Ireland and their British friends was thus much
      enhanced. It was divided into three "halls." The centre hall was 425 feet
      long, and 100 feet wide; two lesser ones were each 355 feet long and 50
      feet wide. The elevation of the three halls was equal, 65 feet. The whole
      area occupied by this Palace of Industry was 210,000 square feet. Light
      was admitted only from above, an arrangement which was deemed better for
      the peculiar kind of exhibition made than that of the London Crystal
      Palace, which was an edifice of glass, All the designs and plans, and the
      superintendence of the entire construction devolved on Mr. Dargan. He
      advanced £80,000 to the object, expecting a heavy loss, and repudiating
      any intention to derive any gain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The exhibition was opened by the Lord-lieutenant, the Earl of St. Germans,
      attended by the Irish court. The Knights of St. Patrick joined the
      procession in all the insignia of their order. All were welcomed by the
      populace without, and the assembled rank and fashion within the building,
      with that enthusiasm characteristic of the Irish people. None received
      such applause as the generous and skilful man who originated and carried
      out the undertaking; and none of the many gifted and useful men who
      rendered the event memorable by their presence, deserved equal honours on
      the occasion. Mr. Dargan declined the honour of a baronetcy; that of
      knighthood was conferred on Mr. Benson, the architect.
    </p>
    <p>
      The productions exhibited surpassed public expectation still more than did
      the building itself. Various descriptions of manufacture attracted the
      attention of visitors from Great Britain, the continent of Europe, and
      from America. The linen and damask of Ulster, the products of the Dublin
      silk-loom, especially the tabinets and poplins, fine woollen cloths,
      "Irish frize," Limerick gloves and lace, received high encomiums from the
      manufacturing and commercial visitors from Great Britain and distant
      countries, as well as from the general public. It was, however, chiefly in
      works of art that the exhibition excelled. The splendid sculpture of
      M'Dowel, Hogan, and other sculptors, was most of all conspicuous. The
      paintings of Shee, M'Lise, O'Neil, and many more, almost rivalled the
      display of sculpture. There were also beautiful carvings in Irish oak,
      "bog oak,"* and arbutus, from the beautiful specimens which in natural
      woods crown the hill-sides in Kerry, especially near the Killarney Lakes.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Found in the "peat" or "turf." The word "bog," so well
     known in India, and other portions of the East, as meaning a
     garden, has the same signification in Irish, and marks the
     places where gardens or woods once flourished, now reduced
     to masses of peat.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Old Irish illuminated MSS., the rarest in the world&mdash;no nation having
      attained the same perfection as the Irish in that department of taste&mdash;and
      specimens of ancient sculpture from before the Christian era, excited the
      attention of the lovers of antiquity, and admiration for the genius of
      ancient Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English and French newspaper press and reviews complimented the Irish
      people upon those qualities of artistic taste which their exhibition
      proved them to possess, and the London <i>Times</i> asserted in several
      leaders, that whatever might be the superior qualities or advantages of
      the English people, industrial or otherwise, as compared with the Irish,
      the latter possessed in a far higher degree, artistic genius, and taste in
      its superior developments.
    </p>
    <p>
      The queen and court of London felt great interest in the Dublin
      exhibition. Her majesty visited it, and expressed her gratification in a
      manner most flattering to the Irish people, and especially complimentary
      to the patriotism of Mr. Dargan. Her majesty's visit to the exhibition was
      one of those happy circumstances in her reign, in which her noble
      qualities of head and heart were made conspicuous, and in which she
      appeared so auspiciously, as the healer of contention, the soother of
      social asperities, the patroness of art, and the encourager and rewarder
      of industry and merit. It was on the 29th of August the court visited the
      Irish metropolis. They arrived early on the morning of that day at
      Kingstown Jetty, and her majesty, accompanied by the Prince of Wales, and
      Prince Albert, drove through the streets of Dublin, which were thronged
      with multitudes of persons, offering the most enthusiastic and unanimous
      demonstrations of respect and welcome. In the evening, the city was
      brilliantly illuminated. Her majesty's visit to the exhibition was one of
      the most gratifying incidents in modern Irish history. The royal party,
      while remaining in Dublin, drove much in the environs, and paid a visit to
      the house of Mr. Dargan, as a compliment to the enterprise and patriotism
      of that gentleman. Queen and people were delighted with the royal visit to
      Ireland, which also, as a matter of public policy, was wise and
      beneficent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year was not very eventful to our colonial empire. There was general
      prosperity. India was, as usual, the theatre of Oriental cabal, and Oude
      was the scene of its chief features, and the seat of most of the intrigues
      and plots against English dominion in Hindustan.
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    <h2>
      CANADA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      This province was especially prosperous, but it experienced the
      consequences of the policy so embarrassing at home&mdash;of allowing Irish
      religious disturbances, and those who create them, to pass without
      sufficient reprobation by the government. In Canada the Irish were
      numerous. The Protestant Irish there were energetic and zealous for their
      creed. The Roman Catholic Irish were full of a fierce fanaticism.
      Orangeism and Ribandism flourished in Canada, even as at Belfast, and used
      such opportunities as arose to fight as fiercely.
    </p>
    <p>
      One Gavazzi, an Italian priest, left the church of Rome, and lectured
      against his former faith in Great Britain and Ireland. The liberty enjoyed
      in Great Britain by all men to discuss publicly their opinions, was not
      possessed in Ireland. There, indeed, the government conceded such a right,
      but the local magistracy often acted in a spirit adverse to the British
      constitution; and the priests and people of the Roman Catholic religion,
      although always waging an active controversial warfare against
      Protestants, never tolerated a reply; and whenever any aggressive
      controversy was set on foot by any sect of Protestants, they were
      generally assailed with brutal violence, their places of worship attacked,
      and the persons of the preachers or polemists fiercely assaulted. The
      Irish Roman Catholic immigrants in Canada carried with them to their
      adopted country the same spirit of religious intolerance and mob violence,
      so indulgently treated by whig and tory governments in their own country.
      Gavazzi was the occasion, in June, 1853, of evoking this fact in a
      startling manner in Canada. He visited Quebec, and lectured against the
      Romish church in "the Free Church" in that city. He alluded in his
      argument to the condition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, as influenced
      by their religion. The statements of the reverend gentleman were such as
      the members of any other communion than the churches of Rome or Greece
      would have considered matter for reply and fair argument. The Roman
      Catholics of Quebec, especially the Irish of that communion, resorted to
      their usual mode of opposing a controversialist: they attacked the
      preacher with brutal violence, uttering the fiercest yells and
      denunciations, and in language horrible, as proceeding from men on
      religious grounds. Gavazzi had to fight for his life, which was with
      difficulty saved. In Montreal the lectures of the Italian polemist were
      attended by disturbances more serious and more general. The police
      protected him, as they would have protected a Roman Catholic clergyman had
      he been assailed by intolerant Protestants. The police were nearly
      overwhelmed by the onslaught of a multitude of Irish Canadian Romanists,
      anxious to imbrue their hands in the blood of a man who had, as a
      clergyman, left their church and made a public protest against it.
      Fire-arms were used on both sides, to the disadvantage of the rioters,
      some of whom were killed. The military arrived in time to protect the
      place of worship, in which the Italian doctor lectured, from being
      demolished. The Romanists collected in greater strength, and fired upon
      the soldiery, who returned the fire, killing seven, mortally wounding six,
      otherwise wounding many more, and finally driving the aggressive bigots
      from the streets. The authorities did not follow up with justice or spirit
      this disgraceful affair; a fear of the Roman Catholic influence in the
      English parliament deterring them. When tidings of these events arrived in
      the United Kingdom, the Roman Catholics in parliament, at public meetings,
      and by the press, expressed sympathy with the violators of law, and the
      riotous mobs which had attempted to tread down civil and religious
      freedom; while denunciations, false, vehement, and intolerant, were
      directed upon the Reverend Doctor Gavazzi. The principles upon which this
      course was based, were those so commonly assumed by the party in Ireland,
      when it was needful to justify violence and bigotry there; namely, that
      the Roman Catholic Church, being the true church, should have immunity
      from polemic charges against its doctrines and worship; and that, as all
      attacks upon it are sure, amidst a Roman Catholic population, to lead to a
      breach of the peace, Gavazzi ought to have been punished by the
      authorities, and the authorities who neglected to do that should be
      regarded as accessories to the riot, and guilty of the murder of the
      rioters who fell. The leaders of the opposite sections of Whigs and Tories
      in the English parliament treated such arguments very blandly, and instead
      of denouncing any party or sect which impeded religious liberty, no matter
      what its theological opinions, the tone adopted was more in sympathy with
      the Roman Catholic party in parliament, to gain whose votes each party was
      after its own mode bidding, each alike willing to sacrifice the liberty of
      public controversy for the political aid thus sought to be procured.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1853 witnessed little in the foreign relations of the United
      Kingdom to excite the public interest, except in connection with the
      dangers to which the integrity of the Turkish empire became exposed. The
      establishment of the empire in France consolidated the amity between that
      country and the British government and people. With Europe generally the
      best understanding existed. Various treaties were formed with countries of
      minor power, all having a tendency to preserve peace and promote commerce.
      The public were made acquainted with others which had been made or
      ratified the previous year; and the expectation was general that the
      repose of Europe would remain undisturbed. A treaty of friendship,
      commerce, and navigation, was ratified the previous October with the
      republic of Peru, and published the beginning of January. A similar treaty
      was ratified at Guayaquil on the 23rd of January with the republic of the
      equator. On the 1st of February, a treaty relative to the succession of
      the crown of Greece was ratified in London, between her Britannic Majesty,
      the French Emperor, and the Emperor of Russia. "Declarations" were signed
      at Florence and Rome, on the 17th of November, and exchanged between the
      governments of Great Britain and the Roman States, "for securing national
      treatment to the vessels and commerce of the one country in the other."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE WAR WITH RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Early in the year, events transpired which ultimately led to a war on the
      part of the United Kingdom, France, and Turkey against Russia. Designs
      against the integrity of the Turkish empire had long been entertained by
      Russia, and there was reason to believe that Austria was an abettor of
      those schemes, in the hope of being a partaker of the spoil. Sir Hamilton
      Seymour, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, came to the conclusion
      that those two great powers were in secret league against the Turkish
      empire. They dared not, however, proceed in their plans in opposition to
      the will of England and France, and the ambassadors of both countries were
      sounded by the czar, to ascertain with what part of the territorial
      plunder contemplated they would be satisfied. Both powers indignantly
      refused to participate in any aggression against the sultan, and made
      known their reasons in terms calculated to deter his imperial majesty from
      the like. Austria had fomented disputes on the Turkish frontier, and
      threatened armed interference when the sultan made military preparation to
      restore the peace of his provinces. Russia ostensibly opposed Austria in
      these proceedings, but, as was afterwards proved, secretly abetted her.
      The attitude of the czar towards Turkey was one of vigilance and
      preparation, as an armed robber watches the wayfaring man. The czar was
      encouraged to hope that events would arise from the policy of France
      favourable to his own designs. This expectation arose from the
      ostentatious interference of France in the disputes between the Latin and
      Greek Christians. French agents were spread over Syria; and a tone at once
      insolent to the authorities, defiant to the Greeks, and unworthy the
      dignity of the representatives of a great power, was adopted by these men.
      The French ministers and consuls in the Turkish empire were rather
      religious partizans, than political agents acting in harmony with the
      authorities of the country to which they had been accredited. Frequent
      disputes arose in Jerusalem, in connection with Greek and Latin rites in
      celebration of certain anniversaries at the Holy Places. Disturbances of a
      fierce nature at last rendered the interference of the Turkish authorities
      necessary, who acted with impartiality. The French ambassador resorted to
      menace and intrigue on behalf of the <i>protégés</i> of France&mdash;the
      professors of the Latin rite; and the sultan, intimidated, yielded
      everything which French violence demanded. The English ambassador in vain
      advised moderation on the one hand, and firmness on the other; the French
      minister seemed to disdain all temperate counsels, and the Porte was too
      much awed by his threats to adopt an attitude of resolution, or even
      dignity. The concessions wrung from the sultan by the French furnished the
      Russian government with the occasion it had long sought. An especial envoy
      was sent to demand the restitution of all the privileges of which the
      Greeks had been deprived. The vacillating sultan yielded to his new
      tormentor. Negotiations were set on foot by the ministers who represented
      the great powers; and France was induced by the influence of England to
      adopt a concessive tone, and to withdraw from the insolent and hostile
      position she had assumed. The Russian minister, Prince Menschikoff, and
      his master, were elated by their success, and increased their demands. An
      ultimatum was put forth on the 21st of May, that contained stipulations
      which virtually made the czar protector of the Greek Christians throughout
      the Turkish empire. It was at the same time notified by the envoy, that if
      the ultimatum were not complied with, he would leave Constantinople in
      eight days. The events connected with these transactions, and the results,
      are described by the author of this History, in his <i>History of the War
      against Russia</i>, in the following terms, which are here transcribed.
      The account is the result of careful and painstaking researches, and of
      confidential intercourse with official persons well acquainted with the
      diplomacy and events of the period.
    </p>
    <p>
      This ultimatum was declined by the Porte, and Prince Menschikoff withdrew
      from Constantinople. During these negotiations the Russian armies were
      concentrated upon the Bessarabian frontiers, and at the same time the
      Emperor Nicholas was sounding Sir H. Seymour at St. Petersburg. These
      conversations were accompanied by despatches and protestations that the
      emperor would not, in the quarrel then pending, attempt any territorial
      occupation. But Odessa and Sebastopol were filled with naval and military
      preparation, and the Russian army was massing upon the Pruth, ready at a
      moment's notice to invade the principalities. The moment at last came.
      Prince Metternich, and Count Nesselrode (the Russian minister for foreign
      affairs), baffled in their intrigues by the resolution of the sultan, gave
      place to other and more decisive performers. Prince Gortschakoff crossed
      the Pruth on the 25th June, at the head of a numerous army, organized to
      the highest efficiency on the Russian principle, and attended by a most
      powerful artillery and <i>matériel</i> of war. Contemporaneous with the
      advance of his armies, the autocrat published a manifesto, which left his
      motives and objects no longer in disguise, and which no persons could
      misapprehend, except those whom the disclosures of Sir H. Seymour had
      failed to enlighten. Means were taken to reassure the Western governments
      that no conquest was intended. Count Nesselrode wrote diplomatic circulars
      to the Russian ambassadors and consuls at the various courts and capitals;
      M. Druhyn de L'Huys, the French minister of foreign affairs, and our own
      foreign minister, wrote countercirculars; and time was bootlessly expended
      by the Western governments that ought to have been given to the
      preparation of armaments. The Russians lost no time. Having advanced upon
      Wallachia by way of Leova, and upon Moldavia by way of Skouliany, they
      rapidly penetrated to the capitals of the provinces, where the clergy of
      the Greek Church, and the leading officials also of that communion, gave
      them public welcome. <i>Te Deum</i> was sung in the churches, and the
      Russian armies acted as if on conquered territory. It was on the 3rd of
      July that the Pruth was crossed; on the 8th Prince Gortschakoff assisted
      in the ceremonies of the Church of St. Spiridion, at Jassy; on the 29th he
      received the compliments of the assembled bishops of the Greek Church of
      the provinces at Bucharest, 150 miles nearer to the Danube. By this date
      the Russian army had greatly increased; Gortschakoff, Dannenberg, and
      Luders had at their disposal nearly 20,000 cavalry, 144 pieces of cannon,
      of a larger calibre than had ever before been brought into the field by
      any army, and a force of infantry not so large in proportion to these arms
      of the service, but the precise number of which it is impossible, amidst
      so many conflicting statements, to verify. General Osten-Sacken remained
      within the Russian frontier with powerful reserves, and reinforcements
      were pouring along in unbroken streams from the great centres of Russian
      military power. The fierce Cossack from the Don and the Dneister, the
      Tartar from the Ukraine, the beetle-browed and predatory Baschkir, with
      all their variety of wild uniform, and "helm and blade" glancing in the
      summer's sun, crowded on the great military thoroughfares, while fresh
      supplies of well-appointed and formidable artillery were carefully
      transmitted. The foundries of Russia were blazing in the manufacture of
      warlike weapons; and the workshops of Belgium were ransacked for the
      musket and rifle. The shores of the Sea of Azoff and of the Black Sea were
      alive with craft of every size, bearing military resources to the points
      destined to receive them. By shore and river in the occupied cities of the
      provinces, and far off in the cities of imperial Russia, the din of
      ceaseless preparation was heard; and it was evident to all men&mdash;still
      only excepting our government and the diplomatists&mdash;that Russia was
      preparing for a struggle against whatever forces might be brought against
      her, and was resolved to peril her empire upon one desperate effort to
      humble Europe, and grasp from Turkey some of her richest provinces, or
      compel the formal admission of her vassalage.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Russian armies crowded down to the sweeps of the Danube, occupying
      every strategical position, and fortifying themselves by entrenchments and
      other defences as occasion seemed to require; the Russian leaders the
      while consolidating their hold upon the provinces thus occupied by
      deposing the hospodars, levying taxes and rations for the troops, taking
      the direction of the militia and municipalities, and when payments were
      made for anything giving only Russian paper, which it was never intended
      to redeem. Vast quantities of corn were accumulating upon the Danube and
      at Odessa, which could not be exported. The Russian armies must be fed;
      and it was a part of the policy of the occupation to detain these stores
      for any emergency that might arise. With all these evils pressing down the
      unfortunate Wallachians and Moldavians, forced enlistment was resorted to;
      and the boyards who refused complicity with the treasonable hospodars were
      placed in the Russian ranks. To crown all the horrors which filled with
      fear these wasted and tortured lands, cholera, which broke out in the
      corps of General Luders, communicated itself to the people of the country,
      and every town and many districts, from the windings of the Danube to the
      confines of Podolia, were swept by the cold hand of the unseen messenger
      of woe. As statements of all these calamities reached Western Europe, the
      people of England were indignant; and although the desire for peace was
      intense, the increasing indignation of the British people was loudly
      expressed. None of these things moved their government&mdash;their faith
      was in protocols and protests, both very gentle and harmless; and the
      Western powers literally did nothing effective during the summer and
      autumn until the 10th of September, when the French ambassador, as if in
      sudden alarm, and without any orders from his government or concert with
      his colleague of the British embassy, ordered three frigates to ascend the
      Sea of Marmora and anchor in the Bosphorus. The English minister, after
      much importunity, adopted a similar measure; but pains were taken to make
      the Czar and the world believe that this measure was intended to protect
      the Porte from its own subjects, and not from him. Indeed, the allies
      seemed to name Russia with "'bated breath;" while Russia was filling the
      world with boasting, fabricating reports of successes over the tribes of
      Central Asia, pushing a force even to Bokhara, and menacing and wheedling
      Persia by turns. The <i>Petersburg Gazette</i> threatened that if England
      went to war, peace should be dictated to her from Calcutta; she was
      treated by the emperor and his subjects with utter disdain.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Turkish government took example from Russia rather than from the
      allies; she made prodigious efforts to meet the exigency. Her first care
      was wisely not in the direction of the Danube. She knew that, numerous as
      were the Russian legions, they could not force the passage of the Balkan,
      and meet her in defence of her capital upon the plains of Roumelia, before
      the allied fleets and allied troops would secure it. She had another and
      more urgent danger; that pointed out by Lord Aberdeen in his despatch upon
      the treaty of Adrianople.
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      Russia might penetrate through Armenia into Asia Minor; she might, from
      the southern shores of the Black Sea, rundown new hosts, overrun provinces
      comparatively unprotected, and by another route reach the Dardanelles, and
      menace not only Constantinople, but the allied fleets within its waters.
      The divan accordingly organized an army of Asia, and with it occupied
      Anatolia. Selim Pasha was appointed as commander-in-chief and seraskier of
      the province. Had he possessed the genius of Omar Pasha, to whom the army
      of the Danube was committed, he might, as events have since proved, have
      driven the Russians from Georgia and Circassia, and freed the Caucasus
      from their presence. He was wholly unfit to command a division, much less
      an army. The Asiatic danger provided against, Omar was sent to collect and
      organize an army in Bulgaria, and strong reinforcements were promised to
      be held ready at Adrianople. Two conscriptions, of 80,000 men each, were
      made before the end of September; and Russia replied to these
      demonstrations by two enormous levies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the note of preparation sounded through all the vast empire of the
      sultan, from Hindostan to the Bosphorus, and thence to the Danube.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Nolan's "History of the War against Russia."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The allies made attempts to open negotiations at Vienna, in which the
      Russian, Austrian, and Turkish diplomatists proved themselves superior to
      those of Western Europe. The only result was to prove that the dispute
      could be settled only by the arbitrament of war. This the sultan declared
      on the 4th of October, the new year's day of the Turks. Fifteen days were
      given by the sultan for the czar to withdraw his armies before any attack
      was made upon them.
    </p>
    <p>
      The events which followed will best and most briefly be depicted by a
      quotation from the author's work already referred to.
    </p>
    <p>
      Four days after the declaration of war, the sultan made a formal demand
      for the allied fleets to enter the Dardanelles. The demand was complied
      with, and the ministers of the Western powers presented the admirals with
      great "pomp and circumstance" to the sultan. The further request of the
      sultan that the fleets or a portion of them should pass also the straits
      of the Bosphorus was refused by the ambassadors, on the ground that the
      Western powers were not at war with Russia. In vain the foreign minister
      of the sultan urged the danger to which his ships and coasts were exposed
      in the Black Sea. The answer was, that Prince Gortschakoff had promised to
      make the war on the part of Russia strictly defensive; and that Count
      Nesselrode, in his circular despatch (above referred to), had repeated
      that promise. There was, in the opinion of the ambassadors, no reason for
      doubting the good faith of the Russian government; and they would not, by
      a demonstration so hostile as that of sending the fleets into the Enxine,
      provoke Russia to change the character of the war, and make it one of
      offensive operation. The reply of the Turkish minister was, that Russia
      could not make the war offensive upon the shores of the Black Sea if the
      fleets were to cruise there and that the only chance of her being able to
      convert the war upon the Danube into one of active offensive operations,
      was her having command of the Black Sea for the easy transport of stores
      of all kinds to the vicinity of the armies. This reasoning, irrefutable
      although it obviously was, and most important as it soon and fatally
      proved itself to be, was met by the reply that the ambassadors had no
      instructions for any demonstration more active than the assemblage of the
      fleets for the protection of Stamboul. Again the Turkish minister pressed
      upon the ambassadors and admirals the exposed situation of the coast of
      the Black Sea and the Turkish squadron within its waters; and showed that,
      for the present, there was no necessity for the allied fleets in the Sea
      of Marmora; that the sultan, in calling them through the Dardanelles,
      contemplated their further progress through the other straits; that the
      Russians could not endanger the capital until they had forced the Danube,
      captured Shumla and Sophia, forced the passes of the Balkan, and were
      victors at Adrianople; or, from the eastern frontier, had pushed a
      victorious campaign from the Caucasus, through Asia Minor. It was,
      however, in vain that the enlightened men then in the Turkish
      foreignoffice demonstrated that if the fleets were sent to defend Turkey,
      the Black Sea was their appropriate sphere of action: the admirals had no
      orders, and the ambassadors would give them none, and pleaded the absence
      of any discretionary power.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the fleets spread the tricolor and the union-jack upon the gentle
      breezes of the Bosphorus, Omar Pasha, with frame of iron and intellect of
      light, seemed to do everything, as well as direct everything, upon the
      northern frontier of Bulgaria; and only just allowed the fifteen days'
      "notice to quit" to expire, before he showed Russia and the world that the
      Turks had a general, and that with a general they were still soldiers, as
      when the blazing scimitar of Orchan first flashed upon Europe, or
      Byzantium shook before the thunder of the artillery of Mohammed II. They
      were still worthy of their father, Osman, the "Bone-breaker;" and, in
      hand-to-hand combat, an overmatch for the boors of Russia, both in courage
      and strength. It must be said, to their disadvantage, that they were not
      very precise concerning the declaration of war; for on the very day it was
      declared, and without the knowledge of their chief, a semi-brigade hurried
      over the river, fell upon a Russian detachment, routed it, seized a
      considerable booty, and, like true Bashi-bazouks, were away again upon
      their own side before the foray could be chastised.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the end of October, the time granted to Prince Gortschakoff by Omar
      Pasha expired; by whom strong detachments were immediately expedited to
      the Russian side of the disputed river. Crossing at once in several
      places, they were soon established in some force upon the frontier of
      Wallachia, and pushing forward a strong advance-guard upon the Russians,
      the latter skirmished, refused battle, and slowly and sullenly retreated
      upon Slatina. The Turks fought and gained several sanguinary battles on
      the Danube during the month of November, which was followed by various
      contests, less important, but scarcely less sanguinary.
    </p>
    <p>
      The month of November, however glorious to the Turkish armies, was
      disastrous to its navy. The fleet lay in the harbour of Sinope, upon the
      Black Sea. The Russians, contrary to the official declaration made to the
      allies, to confine the war to defensive operations, resolved to attack the
      Turkish fleet by a surprise. The enterprise of the Russian admiral was
      successful. The unsuspecting Turks were surprised; no opportunity of
      surrender was given; the attack led, not to a battle, but to a massacre.
      The whole fleet was destroyed, with an unsparing barbarity and a
      vindictive bloodthirstiness that must leave a stain for ever upon the
      pages of Russian history.
    </p>
    <p>
      War continued to roll along the Bulgarian and Wallachian frontiers to the
      close of the year; the Turks displaying undaunted heroism, and surpassing
      the Russians in nearly every soldierly quality, so that the Russian armies
      lost by battles and marches 35,000 men, exclusive of the sick and wounded.
    </p>
    <p>
      Prodigious efforts were made by the Russian emperor and the nation. The
      people contributed voluntarily 150 millions of silver rubles for the
      expenses of the war between the date of Omar Pasha's crossing the Danube
      to the end of the year. Of this vast sum the clergy contributed nearly
      one-half. All Russia was wrought up to a pitch of fanatical enthusiasm for
      the war, and every heart burned with ambition to see the Greek cross upon
      the dome of St. Sophia.
    </p>
    <p>
      Tidings of the massacre of Sinope flew through Europe, and every man out
      of Russia, Austria, and the countries inhabited by Greeks, perused the
      harrowing story with indignation and disgust. In England and France the
      popular feeling against the tardiness of their governments rose high. The
      English ministry never regained the confidence of the public. The Earl of
      Aberdeen, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and the Duke of Newcastle,
      were known to be the members of the cabinet chiefly accountable for the
      policy of respect and timidity towards Russia, which had caused the
      British nation to take so tame and unworthy a part. The diplomatists
      continued to lose time by tedious and worthless negotiations, giving
      Russia the advantage of calling forth and organizing her resources, and
      fomenting by her agents sedition and insurrection among the Greek subjects
      of the Porte.
    </p>
    <p>
      Little was effected by the hostile powers upon the theatre of Asia after
      the declaration of war during that year, but the clangour of arms
      resounded on the shores of the Black Sea, and along the confines of the
      two great empires.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 10th of February parliament assembled. The usual fencing occurred
      between the leaders of parties. Lord Derby was fiery and impetuous, Lord
      Aberdeen reserved and pragmatical. Law reform first engaged the attention
      of the peers. The lord chancellor did not possess the confidence of the
      house, either as to his capacity or zeal in that direction, and, at the
      hands of Lord St. Leonards, his proposals received severe and able
      animadversion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The topics in both houses were interesting during the first few weeks of
      the session, but only as connected with passing events. There was nothing
      done worthy of extended record, nor of particular notice within the space
      allotted to these volumes. The question of Jewish disabilities occupied
      the attention of members, under the auspices of Lord John Russell; but a
      bigoted hostility to the measure pervaded a large minority in the commons
      and a large majority of the lords. The leader of the party opposed to any
      concession to the Jews was the Earl of Shaftesbury, who, in a speech mild
      and impressive in manner, but bigoted and illogical in matter, succeeded
      in persuading the lords to throw out the bill.
    </p>
    <p>
      The financial plans of the government met with the support of the commons.
      Mr. Gladstone introduced the budget in a speech of extraordinary
      eloquence, which lasted five hours, and was applauded throughout by a
      great majority of the house. There were no original propositions, no very
      ingenious contrivances; but the right hon. gentleman threw around his
      statements an attraction by his eloquence which won his audience: like his
      preceptor, Sir Robert Peel, he proved himself to be, in the language of
      Disraeli, "a very great member of parliament." In the debates which
      followed, Mr. Gladstone received several severe defeats from the more
      advanced liberals on his own side of the house; but all efforts on the
      part of the tory and protectionist section to defeat his proposals, upon
      their own principles, were abortive.
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    <h2>
      INDIA BILL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The house, the public, the East India Company, and all interested in the
      great Eastern dependencies included under the general name of India,
      looked forward with anxiety to the bill which it was necessary to pass in
      reference to the relations of the country and the East India Company.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of June, Sir Charles Wood, in a speech of five hours' duration,
      proposed his plan for the future government of India.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * See Nolan's "History of the British Empire in India and
     the East."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      Mr. Bright, in one of his most elaborate parliamentary efforts, criticised
      the measure; he eloquently inveighed against the East India Company, but
      his information upon subjects connected with India did not support the
      influence his parliamentary powers were so calculated to command. Lord
      Stanley, during the debates that ensued, distinguished himself for the
      first time on Indian subjects, over which in a few years he was destined
      to hold so important an influence. The bill of the government passed the
      commons, but was subjected to various alterations in the interest of the
      East India Company in the lords. Thus amended, it was accepted by the
      commons and became law.
    </p>
    <p>
      To give even the briefest abstract of this measure would be as unnecessary
      as it is undesirable, within the limits of our space, for in a few years a
      great insurrection in India led to the abolition of the act, and the
      removal of the East India Company from all political power in India, and
      the vesting in the crown the government of all our eastern possessions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The main objects of the act of 1858 were to lessen the power of the East
      India Company still more than it had been fettered by previous acts; to
      enlarge the scope of the board of control; to increase the direct
      authority of the president of that board and the governor-general of
      India; and to simplify the procedure of the home, action, on Indian
      government.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISCUSSIONS ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;RUSSIA AND TURKEY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Some party debates ensued upon certain speeches made "out-of-doors" by
      cabinet ministers about French affairs, in which some personalities
      towards the French emperor were indulged. Hardly any other foreign topic
      engaged the debating powers of the members, except the all-absorbing one
      of the hostile proceedings of Russia against Turkey. It was the general
      opinion of the English people, that the French emperor, for dynastic
      purposes, brought on the war. He had not been recognised by the Russian
      emperor, and the policy was obviously to bring on a conflict in which,
      with England and Turkey for allies, victory was certain, and the beaten
      czar would be obliged to recognise an emperor in the person of his
      conqueror.
    </p>
    <p>
      Discussions upon the relations of Turkey and Russia began as early as
      April, and were continued, with short intervals of intermission, while
      parliament sat. During these debates the ministry was severely arraigned
      for incapacity, tardiness, crotchety and conceited views, confidence in
      the czar, which could only be inspired by sympathy with his despotic
      views, and instability of purpose. To the Aberdeen section of the cabinet
      these failings were especially attributed, and the justice of the
      imputations was too plainly established. The Earl of Derby, Lord
      Lyndhurst, and the Marquis of Clanricarde, showed a large acquaintance
      with the subject, and their orations against the policy of the government
      were the happiest political and parliamentary efforts ever made by those
      noblemen. In the commons, Mr. Layard, Lord Dudley Stuart, and Mr.
      Duncombe, made severe and eloquent denunciations against the ministerial
      policy, which "out-of-doors" encountered universal reprobation. It was the
      general opinion that Lord Palmerston ought to be placed at the head of
      affairs: even the conservative section of the country desired such a
      change, but were of opinion that his lordship should serve as minister for
      foreign affairs, or minister of war, under Lord Derby as premier. It was
      plain that while Lord Palmerston supported his colleagues ostensibly, he
      did not interfere much in foreign affairs, but attended to the duties of
      the homeoffice, which had never before been so efficiently performed. He
      was an object of jealousy, both to the Russell Whigs and the Aberdeen
      Peelites, and possessed more of the confidence of his opponents than of
      either. Much dissatisfaction was created throughout the country by the
      temper and policy displayed by Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Fox, and other
      gentlemen of the Manchester school. The great abilities of those
      gentlemen, the general conviction entertained of their honesty of purpose,
      and their past services to their country, on economical questions
      especially, made men reluctant to exhibit the dissatisfaction felt, and
      which, at a later period, displayed itself by strong practical
      demonstrations. These gentlemen lauded Russia as a highly civilized and
      Christian state; Turkey, on the other hand, was denounced as a robber
      power, which ought to be dispossessed. It was asserted that it was for the
      good of English trade that Russia should succeed in conquering Turkey; and
      that, at all events, it was the interest of England to be neutral, and
      leave France, Turkey, and Russia to concuss, as the waves of the sea
      against one another and the shore. A general impression, however, arose,
      that as the Manchester trade with Turkey and Eastern Europe was mainly
      transacted through Greek merchants and agents, it was the commercial
      interest of these men to conciliate the enemies of the sultan, apart from
      the political aspect of their relations. The cabinet was undoubtedly much
      influenced by this section of its supporters in the blind confidence it
      snowed to the czar, in their presumption that moral influence would
      suffice to prevent a war, and in the niggardly, and therefore unwise, and
      ultimately costly scheme upon which armaments were provided. Probably
      never in the House of Commons was rebuke more eloquently and sincerely
      given, or more justly merited, than when Lord Palmerston exposed the
      contradictory, selfish, and unpatriotic policy advocated by Mr. Cobden.
    </p>
    <p>
      The hostile feeling of the Manchester section of the liberal party towards
      Lord Palmerston increased from that time, and his lordship made no efforts
      to conceal his dislike of the party, but sometimes showed it in a manner
      even contemptuous. The influence of the party was exercised upon the
      cabinet, and Lord Palmerston felt himself treated by so little
      consideration, that on the 16th December he resigned. Her majesty wisely
      refused to receive his resignation. No explanations of the cause of the
      circumstance were ever given in parliament, but the country, una voce,
      pronounced that it arose from his lordship's dissatisfaction with the
      truckling policy of the Aberdeen party in the cabinet, and his popularity
      rose still higher.
    </p>
    <p>
      The session of 1853 was not unproductive. Various measures of importance
      were transacted. The cabinet possessed much administrative ability, and
      displayed it by carrying a number of bills of great practical utility. It
      was a good peace, but a bad war, ministry.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In modern English history much of the greatness and glory of the country
      may be learned by noticing the names, characters, and exploits of the
      eminent persons who pass away from the theatre of life and action. So
      fruitful is the country in men of renown, and men who deserve renown, that
      to notice these is to see the mighty position which Great Britain
      occupies, and is likely to occupy, in the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      The obituary of 1853 was not more remarkable than that of previous years;
      but still the number of the great and good who dropped into the silence of
      the grave was too great for any justice to be done to their memories, or
      to their country, jealous of their fame. Throughout the year, admirals and
      general officers, who had well served their country, were removed from the
      ranks of her defenders. So numerous were these, that it would be invidious
      to select from them any for particular notice.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the men of other professions it is more easy to point out a few of
      those whose decease excited general regret.
    </p>
    <p>
      In January, Jonathan Pereira, Esq., M.D., F.R.S., and F.L.S. He was
      distinguished as a professor of <i>Materia Medica</i>, and a writer on
      medical subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      In February, Dr. Kay, Bishop of Lincoln. The son of a linen-draper of
      Hammersmith, near Kensington. He rose by force of his superior intellect
      to the highest honours in the church. As a general scholar, as well as a
      theologian, he attained great eminence.
    </p>
    <p>
      In June, the Earl of Ducie. This nobleman was one of the most excellent in
      the peerage. His religious zeal and charity received the acknowledgments
      of all classes of men, although his resources were small. He was a
      proficient in agricultural science, and invented various agricultural
      implements of utility. As a breeder of stock he was unequalled. His
      "Example Farm," at Whitfield, gained him much reputation. He was a sound
      political economist and freetrader. The author of these lines had
      opportunities of seeing his lordship's attainments in these respects
      severely tested in private intercourse with men of the highest name.
    </p>
    <p>
      July witnessed the death of Lady Sale, widow of the heroic General Sale,
      who died from wounds received upon the field of battle. Lady Sale was one
      of the captives made by Akbar Khan in the disastrous Affghan war. During
      that war, and more especially during her captivity, she displayed
      wonderful fortitude. She possessed extraordinary military skill and
      knowledge, and showed judgment in campaigning and in diplomatic affairs,
      far superior to most of the chief officers with whom she came in contact.
      Her narrative of the Affghan war is ably written, and a record of most
      romantic events. After the death of her gallant husband, she received a
      pension of £500 a year from the queen. She returned to India, and resided
      among the hills, and ultimately died at Cape Town, Florentia, on the 6th
      of July, universally regarded with respect and admiration.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although the names of eminent officers in the army and navy, who died in
      this year, have been passed over in these notices, from their great
      number, one is especially deserving of being selected from the heroic
      crowd.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lieutenant-general Sir Charles James Napier, G.C.B. This extraordinary man
      was the eldest son of the Hon. Colonel George Napier, comptroller of the
      army accounts in Ireland. Before he finished his twelfth year, he was
      appointed to an ensigncy in the 22nd regiment of foot; and it is a
      remarkable fact, that his conquest of Scinde was mainly effected by the
      instrumentality of that regiment. His services were arduous and heroic.
      His mind was original, and active exceedingly. He possessed amazing vigour
      in command, and powers of organization rarely exhibited. The great duke
      held him in high estimation as a general. He was seventy-one years of age
      at his death, which took place at Oaklands, near Portsmouth. A monument,
      to celebrate his exploits, has been erected in Trafalgar Square, near to
      that of Nelson.
    </p>
    <p>
      As December opened, Mrs. Opie, so celebrated as a writer, died at Norwich,
      her native place, in her eighty-fifth year.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 17th, the Marchioness of Wellesley, an American lady of Irish
      parentage. Her life was an eventful one. She was much esteemed as the lady
      of the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, when the noble marquis held that post.
      She had been for many years a favourite of Queen Adelaide, and died in the
      Palace of Hampton-court.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Rev. W. Jay, the eminent Congregational minister of Bath, died on the
      27th, in his eighty-fifth year. He began to preach before he had attained
      his sixteenth year. Before he was of age, he had delivered about one
      thousand sermons. He had been sixty-two years minister of Argyle Chapel,
      Bath. His writings were varied, beautiful in style, and rich in thought
      and illustration. They were productive of a vast amount of good, as all
      denominations of Christians and all ranks of men perused them. The author
      of this History was on terms of intimacy with this remarkable man, and can
      testify that his powers of conversation were as varied and rare as his
      talents in the pulpit, and as a writer on religious subjects.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXVI.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1854
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Home Affairs:  General excitement at the beginning of the
     year..... Declaration of War against Russia..... The
     Court..... Tidings of the loss of Captain Franklin.....
     Cholera..... Ireland:    Party animosities and
     murders...... Colonies: Their General peace and
     prosperity..... Foreign Relations: The French Alliance.....
     War with Russia..... Battles by sea and land..... Dread-ful
     sufferings of the British Army..... Parliament: Contests
     concerning the conduct of the war..... Break-up of the
     Aberdeen government..... lord Palmerston premier..... Deaths
     of Eminent Persons.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      HOME AFFAIRS.&mdash;GENERAL PROSPECTS.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1854
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1854 opened gloomily upon the United Kingdom. Sickness prevailed;
      bad harvests in western and southern Europe caused a dearth of food; and
      there was reason to fear that the fleets and armies of England and France
      would encounter those of Russia in open war. There was much
      dissatisfaction with the government. The Earl of Aberdeen and the whole
      Peelite section of the cabinet were believed to be too friendly to the
      czar, and adopting a policy unworthy of English greatness and of English
      honour. The court was supposed to be influenced by the German powers in
      favour of Russia, and to be secretly hostile to the French emperor. An
      active and almost authoritative interference in the administrative affairs
      of the government, home and foreign, was attributed to Prince Albert; and
      that interference was believed to be unfavourable to free opinions at
      home, and a dignified attitude on the part of England to foreign powers. A
      passion for Germanizing the army and the home-office, for centralization&mdash;so
      contrary to English opinions and traditions&mdash;and for subjecting the
      policy of England to German interests, necessities, or views, was believed
      to possess the prince, and to spread its influence in the court. The
      prince, who had won so wide a popularity, became, in fact, unpopular. No
      open demonstrations were made of this feeling, but his royal highness was
      received coolly when he appeared in public, and the newspapers of the
      whole of the united kingdom gave him the discredit of such rumours.
      Happily, when parliament met, the statements of the ministers lessened
      these unpopular impressions, but did not efface them. It was thought that
      the public men who were favourable to England's taking a spirited part in
      defence of Turkey, in conjunction with France, and against the wishes of
      the German courts, were thwarted by the prince.
    </p>
    <p>
      The desire was universally entertained that parliament should meet at the
      beginning of January, but it was the last day of that month before it
      assembled.
    </p>
    <p>
      The approaching rupture with Russia occupied the attention of the public
      intensely; the youth of the country burning for war against a power so
      despotic and cruel. The massacre of Sinope had goaded the English nation
      to a feeling of resentment against the czar personally, and to an
      antipathy to the genius and spirit of the nation which he governed. For
      sake of treating the events of the time with unity, we shall pass over the
      home incidents connected with the proclamation of hostilities until the
      peaceful incidents which were important to the country are first recorded.
    </p>
    <p>
      A new Crystal Palace was erected at Sydenham, which excited a wide-spread
      interest, that even the thunders of war could not distract.
    </p>
    <p>
      The friends of literature were gratified by the erection of a monument to
      Thomas Hood, in the cemetery at Kensal Green. No writer of modern times,
      in prose or verse, possessed his facility for touching the hearts of his
      countrymen, and leaving his words deep in their memory.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the autumn the public were much affected by tidings concerning the fate
      of the great arctic navigator, Captain Franklin, which left no longer a
      hope that he had survived the perils of the polar seas. Dr. Rae, the
      celebrated American traveller, landed at Deal, in October, and made a
      communication to the admiralty to the following effect: that the captain
      and his whole party had, according to the testimony of certain Esquimaux,
      perished of cold and famine in the spring of 1850. Dr. Rae and his party
      purchased various articles from these people, which were undoubtedly
      relics of the unfortunate expedition. During September, the screwsteamer,
      <i>Phoenix</i>, had arrived at Queen's Town, on her return from a
      searching voyage in connection with the gallant captain. This vessel was
      the remains of the little squadron, commanded by Captains Collinson,
      McClure, and Belcher. Captains Collinson and McClure succeeded in
      establishing the fact of a north-west passage. They were, however, unable
      to discover any traces of the Franklin expedition, such as would lead to
      any certainty as to his fate.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the summer and autumn the cholera smote London and the provinces
      with great severity. During the quarter ending September, about thirty
      thousand persons perished in England of cholera and diarrhoea; during the
      three months ending with December, several thousands more were added to
      the sad enumeration.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the events of the year which most interested the commercial public,
      was the great loss of property by shipwreck. The coasts of the United
      Kingdom were strewn with wrecks in every direction, but especially along
      the north-east of England. There were upon the coasts of Great Britain and
      Ireland nine hundred and eighty-seven wrecks. During the first month of
      the year the greatest havoc was made. During that month four hundred and
      sixty-seven lives were lost. The total number lost by shipwreck during the
      year was one thousand five hundred and forty-nine. Such was the report of
      the Admiralty's register; but it is certain that omissions were made, and
      that the number was considerably higher.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Russian war caused her majesty many anxieties, and an expression of
      care and deep concern was observed upon her countenance when she appeared
      in public. The festivities usual to the British court, and the rural
      enjoyments to which her majesty and her court were so much addicted, were
      greatly abridged by the demands of public business upon the queen, and the
      exciting vicissitudes of the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      The events of chief interest to the court, apart from the great turmoil of
      public affairs, were the visits of certain royal persons to the queen, and
      a visit made by the royal consort to the Emperor of the French.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of June, the young King of Portugal, with his brother, the Duke
      of Oporto, arrived at Buckingham Palace. Every hospitality was shown to
      these princely guests; and they accompanied her majesty and Prince Albert
      to various places worthy the inspection of foreign princes.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Egyptian prince, El Hami Pasha, heir of Abbas, the Pasha of Egypt,
      arrived at Southampton in July. The prince was attended by various great
      officers of the Egyptian viceroy.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of September several princes visited the French Emperor at
      Calais and Boulogne. Among them was Prince Albert and his uncle, the King
      of the Belgians. The prince was attended by detachments of the Life Guards
      and the Horse Guards as an escort. These troops were objects of much
      curiosity and admiration on the part of the French citizens and soldiers.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of September her majesty paid her customary autumnal visit to
      her Scottish Highland retreat. <i>En route</i> she slept at Holyrood, the
      palace of the famous and unfortunate Mary, Queen of Scots. On the 12th of
      October her majesty left Balmoral for Windsor.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND
    </h2>
    <p>
      As usual, the people of England were, from time to time, startled by
      accounts of agrarian outrage, and of murders perpetrated under
      circumstances of savage ferocity hardly paralleled anywhere. Some of the
      worst criminals were found guilty; generally, juries in the Roman Catholic
      districts were unwilling to convict, and frequently the prosecution rested
      on the evidence of informers too infamous to believe. All the old evils
      which had so long harassed that distracted country remained in full force.
      The spirit of party, and of religious rancour, raged fearfully. The most
      terrible exemplification of sanguinary bigotry which, perhaps, the world
      ever witnessed, occurred in the north in September. During periods of
      persecution in all countries, man has proved himself swift to shed blood
      under the influence of intolerance and fanaticism; but seldom, if ever, in
      cold blood, had so horrible an atrocity been contemplated, as was
      attempted by the anti-Protestant party in Ulster, on the 15th of
      September.
    </p>
    <p>
      The city of Londonderry, it is well known to the readers of English
      history, made an extraordinarily gallant defence against the army of James
      II., during the revolutionary war of 1688-9. Ever since it has been
      customary for the Protestant citizens of Derry to commemorate the glorious
      event. So it was, also, in the September of 1854. A large number of
      Protestants, many of whom were Orangemen, residing in Enniskillen and the
      neighbourhood, resolved to join their brethren of Derry in their
      festivities. For this purpose they hired a train on the railway. They
      arrived at Derry, joined in the demonstrations made by "the maiden city,"
      and resumed their places in a returning train. The hostile party
      determined to effect the destruction of the whole party. Impediments were
      placed ingeniously on a particular part of the road, by which one of the
      two engines that drew the train was thrown down an embankment, and the
      other flung back upon the carriages. One of the engine-drivers was killed;
      two were terribly wounded. The Earl of Enniskillen, who headed the party,
      was on the engine, and narrowly escaped death. Several passengers were
      injured. It was wonderful that any escaped. The country people could
      hardly be prevailed upon to render assistance, they sympathised with the
      murderous purpose which had barely failed. The Roman Catholic party raised
      a great outcry against the Orangemen <i>for provoking</i> such an outrage.
      The liberal party in parliament and in the press could not afford to do
      without the Roman Catholic vote, and took up the same key-note of
      denunciation of the Orangemen. It is astonishing how little indignation
      the British public showed at this attempt at wholesale assassination by
      fanatics. A verdict of wilful murder was returned by a coroner's jury
      against six navvies who worked upon the rail. No adequate means were
      adopted by the government to trace out the offenders, or bring them to the
      condign punishment so extraordinary an atrocity deserved.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The colonies were generally prosperous and peaceable; much alarm was
      excited, especially in Australia, India, and the Straits of Malacca, by
      the want of fortifications and ships of war for their protection. It was
      deemed possible that a Russian fleet might sail through the straits, from
      its Siberian rendezvous, and commit great ravages in India, and that
      Australia was still more open to attack. Great efforts were made by the
      colonists to place the colonies in a good defensive condition, and even to
      aid the parent country in a war so popular in every part of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Canada several public disasters occurred during the year: chiefly a
      terrific fire at Quebec, by which a large portion of the city was
      destroyed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The coasts of India, especially of Western India around Bombay, suffered
      from storm. The war with Ava bore its fruits; peace was confirmed, the
      Birmese were taught a salutary fear of British power, and deprived of the
      resources by which they might again make war upon our Indian empire. There
      were various matters of moment to India. Oude was, like Ireland, in
      chronic distraction; and the policy pursued towards it by the
      governor-general of India and the board of control was neither salutary,
      nor even safe. The space allotted to this History does not allow of even a
      review of the affairs of the vast empire of Hindostan.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;THE ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE, THE WAR WITH RUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As the events of 1853 upon the Danube and in Asia Minor became known in
      Western Europe, the bonds of amity between the two great Western nations
      were drawn more closely, and it was finally resolved to unite with Turkey
      in war against the haughty and sanguinary autocrat of the North.
    </p>
    <p>
      As before related, the British parliament met on the 30th of January. It
      was anxious, if possible, to avert war. Whatever the events which fill up
      the measure of national calamities, it was felt that war was, of all, the
      most terrible. Still, the parliament and nation felt the truth of language
      directed by Lord Palmerston against Mr. Bright: "War is a calamity; but
      there is a greater calamity than war&mdash;national dishonour!" This was
      the sentiment of the nation, and of its representatives in parliament
      assembled. Fiery debates filled up the interval until war was actually
      proclaimed, and then her majesty put forth her manifesto of hostilities,
      with the unanimous support of a mighty people.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of February the Russian ambassador withdrew from the British
      court, and the British ambassador was ordered from St. Petersburg. During
      the month of February troops continued to embark for Malta and for the
      Bosphorus. Sad were the scenes of parting which were then witnessed
      throughout the British Isles; more especially in the great metropolis,
      through or from which a large proportion of the number of troops sent
      proceeded. It was most touching to witness the battalions of glorious men,
      attended by sympathizing crowds, passing along our great thoroughfares to
      the expressive music of their bands&mdash;"We are going Far Away," "Love
      Not," "Cheer, Boys, Cheer," "The Girl I left behind Me," and other popular
      pieces, which suggested the sad but gallant emotions that filled the
      breasts of our brave. Her majesty took leave of her guards with touching
      tokens of her confidence, hope, and yet sorrow, for the need that arose of
      their services; they responded by the most enthusiastic demonstrations of
      loyalty and devotion. Yet, after all, it was but a demonstration of ten
      thousand men, which the ministry thought would exercise a decisive <i>moral</i>
      influence upon the proceedings of the czar. Mr. Gladstone was great with
      indignant and pompous eloquence upon the glory of this achievement.
    </p>
    <p>
      The troops landed on the shores of the Bosphorus unprovided with almost
      all the great essentials of a modern army. The Duke of Newcastle and Mr.
      Sidney Herbert, upon whom the arrangements mainly devolved, were unequal
      to the task. Lord Hardinge presided at the Horse Guards&mdash;a man of
      party prejudices, and who was ever willing to sacrifice the interests of
      the army to family influence and political considerations. Lord Raglan was
      nominated to the command in chief&mdash;an officer who had never commanded
      a brigade in the field, and found himself destitute of the chief
      qualitities necessary in a commander of an army in a campaign. These
      proceedings passed before war was proclaimed. It was supposed that the
      mere demonstration would effect the end really in view&mdash;to cause the
      czar to recede somewhat in his demands. At last war was proclaimed. On the
      29th of March this august solemnity took place. The people hailed it with
      pleasure, for it was felt that, however undesirable the event, it had been
      impolitically delayed. France made a similar declaration. The two great
      Western nations went to war with the Muscovite for the integrity of the
      Ottoman empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      On April the 21st, her majesty proclaimed a day of fast and humiliation,
      which was observed by the whole nation on the 26th. A French journal
      observed, that "seldom was a sublimer spectacle presented to the world
      than a mighty nation, which had buckled on its armour for war, humbling
      itself before the Almighty, and appealing to his power and protection with
      one voice." Such were the leading home incidents preparatory to the great
      struggle in which great nations battled for ascendancy. Preparations still
      went on in England for the struggle, which was so soon to ensue in all its
      sanguinary earnestness. The estimates, which parliament was asked to vote
      for 1854, beginning on the 1st of April, were utterly inadequate to to the
      crisis; they were&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                   Proposed Vote.      Increase.

