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    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The History and Antiquities</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Of The</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Doric Race</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">by Karl Otfried Müller</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Professor in the University of Göttingen</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Translated From the German by</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Henry Tufnell, Esq.</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">And</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">George Cornewall Lewis, Esq., A.M.</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Student of Christ Church.</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Second Edition, Revised.</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Vol. II</span></p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">London:</p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">John Murray, Albemarle Street.</p>
      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">1839.</p>
    </div>
    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
      <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1>
      <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"><li><a href="#toc1">Book III. Political Institutions Of The Dorians.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc3">Chapter I.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc5">Chapter II.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc7">Chapter III.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc9">Chapter IV.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc11">Chapter V.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc13">Chapter VI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc15">Chapter VII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc17">Chapter VIII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc19">Chapter IX.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc21">Chapter X.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc23">Chapter XI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc25">Chapter XII.</a></li><li><a href="#toc27">Book IV.
Domestic Institutions, Arts, And Literature
Of The Dorians.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc29">Chapter I.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc31">Chapter II.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc33">Chapter III.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc35">Chapter IV.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc37">Chapter V.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc39">Chapter VI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc41">Chapter VII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc43">Chapter VIII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc45">Chapter IX.</a></li><li><a href="#toc47">Appendices.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc49">Appendix V. On the Doric Dialect.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc51">Appendix VI. Chronological Tables.</a></li><li><a href="#toc53">Index.</a></li><li><a href="#toc55">Footnotes</a></li></ul>
    </div>

  </div>
<div class="tei tei-body" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page001">[pg 001]</span><a name="Pg001" id="Pg001" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a>
<a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Book III. Political Institutions Of The Dorians.</span></h1>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a>
<a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter I.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. End of a state according to the Doric notions. § 2. Difference
between the political institutions of the Dorians and
Ionians. § 3. Successive changes in the constitutions of the
Greek states; 1st, royal aristocracy of the heroic ages. § 4.
2nd, Timocracy, or aristocracy of wealth. § 5. 3rd, Tyranny.
§ 6. 4th, Democracy. § 7. Form of government characteristic
of the Doric race. § 8. Supposed legislation of Lycurgus.
§ 9. Derivation of Spartan laws from the Delphic oracle.
§ 10. Characteristics of the Doric form of government.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. Before we speak of the form of government
which prevailed in the Doric states, it will be necessary
to set aside all modern ideas respecting the origin,
essence, and object of a state; namely, that it is an
institution for protecting the persons and property of
the individuals contained in it. We shall approach
nearer to the ancient notion, if we consider the essence
of a state to be, that by a recognition of the same opinions
and principles, and the direction of actions to the
same ends, the whole body become, as it were, one
moral agent. Such an unity of opinions and actions
can only be produced by the ties of some natural
affinity, such as of a nation, a tribe, or a part of one:
although in process of time the meaning of the terms
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">state</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nation</span></em> became more distinct. The more
complete the unity of feelings and principles is, the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page002">[pg 002]</span><a name="Pg002" id="Pg002" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
more vigorous will be the common exertions, and the
more comprehensive the notion of the state. As this
was in general carried to a wider extent among the
Greeks than by modern nations, so it was perhaps nowhere
so strongly marked as in the Dorian states,
whose national views with regard to political institutions
were most strongly manifested in the government
of Sparta. Here the plurality of the persons composing
the state was most completely reduced to unity;
and hence the life of a Spartan citizen was chiefly concerned
in public affairs. The greatest freedom of the
Spartan, as well as of the Greeks in general, was only
to be a living member of the body of the state;
whereas that which in modern times commonly receives
the name of liberty, consists in having the
fewest possible claims from the community; or in
other words, in dissolving the social union to the
greatest degree possible, as far as the individual is
concerned. What the Dorians endeavoured to obtain
in a state was good order, or ??sµ??, the regular
combination of different elements. The expression of
king Archidamus in Thucydides,<a id="noteref_1" name="noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a> that <span class="tei tei-q">“it is most
honourable, and at the same time most secure, for
many persons to show themselves obedient to the
same order (??sµ??),”</span> was a fundamental principle
of this race. And hence the Spartans honoured
Lycurgus so greatly, as having instituted the existing
order of things (??sµ??):<a id="noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> and called his son by the
laudatory title of Eucosmus.<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href="#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a> For the same reason
the supreme magistrate among the Cretans was called
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page003">[pg 003]</span><a name="Pg003" id="Pg003" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Cosmus; among the Epizephyrian Locrians, Cosmopolis.
Thus this significant word expresses the spirit of
the Dorian government, as well as of the Dorian music
and philosophy.<a id="noteref_4" name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a>
With this desire to obtain a complete
uniformity, an attempt after stability is necessarily
connected. For an unity of this kind having
been once established, the next object is to remove
whatever has a tendency to destroy it, and to repress
all causes which may lead to a change: yet an attempt
to exclude all alteration is never completely successful:
partly on account of the internal changes which
take place in the national character, and partly because
causes operating from without necessarily produce
some modifications. These states, however, endeavour
to retain unchanged a state of things once established
and approved; while others, in which from
the beginning the opinions of individuals have out-weighed
the authority of the whole, admit, in the
progress of time, of greater variety, and more innovations,
readily take up whatever is offered to them by
accident of time and place, or even eagerly seek for
opportunities of change. States of this description
must soon lose all firmness and character, and fall to
pieces from their own weakness; while those which
never admit of innovation will at last, after having
long stood as ruins in a foreign neighbourhood, yield
to the general tide of human affairs, and their destruction
is commonly preceded by the most complete
anarchy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. This description expresses, though perhaps too
forcibly, the difference between the Doric and Ionic
races. The former had, of all the Grecians, the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page004">[pg 004]</span><a name="Pg004" id="Pg004" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
greatest veneration for antiquity; and not to degenerate
from his ancestors was the strongest exhortation
which a Spartan could hear:<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5" href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a> the latter, on the
other hand, were in everything fond of novelty, and
delighted in foreign communication; whence their
cities were always built on the sea, whereas the
Dorians generally preferred an inland situation. The
anxiety of the Dorians, and the Spartans in particular,
to keep up the pure Doric character and the customs
of their ancestors, is strongly shown by the prohibition
to travel,<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href="#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a>
and the exclusion of foreigners, an institution
common both to the Spartans and Cretans,
and which has been much misrepresented by ancient
authors.<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7" href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> It is very possible, as Plutarch thinks,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name="Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that the severity of these measures was increased by
the decline of all morals and discipline, which had
arisen among the Ionians from the contrary practice;
that race having in the earliest times fallen into a
state of the greatest effeminacy and inactivity, from
their connexion with their Asiatic neighbours. For
how early was the period when the ancient constitution
of the Grecian family degenerated among the Ionians
into the slavery of the wife! how weak, effeminate,
and luxurious do their ancient poets Callinus<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href="#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a>
and Asius<a id="noteref_9" name="noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a> represent them! and if the legend describes
even the daughters of Neleus, the founder of the
colony, as completely destitute of morality,<a id="noteref_10" name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a> what must
have been the condition of this people, when the wives
of the Ionians had mixed with Lydian women! The
warning voice of such examples might well stimulate
the ancient lawgivers to draw in with greater closeness
the iron bond of custom.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. But with all this difference in the races of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page006">[pg 006]</span><a name="Pg006" id="Pg006" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which the Grecian nation consisted, there was, in the
development of the constitutions of the Greek states,
a common progress, which extended a certain influence
even to such as retained their earlier impressions
with a firm adherence to antiquity. As it is
our present object to give a general view of this advance,
we will begin with the constitution of the
heroic age, so clearly described in Homer. This can
scarcely be called by any other name than that of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">aristocracy</span></em>, as its most important feature is the accurate
division between the nobles<a id="noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a> and the people.
The former composed the deliberative councils, and
the courts of justice;<a id="noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a>
and although both were commonly
combined with a public assembly (?????), the
nobles were the only persons who proposed measures,
deliberated and voted; the people was only present
in order to hear the debate, and to express its feelings
as a body; which expressions might then be noticed
by princes of a mild disposition.<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href="#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a> The chief ruler
himself was properly of equal rank with the other
nobles, and was only raised above them by the authority
intrusted to him as president in the council, and
commander in the field. This form of government
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page007">[pg 007]</span><a name="Pg007" id="Pg007" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
continued to exist for a considerable time in the
Ionian, Achæan, and Æolian states; but the power
of the chief ruler gradually declined, and was at last
wholly abolished. With the Dorians, however, the
case was very different; they were peculiar in possessing
a very limited nobility, for the Heraclidæ had
nearly an exclusive right to that appellation: while,
on the other hand, a whole nation occupied by means
of conquest, a station analogous to that of an aristocracy,
uniting military pursuits with independence
obtained by the possession of the land.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. About the 30th Olympiad (660 B.C.), however,
on account of the increased trade and intercourse
with foreign nations, and consequently of the greater
demand for luxuries, the value of wealth rose in comparison
with the honour of noble descent. The land,
indeed, still remained for the most part in the hands of
the aristocracy; but as it had at this time become more
easy to dissipate an inherited estate, and to obtain consideration
by the profits of trade, property was more
exposed to sudden changes. It is probable that the
Geomori of the Ionic Samos, as well as the Hippobotæ
of Chalcis (which, as well as Samos, had once
belonged to Ionians), whose distinction was derived
from the possession of land, also carried on the extensive
commerce of these two states; otherwise the
wealth of the merchant would soon have exceeded that
of the landowner. In the Doric states also, which
were much engaged in trade, such as Corinth, Ægina,
&amp;c., it was attempted to unite the government of hereditary
aristocracy and of wealth.<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href="#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a> The new importance
attached to wealth, even at the time of the Seven
Sages, gave rise to the saying of Aristodemus the Argive,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page008">[pg 008]</span><a name="Pg008" id="Pg008" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<span class="tei tei-q">“Money makes the man;”</span><a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href="#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a> and at a later period
Theognis the Megarean complains that the pursuit of
riches confounds all distinction of rank, and that estimation
was derived from it.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16" href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a> The ancient legislators
of Greece considered the power of money, or moveable
property (which is as changeable as property in land
is durable), most prejudicial to the safety of states;
and they endeavoured by oppressing the commercial
classes, as well as by rendering the land inalienable, to
palliate a danger which they were unable wholly to
remove. Sparta alone, from the unchangeableness of
her institutions, remained free from these revolutions.
Solon, on the other hand, endeavoured to arrest and
perpetuate a state of things which was merely fleeting
and transitory. He left some remnants of the aristocracy,
particularly the political union of the ???ea, or
houses, untouched; while he made his government in
principle a timocracy, the amount of property determining
the share in the governing power; and at the
same time showed a democratic tendency in the low
rate at which he fixed the valuation. In his poetry
also Solon considers the middle ranks as most valuable
to the state; and therefore he endeavoured to give them
political importance.<a id="noteref_17" name="noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> But the temperature which he
chose was too artificial to be lasting; and the constitution
of Solon, in its chief points, only remained in force
for a few years. In other Ionic states also similar reconciliations
were attempted, but without obtaining
any stability.<a id="noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a> The spirit of the age was manifestly
turned towards democracy; and though at Athens
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Solon, as being the friend of the people, succeeded
perhaps in effecting a more gradual transition; in
other places the parties were more directly opposed, as
is clearly shown by the contest between the parties
????t?? and ?e???µ??a at Miletus.<a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href="#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. At Athens however, and generally throughout
Greece, the first result of these democratic movements
was the establishment of tyranny or despotism; which
may be considered as a violent revulsion, destined to
precede a complete subversion of all the existing institutions.
It has been already shown that the tyrants
of Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, were
originally leaders of the popular party against the
Doric nobility, or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">demagogues</span></em>, according to the expression
of Aristotle; and for this reason Sparta, as
being the protector of aristocracy, overthrew them,
wherever her power extended.<a id="noteref_20" name="noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a> In Ionia and
Sicily the tyrants found an oligarchical timocracy, which was
commonly opposed by a democratical party;<a id="noteref_21" name="noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a> and in
some instances, as in that of Gelon, the tyrant acted
against the popular faction. At the time of the
Persian war democracy had struck deep root among
the Ionians; and Mardonius the Persian, after the
expulsion of the tyrants, restored it in their cities as
the desired form of government.<a id="noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a> In Athens Cleisthenes
had deprived the union of the houses (the last
support of the aristocracy) of its political importance;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and Aristides was at length compelled by circumstances
to change the timocracy into a democracy.
For in the Persian invasion the lower orders had discovered,
while serving as rowers and sailors in the
fleet, how much the safety of the state depended upon
their exertions, and would no longer submit to be excluded
from a share in the highest offices.<a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href="#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a> The
democracy flourished so long as great men understood
how to guide it by the imposing superiority of their
individual characters, and educated persons (?? ße?t???e?)
dared to take a share in public affairs; it fell
when the greedy and indolent people, allured by the
prospect of rewards pernicious to the state, filled the
public assemblies and courts of justice. We will not
carry on any further our picture of the ochlocracy, in
which all social union was entirely dissolved, and the
state was surrendered to the arbitrary will of a turbulent
populace.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. The last of these changes, produced by what is
called the spirit of the times, we have illustrated by the
history of Athens, although the same course may be
shown to have taken place in other, even originally
Doric states. Thus in Ambracia, about the same time
as at Athens, the timocracy gradually passed into a
democracy,<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href="#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a> and at Argos also the democracy rose at
the same period. At the time of Polybius, the people
had in the Doric states of Crete so unlimited an authority,
that this writer himself wonders that his description
of them should be so entirely opposed to all
former accounts.<a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href="#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a> But since, in general, these alterations
threw down the Doric families from their high
station, and put an end to the Doric customs, they
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name="Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
have not so strong a claim upon our attention, as the
peculiar system of the Doric form of government,
which was most strongly expressed in the ancient
Cretan and Lacedæmonian constitutions: the latter of
which, although in many points it yielded and adapted
itself to the progress of civilization, existed in its
essential parts for five centuries;<a id="noteref_26" name="noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> and by its durability
preserved Sparta alone among all the states of Greece from revolutions
and revolutionary excesses.<a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href="#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. But, it may be asked, what right have we to
speak of a Doric constitution in general; and why
should we select Sparta in preference to any other
state of the Doric race, as a model of that system?
May not Lycurgus have formed his legislation from
reflection upon the condition and wants of his own
nation, or have conceived it from arbitrary principles
of his own, and have thus impressed upon Sparta the
character which it ever after retained, as an essential
element of its system?<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href="#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a> Against this opinion, not
unfrequently advanced, instead of bringing forward
any general arguments, we prefer adducing the words
of Pindar,<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href="#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a> who, beyond a doubt, was far better acquainted
with the basis and origin of ancient constitutions,
than either Ephorus or Plutarch. Pindar mentions
that Hieron, the Syracusan, wished to establish
the new city of Ætna (which was inhabited by 5000
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Syracusans, and the same number of Peloponnesians)
upon the genuine Doric principles; as in later times
Dion wished to establish in Syracuse itself a Lacedæmonian
or Cretan constitution.<a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30" href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a> He founded it <span class="tei tei-q">“with
heaven-built freedom, according to the laws of the
Hylean model;”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, after the example of the
Spartan constitution. <span class="tei tei-q">“For the descendants of
Pamphylus, and of the Heraclidæ, who dwell under
the brow of Taygetus, wish always to retain the
Doric institutions of Ægimius.”</span> Now in the first
place, this passage proves that the laws of Sparta were
considered the true Doric institutions; and, secondly,
that their origin was held to be identical with that of
the people. It proves that the Spartan <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">laws</span></em> (??µ??)
were the true Doric <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">institutions</span></em> (??µ?µa), and indeed,
in no other nation was the distinction between usage
and positive law less marked; from which circumstance
alone it is evident how little opportunity the
legislator had for fresh enactments, since custom can
never be the work of one person. From this view of
the subject we can also explain why Hellanicus, the
most ancient writer on the constitution of Sparta,<a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href="#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a>
made no mention of Lycurgus (for which he is ignorantly
censured by Ephorus),<a id="noteref_32" name="noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a> and attributed what
are called the institutions of Lycurgus to the first
kings, Procles and Eurysthenes. It also follows, that
when Herodotus describes the Spartans before the
time of Lycurgus, as being in a state of the greatest
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
anarchy,<a id="noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a> he can only mean that the original constitution
(the te?µ?? ????µ???) had been overthrown and
perverted by external circumstances, until it was restored
and renewed by Lycurgus. Lycurgus, of
whose real or imaginary existence we have already
spoken,<a id="noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a> must at the time of Herodotus have
been considered a mythical personage, as he had a temple,
annual sacrifices, and, in fact, a regular worship.<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35" href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a>
Now it is the tendency of mythological narration to
represent accordant actions of many minds at different
times under the name of one person: consequently, the
mere name of an institution of Lycurgus says very
little respecting its real origin and author.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. The legislation of Lycurgus was, however, according
to ancient traditions, aided by the support of
Crete and Delphi, and the connexion between the
religious usages of these states thus influenced their
political condition. The form of government which
was prevalent throughout the whole of Crete, originated,
according to the concurrent testimony of the
ancients, in the time of Minos; and it has been already
shown that the Dorians at that time extended their
dominion to this island, which thus received their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id="Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
language and customs.<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href="#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a> In Crete therefore, the constitution
founded on the principles of the Doric race,
was first moulded into a firm and consistent shape,
but even in a more simple and antiquated manner than
in Sparta at a subsequent period.<a id="noteref_37" name="noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a> Thus Lycurgus
was enabled, without forcing any foreign usages upon
Sparta, to take for a model the Cretan institutions
which had been more fully developed at an earlier
period; so that the constitutions of Crete and Sparta
had from that time, as it were, a family resemblance.<a id="noteref_38" name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> When therefore we are told that a pæan singer and
expiatory priest of Crete, by name Thaletas of Elyrus,<a id="noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a>
sent by the command of the Pythian oracle, composed
the troubles and dissensions of Sparta by the power of
his music, and that he was the instructor of Lycurgus;<a id="noteref_40" name="noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a>
it is easy to perceive that the latter part of this account
is an addition, made without any attention to chronology;
but the operation of Cretan music upon the
regulation of political affairs, is strictly in the spirit of
an age, and of a race, in which religion, arts, and laws
conduced far more than among any other people to
attain the same end, and had their basis in the same
notions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. On the other hand, it was the pride of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Spartans, that their laws had proceeded from the oracle
of the Pythian god:<a id="noteref_41" name="noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a> and Tyrtæus says, in some
verses of his Eunomia, that the fundamental principles
of the Spartan constitution had been laid down by
Apollo.<a id="noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a> It is probable that these laws were really
composed in the form of injunctions to Lycurgus, or
to the people.<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href="#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a> The oracle, however, continued to
possess a superintending power over the constitution,
chiefly through the intervention of the Pythians,<a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44" href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a> four
persons appointed by the kings as messengers to the
temple of Pytho, who delivered the oracles truly and
honestly to the kings,<a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href="#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> and were equally acquainted
with their purport. On account of the importance of
these oracles, the Pythians were the assessors of the
kings and the gerusia,<a id="noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a> and were always the messmates,
both at home and in the field, of the kings. It is
probable that the three <span class="tei tei-q">“Pythian interpreters”</span> at
Athens, who, besides explaining the oracles, performed
public and domestic expiatory sacrifices,<a id="noteref_47" name="noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a> once possessed
a similar dignity, although they lost these
powers at a very early period. The theori of Ægina,
Mantinea, Messenia, Trœzen, and Thasos, who composed
separate colleges, ate together, and who were
regular magistrates, not being like the theori of Athens,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
chosen for a single theoria, may be compared with the
Pythians.<a id="noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_10" id="Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
10. This comparison again leads us back to our
former position, that in the genuine Doric form of
government there were certain predominant ideas,
which were peculiar to that race, and were also expressed
in the worship of Apollo, viz., those of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">harmony</span></em>
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">order</span></em> (t? e???sµ??); of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">self-control and
moderation</span></em> (s?f??s???), and of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">manly virtue</span></em>
(??et?).<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href="#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a>
Accordingly, the constitution was formed for the education
as well of the old as of the young, and in a
Doric state education was upon the whole a subject
of greater importance than government. And for this
reason all attempts to explain the legislation of Lycurgus,
from partial views and considerations, have
necessarily failed. That external happiness and enjoyment
were not the aim of these institutions was
soon perceived. But it was thought, with Aristotle,<a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href="#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a>
that every thing could be traced to a desire of making
the Spartans courageous warriors, and Sparta a dominant
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and conquering state; whereas the fact is, that
Sparta was hardly ever known to seek occasion for a
war, or to follow up a victory; and during the whole
of her flourishing period (that is, from about the 50th
Olympiad to the battle of Leuctra) did not make a
single conquest by which her territory was enlarged.