     For the Army....               6,287,488          262,470

     "      Navy....                7,487,948        1,202,455

     "      Ordnance                 3,854,878          792,311

                                   £17,630,314       £2,257,236
</i></pre>
    <p>
      These estimates were of course the occasion of much parliamentary
      discussion, the feeling of the house being in favour of a larger vote. The
      chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Gladstone, hoped by this "bit by bit"
      preparation for the war to show his majesty the czar British desire for
      peace; and expected to conciliate him by showing how few regiments we were
      willing to raise, and the modicum of expense wo contemplated. All who knew
      the habit of thought in Asiatic nations&mdash;and Russia is essentially an
      Asiatic nation&mdash;were aware that this parsimonious war-making would
      have a contrary effect: the czar understood it as a token of a commercial
      disgust to war, and a dread of adding to the national debt, and he was
      encouraged to proceed. That such was the feeling at St. Petersburg private
      letters at the time, and subsequently, abundantly established.
    </p>
    <p>
      The naval preparations for the war made better progress than those of the
      army. A fleet was fitted out, the most magnificent the world ever saw, and
      was committed to the command of Vice-admiral Sir Charles Napier.
      Rear-admirals Chads and Plumridge were also appointed to important
      commands under Sir Charles. This fleet was exercised daily off Portsmouth
      by Admiral Chads, especially in gunnery, who had obtained great celebrity
      in that department of a naval officer's qualifications. The Russian fleets
      had paraded about the Gulfs of Bothnia and Finland the preceding autumn,
      and the usual boastings were heard through the Russo-German organs of the
      press, and from the friends of Russia in the London clubs. In consequence
      of these boastings, the public were very anxious for the dispatch of the
      Baltic fleet as early as possible in the spring, and the 11th of March was
      fixed upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      The powerful fleet under Sir Charles Napier's command was reviewed by her
      majesty on the 7th of March. It consisted of sixteen war steamers; of
      which two, the <i>Duke of Wellington</i> and the <i>Royal George</i> were,
      three-deckers, while three carried admirals' flags&mdash;Sir Charles
      Napier's in the <i>Duke</i>, Admiral Chads' in the <i>Edinburgh</i>, and
      Admiral Plumridge's in the <i>Leopard</i>. The <i>Euryalus</i>,
      screw-steamer, was subsequently added.
    </p>
    <p>
      The second division, under Vice-admiral Corry, which afterwards joined Sir
      Charles Napier, consisted of&mdash;seven ships of the line, four screw
      ships, and twelve steam frigates, sloops, &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Charles Napier stated publicly, and personally assured the author of
      this History, that his fleet was badly manned as to the quality of the
      men, and inadequately as to the numbers on board. The proportion of
      skilled seamen was altogether beneath what the necessities of the fleet
      required, and exposed it to great danger. The admiral went so far as to
      aver, that had the Russian fleet the courage to come out, so unskilfully
      manned were his ships, that the enemy might have secured an easy conquest.
      This statement excited strong protests and contradictions, and has been
      always regarded with indignation by the gallant men who walked the decks
      of these proud ships of war.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be here a suitable place to state the force and the arrangement of
      the troops ultimately constituting the British expeditionary army in
      Turkey. It was of course subjected to various modifications afterwards,
      but the following is an accurate representation of the divisional
      arrangement of the army, and its constituent regiments:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>First Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. the Duke of Cambridge.</i> <i>First
      Brigade</i> (under the command of Major-general Bentinck).&mdash;Grenadier
      Guards, 3rd battalion; Coldstream Guards, 1st |battalion; Scots Fusilier
      Guards, 1st battalion. <i>Second Brigade</i> (under the command of
      Major-general Sir Colin Campbell).&mdash;42nd Royal regiment, or "Royal
      Highland Watch;" 78th regiment (Rosshire Buffs); 93rd, or Sutherland
      regiment.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Second Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. Sir De Lacy Evans.</i> <i>First
      Brigade</i> (under the command of Major-gen. Pennefatuer).&mdash;30th
      regiment; 55th regiment; 95th regiment (a new regiment). The old 95th
      served throughout the Peninsula and at Waterloo. <i>Second Brigade</i>
      (under the command of Brigadier-general Adams).&mdash;41st regiment
      (Welsh); 47th regiment (The Lancashire); 49th regiment (The Princess
      Charlotte's).
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Third Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. Sir Richard England.</i> <i>First
      Brigade</i> (under the command of Brigadier-general Ryhe).&mdash;1st
      regiment (The Royal regiment, formerly called Royal Scots); 28th regiment
      (North Gloucester), during the present century this regiment has been
      Irish; 38th regiment (1st Staffordshire). <i>Second Brigade</i> (under the
      command of Brigadier-general Sir J. Campbell).&mdash;44th regiment (East
      Essex), during the present century this regiment has been an Irish one;
      56th regiment (West Essex); 68th regiment (Durham Light Infantry).
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Fourth Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. Sir George Cathgakt.</i> <i>First
      Brigade</i> (under the command of the senior Lieut.-col., as Brigadier).&mdash;20th
      regiment (East Devonshire); 21st regiment (Royal North British Fusiliers);
      1st battalion Rifle Brigade. <i>Second Brigade</i> (under the command of
      the senior Lieut.-col., as Brigadier).&mdash;63rd regiment (West Suffolk);
      46th regiment (South Devonshire): 57th regiment (West Middlesex).
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Fifth, or Light Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. Sir George Brown.</i> <i>First
      Brigade</i> (under the command of Brigadier-general Goldie).&mdash;Royal
      Rifle Brigade, 2nd battalion; 7th Royal Fusiliers; 23rd Royal Welsh
      Fusiliers; 33rd regiment (Duke of Wellington's own). <i>Second Brigade</i>
      (under the command of Brigadier-general Buller.)&mdash;19th regiment (1st
      York, North Riding); 77th regiment (East Middlesex; 88th regiment
      Connaught Rangers).
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Cavalry Division.&mdash;Lieut.-gen. the Earl of Luoan</i>. <i>First
      Brigade, Heavy</i> (under the command of Brigadiergen. the Hon. J.
      Scarlett).&mdash;1st (Royal) Dragoons; 2nd (Royal) Dragoons (Scots Greys);
      4th Dragoon Guards (Royal Irish); 5th Dragoon Guards (commonly called
      Green Horse); 6th Dragoons (Inniskillens). <i>Second Brigade, Light</i>
      (under the command of Major-gen. the Earl of Cardigan).&mdash;4th Light
      Dragoons (Queen's own); 8th King's Royal Irish Hussars; 11th Hussars
      (Prince Albert's own); 13th Light Dragoons; 17th Lancers.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was finally agreed upon between the two Western governments, that
      England should furnish 30,000 men, and France 70,000. It was then thought
      that an allied force of 100,000 men in support of a Turkish army equally
      numerous, would be sufficient to drive the armies of the czar out of the
      Principalities.
    </p>
    <p>
      Leaving for a while the din of preparation, and the dispatch of troops, it
      is necessary to return to the operations of the Turks upon the Danube. It
      is not suitable to this History to record all the victories gained by the
      Osmans, it is only necessary to observe, that they were almost uniformly
      victorious, and fought with dazzling bravery. The grand struggle, however,
      on the part of the Turks was in the defence of Silistria. Against that
      place a powerful Russian army, under its ablest artillerists and
      engineers, was directed. The Turks were few and badly provided, but they
      were encouraged by the presence of various British officers of the most
      heroic mould. Among these none was more distinguished than Captain Butler,
      who perished from a wound received in the defence, while beside the
      gallant British General Cannon (Behram Pasha), by whom the garrison of
      Silistria had been reinforced.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was something mysterious about the policy pursued during the siege
      of Silistria. The place was driven to the utmost straits, although Omar
      Pasha was at the head of a large army at Shumla, and the Western allies
      were at Varna. The latter declared that they were unable to move from want
      of those campaigning appliances, which a French army has not been usually
      known to stand in need of either before or since. Omar Pasha said he could
      not move for want of beasts of burden, and from strategical reasons;
      although he supplied the allies in Bulgaria with pack animals and 500 <i>arobas</i>,
      or carts, from Shumla, and no reason could be seen why he did not push on
      his troops to the relief of the beleaguered and endangered city. At last
      he sent a portion of his troops forward, and Russia was destined to
      undergo a signal humiliation. When the troops of Omar Pasha sent to
      relieve the place advanced for that purpose, the Russians had so
      completely invested it against the approach of a relieving army that there
      seemed no hope of accomplishing that object. The Turkish army was not
      strong enough to fight a pitched battle, and cause the Russians to raise
      the siege. It was of the last importance that the drooping, wearied, and
      dispirited garrison should be relieved by fresh men. This exploit was
      accomplished by the genius and promptitude of one heroic man&mdash;General
      Cannon, bearing the Turkish title of Behram Pasha. He commanded the light
      division of the Turkish army. He caused letters to be written to the
      officers of the garrison, laying down a plan by which they were to
      co-operate with him in entering the city at a certain hour, by a certain
      point. These letters he managed should fall into the hands of the
      Russians. They accordingly prepared in great strength to defeat the
      stratagem they had, as they supposed, so opportunely discovered. The
      British general made a long detour, and after a night of forced marching
      he came upon an opposite part of the city, an entrance by which the
      Russians could not have supposed possible, and to the joy and wonder of
      the garrison, the best division of the Turkish army, with its best general
      at the head, marched into the city. From that hour the contest was no
      longer dubious. The Russians saw that the prize was carried from their
      grasp. They at last raised the siege, to be pursued by Cannon and other
      British officers, at the head of their gallant Turks, from victory to
      victory, until the baffled and beaten Muscovite fled through the
      Principalities he had so boastingly invaded, and so ruthlessly plundered
      and oppressed. To General Cannon's skill and courage the raising of the
      siege of Silistria, the grand turning-point of the campaign, is to be
      attributed. The conception of the plan, the peril of the attempt, and the
      glory of the achievement were all his own.
    </p>
    <p>
      Contemporaneously with the war on the Danube, operations were conducted in
      Asia Minor, but no British or French troops were sent there at any period
      of the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the closing months of 1853, the Russians organized a powerful army
      to drive the Turks out of Asia, but the Circassians and other tribes of
      the Caucasus were in arms against Russia, and fought so gallantly and
      perseveringly, that the troops of the czar were unable to effect anything
      until late in the summer of 1854. The Turks organized an army for the
      defence of their Asiatic possessions, and committed it to the command of
      Jazif Pasha, an utterly incompetent man and bigoted Mohammedan. Under him
      was another officer, of like character, Selim Pasha, who experienced
      defeat at the hands of far inferior forces of the enemy. A number of
      Polish and Hungarian officers, who had fought in the Hungarian revolution
      of 1848, were sent to assist the Turkish Muchir in forming and
      disciplining an army. Some of these men became Mohammedans, and obtained
      substantial rewards and honours; others, refusing to renounce the
      profession of Christianity, were not allowed to hold real authority, but
      acted as a species of aides-de-camp of high rank, and counsellors of the
      pashas. Among the foreign officers of this description was a native of the
      west of England, named Guyon, a man of rare genius, and as rare bravery.
      He had taken part in the Hungarian revolution, and as the despotic power
      of Austria was sacred in the eyes of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the
      British ambassador at Constantinople, and all revolutionists, however
      honourable their cause, were hateful to his lordship, Guyon met with no
      countenance or support from him. The personal prejudices and predilections
      of the noble ambassador were always in the ascendant, and often were
      sufficiently strong to injure the cause of Turkey and the allies. Guyon
      was, however, raised to the rank of pasha, and got the surname of
      Kurschid. The native pashas set his advice and authority at defiance,
      plundered the troops, the people, and the government, and acted more like
      the allies of Russia than generals or dignitaries of Turkey. Such a state
      of tilings in the Turkish army encouraged the Russians, and they advanced,
      notwithstanding the embarrassments created by the intrepid raids of the
      mountaineers of the Caucasus, under the enterprising Schamyl and his
      lieutenants. The Polish officers in the Turkish service were jealous of
      the superior skill and chivalrous heroism of Guy on. Indeed, throughout
      the war in Asia, the English officers who acted there were opposed with
      envenomed rancour by the Poles who happened to serve in the same cause
      with them, and one or two Germanized-Hungarians joined in this
      anti-British feeling. But for Guyon the Turkish army would have been
      annihilated before the autumn of 1854, and yet the mendacious Muchir and
      his Feriks laid the blame of every defeat upon the European officers, but
      especially upon the best and the bravest of them all&mdash;the dauntless
      and noble-hearted Guyon.
    </p>
    <p>
      During August, 1854, the Russians advanced, with the design of attacking
      Erzerum. The Turkish pashas were too much intent upon plundering every one
      within the range of their power to offer any effectual resistance.
      Hungarian, German, and Polish officers, especially the two latter, were
      equally zealous in quarrelling with one another. Guyon alone, among the
      officers of superior rank in the Turkish service, displayed activity,
      intelligence, foresight, and spirit; but he was thwarted by the other
      Europeans, and insulted and defied by the Turkish Muchir, Feriks, and
      Beys. Again and again he pointed out the sure road to victory, and the
      fact that the Turks were superior in numbers and resources to their foes:
      his counsel was despised, delays were interposed, when no alternative but
      the ostensible adoption of his plans remained, and the result was the
      almost total dispersion of the Turkish armies, and the imminent danger of
      Erzerum, and even Kars, falling into the hands of the enemy without a
      struggle. This state of things continued until Lieut.-colonel (afterwards
      Majorgeneral Sir Fen wick Williams, Bart.) Williams appeared upon the
      scene as the commissioner of her Britannic majesty. In that character he
      was invested with an authority poor Guyon could not claim, and without
      which the latter officer struggled in vain. Colonel Williams, like Guyon,
      was an object of the insatiable jealousy of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe,
      who gave him no support, and, in spite of the entreaties&mdash;and, at
      last, of the commands&mdash;of the English minister for foreign affairs,
      thwarted Colonel Williams in every conceivable way. Supported, however, by
      the decision, perseverance, and intelligence of Lord Clarendon, the
      English commissioner held his ground in spite of the coldness, and even
      opposition, of the ambassador, and was enabled to re-organize the
      dispersed armies of the Porte, to place Kars and Erzerum in conditions of
      defence, and to throw such obstructions in the way of the Russians, then
      flushed with success, as retarded their advance, until the fall of
      Sebastopol decided virtually the fortunes of the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      Leaving the struggle in Asia in the position above noticed, it is
      necessary to turn once more to Turkey in Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the conquering Turks drove the flying Russians before them through
      the Principalities, the Austrians marched in and took possession of the
      quarters abandoned by the fugitives. Interposing between the victors and
      the vanquished, the Austrians rendered valuable services to the Russians,
      and, perhaps, preserved their army from total destruction. Without the
      knowledge of the Western allies, Austria concluded a convention with the
      Porte for the occupation of the Provinces. There were many circumstances
      to prove that the French government was privy to this design, and a
      special policy on the part of France began to develop itself. Whatever the
      motives of that policy, it had, for its effect, a concert with the
      Austrians in exercising a domination over the Roman Provinces far more
      intolerable than that from which Turkish valour had delivered them. The
      oppressed Romans sought and obtained the sympathy of the English; but both
      Austria and France were jealous of that sympathy, and dreaded the
      dissemination of English constitutional opinions. Austria, ever the foe of
      freedom, barred out, as it were, English intercourse and views, in virtue
      of the power she obtained by her convention of occupation with the sultan.
      The policy of Austria was also vacillating and indeterminate. At one time
      she would appear ready to join the fortunes of the allies, and immediately
      after direct her endeavours to secure the Russian frontier from the
      assault of the allied armies. It was generally believed that Russia was
      more vulnerable from the confines of Podolia, and by a campaign carried
      into Poland, than elsewhere. Austria dreaded the appearance of French and
      English uniforms in too close proximity to Russian Poland; nor was Prussia
      less timid of that phenomenon; for both were apprehensive of a general
      rising of Poland against her tripartite oppressors. At one time Austria
      was said to be willing to join in the war and march across the Russian
      frontier in the rear of an allied invasion, provided England and France
      backed the movement by a certain amount of force. As the Western nations
      could not, or would not, march an amount of troops in that direction, such
      as Austria deemed necessary in consequence of the vulnerability of her own
      frontier line, she declined the peril, and satisfied herself with holding
      the Dacian Provinces in the name of the sultan; but, for her own purposes,
      Austria had designs upon Moldavia and Wallachia, and when the war was
      brought to a termination, could with difficulty be persuaded to withdraw
      her troops from them, and did not retire until public opinion, in England
      and France, was expressed in terms of resentment and menace. Such was, in
      brief, the history of the success of Turkey upon her own European
      frontier, and of the quality of the help afforded by Austria to Turkey and
      the allies during the war.
    </p>
    <p>
      Another sphere of action now demands attention. The allied fleets entered
      the Bosphorus immediately upon the slaughter of Sinope. Still, as war was
      not declared, they confined their action to keeping the Russian ships of
      war blockaded in their own harbours. One Russian vessel, the <i>Vladimir</i>,
      gallantly broke the blockade; scoured the Black Sea; and, in spite of the
      allied cruisers, inflicted severe injury upon Turkish shipping all around
      the coasts of the Black Sea to the very entrance of the Bosphorus,
      escaping back to Sebastopol with impunity. Throughout the war, the
      enterprising and daring captain of the <i>Vladimir</i> performed feats
      worthy of the reputation of any navy in the world. It became necessary for
      the allies to send a flag of truce to Odessa, the bearers were
      treacherously fired upon. This exasperated the allies, and Odessa was
      bombarded. The admirals endeavoured to spare the commercial portions of
      the place, it being a free port; the destruction of the defences was, in
      consequence, only partially effected, while much damage was nevertheless
      inflicted upon the city itself. After the bombardment, the Muscovites,
      with great activity, repaired and strengthened the defences, so that the
      bombardment was little more than an empty demonstration of power. It
      displayed, however, the skill of the allied squadrons; for one of the most
      scientific and beautiful naval operations of the war was accomplished. The
      ships fired while in motion; circling round the place; delivering their
      broadsides as they passed; and, by their rapidity of movement, gave little
      chance to the batteries on shore to inflict any damage.
    </p>
    <p>
      The British and French navies held possession of the Black Sea, incurring
      little loss. The destruction of the British frigate <i>Tiger</i> was,
      however, an incident which caused much regret in England. In certain
      operations in shallow water near Odessa, the ship went aground, and was
      captured. The Russians, vindictively and cowardly, continued to fire upon
      it while any living object was seen upon its decks. Few acts were ever
      perpetrated, by even the most barbarous enemy, more at variance with the
      laws of war, and the instincts of honour, gallantry, and generosity. The
      allied armies continued most uselessly to linger on the shores of the
      Bosphorus and at Varna, until the season proper for military operations
      had passed away. Never was an expedition more unprofitable. The Turks were
      allowed to battle against the whole power of Russia upon the Danube
      without the slightest help, while two large armies were within forty miles
      of them. In England, suspicions of treachery were entertained. Some
      believed that the Aberdeen government was unwilling to weaken the power of
      Russia; others believed that France and Austria had covert designs, and
      were unwilling to prosecute the war. It was not until the middle of
      September that the allies acted in concert. In the meantime, Russia
      fomented disturbances in the Greek provinces of Turkey, and invited the
      Greeks of independent Greece to invade the sultan's territory. The troops
      of the padishaw suppressed revolt with sanguinary effect, and drove the
      Greek sympathizers across the borders. The allied fleets landed
      detachments of troops in Greece, and compelled neutrality.
    </p>
    <p>
      At last the period arrived for the decisive movement of the allied armies,
      and it was resolved to invade the territory of Russia, and destroy her
      great naval and military arsenals on the Black Sea. For this purpose the
      troops were embarked at Varna and other places, and escorted by the fleets
      to the Crimea. A landing was effected at Old Fort without opposition. The
      allies began their march towards Sebastopol, skirmishing as they
      proceeded. Eupatoria, a port and city in the Crimea, was also seized by
      the allies, and put in a state of defence on the land side, so as to be
      held by a garrison against any army likely to be sent to recover it.
    </p>
    <p>
      The armies, arriving at the river Alma, found the heights which commanded
      its passage occupied by the enemy in great force. A battle ensued; the
      first of the war in which the British and French were engaged together.
      The allies were successful. The Russians were completely defeated; and had
      the French consented to pursue them, it is possible that the Russian army
      might have been cut off. The British distinguished themselves greatly at
      the battle of the Alma. The second division, under the chivalrous Sir De
      Lacy Evans, bore the brunt of the combat on the British lines. His
      division was ably assisted by Sir Richard England, who was left in
      support, and without orders from his chief. He, with his guns, hastened to
      the aid of Sir De Lacy Evans, and distinguished himself by his courage,
      promptitude, and presence of mind. The Duke of Cambridge commanded the
      first division, with Sir Colin Campbell as his senior brigadier. His royal
      highness displayed in this, his maiden battle, the skill and courage for
      which all who had served under him had given him credit, and which he was
      destined to evince still more signally on the bloody slopes of Inkerman.
    </p>
    <p>
      The allies, in consequence of the want of carriage and other appliances of
      a campaign, lingered for days on the site of their victory before they
      resumed their march against the great citadel. On arriving at the north
      side, it was deemed by the allied commanders desirable and feasible to
      effect a flank march to the south side. Curiously, at the same juncture,
      the Russian army, under Prince Menschikoff, attempted another flank march
      from the south to the north. The wings of the hostile armies came into
      collision; many Russians were slain or made prisoners. Neither army had
      any idea of the strategy of the other, and both were surprised at the
      partial rencontre. Arriving at the south side, Balaklava was made the
      basis of the allied operations: the British occupying the right, and
      facing, of course, the left defence. The Honourable General Cathcart
      advised an immediate assault upon the place, which was very indifferently
      defended in that direction; but General Burgoyne, the chief officer of
      British engineers, and the commanderin-chief, were alike opposed to it.
      General Evans, and other officers of high authority, were against the plan
      of General Cathcart as rash. Those officers still retain the opinions
      which then influenced the decision arrived at. It was determined to
      besiege the place, and conquer it by regular approaches. The Russians, who
      were so dispirited that it is questionable whether they would have
      resisted an immediate assault with any vigour, took heart and threw up
      defences. A young officer of engineers, named Todtleben, conceived the
      idea of vast erections of earthworks, and the Russians were set to defend
      the place with pick and mattock more strenuously than by artillery or
      musketry. The result was a protracted defence. The Russians plied the
      spade and shovel with astonishing vigour and perseverance, and Todtleben
      proved himself equal in genius to the exigency. The Russians were
      reinforced; confidence took the place of despair, and the city was
      defended with desperate hardihood and energy. Besides the garrison, there
      was a Russian army in the field upon the Tchernaya, and the heights by
      which it was commanded. Such was the state of affairs, with occasional
      skirmishing and gunnery, up to the 26th of October, when the too
      celebrated battle of Balaklava was fought, and the British generals
      incurred the imputation of folly, such as seldom has been laid to the
      account of military chiefs, and the British army gained a reputation for
      chivalrous valour which will live when even the stupidity which made the
      occasion of its display is forgotten. It would be impossible, within the
      limits of this work, to give the details of such a battle. There were
      redoubts thrown up in the plain beyond the heights of Balaklava, which
      were garrisoned by Turks. The worst possible generalship was displayed by
      the British commander-in-chief in occupying these redoubts with small
      bodies of troops far from any support. The Russians attacked and conquered
      the redoubts; Sir Colin Campbell, at the head of a body of infantry, took
      up a position in the plain. The Earl of Lucan and the British cavalry
      advanced beyond that position. The Russians occupied a gorge between two
      hills, flanked with field-pieces, a line of horse artillery in front, and
      guns of position placed Upon the heights so as to rake the ground upon
      which an attacking force must approach. To draw the British to attack them
      in this strong position, was the strategy of the Russian general. He
      succeeded. The cavalry were ordered to charge; the order was conveyed from
      Lord Baglan to Lord Lucan by Captain Nolan. The lieutenant-general has
      been censured for obeying the command; but he had no discretion allowed
      him; it was in writing&mdash;it was distinct&mdash;and the officer who
      delivered it, coming directly from Lord Baglan, must have known what the
      latter really intended. It has been universally believed that Captain
      Nolan used insulting language to the Earl of Lucan, taunting him with
      cowardice. This is untrue; the author of this history can declare so upon
      the authority of the noble lord himself. Captain Nolan did point to the
      enemy and the captured guns borne by them from the Turkish redoubts, and
      directed the general's attention to the duty of their recapture. The Earl
      of Lucan had no alternative but to obey, more especially as the cavalry
      had been much criticised by anonymous writers from the camp. The Earl of
      Lucan ordered the light brigade of his division to charge, and advanced
      the heavy brigade to its support as far as it could be brought for such a
      purpose. Some of the regiments of the heavy brigade advanced so far as to
      be under the fire of the enemy's guns. The light brigade was commanded by
      the Earl of Cardigan, who led it into action in the most gallant style.
      Whoever has read Tennyson's poem, "The Six Hundred," will have perused the
      most graphic and striking description of the exciting scene which
      followed. The brigade moved on, losing the gallant Nolan before it had
      reached the charge; he was the first who fell. It is commonly supposed
      that he led the charge. This is not so; he rode at a little distance from
      the line when the shot took effect, which deprived the army of one of its
      ablest and bravest cavalry officers. In this terrible charge, the charge
      of six hundred men against an army in position, with its flanks defended
      by strong batteries on elevated positions, there was no flinching. The
      gallant leader has told the author of this work that various officers
      shouted, brandished their swords, and were excited; that if any effort
      were required on the part of the commander, it was to keep the men cool
      and the lines regular as they galloped forward to the terrific encounter.
      The charge was made, how gallantly the whole world admits. The wonder is
      that any escaped. Probably, hardly any would, had not Colonel Sewell, at
      the head of the Royal Irish Hussars, thought of the peril of the Russian
      cavalry wheeling from the flanks and blocking up the way of return. He
      immediately turned his rear and found this danger in actual existence. He
      charged the Russian cavalry, and, with the aid of a handful of French
      horsemen, kept open the way for the return of those who had dashed,
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     "With fetlock deep in blood,"
</i></pre>
    <p>
      their fiery steeds through the lines of the enemy. The leader and a
      portion of his gallant band escaped. It has been said of the Earl of
      Cardigan that "he was the first in and the first out." This is simply not
      true. He entered the Russian lines at the head of his men, and when his
      brigade was broken in pieces upon the guns and lines of the enemy, he, as
      a fragment of the shattered mass, like other fragments, turned to re-form
      and act as duty then might dictate. He rode slowly from the Russian lines
      under the fire of the enemy, and joined the rest of the survivors, who
      received him with cheers. The Earl of Lucan, with the heavy brigade,
      rendered the retreat of the light brigade possible. The Russian cavalry
      swept down in masses, approaching the British infantry, by whose fire they
      were deterred from charging. They approached the cavalry camp; General
      Scarlett was ordered, with a portion of the heavy brigade, to charge them.
      It was a gallant and glorious deed. Lord Raglan, who witnessed it from the
      heights, declared, in his despatch, that he had rarely seen such a
      splendid charge of cavalry, and that it was so made as never for a moment
      to leave success in doubt. The Russians retired to their positions and
      kept there, but the redoubts were held by them. Had Lord Raglan advanced
      his infantry, an action of a more general and scientific character would
      have ensued, and an opportunity might have been made available for
      inflicting a defeat upon the enemy which would have relieved Balaklava of
      his vicinity. Such was the opinion of various officers of authority, and
      Sir De Lacy Evans, who had as good opportunities as any general to form a
      judgment upon the occasion, and was as competent as any officer in Europe
      to do so, expressed, in conversation with the author of this History, the
      same opinion.
    </p>
    <p>
      The men and horses of the British army were now suffering severely from
      the climate, and from various privations, which the bad commissariat
      arrangements, and the want of energy and capacity on the part of the
      commanderin-chief, entailed upon them. November opened gloomily in every
      way upon the besiegers. Its first event of importance was the battle of
      the Little Inkerman, as it was called among the soldiers. The Russians
      attempted a surprise upon the dangerous and exposed post of the second
      division, which was fortunately commanded by Sir De Lacy Evans. The result
      was the most scientifically-fought battle of the war. General Evans, not
      hampered by the interference of a commander-in-chief, whose only title to
      command him was that conferred by his social rank and favour with the
      ministry, had full scope for his own superior powers. The Russians were
      repulsed with great slaughter and with little loss to their victors. The
      French offered assistance tardily, but their aid was declined&mdash;good
      generalship won the battle. The men of the second division knew how to
      obey the commands of a general whom they trusted, and to follow a leader
      himself the bravest of the brave.
    </p>
    <p>
      The battle of the Little Inkerman was soon followed by that called, <i>par
      excellence</i>, the battle of Inkerman. The morning of the 5th of November
      dawned mistily and dimly over the plateau before Sebastopol, and along the
      dark course of the Tchernaya. The Russians ascended stealthily against the
      flank of the British. A terrible battle ensued. The English, surprised,
      fought in their great-coats; although otherwise imperfectly dressed, and
      some without shoes or shakos. Evans, who would have been at the head of
      his second division, was ill on board ship at Balaklava, and his place was
      nobly filled by General Pennefather. At the sound of the cannon booming
      heavily over the plateau of Balaklava, Evans rose from his sick bed and
      hurried to the front of battle, where he remained during the terrible
      morning of conflict which opened that eventful day. The English were all
      but overpowered, although they fought as Englishmen&mdash;as probably no
      men ever before fought&mdash;with a tenacious obstinacy that yielded to no
      force, with a chivalrous dash and daring which contemned all odds. The
      Duke of Cambridge, probably, escaped greater danger than any British
      officer on the field. For a time he rode along the line encouraging his
      men, the fire of the advancing columns of the Russians directed upon him;
      nearly all around him were killed or wounded. It was a critical and awful
      moment: the Russians were gaining the summit of the ascent; they would
      there have had room to deploy, and the British would have been in danger
      of being driven from their intrenchments, and the allied armies of being
      forced back upon the sea. Fortunately the French, who were engaged in
      watching the manoeuvres of Liprandi in the valley beneath, at last came to
      the assistance of their allies, and fell upon the Russian flanks. The
      British at the same moment received supplies of ammunition, of which they
      had been in need through the wretched management of everything that
      depended upon head-quarters; their ranks rallied and poured deadly volleys
      of Minié bullets upon the masses of the enemy struggling with the French.
      The slopes of the plateau were strewn with dead, and slippery with gore;
      the Russians, foiled everywhere, retreated. The French, fresh for pursuit,
      would not pursue unless the weary guardsmen led the van. Canrobert, the
      successor of Arnaud in command of the French army, complimented the
      British, but did not act heartily with them. The services of Sir Richard
      England at Inkerman have been generally overlooked by British writers.
      England was not favourable to the agents of the press, and he showed this
      feeling in a manner which offended that class. This was unwise, both for
      himself, his division, and the service. Were it not for that circumstance,
      the valuable services of that general would have become better known to
      the public. When the battle of Inkerman began, England occupied a position
      to the left of the English lines, near to a ravine which separated them
      from those occupied by the French. Leaving a portion of his troops under
      the command of one of his brigadiers, he dispatched the rest under
      Brigadier Campbell to the right, and himself followed. His opportune
      arrival supported the divisions exposed to attack; and as their several
      detachments moved to the more immediate theatre of conflict, England's
      troops occupied the ground from which they had been removed, and which
      would have been exposed to the enemy. It is remarkable that the plan of
      the Russian generals was to make the principal attack upon the extreme
      left of the British, so as to separate the English left from the French
      right. The officer in charge of the attacking column missed his way, delay
      was thus caused as well as the plan of assault totally deranged; possibly,
      to these circumstances may be attributed the failure of the Russian attack
      of the 5th of November.
    </p>
    <p>
      After this battle, Sir De Lacy Evans strongly recommended Lord Raglan to
      change his position. He was influenced in offering this advice by the
      total inadequacy of the English army, numerically, to occupy such extended
      lines, and by the suffering of the army from ill health, climate, and
      deficient supplies, personal and military. This letter of the general has
      been much misrepresented in the London clubs, and among coteries
      unfriendly to the general's liberal parliamentary policy. It was, however,
      the opinion of Sir De Lacy that, unless reinforcements arrived in numbers
      far superior to what was then probable, the British would be unable to
      hold their ground; and, notwithstanding the actual issue, such advice was
      sound, and based upon facts and probabilities.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the battle of Inkerman, the condition of the British army became
      truly horrible, so that the closing winter months of 1854 were such as
      tried the fortitude of the British troops and their hardihood of endurance
      to the uttermost. It would be in vain to attempt to portray, upon these
      pages, sufferings which excited the wonder and sympathy of all nations, or
      to depict the patriotism and enduring devotion to duty by which such
      protracted miseries were sustained. Great numbers perished of cold,
      hunger, and sickness; and the cholera, which ravaged the encampments of
      Gallipoli and Varna, pursued the army to the trenches before Sebastopol.
      The Russians also suffered much, and bore it as good, hardy, and loyal
      soldiers; but they had the shelter, hospitals, and supplies of the city.
      The troops on the Tchernaya were relieved by the garrison of the city, and
      supplied from its almost exhaustless stores. The Russian armies had the
      whole power of the empire in their rear; but, notwithstanding the
      herculean efforts made by the czar to recruit and feed his armies, the
      drain of life was terrible, from causes similar to those by which the
      English were swept away in such numbers. The French army was far better
      organized and more honestly administered than the armies of England and
      Russia, and the loss of life during 1854, after the landing in the Crimea,
      was less than was experienced by the British or Russians. The cholera,
      however, took greater effect upon the Turks, French, and Muscovites, than
      upon the British. At Gallipoli and Varna this was strikingly exemplified.
      In the Dobrudscha, upon the Danube, the division of General Espineau was
      nearly destroyed by the pestilence.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the whole period to which this relation of events refers, the
      allied fleets were masters of the Turkish waters, from the gates of the
      Dardanelles to the Sea of Azoff. When the fleets conveyed the armies to
      Old Fort and Eupatoria, they appeared before Sebastopol; and the Russians,
      fearing that the enterprise of the British might penetrate the harbour,
      sunk their fleet in two lines, so as to bar its entrance and prevent their
      capture. This bold measure did much to prolong the defence. It also
      mortified the allies, who were thus prevented from taking naval prizes,
      and from conquering the place, or very much promoting its conquest by
      naval artillery. The Russians reserved some of their most efficient
      vessels behind the range of sunken ships, and with those they commanded
      the flanks of the besiegers, causing much waste of life, and obstructing
      seriously the progress of the siege.
    </p>
    <p>
      The naval force of the czar in the Black Sea was estimated very
      differently by various writers. A number of statements were put forth, all
      professing to be authentic. We select two, and our readers will be able to
      judge for themselves the probable statistics. Haxthausen represents the
      Black Sea fleet as consisting of three divisions, each of which comprised
      ordinarily 1 three-decker, 2 two-deckers (among the last two ships
      mounting each 84 guns), 6 frigates, 1 corvette, and 4 smaller vessels. Mr.
      Danby Seymour is more precise, and furnishes us with what purports to be a
      complete list of the Russian naval force in the Euxine in 1854, viz.:&mdash;20
      ships of the line, 7 frigates, 5 corvettes, 12 brigs, 9 schooners, 7
      cutters, 2 yachts, 1 bombard, 30 steamers, 28 gun-boats, and 30
      transports.
    </p>
    <p>
      The British fleet consisted of the <i>Britannia, Trafalgar, Vengeance,
      Rodney, Betterophon, Queen, Lynx, Sphynx, Tribune, Sampson, Terrible,
      Furious, Retribution, Highflyer, Spiteful, Cyclops, Vesuvius, Albion,
      Arethusa, London, Sanspareil, Agamemnon, Firebrand, Triton, Niger,</i>
      constituting a most powerful navy. At that juncture, so great were the
      maritime resources of England, that a naval authority thus reported
      concerning her resources:&mdash;"From our ships in reserve and building,
      we could form a naval force far surpassing that which any other nation in
      the world can boast of having afloat. We have in reserve, at the four
      ports of Portsmouth, Devonport, Chatham, and Sheerness, not less than 161
      vessels of the 'effective ships of the royal navy,' and these estimated to
      carry not less than 6,807 guns. Besides these, too, we have a goodly
      number of paddle-wheels and other small craft. Though some of the vessels
      may not, without considerable repairs, be in a state to send to sea, yet
      most of them are excellent sea-going vessels&mdash;far superior, indeed,
      to anything Russian&mdash;and could be fitted out for service on very
      short notice. Then we have of vessels building&mdash;5 at Portsmouth, 7 at
      Devonport, 1 at Sheerness, 6 at Chatham, 11 at Pembroke, 4 at Deptford, 4
      at Woolwich, and one at Mill wall.&mdash;Total 39." The French naval force
      in the Black Sea, under the command of Vice-admiral Hamelin, was composed
      of the <i>Friedland, Valmy, Ville de Paris, Henri IV., Bayard,
      Charlemagne, Lena, Lupiter, Marengo, Gomer, Descartes, Vauban, Mogador,
      Cacique, Magellan, Sanê, Caton, Sérieuse, Mercure, Olivière, Beaumanoir,
      Cerf, Prométhée, Salamandre, Héron, and Monette.</i> The squadron of
      Viceadmiral Bruat, intended to act in the Black Sea, the Sea of Gallipoli,
      and in the Eastern Archipelago, comprised the following vessels:&mdash;<i>Montebello,
      Napoléon, Suffren, Jean Bart, Ville de Marseille, Alger, Pomone,
      Caffarelli, Roland</i> and Primauguet. Independently of these three
      squadrons, and all the frigates, or steam corvettes, which were assembled
      in the Mediterranean for the transport of the army of the East, were all
      the naval stations in the West Indies, the Pacific Ocean, the Indo-China
      seas, and in all quarters where the fishing interest existed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first bombardment of Sebastopol took place on the 17th of October, in
      which the fleet took an active part; but the combined efforts of the
      artillery, afloat and ashore, failed to subdue the gigantic works which
      had arisen for the defence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The allied fleets rendered great services in protecting Eupatoria, which
      had been garrisoned mainly by Turkish troops, and which the Russians
      vigilantly watched and incessantly harassed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Various bombardments and incessant watching occupied the fleets until, in
      the following year, the grand catastrophe occurred, and southern
      Sebastopol fell under what the Russian commander called "the fire
      infernal" of the allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of November, a terrible storm smote the Black Sea and the
      Crimea. The tents of the camps were blown away, many ships were wrecked,
      and many lives were lost. The want of prevision, management, and
      organization, on the part of the chief authorities of the British, led to
      costly sacrifices of human life, <i>matériel</i> of war, and supplies.
    </p>
    <p>
      The operations in the Baltic were not so important as those in the Black
      Sea. The fine British fleet, commanded by Sir Charles Napier, was aided by
      a powerful French fleet, under the command of Vice-admiral
      Parseval-Deschênes. The achievements of those fleets did not answer the
      expectations formed. The French arrived late in the season, and acted so
      dependency upon the British, that they did not even attempt anything. The
      English admiral showed neither spirit nor activity. Partly through his
      want of enterprise, and still more from the neglect of the Admiralty at
      home to provide vessels of draught suitable to the shallow waters of the
      Baltic, no attempt was made to conquer any of the Russian strongholds. The
      island and forts of Bomarsund were captured and destroyed, the British and
      French engineers and artillery having the chief glory of the conquest. The
      British engineer officer, General Jones, greatly distinguished himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      Operations were also conducted in the White Sea by the allied squadrons,
      but the assistance rendered by the French was trivial. The allies,
      particularly the French, arrived too late in the season to effect much.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the Pacific Ocean the blunders and tardiness which characterized the
      allies were extraordinary: incompetency was impressed on all their
      undertakings. The Russians were attacked in their far-eastern settlements,
      especially Petropaulovski; but the allies suffered signal and sanguinary
      defeat, arising from the incompetency of the naval officers in command.
    </p>
    <p>
      Such were the fortunes of the great war with Russia during 1854.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0009" id="linkDimage-0009">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_840_alma.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Battle of Alma" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_840_alma_th.jpg"
      alt="840.jpg Battle of Alma "  /><br />
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    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0010" id="linkDimage-0010">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_841_inkermann.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Battle of Inkerman" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_841_inkermann_th.jpg"
      alt="841.jpg Battle of Inkerman "  /><br />
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The session of 1854 was not barren. The war occupied men's thoughts, and
      engaged the time of the legislature; the reform bill of Lord John Russell
      was put off <i>sine die</i>; yet many useful bills were carried through
      the legislature, and much valuable business transacted in both houses, of
      importance to the country. The war debates, however, occupied most of the
      attention of the houses. In the beginning of the year their subjects were:&mdash;the
      want of spirit, preparation, and intelligence on the part of the ministry;
      the deference, and even amity, shown to Russia by Lord Aberdeen and his
      chief supporters, while the czar was deceiving them, and prosecuting his
      ambitious designs with energy. The financial schemes of the chancellor of
      the exchequer caused much debate. He propounded the doctrine that
      increased taxes on income, and other sources of taxation, must cover the
      expenses of the increased military preparations&mdash;that the income of
      the year should pay the cost of the year. Nothing could more clearly show
      that he had no conception of the magnitude of the conflict upon which his
      country was about to enter. Whatever might be Mr. Gladstone's abilities as
      an economist, or a financier, he proved himself incapable as a statesman.
      On the 12th of August, her majesty prorogued the parliament in person.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the session several changes in the ministry had occurred. Lord John
      Russell, who at the beginning of the session held a place in the cabinet
      without any office, was appointed to the presidency of the council, Lord
      Granville giving way in his favour; as did Mr. Strutt, chancellor of the
      Duchy of Lancaster, for Lord Granville. The Duke of Newcastle held the
      secretaryships, both of war and the colonies, at the beginning of the
      session. He was clearly incapable of filling both, and was ultimately
      proved unequal to either. He, however, resigned the colonies, a fourth
      secretaryship&mdash;that for war&mdash;being created for the occasion. The
      duke persisted in selecting that office, and Lord Aberdeen and the Peelite
      section of the cabinet insisted on conferring it upon him, in spite of the
      desire of Lord John Russell, the whig section of the cabinet, and the
      general voice of the country, that Lord Palmerston should, at such a
      juncture, assume that most important official position. The result was a
      terrible breakdown in the administration of the war department, disastrous
      to the ministry, the army, and the country. The vacant secretaryship of
      the colonies was given to Sir George Grey, who was certainly unequal to
      its requirements. On the whole, the changes gave dissatisfaction to the
      country, and prepared the way for the destruction of the cabinet. In the
      midst of such great dangers to the country, it was found that the
      patronage bestowed by the ministry, especially in connection with the
      army, navy, and colonies, was partial, unjust, and even, in some cases,
      disgraceful. A widespread feeling of indignation arose among the people,
      and a desire for the speedy fall of the Aberdeen cabinet. After the
      breaking up of parliament the ministry dispersed, and appeared to concern
      themselves very little about the fate of the country. Two men among them
      were exceptions to this&mdash;the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Palmerston.
      They worked in their respective offices with untiring assiduity;
      unfortunately, what the duke did had been, in the main, better left
      undone, but he industriously performed his duty to the best of his power.
      When the tidings of Balaklava, Inkerman, the bombardment of Sebastopol,
      the false news of its fall, the storm which nearly wrecked the transport
      fleet and destroyed vast supplies, were flying through Europe and stirring
      the heart of England to its depth, the ministers were amusing themselves,
      and showed no signs that they comprehended their glorious position as the
      leaders of a mighty empire at war with another. It appeared afterwards
      that Lord John Russell was watching anxiously the progress of affairs,
      although his particular office did not give prominence to his activity.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of December parliament was re-opened by her majesty in person.
      The ministry was denounced in both houses for its incompetent conduct of
      the war, and made a feeble defence. Thanks were voted by both houses to
      the generals, officers, and soldiers, who had participated in the battles
      and hardships of the various naval and military campaigns. The foreigners'
      enlistment bill caused much discussion, in which very little wisdom was
      shown by either house. The militia bill passed rapidly through the
      legislature. This closed the brief period during which parliament sat in
      December, 1854.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEATHS OF EMINENT PERSONS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In consequence of the war many men of whom England and any nation might be
      proud fell bravely in battle, or as bravely died at their posts wasted by
      disease. So great was their number, and so much did the loss of such men
      extend the lists of this year's obituary, that the task of even glancing
      at it becomes impossible within the space allotted to this work. One noble
      soldier died peacefully, full of years and honours&mdash;the Marquis of
      Anglesey, the companion of Wellington in his campaigns&mdash;the
      chivalrous Earl of Oxbridge, the most dashing <i>sabreur</i> of the
      British army, the heroic soldier whose surpassing courage at the head of
      the British cavalry at Waterloo shone conspicuous. Death, during the year,
      reaped his full harvest from men of literature, science, and art, and from
      among the greatly good: he was not satisfied with the dark wreaths he
      gathered over so many battle-fields, he spared not for this the homes of
      England, but threw his cold shadow over the sanctuary of piety and the
      abode of genius.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXVII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1855
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Home Affairs..... State of Public Opinion..... Death of the
     Czar..... Severity of the Weather..... Visits of the French
     Emperor, the King of the Belgians, and the King of Sardinia
     to her Majesty..... Visit of her Majesty to   the Emperor of
     the French..... Distribution of Crimean Medals  by the
     Queen..... Ireland..... Parliamentary,   Diplomatic,   and
     Ministerial Conflicts and Changes..... The Progress of the
     Russian War..... Events in the  Crimea, Asia Minor, the
     Baltic, the White Sea, and the Pacific Ocean..... General
     Prosperity and loyalty of the Colonies..... State  of
     India..... Annexation of Oude.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      HOME AFFAIRS&mdash;PUBLIC OPINION, AGITATION OF PEOPLE AND PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1855
    </p>
    <p>
      The state of the country at the opening of the year was very peculiar. The
      whole population of the British Isles was deeply moved by the tidings
      which had arrived of the sufferings of their brethren and fellow
      countrymen in the Crimea. It was humiliating to the country to learn that
      an army within seven miles of the sea, with the most splendid fleets and
      transports at its service, was perishing from want of food and fuel
      because the abounding stores, wasting and rotting on the sea-shore, could
      not be conveyed to the camp. All political considerations were lost sight
      of in the universal desire to get rid of a cabinet so utterly incompetent
      to direct the affairs of the country. With some of the members of the
      cabinet there was general satisfaction; Lords Palmerston and Clarendon
      were popular, and Lord John Russell at that time shared the public favour
      which he was so soon destined to lose. It was against the Peelite section
      of the ministry, and more especially its chief, that the universal
      indignation arose. This led to the defeat and resignation of the Aberdeen
      cabinet; the circumstances which attended that result will be related when
      noticing the parliamentary vicissitudes of the year.
    </p>
    <p>
      A fast was ordered in England and Ireland for the 21st of March, which was
      extensively and solemnly observed; and a day of thanksgiving was kept with
      as unanimous a spirit, when, in September, Sebastopol fell.
    </p>
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    </div>
    <h2>
      DEATH OF THE CZAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 2nd of March the people of London were astonished by a telegram
      that the Emperor of Russia had died that morning. Seldom was so profound
      and general a sensation created. It was believed by nearly all persons
      that the war would be speedily brought to a close, as he who had created
      it had passed away. It was not then generally understood that the Emperor
      Nicholas was the representative of the feeling and opinion of the whole
      Russian nation. His ambition, love of conquest, aggrandizement of
      territory, did not pass beyond the degree in which these qualities were
      cherished by his people. The desire to propagate the Greek church by the
      sword alike possessed emperor and subjects. The war, therefore, continued,
      although the successor of Nicholas&mdash;Alexander II.&mdash;was, as
      alleged, a mild prince, more desirous to draw out the resources of his
      empire by peace than to extend it by war. At all events the conflict
      continued to rage, to the disappointment of all who hated bloodshed, and
      felt for the miseries of their fellow creatures.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was alleged that the death of the Emperor Nicholas was caused by the
      defeat of his arms at the battle of Eupatoria. On the 17th of February,
      forty thousand Russians attacked the Turkish army under Omar Pasha, then
      quartered there. The occupation of that place by the allies was a great
      hindrance to the operations of the Russian armies, and was dangerous to
      the Crimea and its communications with the southern provinces of the
      Russian empire. The emperor had, therefore, ordered it to be carried at
      any cost. He, no doubt, felt humiliated that the Turks, whom he had so
      recently attacked in their own territory, should now, in their turn, be
      invaders, and he burned with indignation at this affront to his power. By
      this battle his soldiers were defeated, his ambition and his hopes
      blasted. He began at last to see the magnitude of the war he had provoked,
      and the perils with which his empire were environed. He drooped from that
      hour. A severe cold, taken in the persevering discharge of his high
      functions, hastened his dissolution.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEPARTURE OF THE BALTIC FLEET.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 4th of April the first squadron of the Baltic fleet for the naval
      campaign in that sea set sail from Spithead. This fleet was probably the
      most powerful that had ever appeared upon the seas.
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    <h2>
      FINANCIAL OPERATIONS FOR THE YEAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the middle of April the government effected, with great ease, a loan of
      sixteen millions sterling to carry on the war. This was followed by
      similar transactions.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SEVERITY OF THE WEATHER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first days of the new year were unusually warm, the temperature
      ranging 11° above the average. On the 9th the thermometer marked 50°; but
      on the following day fell to 26°, being the commencement of the longest
      and most severe winter experienced for many years. On the 14th a period of
      very cold weather set in, and continued without intermission to the 24th
      February; some of the days in the middle of February being from 15° to 18°
      below the average. From the 24th February to the 6th March the weather was
      more moderate; but on that day the cold again set in, and the weather
      continued to the 26th June to be cold, nipping, and miserable beyond
      record. In January, on several days, the mercury was as low as 13°. In
      February it was, on many days, as low as from 3° to 10°. The coldest day
      in London was the 18th, when the thermometer marked 7°; the lowest
      temperature recorded by authority was 0° 8 (or not quite 1°), at
      Berkhampstead; at Belvoir Castle it was 2° 5. During this long period, the
      wind was almost uniformly north-east. Rain was very deficient; but snow
      fell on the 9th January, and on every day, at one station or other
      corresponding with the Meteorological Society, from January 13th to
      February 28th, from March 8th to the end of month, and frequently to the
      middle of May. It was replete with snow crystals, and unusually dense,
      eight inches of snow producing one inch of water. Hail and fogs were
      frequent all over the kingdom; and aurora were numerous. The effects of so
      ungenial a season upon the mortality and health of the population were as
      evil as could be anticipated. The deaths greatly exceeded the average. In
      the winter quarter 134,605 deaths were registered, or 20,000 in excess of
      the average; and this excess was distributed over the whole kingdom. To
      the immediate effects of the cold must be added the great dearness of all
      the necessaries of life. Wheat, which in March, 1853, was 45s. 7d. a
      quarter, had risen in March, 1854, to 79s. 6d-, and in 1855, to 69s. 11d.;
      and the sale had fallen from 1,236,493 quarters to 780,232 and 1,143,999
      quarters. Potatoes ranged from 105s. to 110s. per ton, at wholesale
      prices.
    </p>
    <p>
      The cold weather covered the ornamental waters with ice, and gave
      opportunity for the healthy and exhilarating exercises proper to the
      season. Those who ventured before the ice was well formed ran considerable
      risks, and many persons were immersed; but the only disastrous accident
      occurred on the 20th of January, when four lads were drowned in St.
      James's Park. The ice everywhere was crowded with performers on the slide
      and the skate, both male and female, and with innumerable spectators; the
      long-continued frost also brought forward many splendidly-equipped
      sledges. The Thames was encumbered with large masses of frozen snow or
      ice, which had formed on lakes and ponds communicating with it. These
      masses, in their passage up and down, were ground together by the tide,
      and made a loud murmuring noise, which could be heard at a great distance.
      At low water these masses became jammed together, so as to form a rough
      and dangerous passage from shore to shore; while the stranded pieces
      formed miniature icebergs. Within the limits of the tide the whole mass
      was in motion; but above Teddington the river was frozen over, wherever
      any obstruction occurred above locks and weirs, and afforded a secure
      passage. At Richmond there was nearly three miles of continuous ice
      transit, and for some distance above Teddington Lock and Kingston Bridge.
      All navigation was necessarily suspended. In the Pool numerous accidents
      occurred from ships being swept from their moorings and crushed by the
      ice, or driven on shore.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the night of the 22nd of February a very singular spectacle was got up
      on the Serpentine. Late in the evening a fine "brass band," attended by
      near a thousand torchbearers, suddenly marched on to the ice on the
      ornamental water in Kensington Gardens, and struck up popular airs; as by
      a signal, large fires were lighted on the ice, tents were erected, and
      barrels of beer were broached. Suddenly, several hundred skaters, each
      bearing a lighted lamp at his waist-belt, emerged from the crowd, and shot
      under the bridge on to the Serpentine, and commenced quadrilles, polkas,
      and divers figures; in a few minutes their erratic motions were
      illuminated by red, blue, crimson, and green fires, lighted on the banks,
      and by rockets and other lights. This fantastic and beautiful exhibition
      was repeated on another evening.
    </p>
    <p>
      The canals were of course frozen, and all traffic, except of skaters, was
      at an end.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the country the effect of the cold upon the rivers and canals was the
      same&mdash;they were hard frozen. The roads were covered with snow, which
      made traffic impossible; and when the snow had been cleared away, they
      were equally dangerous from the frozen surfaces. As usual, in certain
      localities the cold was more intense than in the registered spots; country
      newspapers recorded thermometers which marked 4°, 6°, and more, below
      zero. Derwentwater was entirely frozen over; fires were lighted and feasts
      given to mark the occasion; and carts and waggons passed over to the
      island. Windermere was also frozen over, and parties skated not only
      across, but from end to end: a traffic was established between the
      villages by wheelbarrows. All round the coast the very unusual spectacle
      was witnessed of ice formed in the bays of the sea, and left aground among
      the rocks at low-water. A traffic was established over the ice, chiefly by
      amateurs, from Boston to Lincoln&mdash;thirty-five miles.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Annual Register."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The closing months of the year were also severe. In October there was a
      great fall of rain. Fogs unusually dense and hard frosts occurred in
      November. December was a very cold month, and through the last quarter of
      the year there were many storms. During the year 1,141 ships were lost.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VISIT OF THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most interesting home events of the year occurred in the middle
      of April&mdash;a visit of the Emperor and Empress of the French to the
      queen. They left Paris on the 15th April, and on the 16th sailed for
      England. Their arrival at Dover and their journey to London was a triumph;
      and on their arrival, their progress through the great capital was marked
      by a popular demonstration, which, from its enthusiasm and vastness, may
      be called sublime. The line of carriages passed through crowded streets&mdash;crowded
      from the kerbstones to the housetops&mdash;? until they reached Hyde Park
      Corner. It is said that the emperor pointed out to the empress the street,
      leading into St. James's Street, where he had humble lodgings, when, seven
      years before, he was an exile residing in London. On the 10th of April,
      1848, he turned out, bâton in hand, to serve as a special constable, when
      the Chartists, under the guidance of the unfortunate Fergus O'Connor,
      threatened an invasion of London. Seven years and one week, save a day,
      had elapsed since Napoleon was thus obscure; and it was reserved for him
      to pass through the streets of the great city, guarded by the household
      troops of her majesty, her guest, and the companion of her consort, while
      her whole people turned out to confirm her invitation, and add to the
      honours she had reserved for him. <i>O tempora mutantur, et mutamur cum
      illos!</i> When the illustrious visitors entered Hyde Park, an entirely
      new scene awaited them.
    </p>
    <p>
      Comparatively few of the lower classes were there; but nowhere else in
      Europe could such an array of carriages and horsemen be presented. The
      writer of this History took up his position near the Magazine, where a
      tolerable opportunity of seeing the procession was offered; but so dense
      were the carriages and the equestrians, that persons on foot were much
      impeded. The imperial pair, with Prince Albert, were seated in an open
      barouche. Six of the royal carriages, each drawn by four horses, and
      attended by outriders, conveyed the visitors and suite to the Great
      Western Station. The pace was too rapid for the gratification of the
      people, and the respect due to their efforts to make them welcome.
      Immediately on the arrival of the royal and imperial party at the
      Paddington Station they proceeded to Windsor.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * "Nolan's History of the War against Russia."   J. S.
     Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane, London.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      During the week the imperial pair were received in the City by the
      corporation, and many demonstrations of respect and popular enthusiasm
      greeted them. On Saturday they returned to France; where the emperor, soon
      after, while riding in the streets of Paris, narrowly escaped death by the
      hand of an Italian assassin.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISTRIBUTION OF MEDALS BY THE QUEEN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Among the home incidents which attracted the attention of the people of
      England was the distribution of medals to the officers, non-commissioned
      officers, and privates who had returned from the Crimea invalided or
      wounded. Her majesty had resolved to distribute the medals in person, and
      this greatly increased the interest of the occasion. It was deemed by the
      public a most graceful and befitting act on the part of her majesty, to
      give, with her own hands, the decorations won by those whose valour so
      nobly shielded lier throne. The feelings of the brave men who were to
      receive these decorations were raised to enthusiasm, when they learned
      that they were to receive such a reward of their courage and constancy
      from their beloved queen herself. The place appointed for this grand
      ceremony was most appropriate&mdash;the square of the Horse-Guards, in St.
      James's Park. The writer of this History, as he looked upon the extensive
      and magnificent preparations for this event, felt strongly the sequel it
      presented to the scene which he witnessed little more than a year before,
      near the same spot, when the people's representatives passed along to
      Buckingham Palace to assure her majesty of their support in the war she
      had declared. Galleries were erected for the accommodation of the lords
      and commons, for the members of the government, and for the families of
      those who were to be publicly honoured&mdash;a most graceful tribute on
      the part of the country to the feelings of these gallant men. How proud
      that day must many a wife's, and parent's, and brother's, and sister's
      heart have been, as the objects of their affectionate solicitude bowed
      before his sovereign to receive upon his breast the glorious badge his
      noble conduct won! The royal family occupied a capacious balcony
      projecting from the lower central windows of the Horse-Guards, which was
      festooned with scarlet cloth, and otherwise decorated.
    </p>
    <p>
      At ten o'clock on the morning of the 18th of May, the scene presented from
      the windows of the Horse-Guards, and the windows and roofs of the
      neighbouring houses,' was most striking and effective: a vast mass of
      people filled the whole area within view, yet all preserving the greatest
      order. Her majesty dispensed the medals with her own hand to men of all
      ranks, and of all branches of the service.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      VISIT OF THE KING OF THE BELGIANS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the month of July her majesty's uncle, the King of the Belgians, paid
      her a visit, which excited many political rumours, and attracted much
      notice throughout Europe.
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    <h2>
      HER MAJESTY VISITS THE FRENCH EMPEROR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 18th of August her majesty, accompanied by Prince Albert and the
      Prince of Wales, visited the French emperor.
    </p>
    <p>
      His imperial majesty, and the people of France, displayed a cordiality of
      welcome and a tasteful hospitality which rivalled those exhibited in
      England on the occasion of the emperor's visit.
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    <h2>
      VISIT OF THE KING OF SARDINIA TO THE ENGLISH COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On November the 30th the King of Sardinia visited her majesty, and was
      received with much enthusiasm by the people. The prompt and gallant way in
      which his majesty and his people had joined Western Europe in the war
      against Russia made him popular.
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There were few events connected with Ireland which possessed any peculiar
      general interest. The alacrity with which recruits entered service for the
      war, and the terrible proceedings of the disloyal Ribbon Societies, were
      remarkable. Thus Ireland at once exhibited a generous loyalty and a
      sanguinary sedition. The newspapers were literally filled, during the
      closing winter months, with recitals of murders or attempts at murder. The
      character of the assassinations was even more than usually brutal and
      vindictive; and although some of the criminals were arrested and punished,
      government was even more than usually remiss in applying remedies to a
      condition of society so deplorable. Among the events in Ireland which
      excited most horror and astonishment in Great Britain, were those
      connected with burning the Bible. There was much excitement among the
      Roman Catholic religious orders, and efforts were made by them to create a
      species of revival in various parts of the country. On some of these
      occasions the Bible was burned during the fervour of fanaticism excited.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS, MINISTERIAL CHANGES, AND DIPLOMATIC STRUGGLES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      A notice of the parliamentary conflicts of the session, of the ministerial
      vicissitudes resulting from them, and of the diplomacy which was acted
      upon by each, and which itself influenced both, will here find its proper
      place in this chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 22nd January, when the parliament assembled after the Christmas
      recess, Mr. Roebuck gave notice of a motion for inquiry into the number
      and condition of the army before Sebastopol, and into the conduct of those
      departments of government which were responsible for the efficiency of
      that army. This notice produced the gravest consequences: the house was
      thrown, into a high state of excitement, and the treasury benches
      especially partook of it. It is marvellous that the government did not
      prepare itself for some such occurrence; but, as in the management of the
      war, so in the management of the house, they were always "too late"&mdash;so
      that the nickname of "the late ministry" was bestowed upon them while yet
      they held, with whatever firmness they at any time possessed, the reins of
      power.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rumours on Thursday evening, the 21st of January, prevailed extensively
      that Lord John Russell had resigned his connection with the ministry, and
      on grounds of the most startling and alarming nature. The evening papers
      came out earlier than usual, acknowledging the fact, and commenting upon
      it according to the spirit of their respective party bias. On Monday
      evening, the 25th, it was announced in both houses that Lord J. Russell
      had resigned his connection with the ministry. Both houses adjourned to
      the next evening, in order to learn the grounds upon which Lord John had
      come to that determination. Having the <i>entrée</i> of the houses, the
      author of this History hurried to the palace at Westminster. Vast crowds
      surrounded it, and public excitement and expectation were at a very high
      pitch. In the lords, the chancellor took his seat, and the house of lords,
      with a dull gravity, began its business. The proceedings were important,
      from the announcement made and the explanation given by the Duke of
      Newcastle, the minister of war. His bearing was gentlemanly, and there was
      an air of conciliation about it which bespoke the thoroughbred gentleman.
      His voice was low, and his manner in speaking ungainly; an awkward and
      finicking gesture with the right hand below the table, to which he
      advanced when speaking, gave an idea of pettiness of thought, which his
      manner in other respects aided. The Earls of Winchelsea and Fitzwilliam
      seemed very desirous to have something to say; no one seemed willing to
      listen, and at last, by Lord Derby's interposition, they were "quieted
      down." Lord Ellenborough manifested most activity on the opposition side
      of the house, and what he said was spoken with energy, self-confidence,
      and commanding manner. Lord Lansdowne was the most active person on the
      ministerial benches, he moved about with a grace and affability which
      account for his great popularity in the house. His mode of putting down
      the pertinacity of Lord Fitzwilliam and Lord Winchelsea was authoritative,
      yet courteous, and in a few epigrammatic sentences he disposed of them.
      The most interesting sight was, however, old Lord Lyndhurst, who rose to
      give notice of his already famous motion concerning the conduct of the
      war. The house was very full of spectators. When his lordship rose, the
      silence was profound, and his venerable years, the magnitude of the
      question which his notice involved, his vast reputation, and his dignified
      and judicial manner, inspired a respect which manifestly pervaded every
      part of the house. The crowd around the throne seemed especially
      solicitous to observe his lordship when he rose. We could not avoid
      contrasting the intellectual features of the old ex-chancellor with the
      contracted expression of the occupant of the woolsack, and wondering what
      the latter would be like at the age of eighty-four, to which Lord
      Lyndhurst had arrived. The important event of Lord John Russell's
      resignation, announced by the Duke of Newcastle, prevented the discussion
      of Lord Lyndhurst's motion, and caused the house to break up early.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the next evening, Lord Aberdeen's statement in the peers was almost as
      eagerly looked for as Lord John Russell's statement in the commons. The
      earl declared that he hardly knew why the noble president of the council
      retired from his colleagues, on the eve of a discussion concerning events
      in connection with which he fully shared their responsibility. The premier
      admitted that he had been aware that the noble president of the council
      had been dissatisfied with the general management of the war; that he had
      expressed that dissatisfaction, and had made certain proposals concerning
      the occupation of the war office, with which he (Lord Aberdeen) did not
      think it his duty to comply; that he, and the government of which he was
      the head, would resist Mr. Roebuck's motion, which he considered a vote of
      censure upon the ministry. The premier's address was cold, stiff, haughty,
      and quietly defiant, but did not appear to make the least impression upon
      the peers, who were, like the rest of the public, burning with impatience
      to know the terms and result of Lord John's explanation in the commons. We
      did not remain in the house of peers, being more anxious, like their
      lordships, about what was announced to occur in the other house. Lord John
      Russell made his famous statement. Perhaps no statement was ever made in
      parliament which excited so profound an interest. Every nook in the house
      was full, except a small portion of the ministerial gallery. The most
      conspicuous persons were two Parsee merchants, dressed in a showy oriental
      costume, who occupied the first bench in the Speaker's gallery, and who,
      the previous evening, were admitted behind the throne in the lords. Lord
      John was nearly inaudible at first, his elocution throughout the speech
      was inferior, and utterly unworthy of his great name as a speaker. He was
      listened to with evident partiality, and every period which told at all
      against the conduct of the war elicited cheers from the opposition, and
      the ministerial benches were far from silent on these occasions. After his
      lordship sat down, Lord Palmerston arose on behalf of the government,
      amidst breathless expectations. His adroitness was extraordinary, and his
      intellectual superiority to his notable compeer obvious; but it was
      equally obvious that Lord John's moral influence was in the ascendant, and
      the latter part of Lord Palmerston's statement was heard with impatience,
      which extended to the galleries, although the order of the house was more
      than once invaded by expressions of approbation to the anti-ministerial
      remarks of Lord John. It became evident from Lord Palmerston's address,
      that his lordship would be installed in the war-office, if the motion of
      Mr. Roebuck failed. Mr. Roebuck did not speak with his usual energy, but
      although illness incapacitated him, his voice rang out as clear as a bell,
      and every tone told upon the whole house. His speech was devoid of that
      acrimony which pervades so generally the matter and the manner of the
      honourable member for Sheffield. The government seemed indisposed to
      reply; but loud calls from all sides for Sidney Herbert, provoked the
      right hon. secretary to one of his best elocutionary efforts. We were
      certainly most unfavourably impressed with his deportment all through the
      evening. There was a bitterness of expression in his countenance while
      Lord John was speaking, and a sneer and a whisper to his colleagues
      whenever Lord John made a good hit, which argued a consciousness of error,
      and a bad spirit with it. But Mr. Layard utterly demolished the case of
      Mr. Herbert, and with a gravity of purpose, fulness of information,
      discreet distribution of subject, and logical cogency, which mark that
      gentleman as one of the most rising men in the commons, and in the
      country. The government were literally overwhelmed with his speech. The
      impressions of the oldest observers of parliamentary proceedings whom we
      met, declared they had never witnessed such a moral defeat.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be readily believed that Lord John Russell's speech prepared the
      way for Mr. Roebuck's motion. The "honourable and learned member" was in
      bad health, but although unable to express all he had intended to lay
      before the commons, he produced a decided impression upon the house. The
      fact of being unable to continue his speech from weakness rather added to
      the effect; so that Mr. Disraeli truly said that, were not the house aware
      of the learned member's illness, the abrupt termination of his address on
      such a plea, and at such a moment, might appear an ingenious and
      rhetorical artifice. In his argument, Mr. Roebuck charged the government,
      the officials at home, and those in command abroad, with incapacity,
      conceit, and indifference to the welfare of the soldiery. When at last the
      house divided, the motion was supported by 305 members, and opposed by
      only 148, leaving a majority of 157&mdash;one of the largest, on a great
      public question involving the fate of a government, ever known in the
      house of commons. The announcement was received with exultant cheers from
      both sides of the house. The extinction of the ministry was decided; the
      house and the country accepted the vote, not merely as an expression of
      want of confidence politically, but as a vote of censure morally and
      politically. Yet in this grave emergency the house adjourned, in order to
      observe the anniversary of "King Charles the Martyr!" Incredible as this
      may appear, while the country was in the most imminent peril, such was the
      fact.
    </p>
    <p>
      A cabinet council was called, and the ministry, of course, resolved to
      resign. The queen and court were in great suspense and excitement, being
      very unwilling to accept the resignation of the cabinet. They were the
      prince's friends and favourites, and her majesty therefore was disinclined
      to their forfeiture of office, and was prepared for any constitutional
      measure which would give back to them the possession of place and power.
      When the noble earl at the head of the government resigned the seals of
      office, he recommended her majesty to seek advice from the Earl of Derby.
      This noble earl had made some of the best speeches he had ever delivered
      during the war debates, and his views on the subject showed superior
      information and superior judgment to what the ministry, in their aggregate
      capacity, possessed in connection with foreign politics and war. It was,
      however, eventually, Lord Palmerston, to whom, after many intrigues and
      much public agitation, the task was confided.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston, after some difficulty, succeeded in forming a government,
      which was in fact but a reconstruction of the old one. Lord Aberdeen, the
      Duke of Newcastle, and Lord John Russell, were left out; and the only
      accession was Lord Panmure, who was nominated secretary of war. This
      nobleman was better known to the country, and perhaps to other countries,
      as the Honourable Fox Maule. He had considerable experience in ministerial
      matters, and was regarded both by statesmen and by the public as an
      upright and amiable man. From 1846 to 1852 he served in the Bussell
      administration as secretary at war: he afterwards served as president of
      the board of control, until the breaking up of the ministry. On Tuesday,
      the 8th of February, the new ministry was completed, and was thus
      arranged:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     First Lord of the Treasury........    Viscount Palmerston.