In conclusion we may say, that the Doric state was
a body of men, acknowledging one strict principle of
order, and one unalterable rule of manners; and so
subjecting themselves to this system, that scarcely anything
was unfettered by it, but every action was influenced
and regulated by the recognised principles.
Before however we come to the consideration of this
system, it will be necessary to explain the condition of
an order of persons, upon which it was in a certain
measure founded, namely, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">subject classes</span></em> in the
several Doric states.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a>
<a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter II.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Origin and distribution of the Periœci of Laconia. § 2.
Their political condition and civil rights. § 3. Their service
in war, and their occupation in manufactures, trade, and art.
§ 4. Noble families in Sparta not of Doric origin. Trades
and crafts hereditary in Sparta.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. The clearest notion of the subjection enforced
by the dominant race of Dorians may be collected
from the speech of Brasidas to the Peloponnesians,
in Thucydides.<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href="#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“You are not come,”</span> he says,
<span class="tei tei-q">“from states in which the many rule over the few,
but the few over the many, having obtained their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sovereignty in no other manner than by victory in
the field.”</span> The only right indeed which they
possessed was the right of conquerors; the Dorians
had by the sword driven out the Achæans, and these
again could not rest their claim to Peloponnesus on
any better title. It seemed also like a continuation of
the heroic age, the existence of which was founded on
the rule exercised by the military over the agricultural
classes. The relative rights of the Dorians
and Achæans appear, however, to have been determined
by mutual compact, since the Dorians, obtaining
the superiority only by slow degrees, were
doubtless glad to purchase the accession of each town
on moderate conditions; and this was perhaps especially
the case in Messenia.<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href="#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a> The native inhabitants
of the towns, thus reduced to a state of dependence,
were called ?e???????.<a id="noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a> The difference of races was
strictly preserved; and was not (as elsewhere) obliterated
by an union in the same city and political
community. The Periœci were always considered as
Achæans, that people having in early times composed
the larger mass of the people thus subdued. So, for
example, the inhabitants of the maritime town of
Asopus were called by the title of ??a??? ??
pa?a??pa??ss???.<a id="noteref_54" name="noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a>
At a later date, when the power of
Sparta had been long broken, and her freedom annihilated
by the tyrant Nabis, Titus Quinctius detached
the hamlets (once called p??e??, then ??µa?,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">vici</span></span>) from all connexion with Sparta, and placed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
them under the protection of the Achæan league.<a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href="#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a>
Augustus confirmed the independence of twenty-four
Laconian towns under the name of Eleutherolacones;
these, like the former, being entirely released
from the power of Sparta, were governed by
their own laws,<a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href="#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a> and formed
a small distinct confederation.
Hence it is evident that these Periœci had
previously maintained a certain degree of independence,
and composed separate communities. Of these
twenty-four towns eighteen are mentioned—viz., Gerenia,
Alagonia, Thalamæ, Leuctra, Œtylus, Cænepolis,
Pyrrhichus, Las, Teuthrone, Gythium, Asopus,
Acriæ, Bœæ, Zarax, Epidaurus, Limera, Prasiæ,
Geronthræ, and Marius;<a id="noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a> a small part only of the
coast near Cardamyle remained at that time under the
power of Sparta.<a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58" href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a> The towns, however, belonging
to the Periœci did not lie merely on the coast, but
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name="Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
also more inland; for example, Thuria and Æthæa,
which were in what had formerly been Messenia.<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59" href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a>
This Æthæa is reckoned among the hundred cities
of Laconia,<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href="#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a> which Androtion had enumerated at
full length in his Atthis, and perhaps also Stephanus
of Byzantium, on the authority of Androtion;<a id="noteref_61" name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a> the
epitome of whose work which we now possess only
mentions Æthæa, Amyclæ, Croceæ, Epidaurus, Limera,
Dyrrachium, Tenos, Aulon, and Anthana.
Now since two of these towns are known from other
authorities to have belonged to Periœci, we may perhaps
infer the same of the whole hundred. The round
number of a hundred cannot however have been fixed
before the time when the whole of Messenia, as far as
the river Neda (on which Aulon was situated), as
well as Cynuria (to which Anthana, or Athene,
belonged), came finally under the dominion of Sparta,
that is to say, after Olymp. 58. 548 B.C.<a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href="#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a> It must
therefore have been subsequent to this epoch that
Sparta fixed the exact number of the towns inhabited
by her Periœci, and somewhat arbitrarily set
them at a hundred; as Cleisthenes at Athens, though
by what means is indeed unknown, contrived likewise
to raise the number of demi in Attica to a hundred.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We have already<a id="noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a> taken
notice of another division
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id="Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of Laconia besides that into towns, and shown that the
Periœci of this country had formerly dwelt in five
districts, of which the chief towns were Amyclæ, Las,
Epidaurus Limera (or else Gytheium), Ægys, and
Pharis; as also Messenia, in addition to the territory
round the city inhabited by Dorians, contained four
provinces—viz., Pylos, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia.
For what length of time these districts were retained,
and what relation they bore to the division into a
hundred towns or hamlets, cannot now be determined.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. It will next be necessary to ascertain what were
the political rights and condition of the Periœci. The
main circumstances are without doubt correctly given
by Ephorus. <span class="tei tei-q">“They were,”</span> he says, <span class="tei tei-q">“tributary to
Sparta, and had not equal rights of citizenship.”</span>
If these words are taken in their literal sense, it is
plain that the Periœci had not a share in the great
legislative assembly of the citizens. And in truth
the passages adduced by modern writers to show that
they had a vote in this assembly are not by any means
satisfactory.<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href="#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a> Perhaps the following considerations
are sufficient to convince us of the impossibility of
such general assemblies. Had the Spartan constitution
permitted the whole people to hold large assemblies
with the right of deciding on all public questions,
it would have been in principle completely democratic,
and would have had a perpetual tendency to become
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name="Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
more so, in the necessary course of events. But, in
addition to this objection, let us only picture to ourselves
the absurdity of the Periœci, in the neighbourhood
of Sparta, all flocking together between the
brook Babyca and the bridge Cnacion! Where
again were those, who took several days to arrive at
Sparta from Cyphanta, Pylos, or Tænarus, to find
houseroom and food? How could any of them be
ready to leave their homes and trades at such a summons?
It was esteemed a difficult matter even to
collect an armed force of Periœci at a short notice.
A <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">city-community</span></em> was doubtless everywhere requisite
for a popular assembly; and hence in the Athenian,
and every similar democracy, each citizen was in
some way settled in the town, and had the right of
there possessing an house (???t?s?? ????a?), which a
Periœcus most assuredly had not.<a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href="#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. Now, if it is acknowledged that the distant
situation and state of the Periœci presented almost
insuperable objections to their possessing a share in
the general government, their political inferiority to
the Spartans will not appear very oppressive. They
were admitted equally with the Spartans to the honourable
occupation of war, and indeed sometimes
served as heavy-armed soldiers, or as troops of the
line.<a id="noteref_66" name="noteref_66" href="#note_66"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">66</span></span></a> There were at Platæa 5000 Dorian hoplitæ,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and the same number of Periœci; at Sphacteria 292
prisoners were taken, of whom only 120 were Spartans.<a id="noteref_67" name="noteref_67" href="#note_67"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">67</span></span></a>
How, if the Periœci had been an oppressed
people, could Sparta have ventured to collect so
large a number into her armies; and for what reason
should the Periœci have taken part in the heroic
devotion of that small band, if they had not the
victory and honour of Sparta as much at heart as
their own? <span class="tei tei-q">“Sparta,”</span> said the Spartan king Demaratus,
to Xerxes,<a id="noteref_68" name="noteref_68" href="#note_68"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">68</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“contains 8000 Spartans, all of
equal bravery; the other Lacedæmonians, in many
surrounding cities, are indeed inferior to them, but
yet not deficient in courage.”</span> Nor do we hear of
any insurrection of Periœci (if we except the revolt
of two Messenian towns in Olymp. 78. 468 B.C.)
until the downfall of the constitution.<a id="noteref_69" name="noteref_69" href="#note_69"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">69</span></span></a> Again, would
it be possible, on the assumption of an oppressive
subjection, to explain how the Asinæans and Nauplians,
when deprived of their independence by Argos,
fled to Laconia, that they might occupy the maritime
towns of Mothone and Asine, manifestly as Periœci?
Nor is it consistent with a general contempt of the
Periœci that ?a??? ?a?a???—<span class="tei tei-q">“gentlemen”</span>—are mentioned
in their number.<a id="noteref_70" name="noteref_70" href="#note_70"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">70</span></span></a> All trade and commerce,
of indispensable need to Laconia, were in the hands
of the maritime towns. Merchants from Libya and
Egypt brought their cargoes to the Periœci of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name="Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Cythera,<a id="noteref_71" name="noteref_71" href="#note_71"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">71</span></span></a>
who, among other branches of trade, followed
the lucrative employment of the purple fishery.<a id="noteref_72" name="noteref_72" href="#note_72"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">72</span></span></a> All
manual labour in Sparta, not performed by slaves,
was in the hands of this class, since no Spartan,
before the introduction of the Achæan constitution,
was allowed to follow any trade.<a id="noteref_73" name="noteref_73" href="#note_73"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">73</span></span></a> The low estimation
in which trade was held was founded on the ancient
Grecian customs and opinions, in departing from
which the Corinthians were nearly singular among
the Doric states, the productiveness of trade having
taught them to set a higher value upon it.<a id="noteref_74" name="noteref_74" href="#note_74"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">74</span></span></a> And
yet in their colony of Epidamnus public slaves were
the only manual labourers;<a id="noteref_75" name="noteref_75" href="#note_75"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">75</span></span></a> Diophantus
wished to introduce the converse of this system at Athens, and
to make all the manual labourers slaves. The Spartans,
moreover, appear to have admitted those alone
of the Periœci who were engaged in agriculture to
serve among the heavy-armed, while artisans were
admitted only to the light-armed infantry.<a id="noteref_76" name="noteref_76" href="#note_76"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">76</span></span></a> This
had been once the case at Athens, where the Thetes
(to which class the artificers belonged) served only
in that inferior rank. According to this, then, the
5000 Periœci, who at the battle of Platæa were
allotted as light-armed to the same number of heavy-armed
soldiers, were in part perhaps artificers. The
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name="Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
industrious pursuit of trade did not, however, suffer so
much as might be supposed, from the low estimation
in which it was held; for not only were many raw
commodities obtained in a high degree of perfection
in Laconia, but many Lacedæmonian manufactures
were also used and sought after in the rest of Greece.
The Laconian <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">cothon</span></span>, a drinking vessel used in
camps and marches,<a id="noteref_77" name="noteref_77" href="#note_77"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">77</span></span></a> the bowl,<a id="noteref_78" name="noteref_78" href="#note_78"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">78</span></span></a> the goblet,<a id="noteref_79" name="noteref_79" href="#note_79"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">79</span></span></a> tables, seats,
elbow chairs,<a id="noteref_80" name="noteref_80" href="#note_80"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">80</span></span></a>
doors,<a id="noteref_81" name="noteref_81" href="#note_81"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">81</span></span></a> and
cars,<a id="noteref_82" name="noteref_82" href="#note_82"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">82</span></span></a> the Laconian steel,<a id="noteref_83" name="noteref_83" href="#note_83"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">83</span></span></a>
keys,<a id="noteref_84" name="noteref_84" href="#note_84"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">84</span></span></a> swords, helmets, axes, and
other iron fabrics,<a id="noteref_85" name="noteref_85" href="#note_85"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">85</span></span></a>
the shoes of Amyclæ,<a id="noteref_86" name="noteref_86" href="#note_86"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">86</span></span></a> the
Laconian mantles,<a id="noteref_87" name="noteref_87" href="#note_87"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">87</span></span></a> and
woollen garments dyed with native purple, which
adorned alike the warriors setting out to battle and
the bloody corpses of the slain; all these bespeak an
active pursuit of trade, and at the same time a peculiar
sense of propriety and comfort, which brought several
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of these goods and implements into general use.
Many men were probably employed in the iron mines
and forges;<a id="noteref_88" name="noteref_88" href="#note_88"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">88</span></span></a> stone quarries of Tænarus had also been
worked from early times;<a id="noteref_89" name="noteref_89" href="#note_89"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">89</span></span></a> and that their industry
was not confined to the mere drudgery of manufactures
is shown by the schools of Lacedæmonian embossers
and brass-founders (probably a branch of that
in Crete), to which Chartas, Syadras, Dontas, Dorycleidas
and Medon, Theocles, Gitiadas, and Cratinus
belonged,<a id="noteref_90" name="noteref_90" href="#note_90"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">90</span></span></a> all of whom were probably Periœci, although
Pausanias, neglecting the distinction, calls
them Spartans. Upon the whole we may venture to
affirm that the Doric dominion did not discourage or
stifle the intellectual growth of her dependent subjects,
but allowed it full room for a vigorous development.
Myson, by many reckoned one of the
seven sages, was, according to some, and perhaps the
most credible accounts, a husbandman of the Laconian
town of Etia, and resided at a place called Chen in the
same country.<a id="noteref_91" name="noteref_91" href="#note_91"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">91</span></span></a> Even the highest honour among the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Greeks, the victory at the Olympic games, was not
denied to the Lacedæmonians; an inhabitant of
Acriæ was found in the list of the conquerors at
Olympia:<a id="noteref_92" name="noteref_92" href="#note_92"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">92</span></span></a> from which circumstance it is evident
that the Periœci of Sparta were in all other parts
of Greece considered as free citizens. They must
also without doubt have possessed civil rights, but
only in those communities to which they immediately
belonged, and which would never have been called
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">cities</span></em> (p??e??) unless they had to a certain point been
independent bodies. Isocrates,<a id="noteref_93" name="noteref_93" href="#note_93"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">93</span></span></a> indeed, states that
they possessed less freedom and power than the demi
of Attica; but no general comparison can be drawn
between the d?µ?? of Attica and p??e?? of Laconia.
Perhaps they had the power of electing their own
municipal magistrates, though we find that a Spartan
was sent as governor to the island of Cythera.<a id="noteref_94" name="noteref_94" href="#note_94"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">94</span></span></a> The
same was the case in war. We find the command
at sea intrusted to one of the class of Periœci,<a id="noteref_95" name="noteref_95" href="#note_95"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">95</span></span></a> doubtless
because the Spartans did not hold the naval service
in much estimation, and because the inhabitants of the
maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs
than the Dorians of the interior. Concerning the
tribute of the towns belonging to the Periœci no accurate
account has been preserved.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. Though for the most part the early inhabitants
were driven into the country by the Doric conquerors,
there still remained some families which inhabited the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name="Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
city conjointly with the Spartans, and were held in
equal consideration with them; as at Athens, for example,
many families of the original inhabitants appear
to have had the rank of Eupatridæ. Of this the Talthybiadæ
are an instance. The office of herald was at
Sparta (as in the fabulous times) hereditary, and not,
as in other parts of Greece, obtained by competition.<a id="noteref_96" name="noteref_96" href="#note_96"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">96</span></span></a>
The privilege of performing all foreign embassies,<a id="noteref_97" name="noteref_97" href="#note_97"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">97</span></span></a>
and a share in the sacred missions,<a id="noteref_98" name="noteref_98" href="#note_98"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">98</span></span></a> were
assigned to the pretended descendants of the Mycenean
herald Talthybius, who also enjoyed especial honours
amongst the Achæans at Ægium;<a id="noteref_99" name="noteref_99" href="#note_99"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">99</span></span></a> and there is doubtless
reason to suppose that this family belonged to the
Achæan race, without entering into the question of the
correctness of their pedigree. The dignity attached to
their office was very great, especially if, as was the
case in the heroic ages, it was the custom for the
heralds to address the princes as <span class="tei tei-q">“beloved sons.”</span> As
to property and effects, they ranked with the first
Spartans,<a id="noteref_100" name="noteref_100" href="#note_100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">100</span></span></a> if, as it appears, Sperthias and
Bulis, who offered themselves to the Persian king as an atonement
for the murder of his ambassadors,<a id="noteref_101" name="noteref_101" href="#note_101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">101</span></span></a> were of the
family of the Talthybiadæ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Indeed almost all the other trades and occupations,
besides that of herald, were hereditary at Sparta, as,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name="Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
for example, those of cooking, baking, mixing wine,
flute-playing, &amp;c.<a id="noteref_102" name="noteref_102" href="#note_102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">102</span></span></a> The trade of cooks had its particular
heroes, viz., Dæton, Matton, and Ceraon, whose
statue stood in the Hyacinthian street.<a id="noteref_103" name="noteref_103" href="#note_103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">103</span></span></a> It is easy to
see how this hereditary transmission of employments
favoured the maintenance of ancient customs. In fact,
Sparta would not have so long remained contented
with her black broth, either if her cooks had not learnt
the art of dressing it from their youth upwards, and
continued to exercise their craft after the manner of
their fathers, or if this office could have been assigned
at will to those who were able by their art to gratify
the palate. It is not probable that any of these families
of artisans were of Doric origin, and they doubtless
belonged to the class of Periœci; nor is it to be
supposed that, like the Talthybiadæ, they possessed
the Spartan rights of citizenship.<a id="noteref_104" name="noteref_104" href="#note_104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">104</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a>
<a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter III.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Helots of Sparta. Their political condition. § 2. Their
service in war. § 3. Treatment of the helots. § 4. The crypteia.
§ 5. Various degrees of helotism. § 6. Number of the
helots. § 7. The phylæ of Pitana, Limnæ, Mesoa, and Cynosura.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The condition of the Periœci and that of the
Helots must be carefully distinguished from each other;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the latter state may be termed <span class="tei tei-q">“villenage,”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“bondage,”</span>
to which that of the Periœci had not the slightest
resemblance.<a id="noteref_105" name="noteref_105" href="#note_105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">105</span></span></a> The common account of the origin
of this class is, that the inhabitants of the maritime
town Helos were reduced by Sparta to this state of
degradation, after an insurrection against the Dorians
already established in power.<a id="noteref_106" name="noteref_106" href="#note_106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">106</span></span></a> This explanation,
however, rests merely on an etymology, and that by no
means a probable one; since such a Gentile name as
????? (which seems to be the more ancient form)
cannot by any method of formation have been derived
from ????. The word ????? is probably a derivative
from ???; in a passive sense, and consequently means
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the prisoners</span></em>.<a id="noteref_107" name="noteref_107" href="#note_107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">107</span></span></a> Perhaps it signifies those who were
taken after having resisted to the uttermost, whereas
the Periœci had surrendered upon conditions; at least
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">[pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Theopompus<a id="noteref_108" name="noteref_108" href="#note_108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">108</span></span></a> calls them Achæans as well as
the others. It appears, however, more probable that they were an
aboriginal race, which was subdued at a very early
period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to
the Doric conquerors.<a id="noteref_109" name="noteref_109" href="#note_109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">109</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will
consider their political rights and their personal treatment
under separate heads, though in fact the two
subjects are very nearly connected. The first were
doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, though
the expressions made use of by ancient authors are
frequently vague and ambiguous. <span class="tei tei-q">“They were,”</span> says
Ephorus,<a id="noteref_110" name="noteref_110" href="#note_110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">110</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“in a certain point of view public slaves.
Their possessor could neither liberate them, nor sell
them beyond the borders.”</span> From this it is evident
that they were considered as belonging properly to the
state, which to a certain degree permitted them to be
possessed, and apportioned them out to individuals, reserving
to itself the power of enfranchising them. But
to sell them out of the country was not in the power
even of the state; and, to the best of our knowledge,
such an event never occurred. It is, upon the whole,
most probable that individuals had no power to sell
them at all; since they were, for the most part,
attached to the land, which was inalienable. On these
lands they had certain fixed dwellings of their own,
and particular services and payments were prescribed
to them.<a id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111" href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></a> They paid as rent a fixed measure of corn;
not, however, like the Periœci, to the state, but to their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
masters. As this quantity had been definitively settled
at a very early period (to raise the amount being forbidden
under heavy imprecations),<a id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href="#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></a> the Helots were
the persons who profited by a good, and lost by a bad
harvest; which must have been to them an encouragement
to industry and good husbandry; a motive which
would have been wanting, if the profit and loss had
merely affected the landlords. And thus (as is proved
by the accounts respecting the Spartan agriculture),<a id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113" href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></a>
a careful management of the cultivation of the soil was
kept up. By means of the rich produce of the land,
and in part by plunder obtained in war,<a id="noteref_114" name="noteref_114" href="#note_114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">114</span></span></a> they
collected a considerable property,<a id="noteref_115" name="noteref_115" href="#note_115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">115</span></span></a> to the attainment of which
almost every access was closed to the Spartans. Now
the annual rent paid for each lot was eighty-two medimni
of barley, and a proportionate quantity of oil
and wine.<a id="noteref_116" name="noteref_116" href="#note_116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">116</span></span></a> It may therefore be asked how much
remained to the Helots themselves, after paying this
amount of corn from each lot. Tyrtæus appears to
give some information, where he describes the Messenian
bondmen<a id="noteref_117" name="noteref_117" href="#note_117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">117</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“as groaning like asses under heavy
burdens, and compelled by force to pay to their masters
a half of the entire produce of the land.”</span><a id="noteref_118" name="noteref_118" href="#note_118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">118</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
According to this account, the families of the Helots
(of which many resided on one lot) would have retained
only eighty-two medimni on an average, and the whole
amount would have been one hundred and sixty-four.
But this cannot be the institution of which Plutarch
speaks; and Tyrtæus doubtless describes some oppression
much aggravated by particular circumstances.
For, assuming that the property of the Spartans
amounted to two-thirds of the whole Laconian territory,
which may be rated at three thousand eight hundred
and forty square miles English, and three-fourths
being deducted for hill, wood, pasture-land, vineyards,
and plantations, we have two thousand eight hundred
and eighty square miles for the nine thousand lots of
the Spartans; each of which accordingly amounted
to 72/225 of a square mile, or one hundred and ninety-two
plethra; a space amply sufficient to have produced
four hundred medimni,<a id="noteref_119" name="noteref_119" href="#note_119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">119</span></span></a> which, after the deduction of
the eighty-two medimni, would have supplied twenty-one
men with double the common daily allowance, viz.,
one chœnix of bread. It is at least manifest that each
lot would have been quite sufficient to maintain six or
seven families of Helots. It must not, however, be
supposed that the rent was precisely the same for all
the lots of the Spartan territory. The different quality
of the land made such a strict equalization impossible;
not to mention that it would have entirely
destroyed all interest in the possession. We even
know that many Spartans were possessed of herds and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
flocks, from which they provided young animals for
the public meals.<a id="noteref_120" name="noteref_120" href="#note_120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">120</span></span></a> The proprietors, besides their share
of the harvest, received from their lands, at particular
periods, the fruits of the season.<a id="noteref_121" name="noteref_121" href="#note_121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">121</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There could not, on the whole, have been much
intercourse and connexion between the Spartans, as
possessors of the land, and the bondsmen upon their
estates. For how little interest would the Spartan,
who seldom left the town, and then only for a few
days,<a id="noteref_122" name="noteref_122" href="#note_122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">122</span></span></a> have felt for Helots, who dwelt perhaps at Mothone!
Nevertheless, the cultivation of the land was
not the only duty of the Helots; they also attended
upon their masters at the public meal,<a id="noteref_123" name="noteref_123" href="#note_123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">123</span></span></a> who, according
to the Lacedæmonian principle of a community of
goods, mutually lent them to one another.<a id="noteref_124" name="noteref_124" href="#note_124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">124</span></span></a> A large
number of them was also doubtless employed by the
state in public works.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. In the field the Helots never served as Hoplitæ,
except in extraordinary cases; and then it was the
general practice afterwards to give them their liberty.<a id="noteref_125" name="noteref_125" href="#note_125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">125</span></span></a>
On other occasions they attended the regular army as
light-armed troops; and that their numbers were very
considerable may be seen from the battle of Platæa, in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which 5000 Spartans were attended by 35,000 Helots.<a id="noteref_126" name="noteref_126" href="#note_126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">126</span></span></a>
Although they did not share the honour of the
heavy-armed soldiers, they were in return exposed to
a less degree of danger. For while the former in
close rank received the onset of the enemy with spear
and shield, the Helots, armed only with the sling and
light javelin, were in a moment either before or behind
the ranks, as Tyrtæus accurately describes the
relative duties of the light-armed soldier (??µ???), and
the Hoplite. Sparta, in her better time, is never recorded
to have unnecessarily sacrificed the lives of her
Helots. A certain number of them was allotted to
each Spartan;<a id="noteref_127" name="noteref_127" href="#note_127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">127</span></span></a> at the battle of Platæa this number
was seven. Those who were assigned to a single
master were probably called ?µp?tta?e?.<a id="noteref_128" name="noteref_128" href="#note_128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">128</span></span></a> Of these,
however, one in particular was the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">servant</span></em> (?e??p??)
of his master, as in the story of the blind Spartan,
who was conducted by his Helot into the thickest of
the battle of Thermopylæ, and, while the latter fled,
fell with the other heroes.<a id="noteref_129" name="noteref_129" href="#note_129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">129</span></span></a> Te??p??, or servant, is
the appropriate, and indeed honourable, appellation
which the Dorians, particularly in Crete, gave to the
armed slaves;<a id="noteref_130" name="noteref_130" href="#note_130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">130</span></span></a> these in Sparta were probably called
????t??e?, in allusion to their duty of drawing (????e??)
the wounded from the ranks.<a id="noteref_131" name="noteref_131" href="#note_131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">131</span></span></a> It appears that the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Helots were in the field placed more immediately
under the command of the king than the rest of the
army.<a id="noteref_132" name="noteref_132" href="#note_132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">132</span></span></a> In the fleet, they composed the
large mass of the sailors,<a id="noteref_133" name="noteref_133" href="#note_133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">133</span></span></a> in which
service at Athens the inferior
citizens and slaves were employed; when serving in
this manner they were, it appears, called by the name
of desp?s???a?ta?.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These accounts are sufficient to give a tolerably
correct notion of the relation of the Helots to the
Doric citizens of Sparta. Although it does not fall
within the scope of the present work to enter upon a
moral or political examination of the condition of Helotism,
I may be allowed to subjoin a few observations.
The Grecian states then either contained a class of
bondsmen, which can be traced in nearly all the Doric
states, or they had slaves, who had been brought either
by plunder or commerce from barbarous countries;
or a class of slaves was altogether wanting. The last
was the case among the Phoceans, Locrians, and other
Greeks.<a id="noteref_134" name="noteref_134" href="#note_134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">134</span></span></a> But these nations, through the scantiness
of their resources, never attained to such power as
Sparta and Athens. Slavery was the basis of the
prosperity of all commercial states, and was intimately
connected with foreign trade; but (besides being a
continued violation of justice) it was upon the whole
of little advantage to the public, especially in time of
war; and, according to the doctrine of the ancient
politicians, it was both fraught with danger, and prejudicial
to morality and good order. It must also be
remembered, that nearly all the ties of family were
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
broken among the slaves of Athens, with which the
institution of bondage did not at all interfere;<a id="noteref_135" name="noteref_135" href="#note_135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">135</span></span></a> and
that in the latter the condition of the bondmen was
rather determined by general custom; in the former,
by the arbitrary will of individuals. Sparta had, indeed,
some foreign slaves, but their number was very
inconsiderable. Thus Alcman, the slave of Agesidas,<a id="noteref_136" name="noteref_136" href="#note_136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">136</span></span></a> was the son of a slave from Sardis,<a id="noteref_137" name="noteref_137" href="#note_137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">137</span></span></a> who had perhaps
been brought by Cretan traders to the coast of Laconia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. It is a matter of much greater difficulty to form
a clear notion of the treatment of the Helots, and of
their manner of life; for the rhetorical spirit with
which later historians have embellished their philanthropic
views, joined to our own ignorance, has been
productive of much confusion and misconception.
Myron of Priene, in his romance on the Messenian
war, drew a very dark picture of Sparta, and endeavoured
at the end to rouse the feelings of his readers
by a description of the fate which the conquered underwent.
<span class="tei tei-q">“The Helots,”</span> says he,<a id="noteref_138" name="noteref_138" href="#note_138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">138</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“perform for the
Spartans every ignominious service. They are compelled
to wear a cap of dog's skin and a covering of
sheep's skin, and they are severely beaten every year
without having committed any fault, in order that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
they may never forget that they are slaves. In addition
to this, those amongst them who, either by
their stature or their beauty, raise themselves above
the condition of a slave, are condemned to death;
and the masters who do not destroy the most manly
of them are liable to punishment.”</span> The partiality
and ignorance of this writer is evident from his very
first statement. The Helots wore the leathern cap
with a broad band, and the covering of sheep's skin,
simply because it was the original dress of the natives;
which moreover the Arcadians had retained from ancient
usage;<a id="noteref_139" name="noteref_139" href="#note_139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">139</span></span></a> Laertes the father of Ulysses, when he
assumed the character of a peasant, is also represented
as wearing a cap of goat's skin.<a id="noteref_140" name="noteref_140" href="#note_140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">140</span></span></a> The truth is,
that the ancients made a distinction between town and
country costume. Hence, when the tyrants of Sicyon
wished to accustom the unemployed people, whose
numbers they dreaded, to a country life, they forced
them to wear the ?at?????, which had underneath a
lining of fur.<a id="noteref_141" name="noteref_141" href="#note_141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">141</span></span></a> The Pisistratidæ made use of the
very same measure.<a id="noteref_142" name="noteref_142" href="#note_142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">142</span></span></a> Thus also Theognis describes
the countrymen of Megara (whose admission to the
rights of citizenship he deplores) as clothed with
dressed skins, and dwelling around the town like
frightened deer.<a id="noteref_143" name="noteref_143" href="#note_143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">143</span></span></a> The
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">dipthera</span></span> of the Helots therefore
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name="Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
signified nothing more humiliating and degrading
than their employment in agricultural labour. Myron
is doubtless right in stating that the Helots could not
lay aside this dress at pleasure; indeed, a young Spartan
could not assume the dress of an older man.
Whilst in Athens the influence of democracy had produced
an uniformity of dress, and even (according to
Xenophon)<a id="noteref_144" name="noteref_144" href="#note_144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">144</span></span></a> of bodily form, in citizens,
resident aliens, and slaves; in Sparta the several orders were characterised
by external differences. Now since Myron
thus manifestly misinterpreted this circumstance, it is
very probable that his other objections are founded in
error; nor can misrepresentations of this political
state, which was unknown to the later Greeks, and
particularly to the class of writers, have been uncommon.
Plutarch,<a id="noteref_145" name="noteref_145" href="#note_145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">145</span></span></a> for example, relates that
the Helots were compelled to intoxicate themselves, and perform
indecent dances, as a warning to the Spartan youth;
but common sense is opposed to so absurd a method
of education. Is it possible that the Spartans should
have so degraded the men whom they appointed as
tutors over their young children? Female Helots
also discharged the office of nurse in the royal palaces,<a id="noteref_146" name="noteref_146" href="#note_146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">146</span></span></a> and doubtless obtained all the affection with which the
attendants of early youth were honoured in ancient
times. It is, however, certain that the Doric laws did
not bind servants to strict temperance;<a id="noteref_147" name="noteref_147" href="#note_147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">147</span></span></a> and hence
examples of drunkenness among them might have
served as a means of recommending sobriety. It was
also an established regulation, that the national songs
and dances of Sparta were forbidden to the
Helots,<a id="noteref_148" name="noteref_148" href="#note_148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">148</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
who, on the other hand, had some extravagant and
lascivious dances peculiar to themselves, which may
have given rise to the above report.<a id="noteref_149" name="noteref_149" href="#note_149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">149</span></span></a> We must, moreover,
bear in mind, that most of the strangers who
visited Sparta, and gave an account of its institutions,
seized upon particular cases which they had imperfectly
observed, and, without knowing their real nature,
described them in the light suggested by their
own false prepossessions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. But are we not labouring in vain to soften the
bad impression of Myron's account, since the fearful
word <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">crypteia</span></span> is of itself sufficient to show
the unhappy fate of the Helots, and the cruelty of their
masters? By this word is generally understood, a
chase of the Helots, annually undertaken at a fixed
time by the youth of Sparta, who either assassinated
them by night, or massacred them formally in open
day, in order to lessen their numbers, and weaken their
power.<a id="noteref_150" name="noteref_150" href="#note_150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">150</span></span></a> Isocrates speaks of this institution in a very
confused manner, and from mere report.<a id="noteref_151" name="noteref_151" href="#note_151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">151</span></span></a> Aristotle
however, as well as Heraclides of Pontus,<a id="noteref_152" name="noteref_152" href="#note_152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">152</span></span></a> attribute it
to Lycurgus, and represent it as a war which the
Ephors themselves, on entering upon their yearly
office, proclaimed against the Helots. Thus it was a
regularly legalised massacre, and the more barbarous,
as its periodical arrival could be foreseen by the unhappy
victims. And yet were not these Helots, who
in many districts lived entirely alone, united by despair
for the sake of common protection, and did they not
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
every year kindle a most bloody and determined war
throughout the whole of Laconia? Such are the inextricable
difficulties in which we are involved by giving
credit to the received accounts: the solution of
which is, in my opinion, to be found in the speech of
Megillus the Spartan, in the Laws of Plato,<a id="noteref_153" name="noteref_153" href="#note_153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">153</span></span></a> who is
there celebrating the manner of inuring his countrymen
to hardships. <span class="tei tei-q">“There is also amongst us,”</span> he
says, <span class="tei tei-q">“what is called the <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">crypteia</span></span>, the pain
of undergoing which is scarcely credible. It consists in
going barefoot in storms, in enduring the privations
of the camp, performing menial offices without a
servant, and wandering night and day through the
whole country.”</span> The same is more clearly expressed
in another passage,<a id="noteref_154" name="noteref_154" href="#note_154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">154</span></span></a> where the philosopher
settles, that in his state sixty agronomi or phylarchs,
should each choose twelve young men from the age of
twenty-five to thirty, and send them as guards in succession
through the several districts, in order to inspect
the fortresses, roads, and public buildings in the
country; for which purpose they should have power
to make free use of the slaves. During this time they
were to live sparingly, to minister to their own wants,
and range through the whole country in arms without
intermission, both in winter and summer. These
persons were to be called ???pt??, or ????a??µ??.
Can it be supposed that Plato would have here used
the name of <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">crypteia</span></span>,
if it signified an assassination of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Helots, or rather, if there was not an exact agreement
in essentials between the institution which he
proposed, and that in existence at Sparta, although
the latter was perhaps one of greater hardship and
severity? The youth of Sparta were also sent out,
under certain officers,<a id="noteref_155" name="noteref_155" href="#note_155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">155</span></span></a> partly for the purpose of training
them to hardships, partly of inspecting the territory
of Sparta, which was of considerable extent. These
emissaries may probably have kept a strict watch upon
the Helots, who, living by themselves, and entirely
separated from their masters, must have been for that
reason the more formidable to Sparta. We must allow
that oppression and severity were not sufficiently
provided against; only the aim of the custom was
wholly different; though perhaps it is reckoned by
Thucydides<a id="noteref_156" name="noteref_156" href="#note_156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">156</span></span></a> among those institutions which, as he
says, were established for the purpose of keeping a
watch over the Helots.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is hardly necessary to remark that this established
institution of the crypteia was in no way connected
with those extraordinary measures to which Sparta
thought herself compelled in hazardous circumstances
to resort. Thucydides leaves us to guess the fate of
the 2000 Helots who, after having been destined for
the field, suddenly disappeared. It was the curse of
this bondage (of which Plato says that it produced the
greatest doubt and difficulty)<a id="noteref_157" name="noteref_157" href="#note_157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">157</span></span></a> that the slaves abandoned
their masters when they stood in greatest need
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of their assistance; and hence the Spartans were even
compelled to stipulate in treaties for aid against their
own subjects.<a id="noteref_158" name="noteref_158" href="#note_158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">158</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. A more favourable side of the Spartan system
of bondage is, that a legal way to liberty and citizenship
stood open to the Helots.<a id="noteref_159" name="noteref_159" href="#note_159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">159</span></span></a> The many intermediate
steps seem to prove the existence of a regular
mode of transition from the one rank to the other.
The Helots, who were esteemed worthy of an especial
confidence, were called ???e???;<a id="noteref_160" name="noteref_160" href="#note_160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">160</span></span></a> the ????t??e?
enjoyed the same in war: the ?f?ta? were probably
released from all service. The desp?s???a?ta?, who
served in the fleet, resembled probably the freed-men
of Attica, who were called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">out-dwellers</span></span> (? ?????