     Lord Chancellor ..................    Lord Cranworth.

     President of the Council..........    Earl Granville.

     Privy Seal........................    Duke of Argyle.

     Foreign Secretary  ...............    Earl of Clarendon.

     Home Secretary  ..................    Right Hon. S. Herbert.

     Colonial Secretary  ..............    Sir George Grey.

     Minister of War  .................    Lord Panmure.

     Chancellor or the Exchequer.......    Right Hon.W.E. Gladstone.

     First Lord of the Admiralty.......    Sir James Graham.

     Public Works .....................    Sir W. Molesworth.

     In the Cabinet, but without office    The Marquis of Lansdowne.

     President of the Board of Control     Sir Charles Wood.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      On the 16th of February the house met for the transaction of business, and
      very eager was the public ear for the words that should fall from the lips
      of the new premier. He informed the house, with brevity and clearness, of
      the circumstances which placed him in the situation he then held; and
      bespoke in energetic, self-reliant, and courteous terms, the confidence of
      the commons of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was generally known that negotiations were about to be opened in
      Vienna, with a view to a treaty of peace. Lord Palmerston took the
      country, if not the house, by surprise in announcing that he had chosen
      Lord John Russell as the representative of England at the conference about
      to ensue. This gave public satisfaction, as Lord John Russell's recent
      conduct, and the general disclosure upon the breaking up of the cabinet,
      showed that his lordship had been a very warlike member of it.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Nolan's "History of the War against Russia."   London: J.
     S. Virtue
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The cabinet of Lord Palmerston was not destined to remain long unbroken.
      When the period arrived for appointing a committee of inquiry, in virtue
      of Mr. Roebuck's motion, it became evident that the ministry was divided.
      The Peelites were in favour of an attempt to defeat the appointment of a
      committee. Lord Palmerston was opposed to its appointment also, but would
      not risk the overthrow of his power by any attempt to thwart the wishes of
      the house. The Peelites resigned, and the cabinet had to be reconstructed.
      On the 22nd of February the secession was publicly announced.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Palmerston obtained Sir Charles Wood&mdash;a man of inferior talents,
      but superior moral weight&mdash;in place of Sir G. Graham. Sir G.
      Cornewall Lewis became chancellor of the exchequer, who was much inferior
      to Mr. Gladstone in that post, but a man of more direct and reliable
      opinions. Mr. Vernon Smith was made president of the board of control.
      Lord John Russell, who was (as before noticed) nominated to the Vienna
      conference, accepted the colonial-office, which Sir George Grey occupied
      <i>ad interim</i>, as well as the home-office, which he accepted <i>en
      permanence</i>. The secession of those men from the cabinet, to whom our
      military disasters were mainly attributable, was a gain to its moral
      influence, and saved the premiership of Lord Palmerston from an
      extinction, probably, as signal as that of his predecessor. In the month
      of March the ministry was modified in its inferior offices in a way
      calculated to improve its strength. Generally, throughout the united
      kingdom, it inspired confidence and received support.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the last acts of the Aberdeen ministry was to establish an order of
      military merit for bravery&mdash;the Victoria Cross.
    </p>
    <p>
      Upon the resignation of the Aberdeen ministry, the court paid signal
      attention to its members; and the fallen premier received the highest
      badge of honour the queen could bestow&mdash;the Order of the Garter. This
      excited loud murmurs throughout the country, and impaired public
      confidence in the vigour of will possessed by the premier, when the will
      of the court was expressed apart from the great and leading principles of
      his policy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The estimates for the service of 1855 were much discussed in the house,
      and were generally considered far below the exigencies of the country. The
      estimates for the army were £13,721,158; for the navy, £10,716,388; for
      the transport service, £5,181,465; for the ordnance, £7,808,042. The whole
      nearly equalling thirty-seven millions and a half sterling.
    </p>
    <p>
      With the discussions of March, and the consolidations of the cabinet,
      ended the parliamentary events, of the year most worthy of note; although
      various discussions, full of interest and importance, arose from time to
      time throughout the whole of the session. Those which were most vital to
      the government arose out of the negotiations of Vienna, where Lord John
      Russell appeared as the chief representative of England. The sittings of
      this conference were held in March and April. Both Lord John Russell and
      the French plenipotentiary agreed to terms which, as they were ultimately
      rejected by the allied governments, need not be referred to here.
    </p>
    <p>
      The unsuccessful termination of the Vienna conferences produced a great
      sensation in England and France, murmurs were heard in both countries that
      their negotiators had laboured without results; and both the English and
      French plenipotentiaries were compelled by public opinion to retire from
      their offices in the cabinets of their respective countries. Count
      Nesselrode addressed an artful note to the ministers and agents of Russia
      in various states, the object of which was to represent the allies as
      resisting all conciliatory offers on the part of Russia. The tone and
      representations of the note were identical with the arguments of
      Gortschakoff and Titoff at the conference. The French plenipotentiary and
      foreign minister resigned his place in the imperial cabinet; the English
      plenipotentiary and colonial minister retained office until the cause of
      the French minister's retirement became known; and his conduct contrasted
      very favourably in English opinion to that of the English minister. Earl
      Clarendon and Lord Palmerston held back from the British parliament and
      public a correct knowledge of the facts, until it transpired, through
      Parisian gossip, that the French, English, and Austrian ministers were
      willing to accept peace on the condition of Russia and the allies keeping
      an equal naval armament in the Black Sea. The way in which Austria had
      hoodwinked the Western negotiators, and played into the hands of Russia,
      became at last evident; and Lord John Russell was forced to leave the
      English ministry. There were other results of the conference, and these
      rapidly developed themselves. It was no doubt a conviction on the part of
      the Russian government that its duplicity throughout these negotiations,
      and its falsehood in accepting as a basis the four points, had deprived it
      of all moral influence in Europe, that led to the crafty and deceptive
      circular of Count Nesselrode, already referred to, in which he sought to
      persuade the world that Russia was&mdash;as some of the English peace
      lecturers frequently represented&mdash;a most ill-used nation. If no other
      result than that of unmasking Russia&mdash;even to the Peelites and their
      supporters&mdash;were attendant upon those conferences, it was so much
      gained for the prospect of a more united public opinion in England. But
      these negotiations tore the mask from Austria; she was evidently not an
      ally of the Western powers, but an accomplice of the foe; she dreaded
      Russia, but she was still more afraid of France.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the people of the united kingdom and their representatives in the
      commons had time to review all these things, the outcry against Lord John
      Russell was as great as it had been before against Lord Aberdeen. The
      popular voice stopped the pens and silenced the tongues of the
      diplomatists, and negotiations gave place to fierce and sanguinary war.
    </p>
    <p>
      England, however, became disgusted with professional and ministerial
      diplomatists, and denounced all negotiations with Russia until, by sword
      and lance, rifle and cannon, the foe was humiliated.
    </p>
    <p>
      There can be no question that the energy and force of the popular
      sentiment&mdash;often right, though sometimes erroneous, and sometimes
      obstinately and wilfully wrong&mdash;have occasionally interfered with the
      success of negotiations. But this is one of the evils inseparable from a
      free government. The French court, from the death of Louis XIV., was
      anxious to pursue a pacific policy, to improve their marine, and to pursue
      Colbert's maxim, that a long war was not for the benefit of France. But
      the democratic party, which had been formed before the death of Louis XV.,
      employed diplomatic agents at every court to upset and overturn the
      pacific policy of that king's ambassadors.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Vide "la Politique de tous les Cabinets de L'Europe."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      This is one of the few disadvantages attendant upon constitutional states
      in negotiation; but, <i>per contra</i>., such states also enjoy some
      pre-eminent advantages. In such states foreign powers do not co-operate
      with domestic factions, as they sometimes do in more absolute monarchies.
    </p>
    <p>
      Presence of mind, coolness, and firmness, tell oftener in negotiations
      than mere talent and learning. The presence of mind of Augustus, who was
      of doubtful valour, obtained an ascendancy over Marc Antony, a brave
      soldier, but wanting in proper firmness.
    </p>
    <p>
      Richelieu preferred firmness and patience in a negotiator to any other
      qualities. Suppleness, no doubt, often supplies the place of patience, and
      the man who can tack and veer was formerly not without his value; but the
      time for using these small wares has now passed for ever. They have been
      worn threadbare by a politician of our day, and are foul in the nostrils
      of every civilized nation. In the middle ages, and in Italian courts, such
      tricks may have been necessary, but they are unsuitable to constitutional
      states. A pope of Rome is recorded to have said of the Abbé Polignac:&mdash;"This
      young man always appears to be of my opinion at first, but at the end of
      the conversation, I find I am of his." Such an "artful dodge" and
      dissembler would be disrelished now by all pure and honest men. An attempt
      has been made by some French writers to attribute the science of
      negotiation to Mazarin. But the science existed before the time of the
      wily cardinal, or even of that good King Dagobert who, according to the
      old rhyme, "<i>Mit sa culotte à l'envers</i>;" and France, and other
      modern countries, as well as Egypt, Greece, and Rome, had produced great
      negotiators.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 14th of August parliament was prorogued, and soon after the
      ministry showed renewed activity in the work of diplomacy, without any
      advantage to the nation. The policy of the prorogation was much arraigned
      by the public; but the evening on which it took place tidings arrived of
      the bombardment of Sweaborg, which drew away the public attention to a
      real and brilliant, although partial, triumph.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="linkDimage-0011" id="linkDimage-0011">
      <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_848_sweaborg.jpg">ENLARGE</a>
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%;">
      <img title="Bombardment of Sweaborg" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:e:edward-farr-history-of-england-vol-iii-3_848_sweaborg_th.jpg"
      alt="848.jpg Bombardment of Sweaborg "  /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <a name="linkD2H_4_0358" id="linkD2H_4_0358">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR&mdash;OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA AND BLACK SEA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      January opened upon the starving British army still more terribly than the
      December of 1854 closed. The French also suffered, but their superior
      military organization, commissariat, and care of the sick, spared them
      many miseries which afflicted the whole of the British lines. It was
      remarkable in the British army that very few officers perished of cold,
      none of hunger, while their men fell in such numbers. Very few officers
      died from sickness, unless such as fell victims to cholera, which smote
      with impartial hand the poor private and his titled chief. Various sick
      and wounded officers died in consequence of not having been removed in
      sufficient time to the Bosphorus, or to such other quarters as were not
      only possible, but convenient, had it not been for the heartless and
      stupid routine by which the heads of departments, at home and abroad,
      civil and military, were guided. It was the more remarkable that so few
      officers died in the camp in proportion to the men who perished, as the
      proportions were reversed in combat. The facts were, that the officers in
      battle exposed themselves more gallantly than the men, nobly, although,
      the latter fought and fell; but in the lines, and at Balaklava, out upon
      the plain below the plateau, and in the trenches, the officers had such
      comforts as were procurable for money, and which were unattainable to the
      men. Stores sent to the soldiers were plundered at Balaklava, and sold in
      the trenches by Turks, Greeks, Tartars, and rogues of all nations who had
      followed the army. Those who had money purchased, and fared comparatively
      well; the poorer soldiers hungered and died. The medical regimental
      officers behaved nobly; but, generally, they were unwilling to complain of
      any want of stores and medicines, as they, by doing so, incurred the
      resentment of the medical chiefs, and their promotion was suspended, or
      prevented altogether. It became necessary at last to introduce the civil
      element into the medical care of the army. Among the efforts put forth to
      this end was the establishment of a civil hospital at Smyrna. The
      government encouraged various medical men of eminence to abandon their
      professional prospects in London and go to the East. These men were
      regarded with jealousy by their brethren in the military service, and with
      indifference and want of courtesy very frequently by military men in high
      official positions, The government which, like preceding ministers, had in
      its contracts for the public service obtained such unenviable notoriety
      for breach of faith, signalized itself in an especial manner in violating
      honour and duty with the medical civil officers. This was especially seen
      in the requital of the officers attached to the hospital at Smyrna. In
      "Nolan's History of the War against Russia" there is incorporated an
      account of the Smyrna hospital, by a very gifted and learned man,* which
      is too long for quotation here, but which will exemplify all that is here
      stated of an evil so great, and injustice so flagitious.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Dr. Arthur Leared, Finsbury Place, South, and 12, Old
     Burlington Street, London.   Chap, xlviii., pp. 810, 811.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      According to the imperial commissioner with the French army, the month of
      January "was fertile in partial combats, and sudden but sanguinary and
      obstinate struggles." Mr. Woods, the correspondent of the London <i>Morning
      Herald</i>, affirmed that the combats were useless skirmishes.
    </p>
    <p>
      February in the Crimea was chiefly signalized by the battle of Eupatoria,
      which, as shown in a previous section of this chapter, issued in the
      signal defeat of the Russian army by Omar' Pasha, and was probably the
      cause of the czar's death. The accession of Alexander II. to the throne of
      the Russian empire, while it encouraged diplomatic efforts for peace, led
      to renewed efforts for war, the young emperor being anxious to show his
      people zeal for "the orthodox church," and reverence for the policy of his
      predecessor, whom Russia regarded as a saint and a martyr. The Emperor
      Alexander resolved upon a desperate effort to bring the war to an issue
      favourable to his empire by force of arms, unless, through the
      instrumentality of Austria at the Vienna conference, he could more cheaply
      conquer peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of March, the allies became more active in the siege of
      Sebastopol. Efforts were put forth of a sanitary nature, which improved
      the health of the troops, and means of storage and transport were greatly
      facilitated and enlarged. The soldiers rallied with better food and more
      favourable weather.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English generals displayed more activity, but did not inspire more
      confidence in the troops. Sorties and combats continued. The Russian
      forces in the Crimea were also refreshed and recruited, although the
      efforts to accomplish these things drained the resources of the empire.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 20th of the month it was known that Prince Gortschakoff succeeded
      Prince Menschikoff in command of the Russian Crimean forces. The latter
      prince&mdash;the cause of so many troubles, a blind zealot, whose
      influence over the Emperor Nicholas was most unhappy&mdash;was wounded and
      disabled. The Russian admiral, Istomine, a very brave man, was killed in
      the Mamelon Fort. Burial truces, combats, and sorties closed the month. In
      one of these the pious and heroic Captain Vicars fell.
    </p>
    <p>
      During April the allies made powerful efforts again to bombard the place,
      The troops continued to suffer through March and the first week of April,
      although their situation was meliorated from day to day; the spirits of
      the men were recruited, and an ambition to signalize themselves by some
      decisive feat of arms was evident among them.
    </p>
    <p>
      During this period, the Black Sea fleet operated in watching the enemy's
      coasts in that sea, and in harassing him in his harbours in the Sea of
      Azoff.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 8th of April Sebastopol was once more bombarded. The English shells
      were, in a vast proportion, harmless from their bad manufacture. The
      bombardment eventually failed; the industry, energy, and perseverance of
      the Russians enabling them to repair the earthworks and batteries as fast
      as their demolition by the allies seemed to advance. April was signalized
      by such marked differences of opinion between the French and English
      generals, that co-operation before Sebastopol was difficult, and
      impossible elsewhere, although plans for operations at other places were
      discussed.
    </p>
    <p>
      May opened brightly and beautifully, as it generally does in the Crimea,
      and all around the trampled plateau was decked with flowers, which sprung
      up with wonderful rapidity in the most unlikely places, displaying their
      grace even among the tents of the warriors. May was attended by as unhappy
      differences of opinion between the allied generals as was April, although
      the presence of General Pelissier in the French army tended to promote
      good feeling and generous forbearance.
    </p>
    <p>
      Much sickness was experienced in May by the troops of the English army,
      and the extravagance, dirt, and confusion of the transport service caused
      a heavier sick list than would otherwise have been reported.
    </p>
    <p>
      The King of Sardinia having joined the alliance against Russia, several
      thousand fine troops from that nation landed at Balaklava. They were
      eventually quartered upon the Tchernaya, and, with some Turkish
      detachments, and French divisions, held at bay the Russian army in the
      field, and rendered all further operations of the enemy against Balaklava
      impossible.
    </p>
    <p>
      An expedition was sent against Kertch.
    </p>
    <p>
      When May closed, the allies and the Russians confronted one another, in
      formidable force, upon the opposite heights of the Tchernaya.
    </p>
    <p>
      June was an eventful month before Sebastopol. It began with a third
      bombardment of the gallant city, which, like previous ones, was a failure&mdash;the
      means of the allies, vast as they were, being inadequate to the
      undertaking. The French made a successful attack upon the White Works and
      the Mamelon; and the British were equally successful in attacks upon the
      Quarries, by which the part of the Russian lines which they opposed were
      protected. The Russians made desperate, but eventually abortive, attempts
      to retake all these positions.
    </p>
    <p>
      The third bombardment having failed, the allies lost no time in bringing
      fresh resources of attack and storm against the defences. A fourth
      bombardment produced signal havoc and extensive dilapidation. On the 18th
      of the month, the allies attempted to take the place. A combined assault
      of a most sanguinary nature was made and defeated. This defeat was
      accompanied and followed by the loss of many distinguished officers in the
      British army. On the 28th the English commander-in-chief died. Illness and
      anxiety, with chagrin at his failure in conducting the siege to the
      satisfaction of his country, brought on his death. Cholera was the
      immediate agent in his removal. General Simpson succeeded to the command
      of the British army, through the instrumentality of his patron and
      countryman, Lord Panmure. He was still less competent than Lord Raglan for
      so great a responsibility, and the people of the United Kingdom were
      indignant at the jobbing and patronage to which the interests of the
      country were sacrificed. General Simpson while he remained in command was
      in every respect feeble, and a mere cipher in the hands of the French
      general. Lord Raglan, by his reserve, dignity of manner, and high rank,
      preserved influence and respect notwithstanding his inactivity and
      dulness; but General Simpson possessed no qualities that could set off or
      redeem his utter incompetency, unless, perhaps, his modesty, and the
      absence of all self-seeking about him. He urged upon his government that
      he was unequal to so great an appointment, but Lord Panmure insisted in
      thrusting the honour upon him.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Simpson, on his assumption of command, ordered the siege to be
      prosecuted without intermission, in the hope of giving a fresh and
      successful assault. The month of July and part of August witnessed the
      progress of events for the grand and final struggle, but before it could
      take place, incidents apart from the siege excited general attention in
      Europe. Lord Raglan had been very anxious for operations against Kertch,
      and ordered a second expedition against it, which was successful, and was
      a means of greatly annoying, distracting, and injuring the Russians.
    </p>
    <p>
      After the failure of the assault on the 18th of June, the opposing hosts
      on the Tchernaya assumed gradually a more menacing attitude, so that from
      the middle of July a battle was daily and even hourly expected. It was the
      interest of the Russians to strike the first blow, and the allies prepared
      to ward it off, and, if possible, deal in return a more deadly stroke. The
      great trial of strength on the banks and steep acclivities of "the Black
      River" was destined to occur in August. On the 16th, the Russians attacked
      the whole line of the French and Sardinian posts, and, after a long and
      sanguinary battle, were defeated. This decisive repulse of the Russian
      army in the field, left the allies more at liberty to prosecute to
      perfection the works necessary to secure a successful assault. Before that
      event occurred the British experienced many serious losses; a surprising
      number of regimental officers fell in conflict or died. The disgraceful
      state of the English transports caused many deaths. The same inaptness and
      incompetency for general management characterized the English chiefs as at
      the very beginning of the siege. The British army experienced a serious
      injury in the retirement of Lieutenant-general Sir Richard England. He had
      probably endured more fatigue, and worked on with more patience,
      perseverance, and continuity of action than any officer in the British
      army. One by one the English chiefs had fallen away by death, or wounds,
      or sickness, General England, with frame of iron and indomitable will,
      still bearing up, although sharing cold, watchings, labours, and
      privations with his soldiers in a way characteristic of his generous
      nature and military temper. He was perhaps the least ostentatious soldier
      in either army. He never put himself forward prominently, but was always
      ready to perform the most arduous task committed to him with scrupulous
      precision, and quiet and indomitable resolution. Had he not offended the
      agents of the press by his resolution of not allowing any reporters within
      his division&mdash;under the conviction, probably erroneous, that the
      reports which found their way into the English papers, gave information to
      the enemy injurious to the service&mdash;he would have had many a gallant
      deed, and his stern uncompromising sense of duty, emblazoned to the world.
      His health at last suffered so severely, that he was obliged to return
      home, shortly before the grand conquest was achieved.
    </p>
    <p>
      September opened with the immediate preliminaries of the grand struggle.
      The final bombardment of the strong city began. The number of guns with
      which the allies opened the bombardment was 803. On the old French attack
      there were 332 pieces; on the French Inkerman attack, 267 pieces: making a
      total in the two separate French attacks of 599 pieces of ordnance.
    </p>
    <p>
      The English had 204 pieces, consisting of 91 mortars, and 113 guns.
    </p>
    <p>
      The bombardment began upon the 5th,&mdash;the heaviest ever known in the
      history of sieges. Terrible mischief was effected by the constant
      discharge of so many engines of destruction; and the alarm and distress of
      the inhabitants and garrison could be witnessed from the lines of the
      besiegers. The following extract from the author's "History of the War
      against Russia," describes with brevity and accuracy the final
      bombardment.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the sun set, the shells, rockets, and other fiery missives from the
      besieging lines, sped like flights of meteors over the enemy's works, and
      searched the recesses of the city. Throughout the night of the 5th a fire
      of musketry had been directed against the faces of the works to be
      assailed; but on that of the 6th, this was more sustained and heavy.
      During the 6th, the enemy made a comparatively feeble resistance. On the
      early morning of the 7th, the bombardment gave place to a cannonade, which
      was as terrible as if opening for the first time., The enemy opened a
      galling fire from their Inkerman batteries across the harbour upon the
      French right, sweeping the batteries of the latter, slaying many, and
      damaging the works. A strong wind blew the smoke from the town,
      accompanied by clouds of dust, into the faces of the besiegers, impeding
      their aim, and rendering it difficult for them to observe the effect of
      their shot.
    </p>
    <p>
      At half-past three a fine two-decker in the harbour was set on fire, and
      continued to burn through the remainder of the day and all night, with a
      flame exceeding in intensity and volume that of previous ships. A fire
      also broke suddenly forth in the rear of the Great Redan. Late in the
      evening another broke out in the town over the Woronzoff Road, and another
      at the head of the dockyard. The combined effect of all these
      conflagrations was terrible beyond description, associated as they were
      with the deafening roar of at least 1000 pieces of cannon, for as many
      were constantly engaged, notwithstanding that the number of the enemy's
      guns silenced was very great. When daylight died the cannonade was, as
      before, succeeded by a bombardment, with all its fierce concomitants. The
      Russians showed throughout the night a constant apprehension of assault,
      for they threw showers of vertical grape-shot; and notwithstanding the
      glare of the flames from the burning ships, and the fires in the city,
      they lighted up their works with fire-ball and carcasses. They repeatedly
      threw bouquets into the trenches of the French. Thus, until the morning of
      the 8th, shells and rockets fell in fiery deluge upon Sebastopol, and the
      roll of the musketry against the faces of the chief defences never ceased.
      On the morning of the 8th the cannonade began with the day, and was
      delivered more rapidly and fiercely than before. Meanwhile preparations
      were made for the assault.
    </p>
    <p>
      The assault on the English side was unsuccessful; the same bad generalship
      which marred the actions of the English so frequently throughout the war,
      threw its fatal influence over their efforts on the terrible day of the
      8th of September. The French would also have failed, in all probability,
      had they not effected a surprise, by suddenly seizing the Malakoff, the
      key of the defence, at a moment when the Russians felt secure that no
      attack would be made. The French with great courage and adroitness secured
      the advantage gained, and that advantage was decisive of the contest. The
      Russians, after a vain struggle, retreated from Southern Sebastopol,
      having lost a multitude of slain, and leaving vast spoil in the hands of
      the captors.
    </p>
    <p>
      The tidings of this result was spread by the electric wire and by the
      press until all Europe caught the exultation and rejoiced everywhere&mdash;except
      in the courts of Naples and Athens, and among the members of the Greek
      church, who, wherever they were scattered, showed the utmost sympathy for
      Russian tyranny and bigotry.
    </p>
    <p>
      During September, the allies gathered the spoils of war from the conquered
      city. October and November afforded fine weather for military operations,
      but nothing of importance was done by the allied commanders from the basis
      of operations before Sebastopol; while the Russians still lay in strength
      beyond the Tchernaya, and held Northern Sebastopol in greater strength
      than ever.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Simpson resigned his command, in obedience to the popular opinion
      at home; and General Codrington, a general of less than two years
      standing, assumed the important post. Discord among the allied commanders,
      and intrigues in the French foreign-office and the imperial court of
      France, paralyzed the vigorous purposes of the English cabinet. The French
      emperor wished to conciliate his brother autocrat of Russia, and was
      unwilling to strike a blow which in proportion as it humbled Russia
      exalted England. A fear lest any glory or influence in the East should
      accrue to England swayed the French ministry. Napoleon had other designs
      which England was less likely to favour than was Alexander II., and the
      policy adopted was to gain an ally in the enemy which England aided him to
      subdue.
    </p>
    <p>
      A second winter encampment before Sebastopol was necessary. The dreary
      plateau was once more the abode of the weary and suffering soldiers during
      the inclement period which terminated the year in the Crimea. The British
      soldiers were, however, cheered by increased numbers and efficiency, and
      by the care and comfort which the indignant patriotism of the British
      people compelled the government to bestow upon its noble army.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the inactive of the allied armies before Sebastopol, and in the
      neighbourhood of the Tchernaya, certain expeditions were undertaken, which
      were important. An expedition was ordered against certain strong places on
      the European shores of the Black Sea. The reduction of Kinburn, a strong
      naval arsenal and place for ship-building, was effected; and Ockzakoff, an
      important place from which the approaches to Kinburn could be well
      defended, was totally destroyed.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Eupatoria the Russians, notwithstanding the continual drain upon their
      resources at Sebastopol, harassed the garrison. Cavalry skirmishes were
      frequent, and rather sanguinary. The allies maintained their position, and
      constantly threatened the enemy's communications.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN THE SEA OF AZOFF.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the autumn and winter the allies conducted extensive and effective
      operations in the Sea of Azoff. All around its coasts strong places were
      bombarded and stormed. The granaries from which the Russian armies were
      fed were consumed. The fishing establishments which were on a great scale,
      and by which also the Russian armies received support, were wasted; and
      the craft which traversed that sea, as well as the armed vessels by which
      they had been protected, were all captured or swept away.
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN ASIA MINOR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On a previous page the arrival of Colonel Williams as her majesty's
      commissioner, and his efforts to restore order in the Turkish armies, and
      to correct the rapacity and disorder of its chiefs, were noticed. That
      skilful and gallant officer, now so well known as Major-general Sir
      Fenwick Williams, Bart, of Kars, late M.P. for Calne, and Governor of
      Woolwich, and while these pages are going to press, commander-in-chief of
      the forces in Canada, put forth almost superhuman efforts to save Asia
      Minor from the Russians during the summer and autumn of 1855. In
      consequence of the wretched conduct of the Turkish pashas, and the
      quarrels of the European officers in the Turkish service, especially the
      Poles, Germans, and Hungarians, Colonel, or as we shall now call him
      General, Williams shut himself up in Kars. The Turkish pashas immediately
      conspired together to neglect him, to refuse succours military or
      material, and by leaving Kars to fall into the hands of the Russians,
      bring discredit upon the foreign general, and deter the sultan from
      committing commands or positions of authority over the faithful to infidel
      generals. The limits of this history do not allow of the detail of the
      defence of Kars. It is one of the most remarkable and romantic in history.
      So extraordinary was the capacity of General Williams that he inspired
      confidence in the minds of the abject Turks, and ensured order among the
      wild and predatory auxiliaries who came to the assistance of his garrison.
      His exceeding sweetness of temper, urbanity of manner, and ease and
      persuasiveness of address, enabled General Williams to secure the support
      of the people of Kars, the wild Lazi, and his own little band of noble
      British officers. He defended Kars without any European troops whatever
      against the best general in the Russian service, and one of the most noble
      and generous as well as her officers, Mouravieff. The Russians were
      repulsed again and again by the townspeople and their rude and
      undisciplined assistants from the country. The army of Mouravieff was
      punished with appalling slaughter, and had food been sent to the garrison,
      which the Turkish pashas could have effected, General Williams would not
      only have saved Kars, but have driven the Russians back upon the line of
      the Caucasus. Famine, however, conquered the heroic chief and his devoted
      followers. The surrender of Kars became necessary, and the famished
      garrison and its adored chief went forth prisoners to the Russian camp.
      Severely as the besiegers had suffered, they used language of unbounded
      admiration for the skill and gallantly of General Williams and his
      officers, and for the devotion, endurance, and courage of their followers.
    </p>
    <p>
      While yet the struggle was going on in Kars, Omar Pasha, at the head of a
      Turkish army, was dispatched to the northern shores of the Asiatic coast
      of the Black Sea to create a diversion, and cause the siege of Kars to be
      raised. In this undertaking Omar was not sincere. He, like the other
      pashas, was jealous of Williams, and wished Kars to fall. Omar landed,
      lost time wherever he could on any pretence make a stay, beat his enemy to
      prove his own generalship, and took care to reap none of the fruits of
      victory lest Kars should be saved. The skilful renegade shared with the
      old Turkish muchirs, feriks, and pashas, all the corruption of those
      classes, and all their hatred to foreigners, even although indispensable
      allies. Omar had been offended by the insulting contempt of Lord Raglan,
      and the stupid apathy of General Simpson; the French commanders had, from
      motives of separate policy, alienated him, so that he led an army into
      Asia rather to accomplish purposes of his own than to relieve Kars. The
      conquests of Omar in the direction of the Ingour were rapid, signal, and
      brilliant. He, however, was obliged to retreat, from the severity of the
      season exposing his army to the bitterest sufferings and great loss of
      life.
    </p>
    <p>
      The foregoing pages give as complete a view of the actions of the allies
      in the waters and on the shores of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff, as
      the space allotted to the account in this History can possibly allow.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS OF THE ALLIES IN THE BALTIC.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While war was raging on the eastern side of the Russian and Turkish
      empires, the western waters and shores of Russia were also the scenes of
      sanguinary contests. The vast fleet which, under the command of Admiral
      Dundas, proceeded rather too late in the spring to the Baltic,
      accomplished some important enterprises. The troops and stations of the
      Russians on the shores of Finland were shelled. Landing-parties ascended
      the creeks and rivers, and burned great quantities of naval stores, and
      destroyed or captured numerous small vessels, military or commercial.
      Sweaborg was bombarded, and a large portion of the fortifications
      destroyed, and many of their defenders slain. Cronstadt was approached as
      in the previous year; but was pronounced to be impregnable to the means at
      the disposal of the allies, vast as they were. The want of gun-boats and
      vessels of light draught was the chief ingredient in the elements of
      discomfiture which affected the allies. Throughout the year the allies
      hemmed in the Russian ships in their unassailable harbours of refuge, or
      as at Sweaborg, destroyed them by the fire of their gun-boats.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN THE WHITE SEA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      These were similar to what took place in the Baltic. Inaccessible harbours
      defied the allied fleets. Want of vessels of small draught rendered
      pursuit impossible when Russian ships made the sinuosities of the coast,
      and shallow rivers, available for retreat. Still great havoc was effected,
      and the loss of property sustained by the Russians was very severe. Both
      in the Baltic and White Seas the allies arrived too late in the season,
      and left too early.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      OPERATIONS IN THE PACIFIC, AND AGAINST THE RUSSIAN SETTLEMENTS IN
      KAMTSCHATKA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      As in the previous year, the Russians showed superior foresight, activity,
      and intelligence to the allied naval forces in the Pacific. In vain the
      powerful squadrons of France and England pursued their enemy hither and
      thither; little was accomplished&mdash;incapacity and tardiness marred all
      enterprise. The allies, however, inflicted a heavy chastisement upon the
      settlement of Petropaulovski, but more by causing the Russians themselves
      to accomplish the work of destruction than by inflicting it through the
      agency of the allied arms. The Russians, unable to cope with the allies,
      sought safety in flight, both by land and sea; but always effected their
      retreat with so much courage, deliberation, and yet promptitude, as to
      leave no great renown to their foes. Everywhere, on every sea and shore,
      England and France, on the whole, triumphed; and the close of 1855 saw
      Russia beaten and humiliated, but still great in strength and wanton in
      defiance.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL AFFAIRS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Little occurred in the colonial history of 1855 suitable to a general work
      such as the present. There was, however, one sphere of English influence
      where opinions and feelings were working, and events were preparing the
      way for great results&mdash;that sphere was India.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the whole of the year 1855, General Outram, as the British
      political agent at Lucknow, was engaged in disputes with the King of Oude.
      According to instructions from Lord Dalhousie, the governor-general,
      demands were made which the king and his people resisted. General Outram
      acted with all the humanity and courtesy which his stern instructions
      allowed. Lord Dalhousie was determined to annex the rich and fertile
      kingdom. The British cabinet, acting through the board of control,
      encouraged him. The author of these pages knows that the directors of the
      East India Company generally disapproved of the annexation, and some of
      them foresaw the consequences. The act of parliament of 1853, which came
      into operation in 1854, left the company so little power, that there was
      no use in its intelligent members opposing the caprice and aggrandizement
      of the board of control. At all events, the directors offered no open
      opposition, and Lord Dalhousie was left to his own unfettered judgment to
      carry out his scheme. At the close of 1855, General Outram was ordered to
      assemble a large military force at Cawnpore, and to enter into
      negotiations with the Oude government, "for the purposes mentioned in the
      despatch of the honourable court." On the 30th of January, 1856, General
      Outram summoned the prime-minister of Oude to the residency at Lucknow, to
      inform him of the decision of the governorgeneral. On the 1st of February
      the king addressed "the Resident," protesting in mild but dignified
      language against the subversion of his rightful authority. The resident
      declined all discussion, informing his majesty that the determination of
      his government was inflexible. He gave the king three days to decide. The
      army and people of Oude were as one man in the desire to raise the
      standard of resistance; and the sepoys of the Bengal army, being soon made
      acquainted with the danger to the independence of Oude, their native
      territory, heartily, but secretly, sympathized with its king and people.
      His majesty did not dare, however, to encounter the superior power of the
      British; he disarmed his troops, and dismounted his guns. On the 4th of
      February, General Outram demanded that the king should sign a declaration
      that his "infraction of the essential engagements of the previous treaties
      had been continued and notorious." His majesty, giving way to vehement
      grief and indignation, refused to sign this condemnation of himself, and
      expressed his determination to lay a memorial of his wrongs at the feet of
      the Queen of Great Britain. In 1858, he, by his agents, endeavoured to
      obtain from her majesty redress of the grievances of which he complained.
      The king also refused to sign a new treaty, abrogating that of 1801,
      submitted to him by General Outram. On the 7th of February, the general
      issued a proclamation, declaring that "the British government had assumed
      to itself the exclusive and permanent administration of the territories of
      Oude." From that moment the soldiery and people of the kingdom were
      resolved to take the first opportunity of reasserting the independence of
      their country, and taking vengeance upon those whom they considered its
      oppressors. General Outram compelled many nobles <i>to give bail</i> for
      their good behaviour, and many were placed under surveillance. General
      Outram has been much blamed for the part he took, but he merely performed
      his duty as the governor-general's agent. He was taken into his
      excellency's counsels no farther than to evoke his opinion on the <i>modus
      operandi</i> by which the orders of Government-house might best be carried
      out. General Outram had no responsibility as to the policy of the
      transaction.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the above relation of the transactions in India, events are anticipated
      for unity of subject, as in 1855 the orders went forth which annexed Oude,
      and nearly lost India in 1857.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXVIII.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1856
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Conclusion of the Russian War..... General Foreign
     Relations..... Correspondence of the English Foreign
     Minister with the Sardinian Plenipotentiaries to the Paris
     Conference..... Relations with Naples..... British Policy
     in the  East..... Treaty of Commerce and Friendship with
     Siam..... War with Persia..... War with China..... Disputes
     with the United States of America..... India.....
     Ireland..... Financial and Commercial Condition of the
     Country..... Parliamentary Proceedings.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      CONCLUSION OF THE RUSSIAN WAR.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1856
    </p>
    <p>
      It will aid the consecutive narrative of events to relate the conclusion
      of the Russian war, and the home events connected with it, in the opening
      sections of this chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      The early winter months of 1856 were spent inactively by the opposing
      armies, and negotiations for peace were opened, chiefly through the
      instrumentality of Austria, backed by Prussia. France, however, it was
      suspected in England, had made overtures to Russia privately, the French
      emperor having maintained all through the struggle a separate and selfish
      policy while uniting with England to destroy the power of Russia in the
      Black Sea. It was to the interest of France to destroy Muscovite influence
      in the neighbourhood of the Mediterranean, and to limit the preponderating
      influence of the Russo-Greek church in Turkey. It was the especial
      interest of the emperor to compel the czar to recognise him as a great
      European sovereign, the <i>de facto</i> and <i>de jure</i> sovereign of
      the French, although not of the line of its legitimate kings. These
      objects were partly attained, and were obviously attainable as far as
      France or the emperor had any interest in prosecuting them. Once assured
      of this, his imperial majesty and his political coadjutors changed their
      tone (they could scarcely be said to change their policy) towards England.
      It was declared in France that England had sinister designs in keeping up
      hostilities; that she was desirous to use the power of France to lessen
      Russian power in Asia in the interest of the Anglo-Indian dominions. The
      question, too, was raised in France, how far it was for the advantage of
      that country to extirpate the naval power of Russia, which might be
      employed, possibly, in resisting the dominant navy of England. During the
      war, the French navy performed an inglorious part. It fought well when
      brought into action, but its operations were entirely subsidiary to those
      of England. France was jealous of this evident superiority, and from the
      fall of Sebastopol toiled incessantly to counteract and rival the naval
      power of England. Everything Russian was popular in France after the
      capture of southern Sebastopol&mdash;everything English was decried. The
      most mendacious statements, under official authority, were put forth,
      exaggerating the losses of the English navy and army, and lessening the
      computation of the losses of Russia and France. The French official
      journals described the loss of the Russian army at a quarter of a million
      of men. Lord Panmure, in his place in the British parliament, estimated it
      at half a million. His lordship, as war minister, was acquainted with the
      facts as regarded all the armies in the field, and no one ever impeached
      his truthfulness and moderation. During the two years and a quarter that
      the Crimean campaign lasted, out of an army, of which the average strength
      was 34,500, 20,800 died from all causes; but of these deaths only 5,000
      occurred in action, or from wounds inflicted by the enemy. Two-thirds of
      the whole mortality arose from other causes more destructive than shot,
      bullet, or bayonet. An equal number of men of the same ages would,
      according to the average death-rate of the more healthy districts of
      England, have suffered a loss of only 610, in lieu of 20,000. While every
      credit is given to the war secretary for moderation and truth, his
      statistics are open to some strictures. They were thus commented upon by
      the author of this History, in his "History of the War against Russia."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Vol. ii. p. 745.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "Lord Panmure's statement referred to the army, but it did not include
      soldiers on board ship, nor the naval brigade, nor the marines. His
      lordship's account does not agree with a corrected calculation from the
      various reports made from time to time. These bring up the computation to
      a figure higher by several thousands. This may be accounted for by several
      circumstances. His lordship's lists excluded the commissary and hospital
      departments, also the army works and land-transport corps. Besides, his
      computations only begin with the encounter of the Bulganak, previous to
      which the sufferings of the soldiers in landing at Old Fort were so great,
      that on the short march to the bivouac of the Bulganak many men dropped
      out from cholera, dysentery, thirst, or weakness, who never rejoined their
      corps; and some of whom, it is to be feared, from the want of transport
      and ambulances, perished unaided where they fell. Forty thousand would be
      nearer the total loss than 23,000."
    </p>
    <p>
      Small as was the part taken by the navy of France in the war, her losses
      were great. The <i>Moniteur de la Flotte</i> published the returns of the
      casualties experienced by the French imperial navy during the expeditions
      to the Crimea, the Baltic, and Petropaulovski, in 1854, 1855, and 1856.
      The ships' crews lost 11 officers and 144 seamen killed by the enemy's
      fire, and 39 officers and 3,237 men who died of their wounds or from
      sickness&mdash;in all 50 officers and 3,381 men; the naval artillery corps
      had 2 officers and 31 non-commissioned officers and soldiers killed, and 3
      officers and 231 non-commissioned officers who died of their wounds or
      from sickness&mdash;in all 5 officers and 262 men, and the marine
      infantry, 9 officers and 73 non-commissioned officers and men killed, and
      12 officers and 1,057 non-commissioned officers and men who died of their
      wounds or from sickness&mdash;in all 21 officers and 1,130 men. Total&mdash;270
      killed and 4,579 dead; in all 4,819. According to Marshal Vaillant, the
      French minister of war, France sent to the east 309,628 men, 41,974
      horses, and 597,686 tons of stores; and brought back 227,125 men, 9.000
      horses, and 126,880 tons of stores.
    </p>
    <p>
      The result of the negotiations brought about by the chief German powers,
      and ardently desired by France, was a treaty of peace on the 30th of
      March, 1856. It was ratified on the 27th of April. Six months was fixed
      for the evacuation of Russian territories by the allies. The French army
      commenced its embarkation more than a fortnight before the ratification,
      as a sort of overt proof of the good will of the French emperor to his new
      ally and recent enemy. In less than three months, on the 5th of July, the
      whole of the French army had abandoned the soil of Russia, On the 8th of
      August the last French soldier left Constantinople on the homeward voyage.
      The British army was more easily removed from its smaller number and its
      greater transport power.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 23rd of April one of the grandest sights ever witnessed from the
      shores of England was presented at Portsmouth. Never were the waters of
      the Solent so crowded with "craft of all dimensions" as on that day.
      Notwithstanding the shameful failures of the English navy in the Pacific,
      and the dilatory proceedings of the Admiralty, which rendered the
      blockades in the White Sea so much less effective than they ought to have
      been&mdash;although the massacre of Sinope did take place, and "Old
      Charley" nursed his gout or drank his grog, when he ought to have been
      reconnoitering Sweaborg&mdash;still the Russian navy of the Euxine had
      perished rather than meet Dundas; the stores, granaries, and fisheries,
      were swept from the coasts of the Sea of Azoff; and not a ship of the
      enemy dare put to sea for two years in the Baltic. After all, Britannia
      did "rule the waves," and was more able to rule them than ever. The fleet
      was assembled for her majesty's personal review, and consisted of 240
      steam vessels, including gun-boats, mortar-boats, and floating batteries.
      There were three vessels of 100 guns each, six of 91, an equal number of
      80 guns, and vessels of every order; frigates, brigs, sloops, &amp;c, had
      their proportionate numbers. The steam-power equalled that of 31,000
      horses, and 3,000 guns were carried. The fleet, covering a space of twelve
      miles, was manned by 30,000 sailors and marines. On the 29th of April
      peace was proclaimed. The author of this work witnessed the proclamation
      in several parts of the metropolis, but the crowds were not such as the
      great city usually sent forth on occasions of magnitude. The fact was,
      England did not consider that the war had been prosecuted to its
      legitimate consequences, and felt that the French emperor had not pursued
      a direct and fair policy.
    </p>
    <p>
      The return of the British troops was hailed with enthusiasm, and a review
      of a portion of them&mdash;especially the guards&mdash;by her majesty in
      Hyde Park, elicited unbounded enthusiasm from all classes of the people.
      Among the most exciting home incidents connected with the war was the
      distribution by her majesty, in Hyde Park, of the Victoria Cross&mdash;the
      badge of a new order of merit, bestowed for valour upon a number of
      gallant recipients.
    </p>
    <p>
      Peace had scarcely been proclaimed when the country was irritated by
      tidings that Russia was endeavouring to evade its stipulations, and that
      France and Austria were playing into her hands. One of the terms of the
      treaty was that the Russian frontier should recede from the Danube. That
      crafty power had taken advantage of an erroneous French map, introduced by
      the French diplomatists at the conference, to deceive the allies as to the
      boundary agreed upon. After much negotiation and dispute, conducted as to
      England and Turkey on the one side and Russia on the other with intense
      acrimony, Russia was obliged to conform to the demands of the allies.
      Another stipulation of the treaty was the free navigation of the Danube.
      Russia endeavoured to seize upon the Isle of Serpents, off the Sulina
      mouth of the delta of that river. The island was a portion of the
      dominions of the sultan; an English naval officer secured the possession
      of it to the Turkish sovereign. France rendered little assistance to
      England in these disputes, and displayed sympathy with Russia and jealousy
      of British influence. The neutrality of the Black Sea, and the destruction
      of all naval arsenals on its Russian shores, or rivers communicating with
      its shores, was also a stipulation of the treaty which Russia evaded. Here
      also England by her firm diplomacy, almost unaided by France, constrained
      Russia to conform to the terms of the peace. Another article of the treaty
      referred to the emancipation of the sultan's Christian subjects from all
      disabilities on account of their religion. This the sultan and the
      orthodox Turks evaded, and have continued to evade to the present time,
      although ostentatious proclamations in the spirit of the treaty were put
      forth by the sultan's government, and engagements the most determinate
      were subscribed. The general conduct of the Christians of the empire was
      disloyal and dishonest; they sought, like the Russians and Turks, to
      obtain all the advantages of the treaty, and fulfil none of its
      obligations. The remaining among the articles of the treaty of chief
      importance regulated the liberties, and relations to the sultan, of the
      provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. Here also difficulties arose,
      fomented by the united policy of the French and Russian governments, who
      intrigued&mdash;with the Wallachs especially&mdash;to insist on acting in
      a manner hostile to the constitution assigned by the treaty for their
      government. These disputes continued for years after the termination of
      the war. England resisted the intrigues which France and Russia set on
      foot inimical to the interests of the sultan, but her diplomacy and
      influence were not so successful as in reference to the other terms of the
      treaty. The great powers played a part that was not great, after the
      peace.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      GENERAL CONDITION OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Sardinia</i>.&mdash;The gallant little kingdom of Sardinia had rendered
      important aid in the war, and at its conclusion urged upon the
      representatives of the great powers assembled in conference in Paris the
      importance of preventing an outbreak in Italy, by compelling Austria and
      the other despots of Italy to govern with justice and observe treaties. On
      March the 27th, 1856, the plenipotentiaries of Sardinia addressed a <i>note
      verbale</i> to the Earl of Clarendon, her majesty's foreign minister,
      urging upon England the consideration of the dangerous state of Italy, and
      the complications to which it would give rise. Sardinia especially
      protested against the occupation of the Roman states by foreign troops&mdash;those
      of Austria and France&mdash;thus suppressing all free expression of action
      and opinion by the people of these states.
    </p>
    <p>
      On April the 16th the plenipotentiaries of the Sardinian king, then
      resident at Paris, addressed a voluminous memorandum to Lord Clarendon,
      entering at large into the affairs of Italy, portraying the danger to
      Sardinia from Austrian aggression, and showing that it was the duty and
      interest of England to insist upon the termination of the state of things
      which existed.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th of May the Earl of Clarendon addressed a despatch to Sir James
      Hudson, the English minister at the court of Turin. This despatch was
      brief, and contained nevertheless a very full exposition of the righteous
      and sympathising policy of England towards the people of Italy. This
      despatch obtained much significance from the events which followed. Lord
      Clarendon's prediction was but too truly verified,&mdash;a few years
      witnessed the complications foretold,&mdash;the peace of Europe was
      disturbed, and the foreign occupation of Italy was at once the cause of
      the war and the theatre of its devastations.
    </p>
    <p>
      The brevity of Lord Clarendon's despatch to Sir James Hudson allows of its
      insertion:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "<i>Foreign Office, May 26</i>, 1856.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;I herewith inclose the copy of a note which was addressed to
      me when at Paris by the plenipotentiaries of Sardinia.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The verbal communications which I frequently had the pleasure of holding
      with Count Cavour, both before and subsequently to the receipt of this
      note, can have left no doubt upon the mind of his excellency that her
      majesty's government take a deep and sincere interest in the affairs of
      Italy, and are desirous of doing everything which can properly be done by
      them with a view to ameliorate the condition of the Italian people.
    </p>
    <p>
      "No fresh assurances could add weight to those already given to Count
      Cavour, and I did not, therefore, think it necessary to send an answer in
      writing to the note of the Sardinian plenipotentiaries; but as it has come
      to the knowledge of her majesty's government that it would be agreeable to
      the Sardinian government to receive one, they cannot hesitate to declare
      their opinion that the occupation of the Papal territory by foreign troops
      constitutes an irregular state of things, which disturbs the equilibrium,
      and may endanger the peace of Europe; and that, by indirectly affording
      sanction to misgovernment, it promotes discontent and a tendency to
      revolution among the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Her majesty's government are aware that as this state of things has now,
      unfortunately, for some years been established, it may be possible that it
      could not suddenly be brought to a close without some danger to public
      order, and the risk of producing events that all would deplore; but her
      majesty's government are convinced that the evacuation of the Papal
      territory may be rendered safe at an early period by a policy of wisdom
      and justice, and they entertain a hope that the measures agreed upon by
      the governments of France and Austria will lead to a gradual withdrawal of
      their respective forces, and to bettering the condition of the subjects of
      the Pope.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You will read and give a copy of this despatch to Count Cavour.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, &amp;c,
    </p>
    <p>
      "[Signed] Clarendon."
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Naples</i>.&mdash;The state of Naples was at this time appalling, the
      king was the most unruly man in his kingdom. Oppressions the most
      barbarous were wrought by his sanguinary and faithless hand. The
      governments of France and England advised, remonstrated, protested in
      vain. His majesty adopted the principle of doing what he pleased with his
      own, to the ruin of his kingdom, the sufferings of his people, and the
      disgrace of his reign. Various English subjects were injured, but no
      effectual measures were taken by either England or France to put a stop to
      the insult and defiance they received. Austria professed to offer the
      Neapolitan monarch advice in the interests of moderation and good
      government&mdash;it was even alleged that Russia did the same; but his
      majesty was deaf to all counsel, and expressed his determination to rule
      absolutely, and deal with his people as he pleased, in spite of the
      threatened interposition of foreign powers.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH POLICY IN ASIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>Siam</i>.&mdash;The British government used all its influence to
      cultivate friendly relations with all the Asiatic governments, in the hope
      that a more extended and peaceful intercourse might spring up between
      these nations and the British empire. The most decisive results of such
      negotiations were seen at Siam and Persia. In the former country peace and
      friendship were confirmed; in the latter, war closed a vexed
      correspondence, which England conducted with the sincerest desire to
      secure justice and amity. A treaty of friendship and commerce was signed
      at Bangkok, May 13, 1856, between her Britannic majesty and the King of
      Siam. A supplementary agreement was afterwards signed. Dr. Bowring was the
      British plenipotentiary. His excellency's account of the embassy and the
      accomplishment of its purpose has been published, and opens up interesting
      and instructive views of the people of that region.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE PERSIAN WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The foundation of this quarrel was laid during the war with Russia. That
      crafty and active government sought to create a diversion against England
      by causing Persia to make the occasion available for advancing upon Herat,
      and pushing her designs upon Affghanistan. The intrigues of Russia
      developed themselves too slowly for her purpose, and 1856 arrived before
      the war broke out. During the year the temper and spirit of the Persian
      court became intensely irritable towards, the English ambassador and his
      suite. A circumstance arose which brought this out painfully. On the 15th
      of June, 1854, Mr. Thomson, the English minister, wrote to Lord Clarendon,
      then minister for foreign affairs, informing him that he had chosen one
      Meerza Hashem Khan as the Persian secretary to the British mission. This
      person was courtly, learned, and in every way suitable to the office
      assigned to him. Lord Clarendon confirmed the appointment. The Persian
      court immediately persecuted the favourite of the English mission. The
      Hon. C. A. Murray succeeded Mr. Thomson, and he also favoured Meerza
      Hashem. The Persian court continued its persecution, and finally seized
      and imprisoned the khan's wife. Mr. Murray demanded satisfaction for this
      outrage upon the staff of the British mission, and the release of the
      lady. His demands were treated with disdain, and Mr. Murray felt bound to
      maintain the dignity of the government he represented by striking his flag
      on the 20th of November, 1855. The Persian prime-minister put a report
      into circulation that both Mr. Murray and his predecessor had intrigues
      with the khan's wife, and therefore employed him in the embassy. The
      Persian premier at last made the allegation to Mr. Murray himself, in a
      despatch. On the 5th of December, after having endured many insults, he
      left Teheran.
    </p>
    <p>
      In July, 1856, Lord Clarendon caused the ultimatum of his government to be
      delivered to the Persian <i>charge d'affaires</i> at Constantinople. It
      was to the following effect:&mdash;The sadr azim (prime-minister) to write
      in the shah's name a letter to Mr. Murray, expressing his regret at having
      uttered and given currency to the offensive imputation upon the honour of
      her majesty's minister, requesting to withdraw his own letter of the 19th
      of November, and the two letters of the minister for foreign affairs of
      the 26th of November. A copy of this apology to be communicated officially
      to each of the foreign missions at Teheran, and the substance of it to be
      made public in that capital. The original letter to be conveyed to Mr.
      Murray, at Bagdad, by the hands of some high Persian officer, and to be
      accompanied by an invitation to Mr. Murray, in the shah's name, to return
      with the mission to Teheran, on his majesty's assurance that he shall be
      received with all the honours and consideration due to the representative
      of the British government. Mr. Murray, on approaching the capital, to be
      received by persons of high rank deputed to escort him to his residence.
      Immediately on his arrival, the sadr azim to go in state to the British
      mission and renew friendly relations with Mr. Murray. At noon on the
      following day, the British flag to be hoisted under a salute of 21 guns,
      and the sadr azim to visit the mission immediately afterwards, which visit
      Mr. Murray will return. Should Herat be occupied by the shah's troops, his
      majesty to engage to withdraw them without delay. The British mission to
      defer to his majesty's wish, if renewed, respecting Meerza Hashem, by not
      insisting on his appointment at Shiraz; the Meerza's wife, however, to be
      restored to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The ultimatum failed to secure redress. A series of fresh outrages was
      offered at the embassy upon such servants of the British government as
      remained there. Orders were sent to Consul Stevens to quit Persia, and
      take the means usual in such cases to secure the liberty and property of
      British subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 1st of November, the governor-general of India declared war against
      Persia. Three proclamations were issued by his excellency, which, when
      they arrived at Constantinople, caused the Persian plenipotentiary to
      withdraw from all further negotiations, and to treat his former agreements
      as null and void. Major-general Outram, K.C.B., had returned to England
      from Oude, and while at home was in consultation with the British
      government concerning the Persian expedition. He was appointed to command
      it, and arrived in Bombay for that purpose.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the arrival of General Outram, active operations commenced. The British
      landed in Bushire, and defeated the Persians. The place was garrisoned by
      a portion of the troops, while the main army marched into the interior,
      driving the Persians with ease before them; and afterwards an expedition
      was made to Mohammerah, a considerable distance up the Persian Gulf. This
      was attended with complete success. By the end of March all these
      conquests were effected. They were followed by an expedition to Akwaz,
      upon which place the defeated Persians had retired from Mohammerah. The
      squadron proceeded up the Gulf with great judgment and rapidity, and the
      enterprise was crowned by the accomplishment of the object proposed, the
      Persians being obliged to retreat far inland. The English remained masters
      of the Persian Gulf and its shores throughout the year. Meanwhile,
      negotiations went on at Paris between the British minister there and the
      Persian ambassador. The shah ultimately consented to receive the English
      ambassador at Teheran with all the honours insisted upon in the English
      ultimatum, to redress the grievances, and satisfy the complaints of the
      embassy, and to engage to renounce all claims upon Herat. The treaty
      involved a clause that Bushire was to be occupied by the British until all
      the concessions made to the English government were practically carried
      out. In virtue of this arrangement General Havelock remained at Bushire,
      with a garrison, until May, 1857, when he proceeded thence to perform in
      India the glorious exploits which terminated his illustrious career.
      General Outram and the main body of the expeditionary army sailed for
      India in May, 1856.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      WAR WITH CHINA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1856 was fruitful in events in Asia interesting and important to
      Great Britain. Among these was the breaking out of another war with China.
      The origin of the war may be thus briefly stated. A small vessel, called a
      lorcha, was the property of a British subject, resident at Hong-Kong. It
      was boarded, while carrying the British flag, by the Chinese authorities,
      who alleged they were in search of a pirate among the crew. The whole crew
      were arrested, chained, and carried away prisoners. This was in
      contravention of the existing treaty with China. The English consul
      demanded that the captured persons should be returned to the lorcha, and
      that their investigation should be made according to the treaty. Governor
      Yeh not only refused to do this, but did so in terms insolent, and almost
      menacing. The consul at Canton reported the case to the governor of
      Hong-Kong, Sir John Bowring. The reclamations of that functionary were
      treated as disdainfully as those of the consul, and it became necessary,
      as a last resort, to appeal to arms. The outrage upon the lorcha was
      committed on the 8th of October, 1856. On the 22nd of October,
      Rear-admiral Sir Michael Seymour, on board the <i>Coromandel</i>,
      accompanied by a squadron of gun-boats, captured a number of forts by
      which the entrance to Canton was defended. On the 28th he took possession
      of a fort known by the name of the Dutch Folly, situated on an island
      opposite Canton. Commissioner Yeh seemed now to be alarmed for the safety
      of the city, and offered to surrender ten out of twelve of the men taken
      out of the lorcha. This the British authorities declined. He then sent the
      twelve, but demanded that two of them, whom he alleged were guilty of
      piracy, should be returned, to be dealt with according to the laws of
      China. Consul Parks had, however, demanded at first that the men should be
      as publicly sent back to the lorcha as they had been taken away. The
      twelve men were accordingly brought back by the Chinese authorities again
      to Governor Yeh. That strange person refused to receive them any more,
      probably considering that they had brought sufficient trouble and danger
      on him already. Sir John Bowring then demanded, that as Canton was
      included in the five ports opened by the treaty of 29th of August, 1842,
      such facilities for commerce as existed at the other four ports should be
      opened to British residents at Canton. The English had waived this
      privilege so far as Canton was concerned (although reserving their right),
      in order to conciliate the prejudices of a province supposed to be more
      hostile than any other in China to foreigners. To the demand of Sir J.
      Bowring, Yeh returned no answer. Sir M. Seymour accordingly opened fire
      upon some large government buildings on the 27th. Yeh's own residence was
      amongst the buildings thus attacked. A body of troops, drawn up on a
      rising ground, was shelled by the British, and driven from the position.
      Yeh, as high commissioner of his imperial majesty, offered, by
      proclamation, a reward of thirty dollars for the head of every Englishman.
      On the 29th, a breach being made in the walls, seamen and marines landed,
      blew in the city gate, penetrated the interior of the city, and captured
      the governor's house. Admiral Seymour, more gallant than wise, proposed a
      conference with the commissioner, who declined it. On the 3rd of November,
      Canton was therefore again attacked. On the 5th a fleet of war-junks was
      destroyed, and the French Folly fort captured. Sir Michael Seymour was
      infected by the old British absurdity in dealing with the Chinese, that of
      negotiating, when prompt and sustained action to compel them to seek
      negotiation was the only sound policy. Sir Michael carried on a
      correspondence with the chief mandarin concerning the surrender of the
      Bogue forts, and their restoration, unimpaired, under certain
      contingencies. The mandarin regarded the correspondence useful so as to
      gain time, but he would make no concessions. On the 12th of November the
      forts were attacked, and on the 13th captured with ease, although defended
      by 400 guns. On the same day the Ammughoy forts on the side opposite to
      the Bogue entrance were attacked and captured, with very little
      resistance, although mounted by 210 guns. On the 14th of December the
      foreign factories at Canton were fired by the Chinese, and nearly all
      destroyed. Admiral Seymour could effect nothing during the month of
      December, his force being inadequate. While he awaited reinforcements the
      year terminated.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DISPUTES WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the year 1855 disputes existed with the North American republic,
      which were happily brought to a termination in 1856. The differences
      between that power and Great Britain referred to two subjects&mdash;the
      enlistment of recruits by British officers, and "the Clayton-Bulwer
      treaty" concerning Central America. England withdrew her recruiting
      agents, and made reparation for her conduct. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty was
      not so easily adjusted. It was a dispute between the two great American
      powers&mdash;England and the United States&mdash;for influence in Central
      America. It was supposed that the convention completed between the two
      ministers (Bulwer and Clayton) had put an end to the hostile feeling which
      had arisen. The Americans were not, however, satisfied with the
      arrangement, and put an interpretation upon the treaty opposed to that
      which England acknowledged. The British government, by going to the verge
      of pusillanimity, averted war, but the adjustment made was only temporary;
      the Americans virtually ignored the treaty, and England, while virtually
      submitting, still preserved an ostensible recognition of her rights. These
      events gave rise to fierce debates in the American congress and the
      British parliament, but an open rupture between the two countries, which
      appeared imminent, did not take place. The subject of Central America
      became a generic question, including various specific grounds of quarrel.
      A question arose as to the British protectorate of Mosquito. The English
      government issued a proclamation, declaring the Bay Islands a British
      colony. This offended the United States, and an angry, though courteous,
      correspondence ensued between Mr. Buchanan and the Earl of Clarendon. The
      English were anxious to refer the question to the decision of a third
      power, to which the Americans would not consent. A convention was formed
      with the republic of Honduras on the 27th of August, which vested in the
      latter power certain disputed territory which had given rise to much heat
      and dispute between England and the United States.
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    <h2>
      INTERNATIONAL MARITIME LAW.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the congress of Paris, where peace with Russia was negotiated, a new
      principle was recognised in international maritime law, that "A neutral
      flag covers an enemy's goods." This was not a popular measure in England.
      It was believed to be a blow struck by France at the maritime power of
      Britain. The English navy regarded the principle with much hostility, and
      it was hotly debated in parliament, a large party opposing the government
      for consenting to such a principle.
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    <h2>
      INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The general condition of the British colonies continued prosperous; but in
      India certain potent elements of disturbance were at work. The annexation
      of Oude began to produce its fruits, the people of all ranks&mdash;high
      and low, military and civil&mdash;were preparing for revolt; and a scheme
      was set on foot for corrupting the native army of Bengal, chiefly
      recruited from Oude, which, within a year, produced the most appalling
      results. Various symptoms of sedition, in different parts of India remote
      from one another, were indicated, but were not taken notice of by the
      authorities, either wisely or vigilantly. Among the most remarkable signs
      of a movement of some kind being on foot, was the transmission of little
      cakes, called <i>chupatees</i>, from hand to hand, throughout all the
      cities and villages of India. Many officers predicted, from this
      circumstance, that a conspiracy to a revolt was in progress, but the
      government discountenanced all warnings, and treated contemptuously all
      information communicated to it which was calculated to call for its
      watchfulness. The authorities believed that the chupatee movement was
      harmless. Even now, this is the opinion of many familiar with India,
      although the majority I conversant with that country were of a contrary
      opinion.
    </p>
    <p>
      One intelligent writer * presents the subject in the following light: "The
      transmission of such little cakes from one district to another is supposed
      by the Hindoos to effect the removal of epidemic disease.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Robert Henry Wallace Dunlop, B.C.S.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      When cholera broke out in this division, the villagers frequently attached
      the disease, as they fancied, by some ceremonies, to a buffalo, and drove
      it across the Ganges, or into some other village. This latter course
      frequently caused fighting between the villagers. It was also found that a
      similar transmission of cakes had taken place on a former occasion, when a
      murrain attacked the cattle of the districts bordering Oude, and the
      disease was supposed to be stayed as soon as the said cakes reached the
      holy fanes of Hurdwar. The agitation was fostered, and false rumours
      founded thereon, prejudicial to government, were almost invariably
      propagated by Mussulmans, while the transmission of a cake is a purely
      Hindoo practice. The shape and size of the cakes was that of the common
      Brahmin 'Pooree.' The excitement at the time among the sepoys, and the
      occurrence afterwards of the mutiny, has led many to connect this cake
      distribution with our disturbances, but without any sufficient grounds for
      so doing. It is probable that if any connection existed it was accidental,
      and the relationship acknowledged by either designing or ignorant persons,
      was consequent upon the distribution, and did not cause or precede it.
      Those, indeed, who have attempted to explain the 'chupatee movement,' as
      it is called, to be a sort of 'fiery cross' signal for a united rising,
      appear to have succeeded in proving little by their own ingenuity. Its
      real origin was, doubtless, a superstitious attempt to prevent any return
      of the fearful visitation of epidemic cholera which devastated the
      north-west provinces the year before, and still lingered in scattered
      spots."
    </p>
    <p>
      The symptoms of disaffection, which were evident before Lord Dalhousie
      retired from the government, became still more marked after the arrival of
      Lord Canning. Lord Dalhousie left India in March, Lord Canning arriving
      before the departure of his predecessor in office. The two proud noblemen
      met at Government-house, and appeared publicly together at a grand ball at
      that celebrated palace of English governors. An American gentleman, a
      correspondent of the <i>New York Herald,</i>** was struck with the haughty
      bearing of both these noblemen, their coldness to men of rank and great
      talent, and their general indifference of manner towards those whom it was
      their duty, as it ought to have been their privilege, to conciliate.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     ** Mr. Train, author of "Young America Abroad."
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The American observer, who looked on with an intelligent and impartial
      eye, was especially disgusted with the insolent bearing of the European
      officials, as well as of the noble governors-general, to the native
      princes, especially those who were conquered in the great Sikh war. They
      were obliged to put off their shoes in token of submission, after the
      manner of the East, when a conqueror or superior is approached. The
      American gentleman noticed the look of dejection and distaste expressed in
      the countenances of these once powerful native chieftains, and foreboded
      that a government which pursued a policy so arrogant, and where officers
      were characterized by so offensive an hauteur, must hold the sword tightly
      in its hand, or public indignation and resentment would arise, dangerous,
      if not fatal, to its power.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Canning signalized his dawning power by a proclamation on the affairs
      at Oude, which exasperated to the last degree the vengeance nursed in the
      hearts of the whole people of that region.
    </p>
    <p>
      Towards the end of the year the troops of the Bengal army were sullen and
      almost mutinous. Intelligent, officers noticed the dark scowl which the
      soldiery in vain endeavoured to conceal. In the public bazaars of the
      great cities a sort of secret intelligence between the sepoys and the
      people was observed, and all men, except the high officials, seemed to
      hear the murmuring of the distant thunder, and the first struggles of the
      storm, so soon to burst in blood and destruction over so large a portion
      of India. Thus closed the year 1856 in the British Indian empire: 1857 had
      scarcely dawned, when the thundercloud burst over its fairest provinces,
      and the deluge fell by which so many human beings, so many interests, and
      so vast an army, were swept away.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The progress of Ireland in material prosperity was obvious, and a source
      of gratulation to the empire. The moral progress of the country did not
      keep pace with its temporal advancement; in this respect the predictions
      of its best friends in parliament and in Great Britain were not fulfilled.
      Agrarian outrage was as common as in previous years, and the murderous
      riband conspiracy still dealt out slaughter, and held the good and
      peaceable in terror without any proper attempts on the part of government
      to put it down. The following remarks of the editor of the <i>Annual
      Register</i> were as true and just as they were pertinent and expressive
      of the facts:&mdash;"Many of the homicidal crimes in Ireland arise from
      motives which must be found in every society, and which therefore are not
      to be accounted as a peculiar reproach upon the natural character. Many of
      these foul deeds would not deserve any especial record, were it not
      needful that they should be noticed simultaneously with those more
      horrible assassinations perpetrated under the influence of a secret
      tribunal which has for generations been the curse of that unhappy land.
      Although the national prosperity of Ireland for some years back has been
      such as to alter the aspect of the country, it will probably take many
      years of content and good government&mdash;perhaps the passing away of
      more than one generation&mdash;to purge the land of the monstrous
      organization which keeps all men in dread."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME&mdash;GENERAL CONDITION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1856 opened mildly as to the season, compared with 1855. The
      winter and spring months passed away without witnessing the severity of
      weather, or its fatal influence upon health and life which characterized
      the corresponding months of the previous year. The attention of the people
      was much occupied by foreign politics and events. The unwelcome peace with
      Russia, the wars with Persia and China, the threatening aspect of affairs
      in India, especially in Oude, engaged the minds of men most seriously, and
      checked in some measure the general prosperous condition of affairs.
    </p>
    <p>
      There were few incidents connected with the court interesting to the
      public. The King of the Belgians paid a visit to his august niece early in
      the year, and rumour attributed a motive in connection with it which
      referred to the projected peace with Russia. His majesty, indeed, never
      visited England but some rumour did not prevail as to the influence he
      sought to exercise over the mind of her majesty, in sympathy with some
      foreign nation not altogether in harmony with British interests and views.
      It was believed that he came on this occasion to make as easy terms as
      possible for Russia. The movements of the royal family throughout the year
      were as had been customary. The return of the troops from the seat of war
      gave her majesty opportunity to show her interest in her brave soldiers,
      and to put forth her benevolence wisely and freely on their behalf.
    </p>
    <p>
      The prosperity of the country may best be contemplated from trade returns
      of the year: these were reported by command of her majesty to both houses
      of parliament. On March 19, 1857, returns were made to the legislature,
      containing abstracts of reports of the trade of various countries and
      places for the years 1855&mdash;1856, received by the board of trade,
      through the foreign office, from her majesty's ministers and consuls.
      Those abstracts are too voluminous for these pages: a perusal of them in
      their original form would repay the reader, and show that the great
      commercial country of the world was Great Britain&mdash;that so extensive
      and ramified were her trade transactions, that she might be considered the
      centre of universal commerce. The great manufacturing towns in the north
      of England increased prodigiously in wealth and influence, and the chief
      provincial ports became hives of industry, while their waters were crowded
      with forests of ships. The Liverpool Year-book for 1856 * disclosed an
      extraordinary state of power and prosperity in that great commercial
      thoroughfare and <i>entrepot</i> of the world.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     * Edited and compiled by Lee and Nightingale, published by
     Benson and Mallett, Liverpool.
</i></pre>
    <p>
      During the official year, which ended August 31, 1856, the nett ordinary
      income of the borough amounted to £223,319 18s. The docks of Liverpool
      were amongst the wonders of England; and since 1856 they have been
      improved and enlarged, so as to surpass in magnitude and adaptation all
      previous speculation.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NATIONAL FINANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The expensive war with Russia entailed its costs long after the first
      outlay and havoc passed away. The financial returns for the year ending
      with March, 1856, were, however, most encouraging, and proved how great
      were the pecuniary resources of England for war or peace. The following is
      a brief abstract of income and expenditure:&mdash;"The public income for
      the year ending the 31st March, 1856, amounted to £70,552,145 against
      £64,091,571 in 1855, and the expenditure to £93,149,310 against
      £70,236,817 in 1855. Thus there was an excess of expenditure over income
      in 1855-56 of £22,597,165, and an excess of £6,145,246 in the year
      1854-55. The customs (in 1855-56) yielded £35,635,552; the excise,
      £5,210,384; stamps, £7,063,610; the assessed and land-taxes, £3,136,077;
      the income-tax, £15,159,458 against £10,922,267 in the year ending the
      31st of March, 1855; the post-office, £2,767,201; and crown lands,
      £421,715. The duties on spirits and wines remained very stationary; those
      on malt, coffee, tobacco, snuff, and sugar increased. The house-tax
      yielded £728,689, and land-taxes £1,157,525. The expenditure in 1855-56
      included £2,863,353 for collecting the revenue; £28,112,825 for the public
      debt; £1,695,052 for the civil government; £3,192,420 for law and justice;
      £366,443 for diplomatic salaries; £47,461,188 for the army, navy, and
      ordnance (against £28,321,707 in the preceding year); and £4,200,000 for
      the vote of credit (war with Russia). The army cost the country
      £17,395,059; the navy, £19,654,585, and the ordnance, £10,411,544. The
      civil list, privy purse, the salaries of the royal household, and the
      payments of the queen's tradespeople included the sum total of £371.808."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
    </h2>
    <p>
      There was little in the session of 1856 to demand attention from the
      historian, except the debates upon the three great wars in which the
      nation was engaged. The wars with Russia and Persia excited party debates
      of long duration and fierce conflict. The war with China occurred too late
      in the year for parliamentary disputation, until the session of 1857. The
      terms of the peace agreed on at Paris with Russia caused very prolonged
      discussions, but in these, and in the opposition sustained in connection
      with the Persian war, the ministry was successful.
    </p>
    <p>
      The differences with the United States afforded another opportunity for
      the parliamentary opposition to attack the government. A debate was opened
      by a motion, introduced by Mr. G. H. Moore, "a member of the Irish
      independent opposition," which was badly managed by the introducer and the
      parties who supported him; the government was victorious.
    </p>
    <p>
      Education, especially in Ireland; life peerages; civil service
      appointments; the use of torture in India; law reform; difficulties in the
      execution of the treaty of Paris; the questions connected with the Isle of
      Serpents and Bulgrad, on the new Russo-Bessarabian frontier; the disposal
      of the Aland Islands conquered by the allies during the war in the Baltic;
      the Turkish firman in favour of the Christians in fulfilment of the treaty
      of Paris; annexation of Oude; and maritime international law,&mdash;were
      the subjects which engaged the attention of the members of both houses.
      The men who were most prominent in these debates were Lords Lyndhurst,
      Brougham, Campbell, Derby, and the Duke of Argyle in the lords; Lords
      Palmerston and Russell, Sir James Graham, Sir Charles Napier, and Benjamin
      Disraeli, in the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      The eventful year of 1856 commenced and closed in war. War with Russia and
      Persia existed at its commencement: war with China was waging at its
      close.
    </p>
    <p>
      England, always victorious in the East, won there fresh laurels; always
      embroiled in India, she had made for herself fresh complications; always
      bold and enterprising in her industry, she had, in spite of war and
      warlike expenses, increased marvellously her prosperity, material
      resources, the comfort of her people, and the real conditions of her
      power.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXIX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1857-1858
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Foreign Affairs..... European Treaties in alliance with
     France..... Difference with the United States of
     America..... War with China, to the conclusion of Peace in
     1858..... Treaty with Japan effected by Lord Elgin in
     1858..... Colonial..... Chinese Insurrection at Sarawak.....
     India: the Mutiny..... Home: General State of the Country;
     Monetary Panic..... Debate on the Chinese War..... Defeat
     of the Ministry..... General Election..... Marriage of the
     Princess Royal..... Parliamentary Proceeding's..... The
     Court..... Art-Treasures Exhibition, Manchester.
</i></pre>
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    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE, AND WITH OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS
      THROUGH THE FRENCH ALLIANCE.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1857-1858
    </p>
    <p>
      The importance of the French alliance was acknowledged by all classes in
      England, but the maintenance of it was extremely difficult. The policy of
      the French emperor was considered capricious and dynastic, and not
      regulated by good faith and justice. His eagerness to create an alliance
      with Russia, at the expense of England, was obvious in every circumstance
      which brought the three powers into diplomatic connection. This was more
      especially the case as regarded the Danubian Principalities. On every
      question which arose in connection with those provinces of the Turkish
      empire, Russia fomented dispute between herself and Turkey, between the
      Porte and the Provinces, and between France and England. France fell in
      with the views of Russia, thwarted the Turkish government, bore herself
      affrontfully and dictatorially to the sultan, and peevishly and even
      menacingly towards England, by which nation the rights of Turkey were from
      the first consistently espoused. The boundary question was conducted so
      that it was difficult to believe that France and Russia had not conspired
      against the rights of Turkey and the policy of England, ostensibly to
      enforce which France made war upon the czar. Austria generally sympathized
      more with England than with France and Russia in these disputes, but no
      power could place confidence in the perfidious government of the kasir,
      any more than in that of the czar. Prussia showed neither justice nor
      magnanimity. Her policy was selfish and cowardly. Although the grandson of
      the King of Prussia was affianced to the Princess Royal of England, that
      circumstance made no difference in the pro-Russian sympathies of the king.
      He abetted Russia in all her designs. The Prussian people generally
      expressed disapprobation of the policy of the court, but did not show
      spirit or purpose to counteract it. On June the 19th, a treaty was signed
      at Paris, and ratified on the last day of the year, between Great Britain,
      Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Sardinia, relative to the frontier