??????te?).<a id="noteref_161" name="noteref_161" href="#note_161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">161</span></span></a> When they received their liberty, they
also obtained permission <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to dwell where they
wished</span></span>,”</span><a id="noteref_162" name="noteref_162" href="#note_162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">162</span></span></a> and probably at the
same time a portion of land was granted to them without the lot of their
former masters. After they had been in possession of
liberty for some time, they appear to have been called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Neodamodes</span></span>,<a id="noteref_163" name="noteref_163" href="#note_163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">163</span></span></a> the number of whom soon came near
to that of the citizens.<a id="noteref_164" name="noteref_164" href="#note_164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">164</span></span></a> The
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Mothones</span></span>, or
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Mothaces</span></span>,
also, were not Periœci (of whose elevation to the rank
of Spartans we know nothing), but Helots, who, being
brought up together with the young Spartans (like
Eumæus in the house of Ulysses), obtained freedom
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
without the rights of citizenship.<a id="noteref_165" name="noteref_165" href="#note_165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">165</span></span></a> For µ???? means
a domestic slave, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">verna</span></span>; and Periœci could never have
been called by this name, not being dependent upon
individual Spartans.<a id="noteref_166" name="noteref_166" href="#note_166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">166</span></span></a> The descendants of the Mothaces
must also have sometimes received the rights
of citizenship, since Callicratidas, Lysander, and
Gylippus were of Mothacic origin.<a id="noteref_167" name="noteref_167" href="#note_167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">167</span></span></a> Those citizens
who, in obedience to the ancient law of inheritance,
married a widow of a deceased person, were (if we
may judge from the etymology of the word) called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Epeunacti</span></span>: that slaves were once employed for
this purpose is testified by Theopompus.<a id="noteref_168" name="noteref_168" href="#note_168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">168</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. The number of the Helots may be determined
with sufficient accuracy from the account of the army
at Platæa. We find that there were present in this
battle 5000 Spartans, 35,000 Helots, and 10,000
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Periœci.<a id="noteref_169" name="noteref_169" href="#note_169"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">169</span></span></a>
The whole number of Spartans that bore
arms, amounted on another occasion to 8000, which,
according to the same proportion, would give 56,000
for the number of Helots capable of bearing arms,
and for the whole population about 224,000. If then
the state of Sparta possessed 9000 lots there were
twenty male Helots to each (although, as we saw
above, a single lot could probably maintain a larger
number), and there remained 44,000 for the service of
the state and of individuals. The account of Thucydides,
that the Chians had the greatest number of
slaves of any one state after the Lacedæmonians,<a id="noteref_170" name="noteref_170" href="#note_170"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">170</span></span></a> does
not compel us to set the amount higher, because the
great number of slaves in Ægina disappeared when
that island lost its freedom, and Athens during the
Peloponnesian war certainly did not possess 200,000
slaves. The number of Periœci able to bear arms
would, according to the above proportion, only amount
to 16,000; but we must suppose that a larger portion
of them remained behind in Peloponnesus: for since
the Periœci were possessed of 30,000 lots (though of
less extent), there must have been about the same
number of families, and we thus get at least 120,000
men; and upon the whole, for the 3800 square miles
of Laconia, a suitable population of 380,000 souls.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
From this calculation it also results, that, according
to the population to be maintained, the estates of the
Spartans (p???t??? ???a)<a id="noteref_171" name="noteref_171" href="#note_171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">171</span></span></a> must have amounted to
two-thirds of all the tillage-land in the country. This
arrangement could not have been attended with any
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
difficulty after the conquest of the fertile territory of
Messenia, when the number of lots was doubled,<a id="noteref_172" name="noteref_172" href="#note_172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">172</span></span></a> and
the area of each was perhaps increased in a still greater
proportion. For when the Spartans had (as it appears)
dislodged the Doric Messenians, and conquered
their country, a few maritime and inland towns
(Asine, Mothone, Thuria, and Æthæa) were indeed
suffered to remain in the possession of Periœci; but
the best part of a country so rich in tillage-land, plantations,
and pastures,<a id="noteref_173" name="noteref_173" href="#note_173"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">173</span></span></a> passed into the hands of Spartan
proprietors, and the husbandmen who remained
behind became Helots.<a id="noteref_174" name="noteref_174" href="#note_174"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">174</span></span></a> It was these last in particular
who, during the great earthquake in 465 B.C.,
took possession of the towns of Thuria and Æthæa,
fortified the strong hold of Ithome, and afterwards
partially emigrated.<a id="noteref_175" name="noteref_175" href="#note_175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">175</span></span></a> If however this insurrection
had been common to all the Helots, as Diodorus relates,
how could the Spartans have afterwards allowed
the insurgents to withdraw from the country, without
entirely depriving the land of its cultivators? After
the battle of Leuctra also, it was not the Laconian, but
the Messenian Helots who revolted,<a id="noteref_176" name="noteref_176" href="#note_176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">176</span></span></a> and were without
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
doubt the chief promoters of the re-establishment of
Messenia, where they exercised the rights of citizenship
in the newly-founded democracy.<a id="noteref_177" name="noteref_177" href="#note_177"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">177</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. In Laconia itself, according to the Rhetra of
Agis (which in all probability merely confirmed existing
institutions), the territory belonging to Sparta
consisted of the inland tract, which was bounded by
part of mount Taygetus to the west, by the river
Pellene, and by Sellasia to the north, and extended
eastward towards Malea,<a id="noteref_178" name="noteref_178" href="#note_178"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">178</span></span></a> and this was therefore at
that time cultivated by Helots. Here it may be
asked, who were the inhabitants of the towns situated
in this district, for example Amyclæ, Therapne, and
Pharis? Certainly not Helots alone, for there were a
considerable number of Hoplitæ from Amyclæ in the
Lacedæmonian army,<a id="noteref_179" name="noteref_179" href="#note_179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">179</span></span></a> who must therefore have
been either Spartans or Periœci. But whether the Periœci
inhabited small districts in the midst of the territory
immediately occupied by the Spartans, or whether
some Spartans lived out of the city in country-towns,
cannot be completely determined. The former is,
however, the more probable, since some Periœci lived
in the vicinity of the city,<a id="noteref_180" name="noteref_180" href="#note_180"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">180</span></span></a> and Amyclæ is reckoned
among the towns of Laconia;<a id="noteref_181" name="noteref_181" href="#note_181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">181</span></span></a> the Spartans also are
mentioned to have had dwellings in the country,<a id="noteref_182" name="noteref_182" href="#note_182"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">182</span></span></a> but
never to have possessed houses in any other town except
Sparta, and a few villages in the neighbourhood.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This induces us to attempt the solution of the
difficult problem, of what is the proper signification
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the Phylæ (as the grammarians sometimes call
them),<a id="noteref_183" name="noteref_183" href="#note_183"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">183</span></span></a> of Pitana, Limnæ or Limnæum, Mesoa and
Cynosura, which Pausanias also mentions together as
divisions of the people.<a id="noteref_184" name="noteref_184" href="#note_184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">184</span></span></a> Now Pausanias calls them
divisions of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Spartans</span></em>, and it appears that we must
follow his statement. For in an Amyclæan inscription,<a id="noteref_185" name="noteref_185" href="#note_185"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">185</span></span></a>
Damatrius, an overseer of the foreigners at
Amyclæ, is called a Mesoatan; and in another inscription,
a Gymnasiarch of the Roman time is designated
as belonging to the Phyle of the Cynosurans;<a id="noteref_186" name="noteref_186" href="#note_186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">186</span></span></a>
and we cannot suppose these persons to have been
Periœci.<a id="noteref_187" name="noteref_187" href="#note_187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">187</span></span></a> And if Alcman, according to a credible
account, was a Mesoatan,<a id="noteref_188" name="noteref_188" href="#note_188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">188</span></span></a> we may
understand by this term a citizen of Sparta (although of an inferior
grade), without contradicting the authority of Herodotus,
who only denies that any <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">stranger</span></em> besides
Tisamenus and Hegias was ever made a Spartan.<a id="noteref_189" name="noteref_189" href="#note_189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">189</span></span></a>
Further, it is clear from ancient writers that Pitana,
Limnæ, Mesoa, and Cynosura, were names of places.
We are best informed with respect to Pitana, an
ancient town, and without doubt anterior to the
Dorians,<a id="noteref_190" name="noteref_190" href="#note_190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">190</span></span></a> which was of sufficient importance to have
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
its own gymnastic contests,<a id="noteref_191" name="noteref_191" href="#note_191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">191</span></span></a> and to furnish
a battalion of its own, called Pitanates.<a id="noteref_192" name="noteref_192" href="#note_192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">192</span></span></a> Herodotus, who was
there himself, calls it a demus;<a id="noteref_193" name="noteref_193" href="#note_193"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">193</span></span></a> and we know that it
was near the temple and stronghold of Issorium,<a id="noteref_194" name="noteref_194" href="#note_194"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">194</span></span></a>
which, according to Pausanias' topography of Sparta,
must have been situated at the western extremity of
the town.<a id="noteref_195" name="noteref_195" href="#note_195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">195</span></span></a> This author also mentions, in the same district
of the city, the porch of the Crotanes, who were a
division of the Pitanatæ. We therefore know that
Pitana lay to the west of Sparta, outside the town according
to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_196" name="noteref_196" href="#note_196"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">196</span></span></a> inside (as it appears) according
to Pausanias. So Limnæ likewise, as we learn from
Strabo, was a suburb of Sparta,<a id="noteref_197" name="noteref_197" href="#note_197"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">197</span></span></a> and at the same time
a part of the town, as also was Mesoa,<a id="noteref_198" name="noteref_198" href="#note_198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">198</span></span></a> whither however
Pausanias relates that Preugenes the Achæan
brought the statue of Artemis, rescued from the
Dorians at <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Sparta</span></em>.<a id="noteref_199" name="noteref_199" href="#note_199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">199</span></span></a> It follows from these
apparently contradictory accounts, some including these places in
Sparta, and some not, that they were nothing else than
the hamlets (??µa?), of which, according to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Thucydides,<a id="noteref_200" name="noteref_200" href="#note_200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">200</span></span></a> the town of Sparta consisted, and which lay on
all sides around the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">city</span></em> (p????) properly so called,
but were divided from one another by intervals, until
at a late period (probably when Sparta, during the
time of the Macedonian power, was enclosed with
walls) they were united and incorporated together.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a>
<a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IV.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Subject classes in Crete. § 2. In Argos and Epidaurus.
§ 3. In Corinth and Sicyon. § 4. In Syracuse. § 5. In Byzantium,
Heraclea on the Pontus, and Cyrene. § 6. The bond-slaves
of Thessaly. § 7. Cities and villages of Arcadia. § 8.
The political opposition of city and country.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. After having thus separately considered the
two dependent classes in Sparta, the pattern state of
the Dorians, we will now point out the traces of the
analogous ranks in several other states of Doric origin.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Doric customs were first established in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crete</span></span>,
whose fortunate circumstances had given to that race a
fertile country, and an undisturbed dominion. Accordingly,
the relative rights of the Dorians and natives
must at an early period have been fixed on a settled
basis in this island; and we may suppose that this
settlement was made on equitable terms, since Aristotle
was not aware of any insurrection of the slaves in
Crete against their masters.<a id="noteref_201" name="noteref_201" href="#note_201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">201</span></span></a> The Doric customs required
here, as elsewhere, exemption from all agricultural
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
or commercial industry; which is expressed in
a lively manner in the song of Hybrias the Cretan,
that <span class="tei tei-q">“with lance and sword and shield he reaped and
dressed his vines, and hence was called lord of the
Mnoia.”</span><a id="noteref_202" name="noteref_202" href="#note_202"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">202</span></span></a> In this island, however, different classes
of dependents must have existed. Sosicrates and
Dosiadas, both credible authors on the affairs of Crete,
speak of three classes, the public bondsmen (?????
d???e?a), called by the Cretans µ???a, the slaves of individual
citizens, ?faµ??ta?, and the Periœci, ?p?????.
Now we know that the Aphamiotæ received their
name from the cultivation of the lands of private individuals
(in Cretan ?faµ?a?) and accordingly they
were agricultural bondsmen.<a id="noteref_203" name="noteref_203" href="#note_203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">203</span></span></a> These latter are identical
with the Clarotæ, who, for this reason, were not
separately mentioned by the writers just quoted: for
although they are generally supposed to have taken
their name from the lot cast for prisoners of war, the
more natural derivation doubtless is from the lots or
lands of the citizens, which were called ??????. But
whichever explanation we adopt, they were bondsmen
belonging to the individual citizens. Both the Clarotæ
and Aphamiotæ have therefore been correctly compared
with the Helots;<a id="noteref_204" name="noteref_204" href="#note_204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">204</span></span></a> and as the latter were entirely
distinct from the Laconian Periœci, so were the
former from the Cretan, although Aristotle neglects
the distinction accurately observed by the Cretan
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
writers.<a id="noteref_205" name="noteref_205" href="#note_205"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">205</span></span></a> In the second place,
the µ???a (or µ??a) was
by more precise historians distinguished as well from
the condition of Periœci as from that of private bondage,
and it was explained to mean a state of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public
villenage</span></em>; whence we may infer that every state in
Crete was possessed of public lands, which the Mnotæ
cultivated in the same relative situation to the community
in which the Aphamiotæ, who cultivated the
allotted estates, stood to the several proprietors. This
name, however, is sometimes extended to all forced
labourers, as in the song of Hybrias noticed above.<a id="noteref_206" name="noteref_206" href="#note_206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">206</span></span></a>
Finally, the Periœci formed in Crete, as in Laconia,
dependent and tributary communities: their tribute
was, like the produce of the national lands, partly
applied to the public banquets;<a id="noteref_207" name="noteref_207" href="#note_207"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">207</span></span></a> to which also, according
to Dosiadas,<a id="noteref_208" name="noteref_208" href="#note_208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">208</span></span></a> every slave in Lyctus
contributed in addition one Æginetan stater. Now in this passage
we cannot suppose that the Periœci are meant, because
the exact author would not have called them
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name="Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
slaves: nor yet the slaves purchased in foreign parts
(called ????????t?? in Crete), since it would have
been impossible to reckon with any certainty that persons
in this situation possessed anything of their own;
nor, lastly, can the Mnotæ be meant, since these were
public slaves, having no connexion with individuals,
nor consequently with their eating clubs.<a id="noteref_209" name="noteref_209" href="#note_209"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">209</span></span></a> It remains,
therefore, that it was the Clarotæ (or Aphamiotæ),
who, in addition to the tax in kind, were also liable to
this payment in money, with which utensils for the
use of the public table were probably purchased. It
may be, moreover, observed that we have no reason to
suppose that the bondsmen were admitted to the daily
banquets.<a id="noteref_210" name="noteref_210" href="#note_210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">210</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Perhaps, however, there was no Grecian state in
which the dependent classes were so little oppressed
as in Crete. In general, every employment and profession,
with the exception of the gymnasia and military
service, was permitted to them.<a id="noteref_211" name="noteref_211" href="#note_211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">211</span></span></a> Hence
also the Periœci held so firmly to the ancient legislation of
Minos, that they even then observed it, when it had been neglected
by the Dorians of the town of Lyctus;<a id="noteref_212" name="noteref_212" href="#note_212"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">212</span></span></a>
and thus, as was frequently the case elsewhere, in the
decline of public manners the ancient customs were
retained among the lower classes of society longer than
amongst the higher. Upon the whole, Crete was the
most fortunate of all the Doric states in this circumstance,
that it could follow up its own institutions with
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
energy and in quiet, without any powerful obstacle;
although its very tranquillity and far-extended commerce
at length occasioned a gradual decline of ancient
customs. The reverse took place at Argos, whose
Doric inhabitants, pressed on all sides, were at length
compelled to renounce the institutions of their race,
and adopt those of the natives. In the early history of
this state, therefore, the two classes of dependents and
bondsmen should be distinguished: this division was,
however, very early laid aside, and an entirely different
arrangement introduced.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. There was at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argos</span></span> a class of bond-slaves,
who are compared with the Helots, and were called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Gymnesii</span></span>.<a id="noteref_213" name="noteref_213" href="#note_213"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">213</span></span></a> The name alone sufficiently proves the
correctness of the comparison; these slaves having
evidently been the light-armed attendants on their
masters (??µ??te?). Hence also the same class of
slaves were in Sicyon called ??????f????; because they
only carried a club or staff, and not, like the heavy-armed
Dorians, a sword and lance. It is to these Gymnesii
that the account of Herodotus refers,<a id="noteref_214" name="noteref_214" href="#note_214"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">214</span></span></a> that 6000
of the citizens of Argos having been slain in battle by
Cleomenes king of Sparta,<a id="noteref_215" name="noteref_215" href="#note_215"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">215</span></span></a> the slaves got the government
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
into their own hands, and retained possession of
it until the sons of those who had fallen were grown
to manhood. From this narrative it is plain that the
number of Dorians at Argos was nearly exhausted by
the death of 6000 of their body; and that none but
bondsmen dwelt in the immediate neighbourhood of the
city, since otherwise the sovereign power would not
have fallen into their hands. It would be absurd to
suppose that slaves bought in foreign countries can be
here intended, since these could have had no more notion
of governing a Grecian state than the bear in the
fable of managing the ship.<a id="noteref_216" name="noteref_216" href="#note_216"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">216</span></span></a> Afterwards, when the
young citizens had grown up, the slaves were compelled
by them to withdraw to Tiryns; and then,
after a long war, as it appears, were either driven from
the territory, or again subdued.<a id="noteref_217" name="noteref_217" href="#note_217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">217</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Argives, however, also had Periœci,<a id="noteref_218" name="noteref_218" href="#note_218"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">218</span></span></a>
who were known by the name of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orneatæ</span></span>. This appellation
was properly applied to the inhabitants of Orneæ, a
town on the frontiers towards Mantinea, which, having
been long independent, was at last, about the year 580
B.C.,<a id="noteref_219" name="noteref_219" href="#note_219"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">219</span></span></a> reduced by the Argives; and
afterwards the whole class of Periœci was so called from that place.
These Orneatæ, or Periœci, therefore, like those of
Laconia, formed separate communities of their own,
which indeed was the case so late as the Persian war.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
For (as we have shown above) the Argives about this
time incorporated the surrounding towns belonging to
the Periœci,<a id="noteref_220" name="noteref_220" href="#note_220"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">220</span></span></a> for the purpose of replenishing and increasing
their own numbers, and gave them the rights
of citizens. With this period an entirely new era in
the history of the constitution of Argos commences,
although this state of things has from its greater notoriety
often been improperly applied also to earlier
times. Thus Isocrates<a id="noteref_221" name="noteref_221" href="#note_221"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">221</span></span></a> says that the Dorians of
Argos, like those of Messene, admitted the native inhabitants
into the city (as s???????), and gave them
equal rights of citizenship, with the exception of
offices of honour; contrasting with it the conduct of
the Spartans, in a manner which every one now perceives
to have been entirely groundless. The change
in the constitution of Argos then introduced was no
less than if the whole body of Periœci in Laconia had
declared themselves the sovereign community. For
the newly-adopted citizens appear to have soon demanded
and obtained the full rights of the old; and
hence, ever after the above epoch, democracy seems to
have had the upper hand in Argos. And this could
never be the case without the disappearance of the
Doric character, which showed itself in the diminution
of their military skill. For this reason the Argives in
after-times were reduced to form a standing army of
a thousand citizens, of noble extraction, under the
command of generals who possessed great civil power.<a id="noteref_222" name="noteref_222" href="#note_222"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">222</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
This body of men, however, immediately endeavoured
to set up an oppressive oligarchy, until they at length
yielded to the preponderating power of the democracy.
But of this more hereafter.<a id="noteref_223" name="noteref_223" href="#note_223"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">223</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is not known for what length of time the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidaurians</span></span>
preserved the distinction between townsmen
and countrymen. The name ????p?de?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dusty-feet</span></span>,
which was applied to the lower classes, is a proof
of their agricultural habits,<a id="noteref_224" name="noteref_224" href="#note_224"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">224</span></span></a> and is probably not
merely a term of reproach. That this class, however,
as at Argos, furnished citizens who were not originally
Dorians, is shown by the occurrence of a fourth tribe,
besides the three Doric.<a id="noteref_225" name="noteref_225" href="#note_225"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">225</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Neither in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinth</span></span> nor in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sicyon</span></span>
does there appear to have been any complete distinction between
the Doric and other races. The inhabitants, especially
those of the former state, must have lived on an equality
with the aboriginal possessors, and were probably
only admitted by a fresh division (?p? ??adasµ?) to a
joint possession of the lands. Hence it was that in
Corinth there were not only the three Doric tribes (of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name="Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which we shall speak hereafter), but eight, all of which
dwelt in the city.<a id="noteref_226" name="noteref_226" href="#note_226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">226</span></span></a> Nor were even the Cypselidæ
Dorians; though, before they obtained the tyranny,
they had long been distinguished citizens. We may
discover a class of Corinthian Helots in the Cynophali,<a id="noteref_227" name="noteref_227" href="#note_227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">227</span></span></a>
whose name was, as in a former instance, derived from
the dog-skin cap of the native Peloponnesians. But
regular slavery, as was natural in a commercial state,
soon prevailed at Corinth, and probably under very
nearly the same form as at Athens.<a id="noteref_228" name="noteref_228" href="#note_228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">228</span></span></a> In Sicyon there
were bondsmen, of whom the names Corynephori<a id="noteref_229" name="noteref_229" href="#note_229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">229</span></span></a> and
Catonacophori have been preserved.<a id="noteref_230" name="noteref_230" href="#note_230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">230</span></span></a> The first marks
them as light-armed attendants in war, the second as a
class always inhabiting the country. The citizens of
this state were divided into four tribes, of which three
were purely Doric, viz., the Hylleans, Dymanes, and
Pamphylians; while the fourth tribe, the Ægialeans,
derived their name from the country which they had
inhabited before the Doric invasion.<a id="noteref_231" name="noteref_231" href="#note_231"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">231</span></span></a> It is also certain
that this fourth tribe possessed not merely some
civil privileges, but the complete rights of citizenship;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
since the family of Cleisthenes raised itself from it to
the royal dignity, which could scarcely have taken
place had their tribe stood in the same relation to the
citizens as the Periœci or Helots did to the Spartans.
This Cleisthenes, with the arrogance of a tyrant, gave
to his own tribe the name of Archelai, or rulers; while
he called the three Doric tribes after the sow, the
swine, and the ass (??ta?, ??e?ta?, ????e?ta?.) We can
hardly, however, credit the assertion of Herodotus (who
too often seeks for the causes of events in the passions
and wishes of individuals, to the disregard of political
circumstances) that these were merely terms of abuse;<a id="noteref_232" name="noteref_232" href="#note_232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">232</span></span></a>
it is more probable that Cleisthenes wished to compel
the Dorians to retire into the country, and employ
themselves in the care of cattle and in agriculture, thus
bidding an entire defiance to all their principles. But
so arbitrary a subversion of all ancient customs and
habits could not endure for any length of time; and,
after the downfall of that tyrannical dynasty, the former
constitution was restored in its most essential
parts.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. In the colonies of the Dorians the condition
of the conquered peasants and bondsmen was often
more oppressed and degraded than in the parent
states; since the ruling class were there placed in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
contact, not with Greeks, but with barbarians. In
their settlements the following ranks were generally
formed at successive periods of time. A Doric state
founded the colony; and its citizens constituted the
sole nobility in the new city; these parted amongst
themselves the conquered land into lots,<a id="noteref_233" name="noteref_233" href="#note_233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">233</span></span></a> and formed
the body of citizens, the p???te?µa strictly so
called.<a id="noteref_234" name="noteref_234" href="#note_234"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">234</span></span></a>
These colonists, however, soon endeavoured to
strengthen themselves by fresh numbers, and opened
their harbours to all exiled or discontented persons.