      of Bessarabia, to the Isle of Serpents, and to the delta of the Danube.
      The policy of England, on the whole, triumphed in this treaty. The Swiss
      Canton of Neufchâtel, which appertained to the government of Prussia,
      revolted against that government. In consequence of that event, much
      diplomatic difficulty and discussion arose in Europe. The moderate plan of
      arrangement recommended by England influenced the decision of the contest
      in a manner satisfactory to the Swiss Confederation and the people of
      Neufchâtel. The King of Prussia submitted to the arrangement ungraciously,
      and did much in sustaining a selfish policy, which was calculated to
      create a European war. At Paris, June 16,1857, a treaty was signed, which
      settled these turbulent affairs. The parties to the treaty were Great
      Britain, France, Prussia, the Swiss Confederation, Austria, and Russia.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DIFFERENCE WITH THE UNITED STATES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The "Clayton-Bulwer treaty" of 1850 was still the fruitful source of
      contention. It was hoped that the "Dallas Clarendon treaty" of 1856 would
      settle all disputes, but this hope was unsustained by events. The
      President of the United States recommended the abrogation of these
      treaties altogether, and the commencement <i>de novo</i> by the
      diplomatists of the two nations of negotiations for a new settlement. The
      gist of the dispute lay within a small compass. Both governments had
      agreed to acquire no territory in Central America. England affirmed that
      such a stipulation fairly assumed that she was to retain possession of the
      territory and protectorate she already held and exercised. America denied
      the correctness of this interpretation; alleging that the idea entertained
      by the statesmen of the republic was, that neither power should hold any
      territory in Central America. The Americans declared that if England
      acquired or retained territory in Central America they also would acquire
      territory there, and the result must be a struggle between the two nations
      for dominion in Central America. Whereas if England renounced all
      territorial possession, the United States would concur in a mutual
      arrangement for the neutrality of the great transit way across the
      American continent between the Atlantic and Pacific. The proposal of the
      United States appeared to be the only practicable one to secure peace. The
      discussion, however, was maintained with much courtesy and resolution on
      both sides, and the dispute remained open.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHINA&mdash;PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the last chapter the British admiral was left awaiting reinforcements
      at the close of the year 1856.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of January the British fired the western suburbs of Canton,
      which continued to burn for two days. So weak was the British force that
      it was obliged to drop down the river, and the squadron took up a position
      near Macao.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the month of May, the English having been somewhat reinforced,
      Commodore Elliott conducted operations against Chinese war-junks up
      certain creeks of the Canton river with great success. In June Commodore
      Keppel directed similar operations with still greater success. The Chinese
      supposed the positions where their warjunks were sheltered were
      impregnable, and were astonished and terrified to find that the English
      stormed and silenced their batteries, and captured, sunk, or burned their
      warjunks with the utmost celerity. So difficult were the positions chosen
      by the enemy that the British, although securing a brilliant series of
      victories with extraordinary rapidity, suffered heavy loss.
    </p>
    <p>
      While these events were proceeding, Lord Elgin was on his way as
      plenipotentiary to the Chinese emperor; he arrived at Hong-kong in July.
      On his way thither he touched at Singapore, where he received news of the
      Indian mutiny, and a request from the governor-general of India to detach
      a portion of his force to assist in suppressing the mutiny then raging
      there. From Hong-kong Lord Elgin proceeded to India with the remainder of
      the troops, as the peril there admitted of no delay, while the Chinese
      dispute would allow of postponement. In the latter part of the autumn Lord
      Elgin returned to Hong-kong. In October a French squadron arrived to
      co-operate with the English, accompanied by Baron Gros, as the
      plenipotentiary of the French emperor. Count Puteatin arrived in the same
      capacity for the Emperor of Russia; and Mr. Reed represented the
      North-American republic. Both Russia and the American States were jealous
      of the combined influence of England and France, and showed rather a
      disposition to coalesce, in order to thwart the allied powers of Western
      Europe, while yet the representative of each of the two jealous nations
      was solicitous to make a treaty in the separate and even selfish interests
      of his country. England and France were desirous for the co-operation of
      all civilized powers to obtain a treaty in the interests of all, but this
      did not suit the policy of America, still less of Russia. France moreover
      displayed an eagerness to force some exclusive convention in favour of the
      Roman Catholic religion, in which the other powers had no interest, and
      which they felt to be invidious and improper. The French also, in their
      co-operation with the British, were avaricious of glory, and by their
      self-assertion, vanity, ambition, and ostentatious depreciation of
      everything not performed by themselves, offended the self-respect of the
      English, who were in far superior force.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was December before active hostilities were renewed, Lord Elgin and
      Baron Gros having in vain pressed upon Governor Yeh their demands. On the
      28th and 29th of December Canton was bombarded. The great city was on two
      sides enveloped in flame. The allies landed amidst the roar of the
      bombardment and the engirdling flames, escaladed certain defences, drove
      the Chinese into the city, and occupied with promptitude the strong
      positions from which the enemy was driven.
    </p>
    <p>
      The appearance of matters in Canton was now very strange. The populace
      pursued their ordinary occupations; the Tartar army had abandoned the city
      and taken post in the country; while the authorities took no notice of the
      enemy, made no submission, sought no negotiation, and seemed to rely only
      on passive resistance. Thus the year 1857 ended, and the events of the
      Chinese war which transpired within it. It is however desirable, for the
      sake of consecutive narrative, to continue here the relation of this war
      to its close in 1858, notwithstanding the plan of the History gives a
      separate chapter to the incidents of each year.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of January, 1858, detachments of troops penetrated into the
      city. The three most important persons in authority were captured&mdash;Yeh,
      the viceroy, or chief governor; Pehkwei, governor of the city; and Tseang
      Keun, the Tartar general. Yeh was sent a prisoner to Calcutta. The Tartar
      general was set at liberty, on condition of disbanding his troops; and the
      civic governor was ordered to continue his functions, subject to a
      military commission. This last arrangement did not work well, the Chinese
      governor continuing to elude the vigilance of the commission, and perform
      many hostile and even cruel acts. It is astonishing that with all their
      experience of the Chinese, the English should have expected any other
      result.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Emperor of 'China degraded Yeh, and appointed another governor of the
      province of Canton in his stead.
    </p>
    <p>
      The allied plenipotentiaries opened communications with the emperor, and
      foolishly awaited a reply, which of course never came. The Russian
      ambassador encouraged the plan, and affected to participate,&mdash;he knew
      well that no answer would arrive, and probably used whatever influence he
      had to prevent its arrival. The wearied plenipotentiaries at last set sail
      for the Peiho, hoping, by the display of their power nearer the capital,
      to compel negotiations. The ambassadors arrived at the Peiho on the 14th
      April. They were received in a very flattering manner by the mandarins,
      who at the same time began to strengthen the defences of the river, so as
      to oppose the further progress of the fleet. According to the despatch of
      Admiral Seymour these defences "presented a formidable appearance." The
      forts were ultimately attacked, silenced, and captured. The fleet
      proceeded up the river, and found junks, filled with combustibles, moored
      across with chains, but the enemy fled. The impediments were removed, and
      the fleet advanced to the city of Tien-sin, at the end of the grand canal.
      The city contained 300,000 inhabitants. The ambassadors landed under a
      flag of truce, and were courteously received, on the 29th May.
    </p>
    <p>
      When the emperor learned the resistless progress of the forces of his
      enemies, he sent two commissioners, who alleged that they had full powers
      to treat for peace. They arrived on the 4th of June. They insisted on
      negotiating with the European plenipotentiaries separately, and first with
      the representative of England. On producing their credentials, and their
      commission, an insolent and haughty document was read delegating power to
      make peace with the barbarians, if the latter did not ask for anything
      contrary to Chinese custom, and Lord Elgin immediately retired from the
      conference. After various efforts to create delay, which were resisted by
      the plenipotentiaries, a treaty was signed to the following effect:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      Article 1. Confirmed the treaty of Nankin of 1842, and abrogated the
      supplementary treaty to that so named, and the general regulations of
      trade then agreed upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 2. Agreed to the residence of ambassadors at the courts of the powers
      party to the treaty.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 3. Guaranteed regulations for the residence of an English minister at
      Pekin.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 4. Provided for the correspondence of the British minister at Pekin.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 5. The ministers of the Emperor of China should transact business
      with the British minister at Pekin on terms of perfect equality.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 6. Concedes to a minister of China in London the same privileges.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 7. Permits consuls in the open ports of China.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 8. The Christian religion, as professed by Roman Catholics and
      Protestants, to be protected by the Chinese government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 9. British subjects to travel, for pleasure or trade, into all parts
      of the empire with passports from their consuls, countersigned by the
      local authorities.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 10. Regulations for trading ships.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 11. Five more ports to be opened to foreign trade.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 12. British subjects may purchase and hold landed property in China.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 13. British subjects may employ Chinese subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 14. British subjects free to hire boats; the Chinese authorities free
      to punish smugglers.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 15. British, authorities to decide upon all questions of rights and
      property between British subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 16. British offenders to be punished according to the laws of
      England; Chinese subjects to be punished according to the laws of China.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 17. Settles the modes of procedure in case of offences.
    </p>
    <p>
      Art. 18. Protection of the persons and goods of British subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus apparently ended the war of 1856-7-8. Nothing remained but the
      ratification of the treaty, and the fulfilment of its stipulations, which
      the Chinese court never intended to perform.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      JAPAN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Lord Elgin resolved to proceed to Japan, and endeavour to open that
      jealously guarded country to foreign intercourse. He made for his excuse
      to enter the Japanese waters, that his queen authorized him to bear from
      her a present of a beautiful steam-yacht to the Emperor of Japan. It was
      on the 3rd of August, 1858, that Lord Elgin reached the capital of the
      Japanese empire; but the circumstance is related in this chapter to
      preserve a continuous account of his excellency's important mission to the
      Eastern Seas. Lord Elgin's mission was successful. A treaty substantially
      the same as that with China was formed, and the trade of that country
      opened to Europe. As in China, so in Japan, American and Russian jealousy
      played an unworthy and not altogether ineffectual part.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COLONIAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The general colonial interests of the United Kingdom were flourishing.
      Extensive reports were published this year by government, which showed
      that nearly all the colonies were making great and rapid strides on the
      road of material progress and prosperity.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SARAWAK.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The independent British settlement of Sarawak, in the island of Borneo,
      was exposed to imminent peril of utter destruction. Sir James Brooke,
      anxious to restore British influence in the Eastern Archipelago, which the
      policy of former governments of Great Britain had ignorantly and
      recklessly sacrificed to the Dutch, established at Sarawak an English
      settlement, upon which chivalrous attempt he expended a large private
      fortune, risked life in almost every form, and by undaunted courage,
      perseverance, energy, and talent, succeeded in his undertaking. The
      British government, after recognising his position and fostering it,
      refused to accept its sovereignty for her majesty, or to adopt the means
      necessary either for forming Sarawak into a colony, or establishing there
      an ostensible and real protectorate. Sir James Brooke did great things for
      his country, and met with injustice, and as far as the government was
      concerned, ingratitude, in return. A concession of Sarawak having been
      made to him by the prince who had power to make it, the English government
      recognised him as rajah of the territory, but left him to his own
      resources, except as an occasional ship of war arrived, and joined with
      him in some gallant exploit to put down piracy in the neighbouring seas.
      In the industrial enterprises of the rajah, Chinese immigrants were
      encouraged to work the mines, and toil in other industrial pursuits. These
      persons rose in insurrection against the rajah, and brought on a terrible
      catastrophe of bloodshed and destruction. In waging the war of 1856-7, the
      Chinese government sent orders to its subjects, emigrants in British
      settlements, to hold themselves in readiness to obey the commands of their
      mandarins, and attack the British in those countries whenever summoned to
      do so. These commands were received with ready obedience, and consequently
      at Hongkong, Australia, Singapore, and Sarawak, mischief was effected in
      proportion to the number and relative power of the Chinese. In Australia
      they could effect nothing except a few trivial but treacherous outrages,
      which incurred a barbarous retaliation. At Hong-kong the agitation,
      inconvenience, and danger of the English were very great. At Singapore a
      terrible outbreak was threatened and expected, but the energy and
      steadfastness of the English, their success in China, and the bloody
      defeat of the insurgents at Sarawak, deterred the Singapore Chinese from
      any combined and vigorous attempt. It would appear that batches of fresh
      immigrants arrived from Penang and Malacca, and brought orders from their
      mandarins to rise and attack the English. The Chinese population of
      Sarawak exceeded 5,000, about one-tenth being children, and perhaps a
      twentieth women. These settlers lived in communities, were very
      industrious and very prosperous; they were favoured by the English because
      of their plodding perseverance, and hard-working habits. They made no
      complaints, were treated kindly, and were apparently as happy as in their
      industrial pursuits they were successful. On the night of the 18th of
      February, marching in a body, the whole Chinese force of the settlement
      attacked the little capital, set fire to the houses, murdered several
      English and their servants, endeavoured to seize the person of the rajah,
      and succeeded in making the bishop captive, burning his valuable library,
      and committing every sort of depredation. They preserved the bishop
      unmolested, in the hope of using him, in case of defeat, to make better
      terms for themselves, or, in case of success, to induce him to act as
      their negotiator with foreign barbarians! The rajah, and most of the
      English settlers, escaped to the opposite side of the river, where they
      concealed themselves in various places adapted to their purpose, until a
      body of Dyaks (natives of the country) were gathered for their defence. A
      small British steamer opportunely entered the river, which, with the
      English residents and the Dyaks, attacked the Chinese, defeated them, slew
      three-fourths of the men, drove the rest into the interior, burned down
      their villages, and executed upon them a terrible vengeance. Sir James
      Brooke, with his usual energy and dexterity, repaired the disaster, and
      subjected future Chinese settlers to regulations which rendered rebellion
      too desperate for attempt.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      INDIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1857 will be ever memorable in the history of India. A mutiny,
      chiefly of the Bengal army, and a rebellion, chiefly in the Bengal
      provinces, disturbed the whole country from Cape Comorin to the
      Himalayehs, agitated deeply the British empire, and excited the attention
      and astonishment of the world. The progress of commerce, revenue, and
      prosperity in every form was of course interrupted. Nevertheless, during a
      portion of the year, and over a large area, the usual operations of trade
      were continued. While a brilliant career of material improvement and
      commercial advancement was developed by our Indian empire, the event burst
      forth which deluged the Bengal provinces, and Central India, with blood,
      and appalled the world. It is now our duty to give a brief record of that
      terrible event.
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    <h2>
      THE MUTINY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In a previous chapter it was related, that at the close of the year 1856
      symptoms of mutiny were exhibited in the Bengal army. At the beginning of
      1857 these symptoms became demonstrative and terrible. It is difficult to
      say how far an acute and foreseeing government might have prevented the
      evil, but the last persons to observe the signs of the times, and provide
      against the rising calamity, were those in high authority. "There were,"
      wrote the editor of an Indian paper, "deep tokens of disaffection
      everywhere, suspicious looks and expressions daily heard in the bazaar,
      and a belief that all was not sound in the minds of Englishmen unconnected
      with the services. Every class, except the members of the governing body,
      was impressed with a foreboding of evil. No one, however, without the pale
      of authority dreamt of the magnitude of the dangers by which we were about
      to be assailed; and inside that potent circle not a soul had gained an
      inkling of the coming horrors. The ship of the state was struck by a white
      squall, with every sail set, and not a man at his post to warn the crew of
      their peril. On the 22nd of January, 1857, Captain Wright, of the 70th
      native infantry, brought to the notice of Major Bontein, commanding the
      depot of musketry at Dum-Dum, the fact that there was a mutinous spirit
      among the troops in connection with the greased cartridges." From that
      date the conspiracy developed itself rapidly, but at no stage of its
      incipient progress did the government show sagacity in detecting the
      causes of the outbreak, or efficient means for its repression.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Barrackpore and Berhampore indications of mutiny of a decisive nature
      were made. General Hearsey, who commanded at Barrackpore, gave the
      government explicit information, and foretold results. The government
      would not be warned.
    </p>
    <p>
      A mutiny of the 19th regiment led to the disbanding of that corps. This
      regiment was by no means among the more disloyal sepoys; it had been
      seduced into acts of insubordination, and regretted it. There was,
      however, little discrimination on the part of the Calcutta authorities.
      Some corps attempted to murder their officers, and were treated with
      surprising leniency. General Anson, who commanded the forces in India, was
      at Simlah, where the military records also were, and much loss of time and
      great confusion resulted from the necessity of the government at Calcutta
      carrying on a correspondence, with so remote a station, on subjects of
      such vital moment. When at last the commander-in-chief became convinced of
      the danger that existed, he hurried down to Umballah, and issued a
      conciliatory proclamation to the army, which had the effect of increasing
      the pride and self-importance of the sepoys.
    </p>
    <p>
      Matters proceeded in this way until May, when the first grand effort of
      mutiny burst forth at Meerut. The sepoys suddenly arose there, attacked
      their officers, murdered some, and, having set fire to the cantonments,
      marched to Delhi. Major-general Hewett, who commanded the garrison, showed
      extraordinary weakness and vacillation, and took no prompt or vigorous
      measures to intercept the flight of the fugitives, or to pursue them. The
      mutiny occurred on Sunday evening, the 10th of May. The rabble of the
      neighbourhood joined the mutineers. Both the revolted sepoys and the
      insurgents showed a sanguinary delight in murdering women and children. As
      soon as the fugitive mutineers arrived at Delhi the whole city rose in
      insurrection; its garrison revolted, women and children were butchered,
      the ex-king of Delhi, a pensioner of the British government, was placed at
      the head of the revolution, and his sons were leaders in every act of
      barbarity and cowardice. The magazine was defended by a few officers and
      soldiers. Among them was Lieutenant Willoughby, who, when defence was no
      longer possible, blew up a large portion of the magazine, causing the
      death of a considerable number of the assailants, estimated, according to
      different testimonies, at from one to two thousand.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 18th of May the general at Meerut sent a despatch to say that he
      could not move his troops against Delhi, or for any operations in the
      field, <i>for want of carriage</i>. Such was the management of military
      affairs in India.
    </p>
    <p>
      General Anson slowly collected a force at Umballah, and Sir John Lawrence
      sent Sikh troops from the Punjaub. General Anson died, and the command
      devolved upon General Barnard, who marched upon Delhi. It must not be
      supposed that Sir Henry Barnard, in his advance to Delhi, was unopposed.
      Whatever the sepoys may have been in British pay, in revolt they were
      energetic and persevering, and, as long as they entertained any hope of
      success, fought with keenness; as a loyal native in Delhi described them,
      "they were willing to take life, and willing to give their lives away." It
      had been arranged, before General Anson's death, that a brigade should
      advance from Umballah, under General Barnard, and that General Hewett, at
      Meerut, should order another brigade to advance from that station, the two
      forces to form a junction, and storm or lay siege to Delhi. In pursuance
      of this plan General Hewett placed a small body of troops under the
      command of Colonel Archdale Wilson, consisting of five hundred men of the
      60th Royal Rifle regiment, two hundred of the carbineers, and one battery
      of artillery, to which a troop of horse-artillery was subsequently added.
      They marched on the 27th of May, and encamped on the 30th at Ghazeeoodeen
      Nuggur, a large Hindoo village on the left bank of the river Hindoun,
      eighteen miles east of Delhi. At that place there was a suspension bridge,
      the possession of which commanded the passage of the Hindoun from Meerut.
      Brigadier Wilson was attacked there by a force from Delhi, who hoped, by
      defeating the colonel, to prevent the junction of his forces with troops
      from Kurnoul. A battle ensued, the first of the war, as the previous
      struggles between mutineers and loyalists did not assume the form of a
      regular engagement. The rebels not only disputed the passage of the river,
      but opened a heavy cannonade with five guns from a well-chosen position.
      Wilson brought all his troops into action. The rifles were very efficient,
      fighting in a mode similar to that afterwards attributed to the Turcos of
      the French army in the war in Italy. They rushed forward with great
      rapidity for short spaces, then falling flat on their faces, timing their
      intervals of movement by the play of the enemy's guns, which they watched
      skilfully. In this way they suffered exceedingly little in their advance,
      until at last springing upon the guns they captured them instantaneously,
      piercing the gunners with their sword bayonets. The sepoy infantry made a
      stand, but the rifles, in a hand to hand combat, were easy victors. The
      battle was decided in favour of the British; the sepoys fled, pursued by
      the carbineers, who continued the pursuit until night closed around
      conquerors and fugitives. The loss on the part of the English was eleven
      killed, and twenty-one wounded and missing. Of the killed five met their
      death by the explosion of a powder-waggon, fired by a desperate sepoy.
      Captain Andrews, of the Rifles, was one of those blown up.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 31st Colonel Courtance, of the carbineers, was actively employed
      watching strong reconnoitering parties of the enemy's horse, so that the
      brigade could not advance far on the left side of the river without
      another action. At one o'clock five thousand mutineers and irregulars took
      up a position on an elevated sweep of land. A battle of artillery ensued;
      the mutineers of the 3rd Bengal cavalry charged the English guns
      repeatedly, but were repulsed. After more than two hours, spent in a
      contest of this kind, Colonel Wilson ordered his line to advance, and the
      mutineers were routed. The English were too much exhausted by the heat to
      pursue: several men in all branches of the service dropped dead from
      sun-stroke. The rebels bore away their guns. The English lost twenty-four
      men; about half from sun-stroke. Lieutenant Perkins was among the slain;
      Captain Johnson, and Ensign Napier, among the wounded. The stubbornness of
      the mutineers led Colonel Wilson to maintain his position and await orders
      and reinforcements. On the 3rd of June he was joined by another company of
      the Royal York Rifle regiment, and by a battalion of Goorkhas. These
      troops remained faithful, for, although attached to the Brahminical
      religion, they are more superstitious than fanatical, and hold the sepoys,
      and even Sikhs, in contempt, while the British are objects of military
      admiration to them. On the 6th the brigade reached the rendezvous at
      Rhagput.
    </p>
    <p>
      The force from Umballah left that place on the 24th of May, and readied
      Kurnaul on the 25th. Anson died on the 27th. In his last illness he
      confided the capture of' Delhi to General Barnard, and telegraphed to Lord
      Canning that he had done so, who confirmed the general in the command of
      the forces acting against Delhi. Before the command delegated to Barnard
      by Anson could be confirmed at Calcutta, General Reid, in virtue of
      seniority, became chief of the army, but he carried out the wish of
      General Anson in confiding the attack on Delhi to Sir. H. Barnard.
    </p>
    <p>
      After various misunderstandings and serious delays on the part of Colonel
      Wilson, caused by the obstruction offered by the sepoys, and by taking a
      circuitous and difficult route, the two brigades met on the 6th of June,
      and on the 7th the whole force was reorganized near Delhi.
    </p>
    <p>
      The brigades under both generals had been considerably augmented on the
      march. The officials took no steps for preventing disaster, but acted in
      the same way as in England and elsewhere, that occasioned so much loss of
      life and reputation before Sebastopol. Sir H. Barnard found himself and
      all about him, upon whom in the first instance the duty devolved,
      bewildered, and incapable of combining, arranging, or devising expedients
      to supply governmental and commissary defects. The army before Delhi, on a
      small scale, for a time repeated the faults and follies of the army before
      Sebastopol. Those upon whom the army depended for intelligence, succour,
      and directions, gave no real aid, but created additional embarrassments.
      The time consumed in deciding anything was extraordinary, although in the
      early part of the siege the telegraphic wire lent all its aid between Agra
      and Calcutta. General Barnard found that he could not take Delhi by storm;
      a regular siege was therefore resorted to. Throughout the month of June a
      fierce conflict raged around the once proud capital of Hindostan. During
      July these conflicts were continued, and rendered fiercer by the arrival
      of large forces-of mutineers from Rohilcund. Mutiny was discovered in the
      camp of the besiegers. Sickness also smote the British, so that by the end
      of July there were 1,200 invalids in the little army. Battle and disease
      must have utterly wasted it had not Sir John Lawrence sent troops' and
      supplies, and with them the skilful and intrepid young General Nicholson.
      The sickness and ultimate decease of Sir Henry Barnard caused the demand
      to devolve on the senior general, Reid. His health also giving way,
      General Wilson, an excellent artillery officer, assumed the command.
    </p>
    <p>
      Early in August the English made an effort to destroy the bridge of boats,
      by floating detonating machines, which was unsuccessful, and the mutineers
      continued to make it available for purposes hostile to the besiegers, and
      advantageous to themselves. On the 1st of August 5000 men made a sortie,
      if such, in the peculiar circumstances of the siege, it could be called.
      The Metcalf picket-house and the flag-staff tower became the objects of
      incessant attack. The sepoys, however, fought in vain. During August
      reinforcements for the rebels poured into the city of Delhi, from the
      various districts, far and near, where revolt had raged.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the beginning of September the siege-train arrived, and strong
      reinforcements of troops; the sick and wounded then reached the number of
      3000. A terrible bombardment was opened against the city on the 11th,
      which continued until the 14th, when the assault was ordered, and after
      desperate fighting it proved successful. It was not, however, destined to
      triumph on the first day. On all points but one the British were
      victorious. The attack on the western suburbs failed from the inefficiency
      of the Cashmere contingent, the bravery and number of the sepoys, and
      their contempt for the native force under Captain Dwyer's command. After a
      fearful conflict for possession of the Redghat, the whole attack on the
      western side was abandoned. The English held the posts won within the
      gates: the enemy showed unflinching resolution, and even threatened the
      English flanks and rear. Night closed over the sanguinary scene, the
      English having lost 8 officers killed, and 52 wounded; 162 English and 103
      native soldiers killed; 512 English, and 310 natives wounded. The first
      and second columns held all the towers, bastions, and ramparts from the
      vicinity of the Cashmere-gate to the Cabulgate; the third column and the
      reserve held the Cashmeregate, the English church, Skinner's house, the
      Water bastion, Ahmed Ali Khan's house, the college gardens, and many
      buildings and open spots in that part of Delhi; while the fourth column,
      defeated in the western suburbs, had retreated to the camp or the ridge.
      It was not until the end of that the long and bloody succession of
      assaults ended in the total subjugation of the place, after deeds of
      slaughter seldom paralleled. The king and several members of his family
      escaped, but were pursued by Major Hodson, and captured under
      circumstances of extraordinary daring and presence of mind on the part of
      that officer.
    </p>
    <p>
      The taking of Delhi was a deadly blow to the hopes of the rebels all over
      India.
    </p>
    <p>
      The progress of the mutiny and its suppression in other directions must
      now be related. It was alleged that the King of Delhi was treated with
      extraordinary indulgence, reinstated in his palace, and was treated by the
      company's civil officers with even marks of homage. These reports were set
      at rest by a letter written to the brother of his captor, by Mrs. Hodson,
      the major's wife. The letter was deeply interesting, and depicted the
      ex-royal family as in a condition of abject ignorance and moral
      degradation.
    </p>
    <p>
      The narrative of the siege of Delhi having been conducted to its close, it
      is necessary to show the occurrence of events taking place in other
      directions, which were contemporaneous with those which happened around
      and in the capital of the Mogul.
    </p>
    <p>
      While the incidents just related passed in and around Meerut and Delhi,
      Scinde and the Punjaub were greatly agitated. Conspiracy to revolt and
      murder, similar to what had taken place elsewhere, were discovered in
      these two provinces. In both they were promptly and effectually
      suppressed. Scinde remained tranquil, after a few arrests and executions
      had been effected. In the Sikh districts Sir John Lawrence acted with
      extraordinary sagacity, management, vigour, and courage, putting down at
      once, and with a high hand, all attempts at mutiny or insurrection, so as
      to direct the great resources of the Punjaub to the assistance of the
      other provinces, and especially during the siege of Delhi. The services of
      that great man have never been sufficiently acknowledged by the British
      government.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the presidencies of Bombay and Madras the army and people, with few
      exceptions, remained quiet, and to a considerable extent were loyal. In
      Central India the disturbance was universal, and the contingents of native
      princes burst into open hostility. The presidencies of Madras and Bombay
      were much endangered by this state of things, but "field forces" were
      organized in the presidencies, by which the rebel districts of Central
      India were penetrated from the south and west, until the revolt was
      crushed. The troops of Madras displayed more loyalty than those of Bombay.
      Some of the Bombay regiments mutinied, bringing upon themselves a swift
      and terrible punishment.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the eastern districts of Bengal there were only the perturbations
      caused by the great earthquake of revolution, which had its centre far
      north and west. The disposition to insurrection in Assam and Chittagong
      was kept down by astonishingly weak forces. Along the Assam frontier a few
      troops sufficed to preserve tolerable quietude. A small detachment of
      British sailors, acting as infantry of the line, awed a vast region of
      eastern Bengal.
    </p>
    <p>
      The native troops of the Bengal army, stationed on the eastern shores of
      the Bay of Bengal, showed the same disposition to revolt as upon the
      eastern land confines of that presidency; but the people of Pegu,
      Martaban, and the other provinces on the sea-coast, were loyal. The troops
      there were mostly European, and were moved up the bay to Calcutta, as
      occasion demanded and opportunity served.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Lower Bengal the people were too unwarlike to aid the troops who
      mutinied.
    </p>
    <p>
      Upper Bengal and the dominions which had been recently wrenched from the
      King of Oude, were the grand foci of mutiny and rebellion; although
      Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut, were also centres of active revolt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Agra, the queen of the upper provinces, suffered much. Mr. Colville acted
      with prudence, temper, and energy; but committed the general fault of the
      officials, civil and military, of placing too much confidence in the
      native troops.
    </p>
    <p>
      Benares, the ecclesiastical capital of heathen India, was more loyal than
      any city in the disturbed regions. The protection afforded to the
      religious rites of the Brahmins in that city, and the security of pilgrims
      travelling to its far famed shrines, through the order enforced by British
      power, caused a respect for the English name and authority not only in the
      city of Benares, but throughout the province, which acted favourably to
      the preservation of order. The vigour of Brig.-gen. Neill, and the fear he
      inspired, had also much to do with these results.
    </p>
    <p>
      Allahabad was the centre of many intrigues hostile to British power: the
      heroic little garrison of that place suffered much, and endured nobly and
      successfully until help arrived, and Brig.-gen. Neill quelled the power,
      if not the spirit, of rebellion all around.
    </p>
    <p>
      Throughout Oude, comprising in the designation the provinces, whether of
      older or more recent date, which fell within the circle of that kingdom,
      the mutiny and rebellion were fiercest. Cawnpore was one of the great
      capitals of revolt. Situated near Bithoor, the residence of the infamous
      Nana Sahib, the principal chief of the insurrection, it suffered much,
      possibly more than any other place. "The Nana" collected all the force
      which his retainers and the people of his district could contribute, and
      with the mutineers of Cawnpore, and neighbouring garrisons, he attacked
      the British quartered in that city, who were under the command of the
      veteran hero, General Wheeler. In vain the little band of English were
      assailed; they remained unconquered by the multitudes of their enemies,
      and by famine and fatigue, until treachery secured their destruction. They
      were induced to capitulate, under promise of protection and safe escort.
      They were brutally and barbarously murdered by the bodyguards of Nana
      Sahib; women and children, as well as soldiers and civilians, were
      unpityingly consigned to a common slaughter, and their bodies cast into
      the well of Cawnpore. Since the mutiny, a memorandum upon the events
      connected with the Cawnpore mutiny and massacre has been prepared by
      Lieutenant-colonel Williams, military secretary to government in the
      north-western provinces:&mdash;"Forty-two depositions from persons of all
      classes and creeds&mdash;Christians, Mahomedans, and Hindoos&mdash;have
      been recorded, and valuable evidence obtained from respectable and
      influential residents in the city. These depositions, together with the
      native journal of a city resident, have been translated, and relate the
      first attempts made by the Nana to tamper with the troops, his ready
      success, the earliest meeting held by the conspirators, and their
      proceedings on and subsequent to their mutiny, from the 1st of June to the
      advance of the British force in July. The evidence shows the Nana's
      brother, Bala Sahib, to have taken as (if not more) active and prominent a
      part as even the Nana himself. There are no traces of any conspiracy prior
      to the arrival of the Nana at Cawnpore, on the 22nd of May, 1857, with the
      two guns, and 300 horse and foot, for the avowed purpose of aiding in the
      maintenance of order. But about that time it would seem that two sowars,
      the one named Rahem Khan, of Bishenpore, near Bithoor, the other Muddut
      Alee, of Bancla, and in the service of the Nana, were employed by Bala
      Sahib to corrupt the fidelity of the troops. The 2nd Cavalry, already ripe
      for mutiny, needed but little persuasion." Among those who perished were
      the heroic General Wheeler and his heroine daughter.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Lucknow, the capital of Oude, Sir Henry Lawrence (brother to Sir John)
      maintained a resolute defence, but was wounded in a sortie, and died of
      his wound. Colonel Inglis afterwards maintained the defence with true
      British obstinacy and intrepidity.
    </p>
    <p>
      The time at last arrived when the tide of tumult and blood should be
      rolled back upon the mutinous garrisons and rebel cities in the southern
      parts of Upper Bengal, in Oude, and in Central India. Brig.-gen. Neill, of
      the Madras Fusiliers, having with detachments of his regiment been sent on
      to Allahabad, restored order and even tranquillity to that place, as
      related on a previous page. On the return to India of the portion of the
      expeditionary army of Persia, under General Havelock, that officer was
      sent on to Allahabad, and superseding Brig.-gen. Neill in the command, he
      marched at the head of what forces he could muster, about 2,000 men, to
      the relief of Cawnpore. He had to fight his way thither, displaying
      extraordinary valour and military genius. With his small force he
      conquered Cawnpore, and drove the rebel Nana to Bithoor; but, alas! the
      noble garrison of Wheeler was not relieved on the advance of Havelock: the
      Nana, driven to despair, perpetrated the wholesale murder which blackens
      the page of Indian history with the name of Cawnpore. Havelock resolved on
      tracking the murderer to his den: Bithoor was attacked, and the Nana
      beaten. Havelock ordered Neill to bring on all his forces from Allahabad
      that could possibly be spared, and that officer took the command of
      Cawnpore, where, as at Allahabad, he soon created order, and subjected to
      his stern and resolute rule all disaffection. He took terrible vengeance
      upon the captured mutineers and rebels. Havelock pressed onward to relieve
      the garrison at Lucknow. Battle after battle was fought, Havelock, with a
      handful of men, dispersing hosts. Never, in the history of English
      military glory, were such achievements performed by so few. Even the
      mighty deeds of Clive and Wellington in their Indian warfare were
      surpassed by Havelock in his extraordinary marches upon Lucknow. At last,
      his troops were so reduced by battle and sickness that he retired upon
      Cawnpore and awaited reinforcements. These arrived, and with them a
      superior officer, General Outram. That hero refused to deprive Havelock of
      his command, and acted as volunteer in Havelock's army. The garrison at
      Lucknow was relieved; provisions, medicine, money, and men were conveyed
      to the city and the Alumbagh a strong place on the Cawnpore road, within
      four miles of Lucknow. So numerous was the enemy, that the relieving army,
      like that which it relieved, was hemmed in by a host of mutineers and
      rebel zemindars, with their retainers. It became necessary that another
      army should relieve Outram, Havelock, and Inglis. Sir Colin Campbell had
      been sent from England to bring the insurrection to a speedy termination,
      the supreme military authority having been committed to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The arrival of Sir Colin Campbell to take the command of the army was not
      hailed with so much satisfaction in India, as the event was regarded with
      confidence in England. Sir Colin, however, knew how things were managed by
      governors-general in India, and by officials at head-quarters. He
      therefore expected to find much confusion, embarrassment, and neglect. The
      chief military authority in India was supposed to be at Calcutta, but the
      records were at Simla, the sanitary station to which the
      commander-in-chief was wont to repair, and where in fact
      commanders-in-chief spent most of their time, having generally been very
      old and feeble men. Sir Colin set to work with indefatigable industry to
      gather up an intelligible and connected account of the military condition
      and resources of India, especially of the Bengal provinces. This was
      essential to any consecutive plan of operations, and in this work, and in
      other important preparations, his time was consumed, when every day's
      delay, every hour's hesitation, every act of procrastination or tardiness,
      was perilous beyond estimate.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Calcutta, in their conveyance to the different spheres of action, or in
      the provision made for their comfort, our gallant army was not thought of,
      either by the officials at Calcutta, or by the government at home, with
      that wisdom, consideration, or generosity which befitted their merits, the
      occasion, or a great country. Sir Colin organized a system for the general
      suppression of the mutiny, and he himself advanced with a very inadequate
      force, for the second time, to effect the relief of the British garrison
      of Lucknow. This was achieved after battle and victory highly honourable
      to the British name. Sir Colin brought off the women and children, sick
      and wounded, leaving the cantonments and the neighbouring Alumbagh well
      garrisoned. General Wyndham had been left in command at Cawnpore. During
      the operations of the commander-in-chief at Lucknow, Wyndham was attacked
      by vast numbers of the enemy, and beaten. Sir Colin hastened to the
      rescue, and Cawnpore, after a sanguinary action, was saved. Reinforced,
      and with a plan of combined action by different forces from various
      directions, Sir Colin advanced upon Lucknow for its relief the third time.
      After regular approaches and bombardment, Lucknow was taken by storm; but
      to the discredit of the commander-in-chief and some of his superior
      officers, the rebels escaped, to make war and havoc elsewhere. General
      Havelock died of fatigue and exhaustion, regretted by all men, and leaving
      behind him an immortal fame.
    </p>
    <p>
      Among the losses of British officers, caused by the efforts to relieve
      Lucknow, was the death of Brig.-gen. Neill, whose services had been so
      eminently valuable. A statue, by the sculptor Behnes, is to be erected to
      the memory of General Havelock, in Trafalgar Square. Brig.-gen. Neill has
      had this honour conferred upon his memory in a most conspicuous manner. A
      magnificent colossal statue of the general has been ordered to be placed
      in the city of Madras. It has been executed by a sculptor, Matthew Noble,
      whose genius is as much an honour to his country as the heroic deeds of
      him whom that genius thus commemorates. The same great sculptor executed
      another statue of Neill, which has been erected in Ayr, the hero's native
      place.
    </p>
    <p>
      Sir Colin committed the following up of the enemy to Grant. He was as
      unsuccessful in this as he had been in preventing the escape of the rebels
      from Lucknow, and returned to head-quarters utterly baffled.
    </p>
    <p>
      Rohilcund continued in arms; the great cities and towns, such as Bareilly,
      Shajehanpoor, and Moorshedabad, were in the hands of the rebels. Khan
      Bahadoor Khan ruled at Bareilly, and his force was not to be despised. It
      now became apparent to everybody how serious were the consequences of the
      bad generalship which allowed the rebels and mutineers to escape from
      Lucknow.
    </p>
    <p>