The motley population<a id="noteref_235" name="noteref_235" href="#note_235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">235</span></span></a> thus formed, called by the
name of <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Demus</span></span>, was generally excluded from the
body politic (or the p???te?µa), until it obtained
admittance by force; and at the same time constantly
pressed for a new division of the territory (??adasµ??).<a id="noteref_236" name="noteref_236" href="#note_236"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">236</span></span></a>
Besides these, a third rank was formed by
the native inhabitants, who were compelled by the
new-comers to serve either as bondsmen or public
slaves. Thus, for example, the distinction at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Syracuse</span></span>
was—first, the Gamori, viz., the old Corinthian
colonists, who had taken possession of the large lots,
and divided the land;<a id="noteref_237" name="noteref_237" href="#note_237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">237</span></span></a> secondly, a Demus; and,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name="Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
thirdly, slaves on the estates of the nobles, whose
number became proverbial. These were, without
doubt, native Siculians, as is shown by the various
forms of their name (?????????, ???????????, ?a?????????,)
which cannot be explained from the Greek.<a id="noteref_238" name="noteref_238" href="#note_238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">238</span></span></a>
The political condition of Syracuse was formed in a
manner essentially different from that of the Peloponnesian
states, chiefly from the circumstance that
the Demus (an <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">unpleasant fellow-lodger</span></span>, according to
the expression of Gelon) was immediately received
into the city. Hence also the prodigious size of the
Sicilian and Italian towns in comparison with those of
Peloponnesus. The Gamori, together with their
Cyllyrians, stood in nearly the same relation to the
Demus as the patricians with their clients did to the
plebeians at Rome. The changes in the constitution
also had nearly the same course as at Rome; for the
two classes first sought to compromise their pretensions
in a moderate timocracy (the p???te?a of Aristotle),
which subsequently passed (as we shall see
hereafter) into a complete democracy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. In the Megarian colony of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Byzantium</span></span> the
native inhabitants, the Bithynians, were in precisely
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the same condition as the Helots.<a id="noteref_239" name="noteref_239" href="#note_239"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">239</span></span></a> The same was
likewise the fate of the nation of Mariandynians in
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Heraclea on the Pontus</span></span>, which city also was
founded by the Megarians conjointly with the Bœotians.
They submitted under the stipulation that no Mariandynian
should be sold beyond the borders,<a id="noteref_240" name="noteref_240" href="#note_240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">240</span></span></a>
which was a fundamental rule of the ancient system
of bondage; and that they should pay a tribute to be
settled once for all, this being called by the mild
name of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">presents</span></span> (d??a<a id="noteref_241" name="noteref_241" href="#note_241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">241</span></span></a>). The great number of
these native slaves, who never suffered the country to
want for sailors, was very favourable to the commerce
and naval power of Heraclea.<a id="noteref_242" name="noteref_242" href="#note_242"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">242</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cyrene</span></span> also the several classes were formed
in a similar manner. In Thera, the mother-country
of Cyrene, the families of the original colony from
Laconia had once alone possessed the full rights of
citizenship, and held the offices of state.<a id="noteref_243" name="noteref_243" href="#note_243"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">243</span></span></a> Thus also
at Cyrene the families from Thera at first were sole
possessors of the governing power, and did not admit
the after-comers to a full participation of it. It was
the natural course of events, that they who first caused
the Grecian name to be respected amongst the savages
of Libya should be supposed to have a greater claim
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to honour and property than those who had flocked
together to a town already established and securely
defended. But the Cyrenæans having in the reign of
Battus the Second proclaimed throughout Greece a
new division of their lands<a id="noteref_244" name="noteref_244" href="#note_244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">244</span></span></a> (which, however, they
had first to gain from the Libyans), and many fresh
citizens having collected together, a new constitution
became in time necessary: and this, Demonax of
Mantinea established for them on democratic principles.
He abolished the old tribes, and created in
their place three new ones, in which the entire Grecian
population of Cyrene was comprehended. The division
of the people was into three parts, viz., one consisting
of the Theræans and Periœci, the second of
Peloponnesians and Cretans, and the third of all the
islanders.<a id="noteref_245" name="noteref_245" href="#note_245"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">245</span></span></a> From this it is evident that the original
colonists still continued to keep Periœci under their
power, while the other citizens did not enjoy this
right; and that the former were a kind of privileged
class, who probably were in a great measure relieved
from any personal attendance to agriculture: in this
manner the wise Demonax respected the institutions
of antiquity. Of the origin and condition of these
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg 064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Periœci, not only have we no direct account, but not
even an indirect trace.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. We have now finished our comparison of the
different subject classes in the Doric states. It has
been clearly proved that a class of Periœci, and also
of Helots, was the basis of the Doric form of government,
insomuch that the abolition of servitude generally
occasioned a subversion of the Doric institutions.
Hence the Dorians generally, and above all the Spartans,
were distinguished for the obstinacy with which
they retained it. But this species of servitude may
be said to have existed in ancient times, wherever a
warlike nation had obtained a settlement by conquest;
for example, in Thessaly, Bœotia, and even
among the Ionians of Athens. Now as the distinction
of subjects and bond-slaves was kept up for
a longer time in Thessaly than in any other state,
those of the Dorians alone being excepted, we will
include that country in the present inquiry. The
following classes may be there distinguished: First,
a number of small nations were under the dominion of
the Thessalians, to whom they paid a fixed tribute,
and were also probably bound to assist in war; but
they nevertheless still retained their national divisions,
and a certain degree of independence. This must
have been the state of the Perrhæbians to the north
of Larissa, the Magnesians to the east of mount Pelion,
and the Phthiotan Achæans to the south of mount
Othrys and the Enipeus. For all these were indeed
subject to the Thessalians,<a id="noteref_246" name="noteref_246" href="#note_246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">246</span></span></a> but had not ceased to be
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
distinct, nay, even Amphictyonic nations.<a id="noteref_247" name="noteref_247" href="#note_247"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">247</span></span></a> Their tribute
had been accurately fixed by Scopas, prince of
Pharsalus. They were also called Periœci.<a id="noteref_248" name="noteref_248" href="#note_248"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">248</span></span></a> Excluding
then this tract of country, we retain for Thessaly
Proper the region between the Perrhæbians towards
the north, and the Achæans towards the south,
in which direction the Enipeus forms the boundary,<a id="noteref_249" name="noteref_249" href="#note_249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">249</span></span></a>
comprehending the valley of the Peneus (the ancient
Pelasgic Argos), and a district towards the Pagasæan
bay, called by Herodotus Æolis.<a id="noteref_250" name="noteref_250" href="#note_250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">250</span></span></a> The Thessalians,
therefore, held this territory under their immediate
government, and had the towns of Larissa, Crannon,
Pharsalus, Iolcus, and others, in their own possession;
the land being cultivated by the Penestæ, who were
the early Pelasgico-Æolian inhabitants.<a id="noteref_251" name="noteref_251" href="#note_251"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">251</span></span></a> For, according
to Archemachus,<a id="noteref_252" name="noteref_252" href="#note_252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">252</span></span></a> the Æolian Bœotians had
in part emigrated from their country, leaving some of
their numbers behind, who submitted conditionally, as
Penestæ: amongst these Theopompus<a id="noteref_253" name="noteref_253" href="#note_253"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">253</span></span></a> also
includes the Magnesians and Perrhæbians; but this statement
can only hold good of a part of these two races, since
they were (as has been already shown) dependent, but
not entirely subject.<a id="noteref_254" name="noteref_254" href="#note_254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">254</span></span></a> The fundamental laws of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
ancient Greek bondage applied also to the Penestæ.
They could neither be put to death without trial, nor
be sold out of the country.<a id="noteref_255" name="noteref_255" href="#note_255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">255</span></span></a> Thus they stood in an
intermediate position between freemen and purchased
slaves,<a id="noteref_256" name="noteref_256" href="#note_256"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">256</span></span></a> like the Mariandynians of Heraclea, the
Clarotæ of Crete, and the Helots of Laconia, with whom
they are generally compared.<a id="noteref_257" name="noteref_257" href="#note_257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">257</span></span></a> For, like these, they
were reduced to servitude by conquest, although they
cannot properly be called slaves taken in war.<a id="noteref_258" name="noteref_258" href="#note_258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">258</span></span></a> Further,
they were not subject to the whole community,
but belonged to particular houses and families:<a id="noteref_259" name="noteref_259" href="#note_259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">259</span></span></a> hence
also they were called Tessa?????ta?.<a id="noteref_260" name="noteref_260" href="#note_260"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">260</span></span></a> They were
particularly numerous in the great families of the
Aleuadæ and Scopadæ.<a id="noteref_261" name="noteref_261" href="#note_261"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">261</span></span></a> Their principal employment
was agriculture,<a id="noteref_262" name="noteref_262" href="#note_262"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">262</span></span></a> from the produce of which
they paid a rent to the proprietors of the soil.<a id="noteref_263" name="noteref_263" href="#note_263"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">263</span></span></a> At
the same time this did not prevent them from gaining
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg 067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
property of their own, and they were frequently richer
than their masters.<a id="noteref_264" name="noteref_264" href="#note_264"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">264</span></span></a> In war they attended their lords,
protecting and fighting before them, like knights and
their squires; generally, however, contrary to the custom
of other Greeks, on horseback.<a id="noteref_265" name="noteref_265" href="#note_265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">265</span></span></a> All these accounts
respecting the Penestæ agree sufficiently well
with one another, and refer to one and the same class;
although it is certain that the attempts to obtain civil
liberty had much increased amongst the Penestæ at
the time of the Peloponnesian war, and were now and
then, though not constantly, supported by Athens.<a id="noteref_266" name="noteref_266" href="#note_266"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">266</span></span></a> The other internal affairs of the Thessalians do not
lie within the range of our inquiry. They had little
adapted themselves to a quiet course of events, nor indeed
did the turbulent and haughty disposition of their
race allow of a life of inactivity. In each town of
Thessaly we find a constant struggle between the
commons and a number of oligarchical families; from
these arise several princely races, such as the Aleuadæ,
Scopadæ,<a id="noteref_267" name="noteref_267" href="#note_267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">267</span></span></a> &amp;c. The states themselves were generally
at war with one another: thus their political
constitution, as well as the want of steadiness and forbearance
in the national character, must be regarded
as the chief reasons why Thessaly was of so little importance
in Greece. The external means which a
wide territory and military power afforded them were
here doubtless present in a greater degree than in any
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
other country; the Thessalians were also distinguished
for their bravery, and the ancient fame of the country
would have supported claims in themselves well
founded; how came it then that the history of Thessaly
was a blank in the annals of Greece, while Sparta
was so long its very soul? The only answer is, that
the national character of the Thessalians was altogether
different; for wisdom they had only cunning;
for rational valour only a restless love of war; for
strict self-command only unrestrained passions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
7. It appears, therefore, that foreign conquest universally
in Greece gave birth to that political condition,
which may be compared with the villenage or serfage
of the Germanic nations; and indeed it does not seem
that such a state of society could have any other origin.
There would accordingly be matter for surprise if we
found a class of bondsmen among the Arcadians, a
nation which neither gained its territory by conquest,<a id="noteref_268" name="noteref_268" href="#note_268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">268</span></span></a>
nor was ever conquered itself: and, accordingly, it
can scarcely be doubted that the nation described by
Theopompus as possessing 300,000 Prospelatæ, whom
he compares with the Helots, is not the Arcadians,
but the Illyrian Ardiæans.<a id="noteref_269" name="noteref_269" href="#note_269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">269</span></span></a> The distinction of ranks,
which we find existing in the Arcadian towns, may be
satisfactorily explained by the opposition between the
city, properly so called (p????), and the country villages
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
(d?µ??, ??µa?), which in later times most of the
Arcadian cities, for example, Mantinea, Tegea, and
Heræa, incorporated with themselves. For although
it is asserted that these and other towns were made up
of separate villages, it must not be supposed that they
had no previous existence as cities. The account is
to be understood in the same manner as that of the
congregating of the people of Attica to Athens, which
is stated to have taken place in the time of Theseus.
Nearly all the towns of Arcadia possessed citadels of
extreme antiquity, in and near which many princely,
sacerdotal, and military families had dwelt from an
early period. These formed a nobility, with reference
to the agricultural classes in the country, which, however,
included by far the greater portion of the Arcadians.
If then one large town was formed of several
villages, the constitution at the same time necessarily
became more democratical, which was the result at
Argos of the incorporation of the Periœci,<a id="noteref_270" name="noteref_270" href="#note_270"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">270</span></span></a> and at
Megara also of the same measure.<a id="noteref_271" name="noteref_271" href="#note_271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">271</span></span></a> For so long as
the people inhabited a particular village, they interested
themselves in its affairs alone, and the persons
in the chief city managed the concerns of the whole
community. But from the moment that they began
to live together, every person considered himself entitled
to a share in the public councils. Hence it was
the interest of the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy
again to separate the inhabitants of the towns
(d??????e??); of the Athenians, to keep them together.
The Argives first effected the union of the boroughs
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
at Mantinea, doubtless not until they had seen other
instances of the same proceeding, that is, after the
Persian war. They united four hamlets with the ancient
city,<a id="noteref_272" name="noteref_272" href="#note_272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">272</span></span></a> which made the fifth; the Lacedæmonians
after some time restored the ancient villages, and with
them the aristocracy. The territory of Tegea was
also divided into eight hamlets, which were afterwards
united to make the city, viz., the Gareatæ, Phylaceans,
Caryatæ,<a id="noteref_273" name="noteref_273" href="#note_273"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">273</span></span></a> Corytheans, Botachidæ, Manthyreans, Echeneteans,
and Apheidantes: to these were added, as the
ninth, the Tegeatans of the ancient town,<a id="noteref_274" name="noteref_274" href="#note_274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">274</span></span></a> who had
previously been the citizens properly so called, while
the former had been the inhabitants of the open country;
a distinction, which, upon their union, must
either instantly or very soon have disappeared.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_8" id="Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. Since it has been ascertained in the course of
these inquiries that the distinction between p????
and d?µ??, that is, town and country, was of great
political importance in the ancient states, we will conclude
this chapter with some remarks upon those
terms.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The word d?µ?? originally signified the ground and
soil on which the people lived,<a id="noteref_275" name="noteref_275" href="#note_275"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">275</span></span></a> and afterwards the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg 071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
whole number of persons inhabiting it. ?????, on
the contrary, means the city, which in the time of
Homer was probably always fortified. Now with the
city everything that concerned the government of a
state was connected, and those exempt from all personal
share in the labours of the field, namely, the
military families and the nobles,<a id="noteref_276" name="noteref_276" href="#note_276"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">276</span></span></a>
dwelt in it; hence it is viewed in Homer as a disgrace or a misfortune, for
a noble to live among the bondsmen in the country.<a id="noteref_277" name="noteref_277" href="#note_277"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">277</span></span></a>
This is the state of things described by the most ancient
poet; and particular accounts of an historical
nature present the same picture. When the Achæans
settled on the coast of Ægialea, they fortified themselves
in the towns and strongholds, and kept entirely
aloof from the natives; at least we know this to have
been the case at Patræ;<a id="noteref_278" name="noteref_278" href="#note_278"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">278</span></span></a> so that the same
race here inhabited the principal city as conquerors, who in
Laconia were scattered about in the country-towns as
a conquered people. Hence also the town of Dyme
was originally called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Stratos</span></span>;<a id="noteref_279" name="noteref_279" href="#note_279"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">279</span></span></a> that is, the station of
the army, the abode of the male population who had
the means and the privilege of bearing arms. It was
not till a later period that the Achæan towns, Patræ,
Dyme, and Ægium, incorporated their villages.<a id="noteref_280" name="noteref_280" href="#note_280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">280</span></span></a> At
Athens the Eupatridæ are stated to have had possession
of the city;<a id="noteref_281" name="noteref_281" href="#note_281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">281</span></span></a> an account which is strikingly
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name="Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
confirmed by the circumstance that Cydathenæum, one
of the Attic demi, was situated within the city,<a id="noteref_282" name="noteref_282" href="#note_282"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">282</span></span></a> and
it had evidently taken its name from Cydathenæus, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a noble and illustrious Athenian</span></em>.<a id="noteref_283" name="noteref_283" href="#note_283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">283</span></span></a> Hence is explained
the distinction between the terms <span class="tei tei-q">“Athenian,”</span> and
<span class="tei tei-q">“inhabitant of Attica (?tt????),”</span> which was still
preserved in common language after it had been in
fact abolished by the democracy. Thus Plato uses
the former, as a more honourable appellation than the
latter;<a id="noteref_284" name="noteref_284" href="#note_284"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">284</span></span></a> and when Dicæarchus, describing the
manners of Greece, contrasts the inhabitants of Attica as
loquacious, sycophantic, and fickle, with the noble-minded,
simple, and honest Athenians, by the latter he
means the ancient families, and by the former the
Demus, which, since the time of Cleisthenes, had been
compounded of the most heterogeneous elements.
Thus the p???? and d?µ?? became identical in Athens,
and the latter word was used by preference to signify
the whole community. But in other states, the p????
was opposed to the d?µ??, as the ruling aristocratical
power.<a id="noteref_285" name="noteref_285" href="#note_285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">285</span></span></a> Thus Theognis the Megarian says of his
native town, with aristocratical feelings—
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
?at??da ??sµ?s?, ??pa??? ?????, ??t? ?p? ?????
t???a? ??t? ?d????? ??d??s? pe???µe???.</span><a id="noteref_286" name="noteref_286" href="#note_286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">286</span></span></a>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hence, also, states not under a democratical government
used the word p???? in their public documents,
to signify the sovereign power; for instance, the Cretan
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg 073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
towns, so late as the second century after Christ.<a id="noteref_287" name="noteref_287" href="#note_287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">287</span></span></a> The
Spartan community, however, deviating from this
usage of the word, calls itself d?µ?? in ancient laws;<a id="noteref_288" name="noteref_288" href="#note_288"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">288</span></span></a>
because it never thought of opposing itself as a body
to the Periœci.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Democracies then were frequently formed by collecting
the inhabitants of the country into the city
(when the d?µ?? and p???? coincided), by the union of
single villages, and by the admission of the Periœci to
the rights of citizenship. At Athens, in order to give
the democracy the highest possible antiquity, this
change was dated as far back as the mythical age of
Theseus. In Peloponnesus, the first movements tending
to it had perhaps begun before the time of the
tyrants; these very persons, however, though they had
in most cases risen from demagogues, still, for the
purpose of securing a more tranquil dominion, sought
again to remove the common people from the city, and
to bind them down to the country. Instead of the
town-costume, they forced them to resume their former
dress of sheep's skins, as has been remarked above of
the tyrants of Sicyon;<a id="noteref_289" name="noteref_289" href="#note_289"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">289</span></span></a> for this purpose likewise they
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
very prudently encouraged agriculture in all its
branches.<a id="noteref_290" name="noteref_290" href="#note_290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">290</span></span></a> Trade and commerce, by
collecting men together in large towns, promoted the principles of democracy.
It was in the wealthy and populous cities
of the Greeks in the Ionian territory that a popular
government was first established. Where, on the
other hand, the courts of justice were at a distance,
and there was no other inducement to mechanical industry
and internal commerce, the ancient habits of
life continued much longer in existence; as for example,
among the shepherds of Mænalia and Parrhasia:
these, as late as the founding of Megalopolis,
lived in villages, amongst which particular boroughs
(as Basilis) were distinguished as the abodes of sovereign
families; such a state was altogether suited to
the interests of the aristocracy or oligarchy. In oligarchical
states, as in Elis, the people in later times
remained almost constantly in the country; and it
frequently happened that grandfathers and grandchildren
had never seen the town: there were also country
courts of justice, and other regulations, intended to
make up for the advantages of a city life.<a id="noteref_291" name="noteref_291" href="#note_291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">291</span></span></a> But even
in the democratic states, as at Athens, there was
among the people a constant struggle of feeling between
the turbulent working of the democracy, and
the peaceful inclination to their ancient country life.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a>
<a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter V.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Three tribes of citizens in the Doric states. § 2. Additional
tribes, of inferior rank, in some Doric states. § 3. Each tribe
in Sparta was divided into ten obæ. § 4. Political importance
of the Spartan obæ. § 5. ??t?a?, in other Doric states, corresponding
to the Spartan obæ. § 6. Number of Spartan ????.
§ 7. Distinction between Equals and Inferiors in Sparta.
§ 8. Powers of the assembly of citizens at Sparta. § 9. Names
of the assembly of the citizens in the Doric states. § 10. Proceedings
of the Spartan assembly. § 11. Public assembly of
Crete.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. Having considered the subject classes in the
several Doric states, we come to the free citizens properly
so called, who, according to an old Grecian
principle,<a id="noteref_292" name="noteref_292" href="#note_292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">292</span></span></a> which was actually put in practice in
Sparta, were entirely exempted from all care for providing
themselves with the necessaries of life. The
exact distinction between these ranks, and the advantageous
position of the latter class, increased the value
of the rights of citizenship; hence Sparta showed peculiar
reluctance to admitting foreigners to share in them.<a id="noteref_293" name="noteref_293" href="#note_293"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">293</span></span></a>
Before, then, we consider the body politic of free
citizens in its active dealings, it will be proper first to
direct our attention to its component members, to its
division into smaller societies, such as tribes, phratriæ,
houses, &amp;c.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In every Doric state there were three tribes, Hylleis,
Dymanes (or Dymanatæ), and Pamphyli. This
threefold division belonged so peculiarly to the nation
that even Homer called it <span class="tei tei-q">“the thrice-divided”</span>
t??????e?, which ancient epithet is correctly explained
in a verse of Hesiod, as implying the division
of the territory among the people.<a id="noteref_294" name="noteref_294" href="#note_294"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">294</span></span></a> Hence in the
ancient fable which this poet has expressed in an epic
poem, three sons of the ancient Doric king Ægimius
were mentioned, namely, Dyman, Pamphylus, and the
adopted Hyllus; and the same is confirmed by the
direct testimony of Herodotus, who states that the
Doric nation was divided into these three tribes.<a id="noteref_295" name="noteref_295" href="#note_295"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">295</span></span></a>
Hence also Pindar comprehends the whole Doric
nation under the name of the sons of Ægimius and
Hyllus.<a id="noteref_296" name="noteref_296" href="#note_296"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">296</span></span></a> Thus we should be warranted in putting
forth the proposition stated above in these general
terms, even if in the several Doric states there had
been no particular mention of all these tribes. The
fact, however, is, that there are sufficient accounts of
them. Pindar<a id="noteref_297" name="noteref_297" href="#note_297"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">297</span></span></a> bears testimony to their existence in
Sparta; and from an expression of a grammarian, it
may be conjectured that they were also divisions of the
city.<a id="noteref_298" name="noteref_298" href="#note_298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">298</span></span></a> Herodotus states that these tribes existed at
Sicyon and Argos.<a id="noteref_299" name="noteref_299" href="#note_299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">299</span></span></a> In Argos, the city was doubtless
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name="Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
divided according to them; and ?aµf???a??? is mentioned
as a district of the town.<a id="noteref_300" name="noteref_300" href="#note_300"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">300</span></span></a> The Doric tribes
were transmitted from Argos to Epidaurus and
Ægina.<a id="noteref_301" name="noteref_301" href="#note_301"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">301</span></span></a> Hylleis occur also in the Æginetan colony
of Cydonia.<a id="noteref_302" name="noteref_302" href="#note_302"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">302</span></span></a> The same name is found in an inscription
of Corcyra:<a id="noteref_303" name="noteref_303" href="#note_303"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">303</span></span></a> consequently they also existed in
the mother-country, Corinth. It occurs likewise in
another inscription of Agrigentum;<a id="noteref_304" name="noteref_304" href="#note_304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">304</span></span></a> they must
therefore have also been in existence at Rhodes, as
indeed is declared by Homer.<a id="noteref_305" name="noteref_305" href="#note_305"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">305</span></span></a> The Pamphylians
occur at Megara as late as at the time of Hadrian.<a id="noteref_306" name="noteref_306" href="#note_306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">306</span></span></a>
These tribes existed also at Trœzen;<a id="noteref_307" name="noteref_307" href="#note_307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">307</span></span></a>
but the Trœzenian colony Halicarnassus seems to have been almost
exclusively founded by Dymanes.<a id="noteref_308" name="noteref_308" href="#note_308"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">308</span></span></a> On the whole
it appears that wherever there were Dorians there were
also Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. Wherever the Dorians alone had the full rights of
citizenship, no other tribes of the highest ranks could
exist; but if other persons were admitted in any considerable
number to a share in the government, there
were necessarily either one or more tribes in addition
to these three. Thus a fourth, named Hyrnathia,<a id="noteref_309" name="noteref_309" href="#note_309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">309</span></span></a> is
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
known to us in the states of Argos and Epidaurus;
in Ægina also an additional tribe of this kind must
have existed, for in this island there were distinguished
families not of Doric origin.<a id="noteref_310" name="noteref_310" href="#note_310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">310</span></span></a> In Sicyon the fourth
tribe was called the Ægialean. In Corinth also it
appears that there were altogether eight tribes.<a id="noteref_311" name="noteref_311" href="#note_311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">311</span></span></a> But
in Sparta, the city of pure Doric customs, we cannot
suppose the existence of any other than the three
genuine Doric tribes. At first sight, indeed, it might
appear that the great and distinguished house of the
Ægidæ, of Cadmean descent, was without the pale of
these tribes; but it must have been adopted into one of
the three at its admission to the rights of citizenship.<a id="noteref_312" name="noteref_312" href="#note_312"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">312</span></span></a>
For the number of the Spartan obæ, the gerontes, the
knights, the landed estates, viz., 30, 300, 9000, &amp;c.,
manifestly allow of division by the number 3, while
they have no reference to the number 4.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. The tribes of Sparta were again divided into
obæ, which are also called phratriæ.<a id="noteref_313" name="noteref_313" href="#note_313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">313</span></span></a> The term
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">phratria</span></span> (f?at???) signified among the Greeks
an union of houses, whether founded upon the ties of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
actual relationship, or formed for political purposes,
and according to some fixed rule, for the convenience
of public regulations. Thus the word <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">oba</span></span>
comprehends houses (????, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">gentes</span></span>), which were either
really founded on descent from the same stock, or had united themselves
in ancient times for civil and religious purposes,
and afterwards continued to exist as political bodies
under certain regulations.<a id="noteref_314" name="noteref_314" href="#note_314"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">314</span></span></a> The Spartan obæ appear
to have likewise been local divisions, since the name
?ß?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, ??a, signifies <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">single</span></em> hamlets or districts
of a town; although in the case of Sparta it is not evident
what relation they bore to the five divisions of the city,
of which we have spoken above.<a id="noteref_315" name="noteref_315" href="#note_315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">315</span></span></a> It should be, moreover,
observed, that this does not prevent us from supposing
that, as in the parallel case of the phratriæ, the
obæ contained the houses; since we may be allowed to
infer with great probability, from the simple and coherent
regularity of the Spartan institutions, that the
tribes had taken possession of particular districts of
the town, and that these were again divided into smaller
partitions, according to the obæ; a conjecture which,
perhaps, will be confirmed by the statement, that a
place in Sparta was called Agiadæ:<a id="noteref_316" name="noteref_316" href="#note_316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">316</span></span></a> now this was the
name of one of the royal families, which, as being an
oba, appears to have given its name to one district of
the town.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg 080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The obæ were thirty in number;<a id="noteref_317" name="noteref_317" href="#note_317"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">317</span></span></a> that is, there were
ten of the Hyllean, ten of the Dymanatan, ten of the
Pamphylian tribe. Of the Hyllean, two must have
belonged to the royal families of the Heraclidæ. For
since the councillors, together with the kings, amounted
to thirty, and as this number doubtless depended
upon and proceeded from that of the obæ, it follows
that the two royal families, although springing from
one stock, must nevertheless have been separated into
two different obæ, of which they were in a manner
the representatives. And if we proceed to conclude
in this manner, we shall be obliged, since there were
Heraclidæ, exclusive of the kings, in the
gerusia,<a id="noteref_318" name="noteref_318" href="#note_318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">318</span></span></a> to
suppose that there were, besides these, other Heraclide
obæ in Sparta; although I am not of opinion
that all the Hyllean houses derived themselves from
Hercules, and were considered as Heraclidæ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. With respect to the influence and importance
of the obæ in a political view, it was equal to, or even
greater than, that of the phratriæ in ancient Athens.
For, in the first place, the assembly of the people, in
obedience to a rhetra of Lycurgus, was held according
to tribes and obæ; afterwards the high
council was constituted, and probably the 300 knights
were chosen, upon the same principle. At the same
time, all public situations and offices were not filled
in this manner, but only where distinguished dignity
and honour were required: this mode of election, as
will be shown below, had always an aristocratic tendency.
Magistrates, on the contrary, of a more
democratical character, particularly the ephors, were
nominated without regard to the division of tribes, as
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg 081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
their number alone shows: it is probable that this had
some relation to the number of the divisions of the
city, of which, as was shown above, there were five. A
striking analogy, with regard to this numerary regulation,
is afforded by Athens, while yet under an
aristocratic government. The tribe of the nobles
and knights was in this state divided into three phratriæ,
which may be compared with the three tribes of
the Doric Spartans. Now, when the nobility (like
a chamber of peers) constituted a court of justice
over the Alcmæonidæ, 300 eupatridæse, 100 out of
each phratria, composed the court.<a id="noteref_319" name="noteref_319" href="#note_319"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">319</span></span></a> And when
Cleisthenes the Alcmæonid had been expelled by the
aristocratic party, and the democratic senate (ß????)
overthrown, Isagoras established a high council of
300.<a id="noteref_320" name="noteref_320" href="#note_320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">320</span></span></a> Whereas the senate, to which Cleisthenes
gave existence and stability, consisted of 500 citizens,
and was chosen, without any regard to the ancient
division into phratriæ, according to the new local
tribes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. No Doric state, with the exception of Sparta,
appears to have given the name of oba to a division of
the people. But neither can the name <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">phratria</span></span>,
so common in other places, be proved to have been used
by any Doric people. On the other hand, phratriæ
occur at Athens, in the Asiatic colonies,<a id="noteref_321" name="noteref_321" href="#note_321"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">321</span></span></a> and in the
Chalcidean colony of Neapolis, that is, chiefly in
Ionic states; and Neapolis affords a solitary instance of
their being distinguished by certain proper names, such
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg 082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
as Eumelidæ, Eunostidæ, Cymæans, Aristæans, &amp;c.<a id="noteref_322" name="noteref_322" href="#note_322"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">322</span></span></a>
Pindar however mentions <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">patræ</span></span> (p?t?a?) in the
Doric states of Corinth and Ægina; an expression which,
according to the precise definition of Dicæarchus, is
equivalent to houses or ????, signifying persons descended
from the same ancestor (pat??). It was
indeed, although not at Athens, in use among the
Ionians of Asia Minor and the islands, who appear
however to have also employed the terms p?t?a or
pat??a for the more extensive word phratria.<a id="noteref_323" name="noteref_323" href="#note_323"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">323</span></span></a> In
Ægina and Corinth it will be safest to consider the
patræ as houses, since they are always denoted by
patronymic names, going back to fabulous progenitors;
and by Pindar himself they are also called
<span class="tei tei-q">“houses.”</span> Since however, as being not only a
natural, but also a political division, the patræ may
sometimes have comprised <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">several</span></em> houses, and as there
was probably in these states no intermediate division
(like the phratria at Athens and the oba at Sparta)
between them and the tribes, the ancient commentators
have neglected their more restricted and original
sense, and have compared and identified them with
phratriæ.<a id="noteref_324" name="noteref_324" href="#note_324"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">324</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg 083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. The name which the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">houses</span></em> or ???ea bore at
Sparta, and the number of them which was contained
in an oba, may be perhaps ascertained from a passage
of Herodotus,<a id="noteref_325" name="noteref_325" href="#note_325"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">325</span></span></a> in which he mentions the Enomoties,
Triacades, and Syssitia, as military institutions established
by Lycurgus. Other inferences from this
passage we shall not anticipate, remarking only that
the Syssitia appear to have answered to the obæ, from
which it is probable that the Triacades were contained
in these latter divisions. Now in Attica, at an early
period, a triacas was the thirtieth part of a phratria,
and contained thirty men, the same number as a ?????.<a id="noteref_326" name="noteref_326" href="#note_326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">326</span></span></a>
Following then the argument from analogy (by which
we are so often surprised and guided in our inquiries
into the early political institutions), triacas was in
Sparta also the name of a house, which was so called,
either as being the thirtieth part of an oba, or, as
appears to me more probable, because it contained
thirty houses. The relation of the triacas to the
enomoty,—a small division of warriors, which originally
contained twenty-four men,—is quite uncertain. The
basis of the whole calculation, and in this case a sufficiently
fixed standard, was found in Sparta in the
families (?????) connected with the landed estates;
indifferently whether these contained several citizens,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name="Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
or whether they had become extinct and been united
with other families.<a id="noteref_327" name="noteref_327" href="#note_327"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">327</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. We now proceed to mention another division of
the citizens of Sparta, which concerns the difference
of rank. In a certain sense indeed all Dorians were
equal in rights and dignity; but there were yet manifold
gradations, which, when once formed, were retained
by the aristocratic feelings of the people. In
the first place, there was the dignity of the Heraclide
families, which had a precedence throughout the whole
nation;<a id="noteref_328" name="noteref_328" href="#note_328"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">328</span></span></a> and, connected with this, a certain pre-eminence
of the Hyllean tribe; which is also expressed in
Pindar. Then again, in the times of the Peloponnesian
war, <span class="tei tei-q">“men of the first rank”</span> are often mentioned
in Sparta, who, without being magistrates, had
a considerable influence upon the government.<a id="noteref_329" name="noteref_329" href="#note_329"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">329</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Here also the difference between the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Equals</span></em> (?µ????)
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Inferiors</span></em> (?p?µe???e?) must be taken into consideration;
which, if we judge only from the terms,
would not appear to have been considerable, yet,
though it is never mentioned in connexion with the
constitution of Lycurgus, it had in later times a certain
degree of influence upon the government. According
to Demosthenes,<a id="noteref_330" name="noteref_330" href="#note_330"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">330</span></span></a> the prize of virtue
in Sparta was to become a master of the state, together with the Equals.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Whoever neglected a civil duty, lost, according to
Xenophon,<a id="noteref_331" name="noteref_331" href="#note_331"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">331</span></span></a> his rank among the Equals. Cinadon
wished to overthrow the government, because, although
of a powerful and enterprising mind, he did not belong
to the Equals.<a id="noteref_332" name="noteref_332" href="#note_332"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">332</span></span></a> About the king's person in the field
there were always three of the Equals, who provided
for all his wants.<a id="noteref_333" name="noteref_333" href="#note_333"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">333</span></span></a> It also appears that there
were many peculiarities in the education of an Equal.<a id="noteref_334" name="noteref_334" href="#note_334"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">334</span></span></a>
Whoever, during his boyhood and youth, omitted to
make the exertions and endure the fatigues of the
Spartan discipline, lost his rank of an Equal.<a id="noteref_335" name="noteref_335" href="#note_335"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">335</span></span></a> In
like manner, exclusion from the public tables was
followed by a sort of <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">diminutio capitis</span></span>, or
civil degradation.<a id="noteref_336" name="noteref_336" href="#note_336"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">336</span></span></a>
This exclusion was either adjudged by the
other members of the table, or it was the consequence
of inability to defray the due share of the common
expense. To them the Inferiors are most naturally
opposed; and if the latter were distinct from the
Spartans, by the Spartans, in a more limited sense of
the word, Equals are sometimes probably understood.<a id="noteref_337" name="noteref_337" href="#note_337"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">337</span></span></a>
From these scanty accounts the unprejudiced reader
can only infer that a distinction of rank is implied,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg 086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which depended not upon any charge or office, but
continued through life, without however excluding the
possibility of passing from one rank into the other, any
Equal being liable to be degraded for improper conduct,
and an Inferior, under certain circumstances,
being enabled to procure promotion by bravery and
submission to the authorities; but if this degradation
did not take place, the rank then remained in the
family, and was transmitted to the children, as otherwise
it could not have had any effect upon education.<a id="noteref_338" name="noteref_338" href="#note_338"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">338</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. After these preliminary inquiries concerning the
divisions and classes of the citizens, we have now to
examine the manner in which the political power was
distributed and held in Sparta and the other Doric
states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As the foundation of these inquiries, we may premise
a rhetra of Lycurgus, which, given in the form
of an oracle of the Pythian Apollo,<a id="noteref_339" name="noteref_339" href="#note_339"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">339</span></span></a> contains the
main features of the whole constitution of Sparta.<a id="noteref_340" name="noteref_340" href="#note_340"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">340</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Build a temple to Zeus Hellanius and Athene
Hellania; divide the tribes, and institute thirty
obas; appoint a council, with its princes; convene
the assembly between Babyca and Cnacion; propose
this, and then depart; and let there be a right
of decision and power to the people.</span></span>”</span> Here then
there is an unlimited authority given to the people to
approve or to reject what the kings proposed. This
full power was, however, more nearly defined and
limited by a subsequent clause, the addition of which
was ascribed to kings Theopompus and Polydorus:
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">but if the people should follow a crooked opinion,
the elders and the princes shall dissent</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_341" name="noteref_341" href="#note_341"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">341</span></span></a> Plutarch
interprets these words thus; <span class="tei tei-q">“That in case the
people does not either approve or reject the measure
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in toto</span></span>, but alters or vitiates it in any manner, the
kings and councillors should dissolve the assembly,
and declare the decree to be invalid.”</span> According
to this construction, indeed, the public assembly had
so far the supreme power, that nothing could become
a law without its consent. But it probably could not
originate any legislative measure; inasmuch as such
a power would have directly contravened the aristocratical
spirit of the constitution, which feared nothing
so much as the passionate and turbulent haste of the
populace in decreeing and deciding. The sense of
the rhetra of Lycurgus is also given in some verses
from the Eunomia of Tyrtæus, which, on account of
their antiquity and importance, we will quote in their
original language:—
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">F??ß?? ????sa?te?, ???????e? ???ad? ??e??a?</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"><span style="font-size: 90%">µa?te?a? te ?e?? ?a? te??e?t? ?pea.</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">???e?? µ?? ß????? ?e?t?µ?t??? ßas???a?,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"><span style="font-size: 90%">??s? µ??e? Sp??t?? ?µe??essa p????,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">p?esß??e?e?? d? ?????ta?, ?pe?ta d? d?µ?ta? ??d?a?</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"><span style="font-size: 90%">e??e?a?? ??t?a?? ??tapaµe?ß?µ?????.</span><a id="noteref_342" name="noteref_342" href="#note_342"><span class="tei tei-noteref" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">342</span></span></a></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">d?µ?? te p???e? ????? ?a? ???t?? ?pes?a?.</span><a id="noteref_343" name="noteref_343" href="#note_343"><span class="tei tei-noteref" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">343</span></span></a></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
By the sixth line Tyrtæus means to say that the popular
assembly could give a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">direct</span></em> answer to a law
proposed by the authorities, but not depart from or
alter it.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. The usual name of a public assembly in the
Doric states was ???a. This is the name by which
the Spartan assembly is called in Herodotus;<a id="noteref_344" name="noteref_344" href="#note_344"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">344</span></span></a> and it
is used also in official documents for those of Byzantium,<a id="noteref_345" name="noteref_345" href="#note_345"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">345</span></span></a> of Gela, Agrigentum,<a id="noteref_346" name="noteref_346" href="#note_346"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">346</span></span></a> Corcyra,<a id="noteref_347" name="noteref_347" href="#note_347"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">347</span></span></a> and Heraclea;<a id="noteref_348" name="noteref_348" href="#note_348"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">348</span></span></a>
???a?a was the term employed by the Tarentines<a id="noteref_349" name="noteref_349" href="#note_349"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">349</span></span></a> and
Epidamnians;<a id="noteref_350" name="noteref_350" href="#note_350"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">350</span></span></a> the place of assembly among
the Sicilian
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name="Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Dorians was called ???a?t??.<a id="noteref_351" name="noteref_351" href="#note_351"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">351</span></span></a> In Crete it
was known by the ancient Homeric expression of
?????.<a id="noteref_352" name="noteref_352" href="#note_352"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">352</span></span></a> In Sparta the ancient name of an assembly
of the people was ?p???a, whence the word ?pe????e??