      The plan of the commander-in-chief was now to scour the borders of the
      province with two columns, which, setting out in opposite directions,
      should meet at Bareilly, the capital where two of the Delhi princes had
      taken shelter with Bahadoor Khan. Brigadier Jones was ordered to advance
      from Roorkee, with what was designated the Roorkee field force, and to
      take a direction south-east. The other column was to leave Lucknow under
      Brigadier Walpole, and both columns were to form a junction at an
      appointed rendezvous. Walpole had experienced a severe reverse, but at
      last the different forces met before Bareilly. Again the
      commander-in-chief was victorious, and again permitted his beaten enemy to
      escape. After long and harassing operations, continued through the year
      1858, Oude and Rohilcund were restored to order.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Central India long-sustained and fierce conflicts followed brutal and
      cowardly massacres. General Rose crowned his name with many honours,
      having defeated Tantia Topie, the Rhani of Jhansi, and the rebel leaders,
      and sweeping with his avenging sword the revolted provinces of Central
      India. Nana Sahib, the Begum of Oude, and other leaders retreated through
      the jungles into Nepaul, where most of them perished of jungle fever, and
      many by the arms of Jung Bahadhoor, the Regent of Nepaul. It was not until
      1859 that the traces of the great rebellion and mutiny were completely
      cleared away, and Lord Canning could pronounce India once more subject to
      the sceptre of England.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The year 1857 began its course under circumstances favourable to the
      domestic peace and prosperity of the country. The mind of the public was
      directed towards the remission of taxes, and legal and social reform. The
      London clubs were more than usually active with political and party gossip
      at the opening of the year. Mr. Gladstone, and the Peel party of which he
      was the leader, kept the quidnuncs constantly busy as to probable
      parliamentary coalitions and party movements. The versatile gentleman,
      whom the Peelites delighted to honour, and who was also much in favour
      with the Manchester party, was supposed to be favourable to a coalition
      between his followers and the Tories. An arrangement between Lord Derby
      and the Peelite financier was much talked of, and scandalized the country.
      Most persons in political circles outside the houses of parliament
      believed that such a combination would be too unpopular for either the
      Conservatives or the Gladstone section to accept. In and out of parliament
      it was asserted that should such an alliance be formed it would break up
      any conservative ministry, and throw Lord Derby out of power before he
      could consolidate, even if he should be able <i>pro tempore</i> to obtain,
      a parliamentary majority. Such was the condition of feeling in England
      when the session of 1857 began. The close of the year was marked by
      commercial and monetary panic, widespread, and entailing disastrous
      results.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The first session was opened on the 3rd of February. Earl Grey in the
      lords, and Mr. Disraeli in the commons, opened the party campaign by
      assailing the foreign policy of the government; and Disraeli was alike
      caustic and unjust upon Lord Palmerston, scarcely avoiding personality,
      while inveighing against the public conduct of the veteran statesman.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the first subjects of a practical nature introduced to parliament
      was law reform, which the lord-chancellor brought forward. His lordship
      seldom gained the approbation of the house for his measures, and when he
      was successful it was always under circumstances which betrayed the
      weakness of his personal influence. Lord Cranworth was neither popular in
      the lords nor in the country, and was less so in his ostensible legal
      reforms than on any other subject. Politically he was the incubus of the
      ministry, although as a chancery judge, or at all events a chancery
      lawyer, he possessed reputation. Some improvements were effected during
      the session, but on the whole the country was disappointed, and this
      disappointment was chiefly occasioned by the incapacity, intellectual and
      administrative, of Lord Cranworth to deal with any comprehensive public
      measure.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Locke King introduced his motion for the extension of the county
      franchise to £10 householders. Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham
      advocated the measure, which they had previously so strenuously opposed.
      As this was obviously for the purpose of defeating the government, and
      gaining popularity for party purposes, the public gave them no credit for
      sincerity, and even expressed disapprobation. This measure was lost by the
      small majority of thirteen.
    </p>
    <p>
      A committee of inquiry into the operation of the Bank Charter Act was,
      early in the session, nominated in the commons.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 13th of February the chancellor of the exchequer made his financial
      statement. Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone offered an unworthy party
      opposition to almost every item of the budget, but they were defeated by
      very large majorities. Lord John Russell appeared to advantage in these
      discussions, as he seconded the just and reasonable views of government,
      although it was well known that he was desirous of a coalition with the
      Peelites and the Manchester school to turn them out.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      DEBATES ON THE CHINESE WAR-DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The grand party struggle in parliament took place upon the subject of the
      Chinese war. The opposition had previously made attempts, led by Lord Grey
      and Mr. Disraeli, to overturn the cabinet on the subject of the Persian
      war, but signally failed. Lord Derby proposed a vote of censure, in the
      lords, against Dr. Bowring, for his conduct at Canton, and the policy of
      the cabinet by which he was supported. The lords, by a considerable
      majority, upheld the government. Mr. Cobden made a motion in the commons
      similar to that made by Lord Derby in the House of Peers. The Peelites and
      the Manchester school coalesced, Lord John Russell, Mr. Roebuck, and other
      independent "members," fell in with the coalition, and the government was
      beaten by a majority of sixteen. The ministry did not resign, but adopted
      the alternative of dissolving parliament.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 21st of March parliament was prorogued to the 30th of April. On the
      same day the dissolution took place, which was to test the opinion of the
      country for or against the ministry.
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    <h2>
      GENERAL ELECTION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The election was attended with great excitement, and resulted in a great
      increase of members supporting the ministry. Many of the Manchester school
      were thrown out; not because of their economical philosophy, but because
      of their supposed readiness to sacrifice national honour and justice for
      the temporary and passing advantage of the manufacturing interest. Mr.
      Cobden lost the representation of the West Riding of York, Mr. Bright and
      Mr. Gibson lost that of Manchester, and the followers of these gentlemen
      fared no better than their chiefs.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On May 7th the houses resumed business. It was announced by the ministry
      that the Princess Royal was betrothed to Prince Frederick William of
      Prussia. The house made provision for the princess.
    </p>
    <p>
      The abolition of "ministers' money" in Ireland was accomplished, after a
      determined opposition by Mr. Disraeli in the commons, and the Earl of
      Derby in the lords. The tax so called was a source of heart-burning and
      contention in Ireland, a country afflicted by so many causes of social,
      political, and religious disputes, that it might be supposed parliament
      would have eagerly adopted any course to remove some of those occasions of
      discontent. The Derby-Disraeli opposition was overborne by large
      majorities, although the final struggle in the lords was ended by only a
      majority of seventeen.
    </p>
    <p>
      Long and violent debates ensued on an attempt by Lord Palmerston to remove
      the ineligibility of Jews to sit in parliament. In the commons his
      lordship triumphed, but in the lords was defeated. Sir F. Thesiger in the
      commons and the Earls of Derby and Shaftesbury in the lords, were the
      leading opponents of the measure. The Jews were much excited by this
      defeat, and were, it was alleged, resolved to put forth their great wealth
      to agitate the question on an extended scale: the temper of the country
      would have been favourable to such an attempt.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord John Russell made another effort to obtain the admission of Jews, but
      failed. The exasperation felt by the Jewish community now reached a degree
      of great intensity, and the public sympathized with what was considered
      their wrongs. Much indignation was felt against certain Irish Roman
      Catholic members of parliament, who, in the supposed interests of their
      own church, opposed the emancipation of their Jewish brethren.
    </p>
    <p>
      The remainder of the session was chiefly occupied by party squabbles, to
      the exclusion of useful and practical business. The opposition raised
      numerous debates on the Persian war, and the Indian mutiny, which were
      defeated. Mr. Disraeli signalized himself by much bitterness of invective,
      and the avowal of principles which when in office, previously and
      subsequently, he neither advocated nor acted upon. Some useful discussions
      upon military and legal questions took place, and a bill for facilitating
      divorce, in cases where that would be just and moral, was carried. On the
      28th of August parliament was prorogued.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SUDDEN CONVENTION OF PARLIAMENT IN DECEMBER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The assembling of parliament in December was rendered necessary by the
      terrible monetary panic which, originating in New York, extended to the
      continent of Europe, and the British Isles. The rate of discount was
      raised by the Bank of England to 10 per cent. That corporation applied to
      the government to relax the restrictions of the Bank Act of 1844. This was
      adopted by the government, and the convention of parliament on the 3rd of
      December was mainly to pass an act of indemnity.
    </p>
    <p>
      Commercial law reform, Jewish disabilities, church questions, and the
      Indian mutiny, occupied the attention of the house until the close of
      1857.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 14th of April her majesty was safely delivered of a princess, her
      fifth daughter, and ninth child. The infant was baptized on the 16th of
      June. She was called Beatrice Mary Victoria Feodore. The sponsors were the
      Princess Royal, the Duchess of Kent, and Prince Frederick William of
      Prussia.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 5th of May, his Royal Highness Prince Albert opened the great
      exhibition of Art Treasures in Manchester.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26th of June Prince Albert received the title of Prince Consort.
    </p>
    <p>
      The 6th of August was signalized by a visit to the queen on the part of
      the Emperor and Empress of the French. The visit was paid at Osborne, and
      was generally believed to have been a political one, having for its object
      some agreement between the governments of England and France in reference
      to their general policy, which had for some time been so divergent.
    </p>
    <p>
      Two ambassadors from Siam arrived in November, and attracted great notice.
    </p>
    <p>
      The great event of the years 1857-8 to her majesty and the court was the
      marriage of the Princess Royal of England with the heir-presumptive to the
      Prussian throne. "A treaty" for this purpose was concluded between her
      majesty and the King of Prussia, which was signed at London on the 18th of
      January, 1857. The ratifications were exchanged in London on 18th of
      January, 1858. The solemnization of the marriage subsequently took place
      in the chapel of St. James' Palace, exciting deep and universal interest
      among the people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      ART EXHIBITION IN MANCHESTER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The exhibition in the Hyde Park Crystal Palace in 1851 suggested various
      other enterprises of a similar kind. Those of Paris and Dublin were
      especially brilliant. In Manchester, however, a plan was devised by which
      the glories of all those exhibitions were surpassed. The scheme was to
      gather the art treasures of the United Kingdom, and present them together
      before the public. A building suitable to the purpose was erected. It was
      not only not beautiful itself, but was exceedingly unsightly. It was,
      however, spacious, convenient, and so lighted as conduced to effect in an
      artistic display. The collection of productions was estimated, in money
      value, at six millions sterling. Amidst this glorious arrangement of works
      of genius, none probably attracted so much attention as those of
      MacDowell, the Irish sculptor. His <i>chef-d'ouvre</i>, the "Death of
      Virginia," occupied the centre of the exhibition, and in this advantageous
      position commanded extraordinary admiration. On the day of opening the
      Prince Consort inaugurated the auspicious occasion. Her majesty and many
      foreign princes afterwards visited it. All these rich trophies of genius
      were restored without injury to their owners, except a very valuable China
      vase, which was knocked down and broken.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER LXX.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      VICTORIA. 1858-1859
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Foreign Affairs..... Various important transactions in
     Asia..... Breaking out of a new War with China.....
     Violation of treaty by Japan..... Russian designs upon that
     Empire..... Russian encroachments upon China..... French
     attempts at conquests in Cochin China..... France: Rivalry
     with England; irritating language of the French Press;
     ostensible alliance and co-opera-tion with England; real
     jealousy and contravention of British interests and policy;
     dispute about a Ship Canal across the Isthmus of Suez; also
     concerning electric communication between England and
     France..... Commercial intercourse..... Supposed designs of
     France in Northern Africa..... Attempt to Assassinate the
     Emperor of the French, and effect upon the alli-ance with
     England..... War between France and Austria, and its
     influence upon English public opinion and policy.....
     Naples..... Prussia: closer alli-ance with England.....
     Spain: war with Morocco; English protests..... Hanover:  the
     Stade dues..... United States of America..... Relations with
     the South American  States..... Colonies:  India,  Borneo,
     Australia, New Zealand, African Settlements, British
     Colombia, Jamaica..... Ireland..... Home: the Court,
     National Finance, Commerce..... General Home Polities and
     Prospects..... Parliamentary Affairs..... Conclusion of this
     History.
</i></pre>
    <h2>
      FOREIGN AFFAIRS.&mdash;CHINA AND JAPAN.
    </h2>
    <p class="side">
      A.D. 1858-1859
    </p>
    <p>
      The foreign transactions of 1858 have been partly related in the last
      chapter; the conclusion of a peace with China, which was hailed with great
      satisfaction in Europe, was among those transactions. After the peace a
      work was published by Mr. Laurence Oliphant, who held a position on the
      civil staff of Lord Elgin, relating the events of the war. Mr. Oliphant
      had been distinguished as a traveller and writer, and his work upon the
      mission of Lord Elgin to the Eastern seas naturally excited very great
      attention. In that work it transpired that Sir Michael Seymour, the
      admiral commanding the British fleet in the Chinese waters, did not
      heartily co-operate with Lord Elgin. The admiral disapproved, or affected
      to disapprove, of the actively hostile proceedings of Lord Elgin. He was
      for carrying on the war by blockades and compromises, after the fashion
      desired by certain merchants in China and in England connected with the
      Chinese trade, who did not wish China thoroughly opened to all nations, or
      to all English merchants, and who desired to go on much in the old way&mdash;dealing
      and quarrelling with the Chinese alternately, enduring all insults except
      personal oppressions, the plunder of property, and the stoppage of trade;
      so that a restricted intercourse with the Chinese might continue available
      to these merchants, already in the trade and experienced in Chinese
      intrigue, but calculated to deter others from entering a field of commerce
      so hazardous and uncertain. With this British merchant-clique the
      Manchester party in England sympathized. This at first seemed inconsistent
      with the principles of that party, which involved free trade with all
      nations. The system adopted in China, however, was believed by many of the
      party to work well enough for the trade of Manchester. Many of that
      school, who did not think so, believed that a Chinese war would prove so
      expensive, and inflame the minds of the Chinese so much, that on the whole
      it was better to patch up a peace any how, or endure a troublesome peace,
      rather than have open hostilities. The general conviction in Lancashire
      that a war anywhere, great or small, was injurious to the trade of the
      district, had much to do with the inveterate objection of the northern
      politicians to a Chinese war. A considerable number of influential
      persons, in the middle and northern counties of England especially,
      adopted the peace principles as a religious dogma. They held that war,
      under any circumstance, for whatever purpose, offensive or defensive, was
      a sin, and they deemed it their duty to oppose whatever government went to
      war. On a vote connected with the Chinese war the government of Lord
      Palmerston was defeated, by a combination of the tory and the Manchester
      parties: the latter, acting conscientiously as opposed to war; the former,
      taking a party advantage of the situation, and voting against the
      government for doing what, in office, they would do themselves. These two
      parties were strengthened by Lord John Russell, then in opposition, and a
      small section of Whigs led by him, who, in a spirit as factious and still
      less honourable, joined the great conservative party to throw out the
      Palmerston ministry. Sir J. Pakington, a determined Tory, became first
      lord of the admiralty, and the other lords were of course of the same
      party, they had come into office by a vote adverse to the Chinese war and
      to the Palmerston government for lending any sanction to it.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Admiral Sir Michael Seymour learned these facts, he thwarted Lord
      Elgin as much as he could in the naval operations, especially in the
      Peiho. This Lord Elgin and Mr. Oliphant declared; and the admiral admitted
      that his slowness to cany out the plenipotentiary's requisitions arose
      partly from disapproval of the policy that functionary was sent out to
      enforce. In fact, Sir Michael knew that he would be backed by a tory
      admiralty, at the head of which was such a thorough-going party man as Sir
      J. Pakington, in adopting their policy, and thwarting a whig
      plenipotentiary. Sir Michael judged correctly; his very bad conduct was
      pronounced exemplary by the admiralty, and the queen's plenipotentiary was
      hindered and affronted with impunity. That was not the first time a
      British admiral acted similarly, very much to the injury and peril of his
      country. In the history of the British empire in the East there are
      various exemplifications of admirals setting at defiance or impeding the
      authorities which they were bound in duty to obey.
    </p>
    <p>
      The work of Lord Elgin was not destined to prove stable in China. The
      treaty was broken when the English minister, the Honourable Mr. Bruce&mdash;sent
      to Pekin for its ratification&mdash;appeared in the Peiho. Fortifications
      had been thrown up; the approach of the English and French envoys refused;
      their escorts were attacked; and after a desperate effort on the part of
      the small allied squadron to force its way up the Peiho, it was beaten
      back with terrible slaughter, by a large Tartar army defending the
      fortified obstructions raised against its progress. The British admiral,
      Hope, after displaying extraordinary gallantry, was terribly wounded. The
      allied French and English withdrew, and awaited reinforcements and the
      further orders of their governments. Those governments resolved to enforce
      the treaty, and conquer a passage to Pekin. Large forces, comparatively
      with those of former expeditions against the Chinese, were sent forth, and
      such was the attitude of affairs when the period to which this History is
      conducted closed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The treaty of Lord Elgin with the Emperor of Japan did not work so
      smoothly as was expected, any more than that with China. The ratification
      of the treaty, was effected on the 11th of July, 1858; soon after, the
      Japanese government attempted to evade it by seeking to confine foreigners
      to a small island about ten miles from Yeddo, and to establish the same
      sort of <i>surveillance</i> over them as they formerly exercised at the
      Dutch settlement of Décima. They further sought to establish a new coin as
      the only one to be used in commercial dealings with foreigners, but at the
      same time forbidding its currency among the natives, so that all payments
      in the new coin would have to be exchanged at the government treasury for
      the old itzabon; and the relative values fixed by the government produced
      a depreciation of 66 per cent, on foreign coins, which, according to
      treaty, were to be received at their intrinsic value as metal. Mr. Alcock,
      the British consul-general, issued a protest, and stopped the trade. The
      calm and firm attitude he assumed had the desired effect. Soon after, a
      variety of dishonest and extraordinarily scandalous practices on the part
      of the British traders exasperated the Japanese people and government. The
      interference of the English consul to restrain the nefarious practices of
      his countrymen, and maintain the character of his country, restored
      matters to a peaceful aspect.
    </p>
    <p>
      It is remarkable, that during the state of things recorded in the
      foregoing chapters, of British relations with China and Japan, that a
      large trade took place. The following is taken from an issue of the <i>Chinese
      Telegraph</i> at the close of 1859:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "The aggregate amount of our trade with China, imports and exports,
      including those of India, in 1857, reached £22,122,469, although there was
      a cessation of the tea trade with Canton. Last year, even with the effects
      of the commercial panic of the previous year, and the stoppage of Canton
      trade, the aggregate commerce with China, British and Indian, was over
      £20,000,000, exclusive of any colonial trade, Australian, or with the
      Archipelago. In 1833, the declared value of the British manufactures
      exported to China was only £630,578; in 1840 it was as low as £524,198;
      and at the close of the war of 1842 it stood at £969,381. In a few years
      after the opening of the five new ports to foreign commerce, the value of
      British goods shipped had increased fully 50 per cent., while it has now
      nearly tripled in value.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The import and consumption of tea in this country has more than doubled
      since the consular ports were thrown open. So also with silk. As we have
      formerly shown, the demand has been extensive, and China can supply
      enormous quantities. From a trivial export, silk has become the second
      great staple of shipment. Although our imports from China have hitherto
      consisted chiefly of three or four principal staples, there is no reason,
      looking at the extensive resources of that vast empire, why they should
      continue so restricted. Something has even been done of late years in this
      respect. Chinese wool has come in to some extent, having risen in some
      years to half a million of pounds; although, from its harsh quality, and
      mixed and dirty character, it is only fitted for coarse woollens, yet it
      is saleable at low prices. There are other drugs, besides camphor,
      rhubarb, and essential oils to be obtained thence. A demand has sprung up
      for sugar, and we can draw supplies from China as well as from Manilla.
      There are other spices too, besides cassia lignea, to be procured from
      China.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In addition to the exports to Great Britain, China exports tea, silk,
      drugs, and sundries to the continent of Europe, North and South America,
      Australia, New Zealand, India, and the various settlements of the Eastern
      Archipelago. The Indian trade has now reached about £10,000,000 in value,
      one article, opium, constituting the chief export; and this, since the
      recent treaty, had increased in value by upwards of £1,500,000. The
      shipments of cotton from India to China would seem to be declining.
      Whether this arises from a greater demand from England, an increased home
      production in China, or the internal rebellion, we are not prepared to
      state. The American imports from China, since the opening of the five
      ports, have more than doubled in value.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The British interest in the indirect trade is also worthy of notice. In
      addition to the large balance against us on the direct trade, we have to
      provide for that created by the excess of value in exports to Australia,
      America, &amp;c, all of which are paid for by bills drawn on London. We
      may except a small portion remitted direct by Australia in gold. India
      forms the only exception. Her exports amount to over nine millions, while
      the imports are under one million. In this way we settle, indirectly, the
      balance of trade."
    </p>
    <p>
      The commerce with Japan was too imperfectly organized at the period when
      this History closes to afford reliable statistics. It was, however,
      considerable, especially in mineral productions. Gold, silver, copper, and
      iron abounded; and as the Portuguese and Dutch in former days enriched
      themselves by importing the precious metals from Japan, so it promised, in
      1859, to be the Ophir of the Eastern seas, if not of the world. The war
      with China, and the opening of commercial relations with Japan, were not
      the only matters of interest in the relations of England to these
      countries. Russia opened a negotiation with the Japanese emperor, for the
      cession of a position upon a small island, which there was no doubt in
      England was intended as a <i>point d'appui</i> for Russian aggression. In
      China the same power made prodigious inroads, and it was believed in Great
      Britain and in India, that Russian agents and Russian material of war
      contributed to the defeat of Admiral Hope and his French allies in the
      Peiho.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following communication from St. Petersburg contains interesting
      details relative to the extension of the Russian dominions in Asia:&mdash;"I
      have received an interesting letter from the harbour of Weg-Chaz-Weg, in
      the Yellow Sea, dated the 13th of July, 1858. It announces that Count
      Mouravieff Amoorski arrived there that day on board the steamer <i>America</i>,
      coming from Japan and Corea, to visit the coast of China. The port is in
      the neighbourhood of the Gulf of Pechelee. Colonel Boudgoski, chief of the
      commission for fixing the boundaries between the Russian possessions in
      Mantchouria and the celestial empire, is going to Pekin to obtain the
      approbation and definitive confirmation of the new limits of Russia in
      Asia. According to the new line, the entire coast of Mantchouria, on the
      Yellow Sea, and all that part of the country not hitherto claimed by any
      power, becomes a Russian possession. The territory acquired by the last
      treaty with China is thus considerably increased. All the southern part of
      the coast near Corea&mdash;that is to say, all under the same latitude as
      the Caucasian provinces, is supplied with a considerable number of
      excellent harbours. In fact, in no other country in the world is there to
      be found so many good harbours so near to each other; in fine, it is
      difficult to decide which is the best. The famous port of Sebastopol, and
      the Golden Horn in the Bosphorus, are inferior as compared with these bays
      and ports. The land on the borders of the coast is covered with virgin
      forests, in which are to be found oaktrees of nine feet in diameter. The
      writer of the letter adds that the sight of this gigantic vegetation
      filled him with amazement. It is expected that this newly-acquired
      territory will become of immense importance, the forests being situate so
      near such magnificent harbours. The labyrinth of bays, harbours, and
      islands is called the Gulf of Peter the Great, and the best port is named
      Vladiwosjok (Dominator of the East), because it is the cradle of the
      Russian fleet in the Pacific Ocean, and the commencement of Russian
      domination in the East. This letter was received at St. Petersburg through
      Pekin, and thence by a Chinese courier through Mongolia and Kiachta. This
      gives an idea of the celerity with which communications are transmitted
      between St. Petersburg, Pekin, and the Gulf of Pechelee."
    </p>
    <p>
      France had also designs of Oriental empire, which, however awkwardly
      prosecuted, had never been abandoned. Her efforts during 1857-8-9, in
      Cochin China, to establish a position there and make acquisitions of
      territory, were expensive and persevering, although not attended with the
      success which English and Russian enterprise has so generally secured.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      FRANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      England and France were ostensible allies during the period of which we
      now write; but there existed a mutual jealousy, certainly provoked by
      France, which seemed to regard rivalry with England as the grand object of
      her political mission. The emperor made great efforts to bring up the
      revenues of France to a standard that would enable him to undertake all
      the schemes of his ambition. The actual results in that part of his
      labours were as follows, taking the statement of the government official
      organ, the <i>Moniteur</i>:&mdash;"The general revenue for the year 1858-9
      amounted to 1,094,614,000 fr., being an increase of 2,916,000 fr. on
      1857-8. The items which show an improvement are: import duty on foreign
      sugar, 12,020,000 fr.; duty on potable liquors, 8,439,000 fr.; postage,
      3,462,000 fr.; sundry duties and receipts, 2,864,000 fr.; import duty on
      sundry merchandize, 2,697,000 fr.; salt duties, 1,496,000 fr.; sale of
      tobacco, 1,471,000 fr.; import duty on corn, 577,000 fr.; navigation dues,
      557,000 fr.; stamp duties, 521,000 fr.; customs' export duties, 425,000
      fr.; money orders, 185,000 fr.; transit charge on foreign letters, 26,000
      fr. Those which have fallen off are registration duties, 15,036,000 fr.;
      duty on beetroot sugar, 6,286,000 fr.; sundry customs' receipts, 1,489,000
      fr.; sale of gunpowder, 597,000 fr. The increase of revenue in 1859, as
      compared with 1857, was 41,931,000 fr."
    </p>
    <p>
      These returns were no doubt coloured, as French official reports generally
      are; but, if correct, showed that the financial resources of France were
      far inferior to those of England.
    </p>
    <p>
      A variety of irritating topics were got up in France, and continued to be
      so discussed in the press, with the connivance of the French government,
      that the minds of the people of both countries became inflamed with anger,
      and a disposition to adjust differences of opinion and policy by the
      sword, eagerly advocated by the French, was reluctantly adopted by the
      English. The French emperor, finding that the English alliance had again
      become indispensable to him, silenced the aspersers of his ally, or
      directed the same journals to uphold the alliance they had so bitterly and
      pertinaciously decried. The creation of a ship-canal across the isthmus of
      Suez was one of the most popular themes of French vituperation. A French
      company desired to carry out this object, or at all events to gain <i>grants
      of territory in Egypt</i> for that ostensible purpose. The demands made
      for territorial concession upon the pasha would have given the French
      government in Egypt a hold upon that country subversive of its
      independence, and of the rights of the Porte, most menacing to British
      rule in India, and dangerous to Europe. Even if the scheme for the
      ship-canal were never executed, no one doubted that France would make use
      of the territory granted for that purpose to consolidate power in Egypt,
      England successfully opposed the concession to a French company of any
      portion of the Egyptian territory. Russia, Austria, and Prussia, from
      jealousy of England, and especially of her Eastern dominions and
      marvellous commercial prosperity, aided France in her efforts to induce
      the sultan to comply with her requests. The policy of England on this
      subject was still in the ascendant at Constantinople when the session of
      the British parliament rose in 1859.
    </p>
    <p>
      Electric communication between England and France formed another subject
      of difference. The French government was anxious, for its own political
      purposes, to give exclusive advantages to a particular company; the
      English government communicated its wish to throw open to competition such
      undertakings. France pretended acquiescence at one time and indifference
      at another, but at length, in harmony with the emperor's usual mode of
      acting, he suddenly granted a thirty years' monopoly to the company which,
      for the reasons referred to, he all along secretly or openly favoured.
      During the latter part of 1859, the British government made efforts to
      induce that of France to slacken the restrictive commercial system which
      it had favoured. At a later period, a treaty was made with such object,
      through the intervention of Lord Cowley and Mr. Cobden on the part of
      England.
    </p>
    <p>
      A war broke out between Morocco and Spain, which England used great
      exertions to prevent, but which France not only encouraged but instigated.
      The British government protested against Spain conquering territory, and
      occupying strongholds on the African coasts opposite to Gibraltar. So far
      as France was concerned in this war she betrayed a desire that Spain
      should do what England was interested in preventing; the French knowing
      that they could, from their own conquests in Africa, drive out the
      Spaniards when they pleased, while the two nations united in holding
      positions of strength in Africa, might countervail the power in the
      Mediterranean which England derived from Gibraltar.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 12th of January an attempt was made to assassinate the Emperor of
      the French, while in his carriage proceeding to the opera. The plot was
      concocted by an Italian refugee, named Orsini, who was aided by others,
      especially three Italians, named Rudio, Pierri, and Gomez. The instruments
      of murder were shells, so made as to be thrown by the hand, and detonate
      when coming in contact with any hard substance. These shells had been
      manufactured in Birmingham, where Orsini, and some of his companions, had
      temporarily resided. This circumstance inflamed the mind of the French
      emperor and the French army against England. The latter presented
      addresses to his majesty, from various corps, denouncing England as the
      asylum of conspirators, and a den of assassins; and denominating the
      English people as the confederates and encouragers of conspirators and
      assassins. Offers were made by some of the corps of the French army to
      invade England, and drag from "the assassins' den" the conspirators. These
      inflammatory addresses were well received at the Tuileries, and answers
      given which were not respectful to England. These proceedings in France
      were followed up by addresses from the senate, in which foreign
      governments were called upon, in a dictatorial and insolent tone, to make
      their laws against refugees more stringent. These addresses, and the way
      in which the French emperor received them, produced a great ferment in all
      the free countries of the world, and the people of England were stung to
      the quick. The English government, however, bore tamely these insults. An
      affrontful despatch, through the French ambassador, made a climax to the
      haughty proceedings of France, and the mode in which the government
      received it was so timeserving and timid in the eyes of the English
      people, that the popularity of the Palmerston administration was
      destroyed. That administration had been restored to power with increased
      popularity, as well as a large majority, upon the dissolution caused by
      the defeat of the previous year on the Chinese question, but the timidity
      shown in dealing with the insolence of the French ambassador, army,
      emperor, press, and people, deprived it of all weight in the country. The
      defeat and resignation of the English ministry resulted from this feeling.
      The general tone of the French government, however, became modified by the
      strength of will shown on the part of the English people, united with
      their unmistakable abhorrence of the crime which led to the bad feeling&mdash;at
      all events the immediate bad feeling&mdash;between the two countries. The
      emperor made such acknowledgments to the British government as amounted to
      an apology, and the mind of the people became quieted on the subject,
      especially as the ministry was, for its pusillanimity, hurled from power.
      Still, during the whole of 1858, although the ostensible alliance was
      never broken, there existed no good will towards England on the part of
      France, and no confidence in the peaceful disposition of France and its
      emperor either to England or any other power pervaded the public opinion
      of Britain. The suspicions of the English people were verified in 1859. On
      the first day of that year, at a reception in Paris, the emperor lectured
      the Austrian ambassador in a manner insulting to the sovereign he
      represented, and which portended war. The Austrian dominion in Italy was
      harsh, bigoted, and unjust. The Germans, always so invidious in pride of
      race, were so in Italy to a degree which goaded the Italians to
      desperation. The Austrians at last violated the Sardinian territory, and
      France declared war. The French and Italians, allies in a short campaign,
      drove the Austrians, with terrible slaughter out of Lombardy, and all
      their Italian provinces except Venice. The French emperor made peace as
      suddenly as he had made war. A convention at Villafranca, followed by a
      conference and treaty at Zurich, settled the affairs of Italy, as far as
      the two emperors were concerned. The Italian people were not, however,
      parties to the treaty, and would not be bound by it. They determined upon
      annexation to Piedmont, whereas the emperor resolved to restore the
      Italian duchies to the sovereigns. Events may here be anticipated, so far
      as to say that the diplomatic interposition of England was used in favour
      of the Italian people, and influenced France in favour of a policy less
      concessive to Austria. Throughout the period 1858-9, the firmness and good
      sense of the people of England, acting decisively upon their government,
      ensured peace with France, which the intemperance, intrigue, and arrogance
      of our ally made it difficult to preserve.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      NAPLES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      For many years the intercourse between the governments of her majesty and
      the King of Naples were unsatisfactory, for the reasons assigned in
      previous chapters. During the period included in this chapter, Naples was
      in a very disturbed state, and the people of Italy were desirous to aid
      their brethren of that kingdom in bringing about a revolution. A ship,
      called <i>Cagliari</i>, the property of Sardinian subjects, was engaged,
      ostensibly for other purposes but really to land a small force in Naples,
      with supplies of arms and munitions of war, and precipitate a revolution.
      The captain of the ship was a Sardinian, and ignorant of the plot. The
      engineers were Englishmen, and also ignorant of the plot. The conspirators
      seized the ship, and compelled the captain and engineers to direct the
      vessel to Naples. The government of that country had information of the
      design, and sent a war vessel to intercept that on board of which the
      conspirators were. The capture was effected. The Sardinian captain and
      British engineers, although obviously innocent, were subjected to cruel
      injuries and indignities. The Sardinian government interposed, but was not
      in a condition to enforce its rights. Lord Palmerston's cabinet neglected
      the claims of the British subjects so injured, except by empty and futile
      remonstrances. When that cabinet was thrown out for its timid policy
      towards France, on the refugee question, the government of Lord Derby took
      the matter up with energy, and Lord Malmesbury, then foreign secretary,
      adopted a tone as bold and as English, as his conduct in the case of Mr.
      Mather, in Tuscany, some years before, was incompetent and cowardly. The
      threat of force by the English government secured the restoration of the
      unjustly imprisoned English, and some measure of compensation. This
      circumstance gave weight to the government of Lord Derby, both at home and
      abroad.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PRUSSIA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 20th of January the Princess Royal of England was married to the
      eldest son of the Crown Prince of Prussia. For a time this increased the
      influence abroad both of England and Prussia, and the two nations seemed
      to be very firmly allied. After a short time, Prussia relapsed into her
      old pro-Russian sympathies, and lost all popularity in England. The
      marriage of the heir-presumptive of the Prussian throne and the Princess
      Royal of England caused great festivities, both in London and Berlin, in
      January, and gave satisfaction to the freer nations of the Continent.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SPAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      During the years 1858-9 a feeling sprang up in Spain hostile to England.
      This was partly attributable to France, which, in every direction,
      professing alliance with England, endeavoured to foster jealousies and
      enmities against her. Partly the feeling arose from the demands of the
      English government for the payment of a debt due by that of Spain ever
      since war between Don Carlos and Christina. Nearly half a million sterling
      was then advanced by England to aid the cause of the Spanish queen. The
      queen and her government, while indulging in the most reckless
      extravagance, were unwilling to pay.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1859 Spain went to war with Morocco, on grounds which England did not
      deem sufficient, and projects of territorial aggrandizement were suspected
      as actuating the Spanish administration. England could not allow Spain to
      erect a fortress opposite to Gibraltar, on the Straits, and such was
      believed throughout Europe to be the real object of the Spanish minister.
      France was solicitous to weaken the power of the Moorish empire, and so
      promote her own designs of encroachment. A Spanish war was favourable to
      such an object. It would also be practicable for the French, at any time,
      to expel the Spaniards, and seize upon their positions, and hold a point
      as powerful for the command of the Straits of Gibraltar as the rock
      itself. The policy of France was anti-English and anti-Spanish throughout,
      although O'Donnel, the Spanish minister, regarded it as advantageous to
      Spain. The demand by England for repayment to her of the loan so long due
      by Spain, at such juncture, was interpreted by the Spanish government and
      people as an act of hostility; and the press of Paris, with the connivance
      of the imperial government, kept up, and, to a great extent, created the
      opinion. The <i>modus operandi</i> of the English government was, however,
      so conciliatory, yet firm, as to force respect from the cabinet of Madrid,
      and evoke assurances which were satisfactory, although few in England
      believed them sincere.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HANOVER.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Hanoverian government had levied for a long time, at the mouth of the
      Elbe, certain monies, called "Stade dues." This excited much complaint
      amongst English merchants, and led to an investigation in the English
      house of commons, in 1858, of the claims put forward by Hanover to such
      exactions. The committee of the commons reported that the imposts were
      injurious to British trade, and that Hanover rendered no return. This led
      to negotiations which, after much tedious diplomacy, ended in the
      extinction of the rates thus levied upon British ships.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The opening paragraphs of the message of the President of the United
      States contained the following statements, which were as just and true as
      they were remarkable, coming from that source:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "It has been the misfortune of both countries, ever since the period of
      the revolution, to have been annoyed by a series of irritating and
      dangerous questions threatening their friendly relations. This has partly
      prevented the full development of those feelings of mutual friendship
      between the peoples of the two countries, so natural in themselves, and so
      conducive to their common interest. Any serious interruption to the
      commerce between the United States and Great Britain would be equally
      injurious to both. In fact no two nations ever existed on the face of the
      earth which could do one another so much good and so much harm."
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1858 terminated one of the questions thus referred to by the
      president&mdash;"the right of search." It was settled, as all questions
      between England and the United States have been, by concession on the part
      of the former. English ships of war were, on no pretence, in time of
      peace, to board, or detain, the American commercial marine on any pretence
      whatever.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      SOUTH AMERICAN STATES.
    </h2>
    <h3>
      COLONIES.&mdash;INDIA.
    </h3>
    <p>
      The colonies of Great Britain, stretching over so large a portion of the
      globe, could not fail to attract the attention of the people and
      government of the British empire. The most important of all these
      territorial acquisitions was India. The extinction of the mutiny and
      revolt in the Bengal provinces of that country was related in a previous
      chapter. It is here necessary to point out the issue of that mighty
      struggle. The political power of the East India Company was abolished by
      an act of the imperial parliament, and the government of India vested
      solely in the crown. Her majesty was proclaimed Empress of India,
      throughout all its provinces, to the amazement of princes and peoples,
      with the mute submission of many, and the joyful acclamations of more.
    </p>
    <p>
      A letter from Calcutta, in the August of 1859, thus reported:&mdash;
    </p>
    <p>
      "Our trade returns, up to the 1st May, 1859, have just been published.
      They show an increase of about a million:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     Year.         Imports.           Exports.             Total.