in the rhetra quoted above. In later times the
names ?????s?a and ?? ?????t?? appear to have been
chiefly in use, which do not, more than at Athens,
signify a select body, or a committee of the citizens;<a id="noteref_353" name="noteref_353" href="#note_353"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">353</span></span></a>
although in other Doric states select assemblies sometimes
occur under similar names.<a id="noteref_354" name="noteref_354" href="#note_354"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">354</span></span></a> There was also an
assembly of this last kind at Sparta, but it is expressly
called the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">small ecclesia</span></em>;<a id="noteref_355" name="noteref_355" href="#note_355"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">355</span></span></a>
and, according to a passage in which it was mentioned, was chiefly occupied concerning
the state of the constitution, and perhaps
consisted only of Equals; for it can hardly be supposed
that an assembly was convened of magistrates
alone.<a id="noteref_356" name="noteref_356" href="#note_356"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">356</span></span></a>
To the regular assembly, however, all citizens
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg 090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
above the age of thirty were doubtless admitted, who
had not been deprived of their rights by law.<a id="noteref_357" name="noteref_357" href="#note_357"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">357</span></span></a> The
place of meeting was in Sparta, between the brook
Cnacion<a id="noteref_358" name="noteref_358" href="#note_358"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">358</span></span></a> and the bridge Babyca, where afterwards
was a place called Œnus, near to Pitana, and therefore
situated to the west of the city;<a id="noteref_359" name="noteref_359" href="#note_359"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">359</span></span></a> but, whatever might
have been the precise spot, it was in the open air.<a id="noteref_360" name="noteref_360" href="#note_360"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">360</span></span></a>
The time for the regular assembly was each full moon;<a id="noteref_361" name="noteref_361" href="#note_361"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">361</span></span></a>
yet, for business of emergency, extraordinary meetings
were held, often succeeding one another at short
intervals.<a id="noteref_362" name="noteref_362" href="#note_362"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">362</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Our chief object now is to ascertain what were the
subjects which, according to the customs of Sparta,
required the immediate decision of the people. In
the first place, with regard to the external relations of
the state, we know that the whole people alone could
proclaim war, conclude a peace, enter into an armistice
for any length of time, &amp;c.;<a id="noteref_363" name="noteref_363" href="#note_363"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">363</span></span></a> and that all negociations
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
with foreign states, although conducted by the
kings and ephors, could alone be ratified by the same
authority. With regard to internal affairs, the highest
offices, particularly the councillors, were filled by the
votes of the people;<a id="noteref_364" name="noteref_364" href="#note_364"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">364</span></span></a> a disputed succession to the
throne was decided by the same tribunal;<a id="noteref_365" name="noteref_365" href="#note_365"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">365</span></span></a> changes
in the constitution were proposed and explained, and
all new laws (as often as this rare event took place),
after previous examination in the council, were confirmed
in the assembly.<a id="noteref_366" name="noteref_366" href="#note_366"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">366</span></span></a> Legally also it required the
authority of the assembled people to liberate any considerable
number of Helots, as being their collective
owner.<a id="noteref_367" name="noteref_367" href="#note_367"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">367</span></span></a> In short, the popular assembly possessed
the supreme legislative authority; but it was so hampered
and restrained by the spirit of the constitution, that it
could only exert its authority within certain prescribed
limits.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_10" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
10. This circumstance was shown in an especial
manner in the method of its proceedings. None but
public magistrates, chiefly the ephors and kings, together
with the sons of the latter,<a id="noteref_368" name="noteref_368" href="#note_368"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">368</span></span></a> addressed the
people without being called upon, and put the question to
the vote;<a id="noteref_369" name="noteref_369" href="#note_369"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">369</span></span></a> foreign ambassadors also being permitted
to enter and speak concerning war and peace;<a id="noteref_370" name="noteref_370" href="#note_370"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">370</span></span></a> but
that citizens ever came forward upon their own impulse
to speak on public affairs, is neither probable,
nor do any examples of such a practice occur. A
privilege of this kind could, according to Spartan
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
principles, only be obtained by holding a public office.<a id="noteref_371" name="noteref_371" href="#note_371"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">371</span></span></a>
As therefore the magistrates alone, (t???, ???a?) were
the leaders and speakers of the assembly, so we often
find that stated as a decree of the authorities (especially
in foreign affairs),<a id="noteref_372" name="noteref_372" href="#note_372"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">372</span></span></a> which had been discussed
before the whole community, and approved by it.<a id="noteref_373" name="noteref_373" href="#note_373"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">373</span></span></a>
The occasional speeches were short, and spoken extempore;
Lysander first delivered before the people
a prepared speech, which he procured from Cleon of
Halicarnassus.<a id="noteref_374" name="noteref_374" href="#note_374"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">374</span></span></a> The method of voting
by acclamation has indeed something rude and barbarous; but
it has the advantage of expressing not only the number
of approving and negative voices, but also the eagerness
of the voters, accurately enough, according to the
ancient simplicity of manners.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_11" id="Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
11. The public assembly of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crete</span></span> was, if we
may judge from some imperfect accounts, similar
to the Lacedæmonian. It included all the citizens,
strictly so called; and likewise had only power to
answer the decree of the chief officers (cosmi or
gerontes) in the negative or affirmative.<a id="noteref_375" name="noteref_375" href="#note_375"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">375</span></span></a> In the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
other Doric states the influence of the assembly is
too closely connected with the historical epoch to
allow the collection of the scattered accounts in this
place to form an uniform whole. There were everywhere
popular assemblies, as long as they were not
suppressed by tyrants; nor indeed did every tyrant
suppress them; in every state also they represented
the supreme power and sovereignty of the people;
its will was the only law. That this will, however,
should be properly directed, and that the supreme
decision should not be intrusted to the blind impulse
of an ignorant or excited populace, was the problem
which the founders of the Doric governments undertook
to solve.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a>
<a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VI.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. The Gerusia of Sparta, a council of elders. § 2. The
Spartan Gerontes were irresponsible. § 3. Functions of the
Spartan Gerusia. § 4. Gerusia of Crete and of Elis. § 5.
Character of the Spartan royalty. § 6. Honours paid to the
Spartan kings, and the mode of their succession. § 7. Powers
of the Spartan kings in domestic; § 8. and in foreign affairs.
9. Revenues of the Spartan kings. § 10. Heraclide princes
in Doric states other than Sparta.
</span></div>

<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. This result was chiefly brought about by the
aristocratical counterpoise to the popular assembly,
the gerusia, which was never wanting in a genuine
Doric state, the <span class="tei tei-q">“council of elders,”</span> as the name
signifies.<a id="noteref_376" name="noteref_376" href="#note_376"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">376</span></span></a> In this respect it is opposed to the senate
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
(ß????), which represented the people; although the
latter name, as being the more general term, is
sometimes used for the council, but never the converse.
Thus in the Persian war a senate assembled
at Argos, which had full powers to decide concerning
peace and war;<a id="noteref_377" name="noteref_377" href="#note_377"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">377</span></span></a> this was therefore of an aristocratic
character, since the government of Argos had not
then become democratical. The Homeric assembly,
which was of a purely aristocratical form, is called
ß???? ?e???t?? or ?e???s?a;<a id="noteref_378" name="noteref_378" href="#note_378"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">378</span></span></a> it consisted of the older
men of the ruling families, and decided both public
business and judicial causes conjointly with the kings,
properly so called,<a id="noteref_379" name="noteref_379" href="#note_379"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">379</span></span></a>
frequently, however, in connexion
with an ?????. In this assembly lay, but as yet
undeveloped, the political elements of the Doric
gerusia. At Sparta the name was taken in the
strictest sense, as the national opinion laid the greatest
importance upon age in the management of public
affairs; the young men were appointed for war;<a id="noteref_380" name="noteref_380" href="#note_380"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">380</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg 095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and accordingly none but men of sixty or more
years of age had admission to this council.<a id="noteref_381" name="noteref_381" href="#note_381"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">381</span></span></a> The
office of a councillor was, however, according to the
expression both of Aristotle and Demosthenes,<a id="noteref_382" name="noteref_382" href="#note_382"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">382</span></span></a> the
prize of virtue, and attended with general honour;<a id="noteref_383" name="noteref_383" href="#note_383"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">383</span></span></a>
none but men of distinguished families, blameless
lives, and eminent station, could occupy it.<a id="noteref_384" name="noteref_384" href="#note_384"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">384</span></span></a> Being
an office which was held for life,<a id="noteref_385" name="noteref_385" href="#note_385"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">385</span></span></a> it never could
happen that more than one individual was elected at a
time, and the eyes of the whole state were directed
towards the choice of this one person. Distinguished
men, therefore, bordering upon old age, probably
always from the oba to which the person whose place
was vacated had belonged,<a id="noteref_386" name="noteref_386" href="#note_386"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">386</span></span></a> offered themselves
upon their own judgment<a id="noteref_387" name="noteref_387" href="#note_387"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">387</span></span></a> before the
tribunal of the public voice. Their advanced age enabled the electors to
consider and examine a long public life, and ensured
to the state the greatest prudence and experience
in the elected. To provide against the weakness of
age, which Aristotle considers as a defect attendant
on this mode of election, was unnecessary for a time
and a state whose inhabitants enjoyed the highest
bodily health. The aristocratic tendency of the office
required that the candidates should be nominated by
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg 096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
vote, not by lot, but yet by the whole people;<a id="noteref_388" name="noteref_388" href="#note_388"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">388</span></span></a> and
that they themselves should meet with the good-will
of every person; which was particularly required for
this dignity.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. When they had passed through this ordeal
they were for ever relieved from all further scrutiny,
and were trusted to their own conscience.<a id="noteref_389" name="noteref_389" href="#note_389"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">389</span></span></a>
They were subject to no responsibility, since it
was thought that the near prospect of death would
give them more moderation,<a id="noteref_390" name="noteref_390" href="#note_390"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">390</span></span></a> than the fear of incurring
at the cessation of their office the displeasure
of the community; to whom in other states
the power of calling the highest officers to account
was intrusted. The spirit of this aristocratic institution
was, that the councillors were morally perfect,
and hence it gave them a complete exemption
from all fear as to the consequences of their actions.
To later politicians it appeared still more dangerous
that the councillors of Sparta acted upon their own
judgment, and not according to written laws; but
only because they did not take into account the power
of custom and of ancient habit (the ???afa ??µ?µa,
p?t???? ??µ??),<a id="noteref_391" name="noteref_391" href="#note_391"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">391</span></span></a> which have an absolute sway, so
long as the internal unity of a people is not separated
and destroyed. Upon unwritten laws, which
were fixed in the hearts of the citizens, and were
there implanted by education, the whole public and
legal transactions of the Spartans depended; and
these were doubtless most correctly delivered through
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the mouths of the experienced old men, whom the
community had voluntarily selected as its best citizens.
Thousands of written laws always leave open
a door for the entrance of arbitrary decision, if they
have not by their mutual connexion a complete
power of supplying what is deficient; this power
is, however, alone possessed by the law, connate with
the people, which, in the ancient simple times, when
national habits are preserved in perfect purity, is
better maintained by custom fixed under the inspection
of the best men, than by any writing.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
To me, therefore, the gerusia appears to be a
splendid monument of early Grecian customs: and,
by its noble openness, simple greatness, and pure
confidence, shows that it was safe to build upon the
moral excellence and paternal wisdom of those who
had experienced a long life, and to whom in this instance
the people intrusted its safety and welfare.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. The functions of the gerusia were double, it
having at the same time an administrative and a
judicial authority. In the first capacity it debated
with the kings upon all important affairs, preparing
them for the decision of the public assembly, and
passed a decree in its first stage by a majority of
voices,<a id="noteref_392" name="noteref_392" href="#note_392"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">392</span></span></a> the influence of which
was doubtless far greater than at Athens: in the latter capacity it had
the supreme decision in all criminal cases, and could
punish with infamy and death.<a id="noteref_393" name="noteref_393" href="#note_393"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">393</span></span></a>
Since, however, in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
both these directions the power of the council gradually
came in conflict with that of the ephors, we
must first enter into an investigation concerning these
officers, before it will be possible to speak of the
extent of the functions of the council at different
periods. Another circumstance also, which renders
a separate inquiry into the nature of the ephoralty
requisite, is the inspection which it exercised over
the manners of the citizens,<a id="noteref_394" name="noteref_394" href="#note_394"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">394</span></span></a> in which it manifests a
great similarity with the ancient Athenian court of
the Areopagus. As every old man had the right
of severely censuring the habits of any youth, so
every citizen was a youth in comparison with these
aged fathers of the state. Hence the awe and veneration
with which they were commonly regarded at
Sparta. That, however, to an Athenian orator of
the democratic times, the gerusia should appear
possessed of despotic authority, is not surprising; for
it is so far true, that this institution, if transplanted
to Athens, would necessarily have caused a tyrannical
dominion. In Sparta, however, so little was known
of any despotic measure of the gerontes, that, on the
contrary, the constitution was impaired when their
antagonist office, the ephors, gained the ascendency in
influence and power. The institution of the gerusia
was in fact, in its main features, once established at
Athens, when Lysander nominated the Thirty, who
were to be a legislative body, and at the same time
the supreme court of justice; with how little success
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
is well known; so true is it, that every institution
can only flourish in the soil in which it is first
planted.<a id="noteref_395" name="noteref_395" href="#note_395"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">395</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. In early times every Doric state must have had
a gerusia; but <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crete</span></span> is the only place of whose
council accounts have been preserved, and these represent
it in precisely the same light as that of Sparta.
It was, we are informed, armed with large political
and legislative powers, and laid its decrees in a matured
state before the general assembly, for its approval
or rejection.<a id="noteref_396" name="noteref_396" href="#note_396"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">396</span></span></a> It decided, without
appeal to written laws, upon its own judgment, and was responsible
to no one.<a id="noteref_397" name="noteref_397" href="#note_397"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">397</span></span></a> The members were chosen from
those persons who had before filled the supreme
magistracy (the cosmi), not, however, until after a
fresh examination of their fitness.<a id="noteref_398" name="noteref_398" href="#note_398"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">398</span></span></a> The office lasted
for life, as at Sparta.<a id="noteref_399" name="noteref_399" href="#note_399"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">399</span></span></a> The
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">princeps senatus</span></span> was
styled ß????? p?e???st??.<a id="noteref_400" name="noteref_400" href="#note_400"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">400</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elis</span></span>, also, whose government resembled that
of Sparta, a gerusia was a very important part of the
constitution. It consisted of ninety members, who
were chosen for their lifetime from oligarchical families;<a id="noteref_401" name="noteref_401" href="#note_401"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">401</span></span></a>
but in other respects the election was the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
same as at Sparta, and therefore they were chosen
by the whole people. Yet there was also a larger
council of 600,<a id="noteref_402" name="noteref_402" href="#note_402"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">402</span></span></a> which may have been an aristocratical
committee selected from the popular assembly. Thus
much at least is clear, that the power of the people
was very limited; and that, as Aristotle says, there
was one oligarchy within another.<a id="noteref_403" name="noteref_403" href="#note_403"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">403</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. To the consideration of the gerusia may be
joined the inquiry concerning the kingly office in
Sparta and other Doric states, as being a cognate
element of the constitution. The Doric royalty was
a continuation of the heroic or Homeric; and neither
in the one nor in the other are we to look for that
despotic power, with which the Greeks were not
acquainted until they had seen it in foreign countries.
In those early times the king, together with his
council, was supreme ruler and judge, but not without
it; he was also chief commander in war, and as such
possessed a large executive authority, as circumstances
required. On the whole, however, his station
with regard to the nobles was that of an equal; and
his office, although for the most part hereditary, could
yet be transferred to another family of the aristocracy.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg 101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
He ruled over the common people either in an arbitrary
manner, as the suitors in Ithaca, or as a mild
father, like Ulysses.<a id="noteref_404" name="noteref_404" href="#note_404"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">404</span></span></a> His office on the whole bore an
analogy to the power of Zeus; and it received a religious
confirmation from the circumstance of his presiding
at and performing the great public sacrifices
with the assistance of soothsayers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. These are the principal features of the kingly
office at Sparta, where, according to Aristotle, as
well as among the Molossi in Epirus, it acquired
firmness by the limitation of its power; it also derived
an additional strength from the mythical notion
that the conquest of the country had originated from
the royal family.<a id="noteref_405" name="noteref_405" href="#note_405"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">405</span></span></a> The main support of the dignity
of the kings was doubtless the honour paid to the
Heraclidæ, which extended throughout the whole of
Greece, and was the theme of many fables; even the
claim of the Spartans to the command of the allied
Grecian armies was in part founded upon it. These
princes, deriving their origin from the first of the heroes
of Greece, were in many respects themselves considered
as heroes,<a id="noteref_406" name="noteref_406" href="#note_406"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">406</span></span></a> and enjoyed a certain religious respect.
Hence also we may account for their funeral ceremonies,
so splendid, when compared with the simplicity
of Doric customs; for the general mourning of
ten days,<a id="noteref_407" name="noteref_407" href="#note_407"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">407</span></span></a> to which a fixed number of Spartans,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Periœci and Helots came, together with their wives,
from all parts of the country into the city, where they
covered their heads with dust or ashes with great
lamentation, and on each occasion praised the dead
king as the best of all princes;<a id="noteref_408" name="noteref_408" href="#note_408"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">408</span></span></a> as well as for the
exposure of those kings who had fallen in battle,
whose images were laid upon a state-couch:<a id="noteref_409" name="noteref_409" href="#note_409"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">409</span></span></a> usages
which approximate very closely to the worship of an
hero (t?µa? ?????a?). The royal dignity was also
guarded by the sanction of the sacerdotal office: for
the kings were priests of Zeus Uranius and Zeus Lacedæmon,
and offered public sacrifices to Apollo on
every new moon and seventh day (?e?µ????? and
?ßd?µa??ta?);<a id="noteref_410" name="noteref_410" href="#note_410"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">410</span></span></a> they also received the skins of all
sacrificed animals as a part of their income. From
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
this circumstance, added to the fact that in war they
had a right to the back of every victim, and had liberty
to sacrifice as much as they wished,<a id="noteref_411" name="noteref_411" href="#note_411"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">411</span></span></a> it follows
that they presided over the entire worship of the army,
being both priests and princes, like the Agamemnon
of Homer.<a id="noteref_412" name="noteref_412" href="#note_412"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">412</span></span></a> Their power, however, most directly
required that they should maintain a constant intercourse
between the state and the Delphian oracle;
hence they nominated the Pythians, and, together with
these officers, read and preserved the oracles.<a id="noteref_413" name="noteref_413" href="#note_413"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">413</span></span></a> As
then it appears from these facts that the dignity of the
kings was founded on a religious notion, so it was also
limited by religion; although the account we have is
rather of an ancient custom, which was retained when
its meaning had been lost, than an institution of real
influence. Once in every eight years (d?? ?t?? ????a)
the ephors chose a calm and moonless night, and
placed themselves in the most profound silence to
observe the heavens: if there was any appearance of
a shooting star, it was believed that the kings had in
some manner offended the Deity, and they were suspended
until an oracle from Delphi, or the priests at
Olympia, absolved them from the guilt.<a id="noteref_414" name="noteref_414" href="#note_414"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">414</span></span></a> If this
custom (doubtless of great antiquity) is compared
with the frequent occurrence of this period of nine
years in early times, and especially with the tradition
preserved in a verse of Homer, <span class="tei tei-q">“of Minos, who reigned
for periods of nine years, holding intercourse with
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Zeus,”</span><a id="noteref_415" name="noteref_415" href="#note_415"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">415</span></span></a> it is easy to perceive that the dominion of the
ancient Doric princes determined, as it were, at the
period of every eight years, and required a fresh religious
ratification. So intimate in early times was
the connexion between civil government and religion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is clear, from what has been said, that the Dorians
considered the kingly office as proceeding from
the Deity, and not as originating from the people;
which would, I believe, have seemed to them in no-wise
more natural, than that the liberty of the people
should be dependent on the king. But they were well
aware that the elements of the constitution had not
been formed by a people consisting, like the American
colonists after their defection from the mother-country,
of individuals possessed of equal rights: but
they had existed at the beginning, and grown with the
growth of the nation. For this reason the people were
not empowered to nominate the king (from which
disputes concerning the rightful succession to the
throne should be carefully distinguished;)<a id="noteref_416" name="noteref_416" href="#note_416"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">416</span></span></a> but the
royal dignity passed in a regular succession to the
eldest son, with this exception, that the sons born
during the reign of the father had the precedence of
their elder brothers: if the eldest son died, the throne
passed to his next male descendant; and on failure of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
his line, to the younger brothers in succession; if
there was no male issue of the king, the office went to
his brother<a id="noteref_417" name="noteref_417" href="#note_417"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">417</span></span></a> (who also, during the minority of the son
of the late king, was his natural guardian),<a id="noteref_418" name="noteref_418" href="#note_418"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">418</span></span></a> and his
heirs; or, lastly, if the whole line was extinct, to
the next of kin.<a id="noteref_419" name="noteref_419" href="#note_419"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">419</span></span></a> The anxiety of the Spartans for
the legitimacy of their kings, also serves to prove
the high importance which was attached to the genuineness
of their birth. Notwithstanding these
large privileges, the people believed its liberty to be
secured by the oath which was taken every month
by the kings, that they would reign according to the
laws; a custom also in force among the Molossi;<a id="noteref_420" name="noteref_420" href="#note_420"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">420</span></span></a> in return for which, the state engaged through the ephors
to preserve the dominion of the kings unshaken (?st?f????t??),
if they adhered to their oath.<a id="noteref_421" name="noteref_421" href="#note_421"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">421</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. The constitutional powers of the kings of Sparta
were inconsiderable, as compared with their dignity
and honours. In the first place, the two kings were
members of the gerusia, and their presence was requisite
to make a full council; but as such they only had
single votes,<a id="noteref_422" name="noteref_422" href="#note_422"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">422</span></span></a> which in their absence were held by the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg 106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
councillor who was most nearly related to them, and
therefore a Heraclide.<a id="noteref_423" name="noteref_423" href="#note_423"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">423</span></span></a> If they were present,
they presided at the council, and accordingly, in the ancient
rhetra above mentioned, they are styled <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">princes</span></em>
(???a??ta?) in reference to the council; it was also
their especial office to speak and to propose measures
in the public assembly. When the council sat as a
court of justice, the kings of course presided in it;
besides which, they had a distinct tribunal of their
own,<a id="noteref_424" name="noteref_424" href="#note_424"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">424</span></span></a> for in Sparta all magistrates had a jurisdiction
in cases which belonged to the branch of the administration
with which they were intrusted: the only
remnant of which custom, spared by the democracy at
Athens, was, that the public officers always <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">introduced</span></em>
such suits into the courts. This coincidence of
administrative and judicial authority also existed at
Sparta in the person of their kings. They held a
court in cases concerning the repair and security of
the public roads, probably in their capacity of generals,
and as superintendents of the intercourse with foreign
nations. It is remarkable that they gave judgment
in all cases of heiresses, and that all adoptions
were made in their presence.<a id="noteref_425" name="noteref_425" href="#note_425"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">425</span></span></a> Both these duties
regarded the maintenance of families, the basis of the
ancient Greek states, the care for which was therefore
intrusted to the kings. Thus in Athens also, the same
duty had been transferred from the ancient kings to
the archon eponymus, who accordingly had the superintendence,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name="Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and a species of guardianship over all
heiresses and orphans.<a id="noteref_426" name="noteref_426" href="#note_426"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">426</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. The greater part of the king's prerogative was
his power in foreign affairs. The kings of Sparta
were the commanders of the Peloponnesian confederacy.