     1858-9      15,46,49,766       15,25,67,555       30,72,17,321
</i></pre>
    <p>
      This total includes treasure, but the chief increase is in merchandize,
      especially the following articles:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                               Increase.

     Cotton..............................      10,37,928 Rs.

     Haberdashery........................       8,18,318

     Hardware............................       5,99,185

     Copper..............................       6,51,599

     White and grey cottons..............     1,7228,679

     Ale.................................      15,00,821

     Twist...............................      31,20,698
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The commerce of England and her friendly relations with several of the
      South American States were much developed during the period to which this
      chapter refers, although with other portions of that vast region it was
      impossible to hold any intercourse, so riven were they by faction,
      oppression, and civil war. With Brazil the commercial connections of
      England were important, and the amity of the two states assured. Chili,
      Peru, and Panama dealt largely with the European western nations, and
      should the liberal party in those countries succeed in checking the
      encroachments of the priests, it is obvious that a much further
      development of commercial intercourse would take place.
    </p>
    <p>
      Showing a new trade of £2,000,000 sterling with Manchester alone.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In exports, the great fluctuations have been in&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
                                              Increase.

     Silks.................................... 10,26,928 Rs.

     Opium.................................... 42,85,474

     Sugar .................................. 38,63,928

     Jute..................................... 21.49,089

     Linseed  ............................... 20,81,914

     Mustard seed............................. 14,84,683
</i></pre>
    <p>
      "The exportation of rice has decreased by half a million sterling. The
      increase in the import of Manchester goods will not be so rapid this year,
      the market showing some signs of a glut. The import of silver has been
      twenty-six millions in five years!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Such a condition of commercial development and prosperity, during a period
      of terrible contest, is one of the most marvellous of modern historical
      facts. The progress of railways was, if possible, more surprising as to
      the development of the material resources and aptitudes of India at such a
      period. The condition of material prosperity shown by India, in spite of
      the sanguinary sepoy revolt, was scarcely more encouraging than the
      reports of the way in which the finance of India passed through the
      terrible convulsion.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES.
    </h2>
    <p>
      <i>South Australia</i>.&mdash;The extraordinarily rapid progress to
      wealth, power, and importance of the Australian colonies was one of the
      great wonders of the age. The following account of the condition of South
      Australia, in 1859, is full of interest to every patriot and every friend
      of human progress:&mdash;"The population was estimated at upwards of
      120,000, and the total immigration, from the 1st of January to the 8th of
      October, had been 3,881. There had been an emigration, however, to the
      extent of 2,139 persons, leaving a balance in favour of immigration of
      1,742, comprising 917 male adults, 579 female adults, 101 male children,
      and 145 female children. The average number of destitute persons relieved
      at the public expense in the three months ending the 27th of September was
      756. The extent of crown lands sold, from the 1st of January to the 13th
      of October was 113,731 acres, which realized £150,616&mdash;an amount and
      acreage below the average of former years. The earnings of the government
      railways&mdash;from Adelaide to Port Adelaide, and from Adelaide to Gawler
      Town&mdash;amounted to £37,205 in the first 41 weeks of the present year,
      being an increase of £1,340 as compared with the corresponding period of
      1858. There are 254 permanent ecclesiastical buildings in the colony,
      besides 104 dwelling-houses and places temporarily used for religious
      worship; sittings are thus provided for 51,831 persons, and the average
      congregations are estimated at 41,000. The Wesleyan Methodists provided
      16,261 sittings; the Church of England, 6,335 sittings; the Roman
      Catholics, 4,790 sittings; and the Congregationalists, 6,051 sittings. The
      remainder were supplied by other denominations too numerous to
      particularize; but it may be added that the German Lutherans figure in the
      return to the extent of 5,164 sittings. The total number of children in
      the various schools in the colony maintained at the public expense was in
      1858, 8,237: viz. 4,395 boys, and 3,842 girls. The total number of schools
      was 182, and the amount of government aid given was £11,329. These figures
      exhibit an astonishing advance as compared with 1849, when there were only
      27 schools, with 848 scholars, and government aid to the extent of £707.
      There were besides 11,982 scholars in Sunday schools in 1858, and 210 of
      those institutions were in existence, as compared with 45 schools and
      2,563 scholars in 1848."
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Victoria</i>.&mdash;The progress of this colony was more rapid and
      extensive than that of any other in the Australian group. The
      balance-sheet of the colony for 1858 revealed the following startling
      facts. The receipts for that year amount in round numbers to £3,000,000,
      the import duties alone amounting to £1,318,000, the export duty on gold
      to £316,000, the sales of public lands to £628,000, the rent of public
      lands and licences of different trades to £331,000, and the postage to
      £89,000. The surplus revenue was expended by the assembly of
      representatives in the following manner:&mdash;£114,000 for education,
      £24,000 for scientific purposes, £25,000 for sanitary improvements,
      £769,000 for useful public works, £25,000 towards the relief of sufferers
      by the sepoy mutiny, £7,000 for a public library, £8,000 for an university
      purely secular. After these and similar votes, a cash balance of nearly
      half a million sterling remained in hand.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      BRITISH AMERICA
    </h2>
    <p>
      Nothing peculiarly calling for statement or remark was presented in the
      aspect of the British American colonies in 1858-9, except Jamaica and
      British Columbia.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>Jamaica</i>.&mdash;This island has been well styled the Queen of the
      Western Indies. Slavery, bad government, the ignorance and bigotry of the
      colonists, had all militated against its improvement&mdash;1858-9 was no
      exception to these remarks. According to <i>De Cordova's Mercantile
      Intelligencer</i>, the Commercial annals of the year "were peculiarly
      unhealthy." This was the only British American colony to which such a
      remark would apply.
    </p>
    <p>
      <i>British Columbia and Vancouver's Island</i>.&mdash;This new settlement
      made great progress from the very dawn of its recognition as a colony. The
      capital, called Victoria, sprang up as if by magic, and became a centre of
      business activity and colonial enterprise. Situated on the Pacific, the
      climate is favourable, and the position, politically and commercially,
      most important. The citizens of the United States laid claim to an island
      near Vancouver's Island, which was a source of alarm lest war between the
      two states should arise from the dispute. This question was not adjusted
      when this History was brought to a termination.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1859, the <i>Canadian News</i> contained the following statements
      illustrating the value of this colony:&mdash;"Her majesty's ship <i>Plumper</i>
      arrived at Esquimault on the 1st of November from Nanaimo, having
      concluded her surveying operations on the northern part of the Strait of
      Georgia for the present season. During this cruise, several new anchorages
      have been discovered and surveyed between Nanaimo and Cape Laso (or Point
      Holmes, as it is sometimes called), a distance of about fifty miles. But,
      perhaps, the most important discovery is the existence of a considerable
      river in Vancouver's Island, navigable for boats or small stern-wheel
      steamers, on the banks of which are extensive tracts of excellent land,
      varying from 20 to 100 feet in elevation, and clothed with a rich
      luxuriant grass. This land is ready for the plough, is entirely clear of
      the pine-tree, and studded here and there with a better kind of oak than
      is usually found on the cleared lands of Vancouver's Island. This river,
      which has received the name of Courtenay, in honour of Admiral Courtenay,
      who formerly commanded her majesty's ship <i>Constance</i> in these
      waters, empties itself into a good and spacious harbour, Port Augusta,
      which lies in about 49° 36' north latitude, and is scarcely 50 miles from
      Nanaimo. Major Downie was on his way down from the Upper Fraser River
      region by the Lillooet trail and Port Douglas. There were reports of his
      having made some valuable geographical discoveries on his journey from the
      coast to Port Alexander, among which were a chain of lakes extending along
      the route 150 miles, so that steamers drawing 12 inches of water can
      navigate a distance of 100 miles further than steamers drawing 4 feet,
      which latter run on Senas River, and a practicable portage of 40 miles
      will then reach Fort Alexander. These reports are looked upon at Victoria
      as important, as, if true, the upper mining districts will be much more
      accessible than heretofore, being brought almost within water
      communication with Victoria."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      IRELAND.
    </h2>
    <p>
      Of this country, at the close of our History as well as so frequently
      during its progress, it is a painful duty to relate that its moral and
      material progress was retarded by barbarous and cruel assassinations
      perpetrated by member's of a secret conclave, called the Ribbon Society.
      This society was exclusively composed of Roman Catholics, and fanatics of
      that creed. Their brutal murders were partly agrarian, and partly of a
      bigoted character; but the effect upon the social condition and prosperity
      of the country was disastrous. Still progress was made, and agricultural
      and commercial enterprise increased. A government report, on the
      agricultural statistics of Ireland for 1858, just published, gives the
      following particulars:&mdash;"The land under crops was 5,882,052 acres;
      under grass, 9,354,117 acres; fallow. 42,551; woods, &amp;c, 313,271; and
      bog or waste, 4,667,331 acres. In some counties the area under tillage
      continues to increase; in 13 of them it has diminished. The total increase
      last year, on 1857, was 22,935 acres. The principal crops grown in
      Ireland, are oats, potatoes, and hay, which in 1858 occupied 78 acres in
      every 100 of the entire extent under cultivation. In that year, the
      proportionate area under oats was 34, potatoes 24, and hay 24 acres in
      every 100. Wheat covered only nine, turnips six, and flax not quite two
      acres per cent, of the whole area under crops. The area under crops in
      1858 is thus divided:&mdash;Wheat, 546,964 acres; oats, 1,981,241; barley,
      190,768; rye, 11,470; and beans, 11,038; potatoes, 1,159,707; turnips,
      338,202; mangold-wurtzel, 29,547; flax, 91,646; rape, 14,067; and meadow
      and clover, 1,424,495 acres. The grass lands of Ireland cover nearly
      one-half of the entire surface of the island. These tracts do not include
      the land under meadow and clover (or the hay-producing lands), but merely
      those returned to the enumerators as used for pasture at the time of the
      collection of the statistics. The turf-bog is a very valuable portion of
      the land, the turf being used for fuel, and till coal becomes cheap enough
      to supersede it, the reclamation of bog will be but slow in many parts of
      the island. There were 599,178 holdings in Ireland in 1858: viz. 38,198 of
      1 acre (not exceeding); 83,219 of 1 to 5 acres; 181,267 of 5 to 15 acres;
      139,618 of 15 to 30 acres; 71,791 of 30 to 50 acres; 53,544 of 50 to 100
      acres; 21,566 of 100 to 200 acres; 8,383 of 200 to 500 acres; and 1,592 of
      above 500 acres. The holdings have increased by 4,786. Of the entire
      20,259,322 acres forming the area of Ireland, nearly one-half is in the
      possession of farmers holding from 15 to 100 acres, of which 1,475,433
      acres, or 14#9 in every 100 is waste or unproductive; about one-third is
      under farms of 100 to 500 acres, of which 1,741,956 acres, or 28'5 per
      cent., is bog or waste, and one-tenth of which, more than 1,260,535 acres,
      or nearly one-half, are unprofitable for tillage, is occupied by farms of
      above 500 acres; the remainder, which includes only 189,407 acres of the
      waste lands, is in the hands of farmers holding under 15 acres. The
      following is the return of live stock for 1858: viz. 630,611 horses and
      mules, 163,323 asses, 3,667,304 cattle, 3,494,993 sheep, 1,409,883 pigs,
      228,351 goats, and 9,563,185 poultry. The value is computed at
      £34,977,244. The weed nuisance is still bitterly complained of by the
      Irish registrar-general, who urges the passing of a bill to compel the
      destruction of weeds with winged seeds before they are allowed to ripen.
      Besides the Blue-book from which the above figures are copied, two small
      papers have been printed, giving briefly the statistics for 1859. Last
      year, then, it appears that 465,497 acres were under wheat, 1,981,197
      under oats, 1,200,144 under potatoes, 322,266 under turnips, 136,329 under
      flax, and 1,436,680 under meadow and clover. The gross total area under
      crops was 5,861,666 acres, against 5,882,052 in 1858. There was a decrease
      in cereal and an increase in green crops. The net total decrease was
      20,386 acres. Weeds are again complained of. The live stock in 1859
      included 628,916 horses, 3,810,136 horned cattle, 3,588,356 sheep, and
      1,262,873 pigs."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      HOME.&mdash;THE COURT.
    </h2>
    <p>
      The marriage of the Princess Royal took place January the 25th, under the
      circumstances referred to in a previous chapter.
    </p>
    <p>
      One of the earliest incidents connected with the court, of any general
      interest, was the investiture of the King of Portugal with the order of
      the garter. This event took place in Lisbon, where the Marquis of Bath and
      Sir George Young officiated, as her majesty's plenipotentiaries, in
      conferring the honour. The ceremony took place on the 27th of May, 1858.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 15th of June her majesty, accompanied by Prince Albert, visited
      Birmingham, on occasion of a "People's Park" being set apart. Her majesty
      was the guest of Lord Leigh, of Stoneleigh Abbey.
    </p>
    <p>
      A distribution of the Victoria Cross took place on Southsea Common, by her
      majesty in person, on the 2nd of August.
    </p>
    <p>
      Soon after, her majesty, attended by a brilliant court, proceeded to the
      inauguration of Cherbourg as a great port and arsenal, and the opening of
      the Napoleon Dock at that place. The attendance of the Queen of England
      upon an occasion intended to celebrate a work accomplished for the menace
      of her dominions, and more especially of her naval power in the Channel,
      was generally regarded abroad as a sign of timidity on the part of the
      English government, and of a willingness to conciliate the French emperor
      at all costs, even of national respect.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 10th of August her majesty sailed from Gravesend for Germany, to
      pay a visit to her daughter, the Princess Frederick William of Prussia.
    </p>
    <p>
      The year 1858 was remarkable for the number of visits paid by the court.
      On the 6th of September her majesty visited Leeds. Avast concourse of
      people, from every part of the great West Riding of York, thronged the
      town, and the demonstrations of loyal attachment made by the people were
      most gratifying to their sovereign. The object of the visit was the
      opening of the Town Hall. A great musical festival followed, one of the
      most successful ever held in England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The court, during that portion of 1859 which falls within the limits of
      this History, was not in any especial way connected with great public
      events.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      One of the most remarkable features of the commerce of the period was the
      importation of corn:&mdash;In 1858, wheat, 4,275,435 qrs.; barley,
      1,673,477 qrs.; total of all grain, 11,572,702 qrs.: 1859, wheat,
      4,023,578 qrs.; barley, 1,742,217 qrs.; total of all grain, 10,516,193
      qrs.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1858 there was a reduction of taxation to the amount of £2,100,000; new
      taxes were imposed to the extent of £456,780.
    </p>
    <p>
      The rental value of land in England in 1859 was estimated at £41,000,000.
    </p>
    <p>
      The following statement of railway property at the close of 1858, is from
      a return ordered in consequence of a parliamentary motion, made by Mr.
      Henley, in the session of 1859:&mdash;"The grand total amount of railway
      capital authorized by act of parliament previous to the 31st of December,
      1857, was £287,908,636 by shares, and £98,273,070 by loans. In 1858,
      £5,253,792 was authorized by shares, and £2,199,409 by loans. The total
      capital and loans authorized previous to the 31st of December, 1858, was
      £392,682,755; £181,837,781 of the capital was not receiving, nor entitled
      to receive, any preferential dividend or interest. The total dividends on
      the share capital amounted to £6,161,099; £61,854,547 was the stock
      receiving, or entitled to receive, preferential dividend or interest, to
      the amount of £829,331. The total debts of companies at the end of 1858,
      amounted to £81,683,179; and the interest thereon payable to £3,591,148.
      £325,375,507 was the total sum which at the end of 1858 the railway
      companies had raised by shares or loans, and £67,307,248 the total amount
      which at the same period they retained power to raise, either by existing
      or by new shares, or by loans. The total amount expended on railroad works
      and rolling stock was £287.800,208. The total length of line and capital
      appropriated by parliament for the construction of lines, for which the
      powers for the compulsory purchase of land have been allowed to expire
      previous to the 31st of December, 1858, without the exercise of such
      powers, were respectively 2,534 miles, and £41,082,954."
    </p>
    <p>
      The value of imports and exports to the United Kingdom for 1858 and 1859
      was enormous. The following comparative view, based on the returns of the
      board of trade, is therefore of much interest. The general increase of
      exports in 1859 over 1858 was £13,831,671, while to the colonies and the
      United States it was £14,022,424. The balance of our business carried on
      with all other parts of the world resulted, therefore, in a falling off.
    </p>
    <p>
      The total income of the national exchequer, when the accounts were made
      out in 1858, was a little more than sixty-eight millions. The expenditure
      amounted to nearly two and a half millions more.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      PARLIAMENTARY AND POLITICAL.
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the 4th of February, 1858, the business of parliament began. The life
      of the French emperor having been attempted by an assassin, who had
      resided as a refugee in England (as recorded under the head of our
      relations with France), the government brought in a bill to bring refugees
      more stringently under the cognizance of the executive. The spirit of the
      measure was to conciliate France, and gratify the French emperor. This was
      distasteful to the nation; for the French press, and the French army, with
      the connivance, and even at the instigation of the French government,
      abused and menaced England, in a manner such as no great nation before had
      endured from another in time of peace. The bill of Lord Palmerston was
      supported by the whole strength of the tory opposition. The independent
      Liberals, however, made so determined an opposition to the measure, and to
      the whole policy of the government in truckling to France, that the tory
      party resolved to make that hostility available to overthrow the
      government. It appeared that an insulting despatch had been sent by Count
      Walewski, the French minister, to the English minister for foreign
      affairs. To this despatch no reply was returned, whereas the house of
      commons and the country considered that a reply, prompt and indignant,
      should have been given. Mr. Milner Gibson, then especially hostile to the
      Palmerston government, moved what was tantamount to a vote of censure, on
      the ground of the silence of the cabinet under the singularly offensive
      despatch of the French minister. The combination of independent Liberals
      and Tories, upon this motion, threw out the government.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Derby was sent for by her majesty, and empowered to form a ministry.
      The new cabinet was thus composed:&mdash;
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve"><i>
     First Lord of the Treasury....... Earl of Derby.

     Lord-Chancellor.................. Lord Chelmsford.

     President of the Council......... Marquis of Salisbury.

     Lord Privy Seal.................. Earl of Hardwicke.

     Home Secretary................... Mr. Spencer Walpole.

     Foreign Secretary................ Earl of Malmesbury.

     Colonial Secretary............... Lord Stanley.

     Secretary at War................. General Peel.

     Chancellor of the Exchequer...... Mr. Disraeli.

     First Lord of the Admiralty...... Sir J. S. Pakington.

     President of the Board of Control Earl of Ellenborough.

     President of the Board of Trade   Mr. Henley.

     First Commissioner of Works.......Lord J. Manners
</i></pre>
    <p>
      The members not in the cabinet were selected from the other leading
      members of the late tory opposition in both houses.
    </p>
    <p>
      So unpopular had the ministry of Lord Palmerston become, by its
      subserviency to the French emperor, and its neglect of the honour of
      England, in the instance of the two English engineers, captured on board
      the Sardinian ship, <i>Oagliari</i>, by a Neapolitan frigate, that there
      was a very general disposition, among all parties, to give Lord Derby's
      government "a fair trial."
    </p>
    <p>
      The course of this ministry did not, however, run smooth, and they, soon
      lost popularity and power, by their prejudices, incapacity for the crisis,
      and a disposition to increase their power by petty trick and indirect
      artifice. This last feature of their ministerial character was most
      especially exemplified in the commons by Mr. Disraeli.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Earl of Derby abandoned the foreign refugee bill, which he and his
      followers had, when out of office, supported.
    </p>
    <p>
      During the discussion which arose concerning India, and the transaction of
      business with that empire resulting from the mutiny, the Earl of
      Ellenborough acted with a partizanship so flagrant and unjust, that in
      order to save the cabinet it was necessary that he should retire from it,
      go strong was the indignation against him both in the commons and the
      country. Lord Stanley, who had filled the office of colonial secretary
      with great ability, assumed the office vacated by Lord Ellenborough, and
      was afterwards made "secretary of state for India," an office created by
      "the government of India act." Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton became secretary
      for the colonies in the room of Lord Stanley. The chief work of the new
      tory ministry was to carry a bill for the government of India. Almost
      every other measure introduced by them was unpopular, yet the feeling
      against the late Palmerston ministry was so strong, that there was no
      desire to expel the cabinet.
    </p>
    <p>
      Lord Lucan, in spite of the public opposition, and still more intense
      private opposition of Lord Derby, carried a measure for the parliamentary
      emancipation of the Jews, which was admirably devised, and ably brought
      forward and supported by the noble earl.
    </p>
    <p>
      The grand failure of the Derby ministry was a reform bill, which was an
      indirect and sly scheme to increase the power of the landed interest. The
      bill was ignominiously spurned by the people and the popular branch of the
      legislature. From that hour the Derby ministry was doomed, although
      another question was that upon which its defeat was destined to take
      place. A very important measure was carried by Mr. Locke King,&mdash;the
      abolition of the property qualification for members of parliament. The
      same honourable member carried a bill for enfranchising ten pound
      householders in counties, over a second reading in the commons, signally
      defeating the government. The lateness of the session at the time when
      this was achieved prevented the further progress of the bill.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 3rd of August the session of 1858 terminated.
    </p>
    <p>
      The session of 1859 opened at the usual period. Rumours of war between
      France and Austria gave an extraordinary interest to the occasion. That
      war broke out, after strenuous efforts by Lord Derby's government to
      prevent it. The <i>animus</i> of Lord Malmesbury's diplomacy was evidently
      in favour of Austria, and without any sympathy for Italy, while it was
      decidedly hostile to France. By this policy the cabinet was overthrown,
      and Lord Palmerston formed a ministry. Public opinion in England was
      hostile to the Emperor of the French, but still more so to the kasir,
      while an intense desire for Italian freedom existed in the United Kingdom.
      The general sentiment of the nation was therefore adverse to the foreign
      policy of the Derby government, and, before a motion in the commons
      condemnatory of that policy, the cabinet fell. Lord Derby was not disposed
      to yield to an adverse vote without taking "the sense of the country;" but
      the country showed him no favour, and he resigned. Lord Palmerston had the
      honour of forming the new cabinet. He became first lord of the treasury;
      Lord John Russell, minister for foreign affairs; Sir G. Grey, home
      secretary; Mr. Gladstone, chancellor of the exchequer; Sir Charles Wood,
      secretary for India; the Duke of Newcastle, for the colonies; Lord
      Granville, president of the council, and Mr. Sidney Herbert, minister of
      war. This was a strong government. The elections were decisively in their
      favour. The party conflicts of the year impeded legislation. Mr. Gladstone
      startled the house by a bold and comprehensive system of finance, and when
      in August the session terminated, Lord Palmerston held the reins of power
      with a firm hand, and the country felt that after all his faults, and the
      vicissitudes of his career, he was the great statesman of the age, to whom
      the government of England could be most safely entrusted, whenever a great
      emergency demanded that a great man should hold the helm of affairs.
    </p>
    <p>
      THE END. <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
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