They also went out as ambassadors; although
at times of mistrust companions were assigned, who
were known to be disinclined and hostile to them.<a id="noteref_427" name="noteref_427" href="#note_427"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">427</span></span></a>
By the same power the kings also nominated citizens
as proxeni, who entertained ambassadors and citizens
of foreign states in their houses,<a id="noteref_428" name="noteref_428" href="#note_428"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">428</span></span></a> and otherwise provided
for them; it appears that the kings themselves
were in fact the proxeni for foreign countries, and that
those persons whom they nominated are only to be
considered as their deputies.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As soon as the king had assumed the command of
the army, and had crossed the boundaries, he became,
according to ancient custom, general with unlimited
power (st?at???? a?t????t??).<a id="noteref_429" name="noteref_429" href="#note_429"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">429</span></span></a> He had authority
to despatch and assemble armies, to collect money in
foreign countries, and to lead and encamp the army
according to his own judgment. Any person who
dared to impede him, or to resist his authority, was
outlawed.<a id="noteref_430" name="noteref_430" href="#note_430"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">430</span></span></a> He had power of life and death, and could
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
execute without trial (?? ?e???? ??µ?); although, from
the well-known subordination of the Spartans, such
cases were probably of rare occurrence. But it is
manifest that the king, upon his return, was always
responsible and liable to punishment, as well for an
imprudent, as for a tyrannical use of his powers. His
political was separated with sufficient accuracy from
his military authority, and the king was not permitted
to conclude treaties, or to decide the fate of cities,
without communication with and permission from the
state.<a id="noteref_431" name="noteref_431" href="#note_431"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">431</span></span></a> His military power was, however, thought
dangerous and excessive, and was from time to time
curtailed. This limitation was not indeed effected
by the arrangement which originated from the dissension
between Demaratus and Cleomenes, viz., that
only one king should be with the army at the same
time<a id="noteref_432" name="noteref_432" href="#note_432"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">432</span></span></a> (for this regulation rather increased the power
of the one king who was sent out); but chiefly by the
law, that the king should not go into the field without
ten councillors (a rule which owed its origin to the
over-hasty armistice of Agis),<a id="noteref_433" name="noteref_433" href="#note_433"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">433</span></span></a> and by the compulsory
attendance of the ephors.<a id="noteref_434" name="noteref_434" href="#note_434"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">434</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. The investigation concerning the revenue of the
kings is not in itself so important as it is rendered
interesting by the parallel with the same office in the
Homeric age. In Homer the kings are represented
as having three sorts of revenues; first, the produce of
their lands (teµ???),<a id="noteref_435" name="noteref_435" href="#note_435"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">435</span></span></a> which often contained tillage
ground, pastures, and plantations; secondly, the fees
for judicial decisions (d??a); and, thirdly, the public
banquets, which were provided at the expense of the
community.<a id="noteref_436" name="noteref_436" href="#note_436"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">436</span></span></a> To these were added
extraordinary gifts, shares of the booty, and other honorary presents.
The case was nearly the same at Sparta, except that
they received no fees for judicial decisions. But in
the first place, the king in this country had his landed
property, which was situated in the territory of several
cities belonging to the Periœci,<a id="noteref_437" name="noteref_437" href="#note_437"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">437</span></span></a> and the
royal tribute (ßas?????? f????) was probably derived from the same
source.<a id="noteref_438" name="noteref_438" href="#note_438"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">438</span></span></a> This was the foundation of the private wealth
of the kings, which frequently amounted to a considerable
sum; otherwise, how could it have been proposed
to fine king Agis a hundred thousand drachmas,<a id="noteref_439" name="noteref_439" href="#note_439"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">439</span></span></a>
that is, doubtless, Æginetan drachmas, and therefore
about 5800<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">l.</span></span> of our money? Also the younger Agis,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the son of Eudamidas, was possessed of six hundred
talents in coin;<a id="noteref_440" name="noteref_440" href="#note_440"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">440</span></span></a> and in a dialogue attributed
to Plato, the king of Sparta is declared to be richer than any
private individual at Athens.<a id="noteref_441" name="noteref_441" href="#note_441"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">441</span></span></a> But besides
these revenues, the king received a large sum from the public
property; a double portion at the public banquets,<a id="noteref_442" name="noteref_442" href="#note_442"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">442</span></span></a>
an animal without blemish for sacrifice, a medimnus of
wheat, and a Lacedæmonian quart of wine on the first
and seventh days of each month;<a id="noteref_443" name="noteref_443" href="#note_443"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">443</span></span></a> the share in the
sacrifices above mentioned, &amp;c. It was, moreover,
customary for private individuals who gave entertainments,
to invite the kings, as was the practice in
the Homeric times;<a id="noteref_444" name="noteref_444" href="#note_444"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">444</span></span></a> on these occasions a double portion
was set before them, and when a public sacrifice
took place, the kings had the same rights and preferences.<a id="noteref_445" name="noteref_445" href="#note_445"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">445</span></span></a>
In war, also, the king received a large portion
of the plunder; thus the share of Pausanias, after the
battle of Platæa, was ten women, horses, camels, and
talents:<a id="noteref_446" name="noteref_446" href="#note_446"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">446</span></span></a> in later times it appears that a third
of the booty fell to the lot of the king.<a id="noteref_447" name="noteref_447" href="#note_447"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">447</span></span></a> Lastly, it is proper
to mention the official residence of the two kings of
Sparta, built, according to tradition, by Aristodemus
the ancestor of the two royal families.<a id="noteref_448" name="noteref_448" href="#note_448"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">448</span></span></a> In addition
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to this dwelling, they had frequently private houses of
their own,<a id="noteref_449" name="noteref_449" href="#note_449"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">449</span></span></a> and a tent was always built for them without
the city, at the public expense.<a id="noteref_450" name="noteref_450" href="#note_450"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">450</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In taking a review of all these statements, it appears
to me that the political sagacity was almost past belief,
with which the ancient constitution of Sparta protected
the power, the dignity, and welfare of the office of
king, yet without suffering it to grow into a despotism,
or without placing the king in any one point either
above or without the law. Without endangering the
liberty of the state, a royal race was maintained, which,
blending the pride of their own family with the national
feelings, produced, for a long succession of years,
princes of a noble and patriotic disposition. Thus it
was in fact with the two Heraclide families, to which
Theopompus, Leonidas, Archidamus II., Agesilaus,
Cleomenes III., and Agis III. belonged; and the
greater number of the later kings retained, up to the
last period, a genuine Spartan disposition, which we
find expressed in many nervous and pithy apophthegms.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" id="Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
10. It may be inferred that it was the case in all,
as we know it to have been in many Dorian states,
with the exception of later colonies, that they were
governed by princes of the Heraclide family. In
Argos, the descendants of Temenus reigned until after
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the time of Phidon, and the kingly office did not expire
till after the Persian war;<a id="noteref_451" name="noteref_451" href="#note_451"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">451</span></span></a> in Corinth, the successors
of Aletes, and afterwards of Bacchis, reigned until
about the 8th Olympiad. How long the Ctesippidæ
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg 113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
reigned in Epidaurus and Cleonæ,<a id="noteref_452" name="noteref_452" href="#note_452"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">452</span></span></a> we
are not informed.
In Megara we find the name, but the name
only, of a king at a very late period.<a id="noteref_453" name="noteref_453" href="#note_453"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">453</span></span></a> In Messenia
the Æpytidæ ruled as kings until the subjugation of
the country; and when Aristomenes was compelled to
quit it, he took refuge with Damagetus, the king of
Ialysus, in the island of Rhodes, of the Heraclide
family of the Eratidæ.<a id="noteref_454" name="noteref_454" href="#note_454"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">454</span></span></a>
Also the Hippotadæ at Cnidos
and Lipara,<a id="noteref_455" name="noteref_455" href="#note_455"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">455</span></span></a>
the Bacchiadæ at Syracuse and Corcyra,<a id="noteref_456" name="noteref_456" href="#note_456"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">456</span></span></a>
the Phalantidæ at Tarentum,<a id="noteref_457" name="noteref_457" href="#note_457"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">457</span></span></a> probably had in early
times ruled as sovereign princes, as well as the Heraclidæ
at Cos, who derived their origin from Phidippus
and Antiphus.<a id="noteref_458" name="noteref_458" href="#note_458"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">458</span></span></a> In Crete we find but little mention
of the Heraclidæ, the only exceptions being Althæmenes
of Argos, and Phæstus of Sicyon.<a id="noteref_459" name="noteref_459" href="#note_459"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">459</span></span></a> In this
island the family of Teutamas had reigned from a remote
period: with regard to the time during which
kings existed in this country, it can only be conjectured
from the circumstance that a king named
Etearchus reigned at Oaxus not long before the building
of Cyrene.<a id="noteref_460" name="noteref_460" href="#note_460"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">460</span></span></a> Cyrene, as has been already shown,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
was under the dominion of a Minyean, its mother-city
Thera, under that of an Ægide family.<a id="noteref_461" name="noteref_461" href="#note_461"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">461</span></span></a>
Delphi was also at an early period under the rule of kings.<a id="noteref_462" name="noteref_462" href="#note_462"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">462</span></span></a> Of the
aristocratic offices, which were substituted in the place
of the royal authority, we shall presently speak, when
treating of the power of the cosmi.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a>
<a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VII.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Origin of the office of Ephor in the Spartan state. § 2.
Period of its creation. § 3. Civil jurisdiction of the Ephors.
§ 4. Increase in the powers of the Ephors. § 5. Their transaction
of business with the assembly of citizens, and with
foreign powers. § 6. The power of the Ephors, owing to
their ascendency over the assembly of citizens. § 7. Miscellaneous
facts concerning the office of Ephor. § 8. Titles and
duties of other magistrates at Sparta.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. Before we treat of the powers of the cosmi,
it will be necessary to inquire into an office, which
is of the greatest importance in the history of the
Lacedæmonian constitution; for while the king, the
council, and the people, preserved upon the whole
the same political power and the same executive
authority, the office of the ephors was the moving
principle by which, in process of time, this most perfect
constitution was assailed, and gradually overthrown.
From this remark three questions arise:
first, what was the original nature of the office of
ephor? secondly, what changes did it experience in
the lapse of time? and, thirdly, from what causes
did these changes originate?
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg 115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
There is an account frequently repeated by ancient
writers, that Theopompus, the grandson of Charilaus
the Proclid, founded this office in order to limit the
authority of the Kings. <span class="tei tei-q">“He handed down the royal
power to his descendants more durable, because he
had diminished it.”</span><a id="noteref_463" name="noteref_463" href="#note_463"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">463</span></span></a> If, however, the ephoralty
was an institution of Theopompus, it is difficult to
account for the existence of the same office in other
Doric states. In Cyrene the ephors punished litigious
people and impostors with infamy:<a id="noteref_464" name="noteref_464" href="#note_464"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">464</span></span></a> the same
office existed in the mother-city Thera,<a id="noteref_465" name="noteref_465" href="#note_465"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">465</span></span></a> which island
had been colonised from Laconia long before the time
of Theopompus. The Messenians also would hardly,
upon the re-establishment of their state, have received
the ephoralty into their government,<a id="noteref_466" name="noteref_466" href="#note_466"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">466</span></span></a> if they
had thought it only an institution of some Spartan
king. The ephors of the Tarentine colony Heraclea
may be more easily derived from Sparta and the
time of Theopompus.<a id="noteref_467" name="noteref_467" href="#note_467"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">467</span></span></a> It is however plain that
Herodotus<a id="noteref_468" name="noteref_468" href="#note_468"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">468</span></span></a> and Xenophon<a id="noteref_469" name="noteref_469" href="#note_469"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">469</span></span></a> placed the ephoralty
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name="Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
among the institutions of Lycurgus, with as much
reason as other writers attributed it to Theopompus;
and it will probably be sufficient to state that the
ephors were ancient Doric magistrates.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The ephoralty, however, considered as an office
opposed to the kings and to the council, is not for
this reason an institution less peculiar to the Spartans;
and in no Doric, nor even in any Grecian state,
is there any thing which exactly corresponds with
it. It is evident, therefore, that it must have gradually
obtained this peculiar character by causes which
operated upon the Lacedæmonian state alone. Hence
it appears, that the supposed expression of Theopompus
referred rather to the powers of the ephors
in later times, than to their original condition. At
least Cleomenes the Third was ignorant of this account
of them; since, after the abolition of these
magistrates, he proposed, in a speech to the people,
that the ephors should again be what they were
originally (when they were elected in the first Messenian
war), viz., the deputies and assistants of the
king. In this proposal indeed a very partial view
is displayed; for every magistrate must necessarily
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
choose his own deputy; whereas the democratic election
of the ephors was, as we shall presently see, an
essential part of their office. From the accounts
just adduced, we do not however wish to infer any
thing further, than how variable were the opinions,
and how little historical the statements, concerning
the original object of the ephoralty.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. In the constitution of Lycurgus, as it has been
hitherto developed, the ephoralty of later times would
not only have been a superfluous, but a destructive
addition. For in this the king, the council, and the
people constituted the chief authorities; and to suppose
that any part would require either check or
assistance, would have been inconsistent with the
plans of the legislator. A counter-authority, such as
the ephoralty, in which the mistrust of the people
was expressed in a tyrannical manner, was far removed
from the innocence and simplicity of the
original constitution, and could not have been introduced,
until the connexion and firmness arising from
the first laws had been loosened and enfeebled. The
Roman office of tribune had, doubtless, a certain
similarity in its first origin with the ephoralty;<a id="noteref_470" name="noteref_470" href="#note_470"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">470</span></span></a> yet
the former was more imperatively required, as by it
an entire people, the <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">plebs Romana</span></span>, obtained a
necessary and fair representation; whereas in Sparta the
gerusia, although chosen from the most distinguished
citizens, belonged nevertheless to the whole Spartan
people, and the democratic influence of the popular
assembly served as the basis of the whole constitution.<a id="noteref_471" name="noteref_471" href="#note_471"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">471</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If then the extended political power of the ephors
did not belong to the constitution of Lycurgus, neither
can we suppose that it originated in the time of Theopompus.
For the statement is worthy of credit, that
Theopompus and Polydorus added the following
words to the rhetra above quoted: <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">If however the
people should follow a crooked opinion, the councillors
and princes shall dissent.</span></span>”</span> Now in the
first place, the ephors are here wholly omitted,
although in the Peloponnesian war they put the vote
to the people, and frequently made proposals in the
assembly; and, secondly, the tendency of this clause
is manifestly to diminish the power of the people;
whereas it will be more clearly shown below, that
the authority of the ephors rested upon democratical
principles.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is evident that these supposed historical traditions,
instead of affording any clear explanation, lead
to contradictions; and in order to obtain any distinct
knowledge of the history of the ephoralty, we must
proceed rather upon the evidence furnished by the
nature of the office itself, and the analogy of similar
offices in other states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. For this reason we will first consider the judicial
authority of the ephors, a power which we know
to have belonged also to the ephors of Cyrene. Now
Aristotle<a id="noteref_472" name="noteref_472" href="#note_472"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">472</span></span></a> describes their judicial powers by saying,
that they decided causes relating to contracts, while
the council decided causes of homicide.<a id="noteref_473" name="noteref_473" href="#note_473"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">473</span></span></a> The latter
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name="Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
was therefore a supreme criminal court, with power
of life and death; the former a civil court, which
gave judgment concerning contracts and property.
Its influence upon the Spartans would appear to have
been inconsiderable, from the opinions entertained by
them on the division of property and exchange of
money, perhaps less than it really was; but however
this may be, the Periœci and Helots, when they were
in Sparta, were under its jurisdiction. Now we
have already shown, that it was a principle of the
Lacedæmonian government so to divide the jurisdiction
amongst the different magistrates, that the
administration and jurisdiction belonged to the same
officers.<a id="noteref_474" name="noteref_474" href="#note_474"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">474</span></span></a> Hence a superintendence over sales and
over the market must have been the original duty
of the ephors, forming the basis of their judicial
authority.<a id="noteref_475" name="noteref_475" href="#note_475"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">475</span></span></a> The market, as being the central point
of exchange, was no unimportant object of care:<a id="noteref_476" name="noteref_476" href="#note_476"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">476</span></span></a> every Spartan here brought a part of the corn produced
by his estate, in order to exchange it for other
commodities: it was in a certain manner disgraceful
not to have the power of buying and selling;<a id="noteref_477" name="noteref_477" href="#note_477"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">477</span></span></a> a
privilege which was also interdicted to youths: moreover,
in the days of mourning for the king, the market was
shut up and scattered with chaff.<a id="noteref_478" name="noteref_478" href="#note_478"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">478</span></span></a>
The day upon
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg 120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which Cinadon, according to the description of
Xenophon,<a id="noteref_479" name="noteref_479" href="#note_479"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">479</span></span></a> secretly endeavoured to inflame the
minds of the lower classes, was evidently a market-day,
and also, in my opinion, a great day of justice. A
king, the ephors, the councillors, and about forty
Spartans (?µ????), were in the market-place, all probably
in a judicial capacity: besides whom, there
were about four thousand men, chiefly occupied in
buying and selling, as is seen from the fact that in
one part of the market a large quantity of iron fabrics
was heaped up. The ephors were therefore ?f????
(inspectors) over the market, and for this reason they
met regularly in this place,<a id="noteref_480" name="noteref_480" href="#note_480"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">480</span></span></a> where was also
situated their office.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The number of the college of ephors (five),<a id="noteref_481" name="noteref_481" href="#note_481"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">481</span></span></a> which
it had in common with some other magistrates of
Sparta,<a id="noteref_482" name="noteref_482" href="#note_482"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">482</span></span></a> appears, as I conjectured
above,<a id="noteref_483" name="noteref_483" href="#note_483"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">483</span></span></a> to imply a
democratic election—a fact which is also stated by
the ancients. We know from Aristotle, that persons
from the people, without property or distinction, could
fill this office:<a id="noteref_484" name="noteref_484" href="#note_484"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">484</span></span></a> in what manner, indeed, is not quite
manifest. Properly indeed, no magistrate in Sparta
was chosen by lot;<a id="noteref_485" name="noteref_485" href="#note_485"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">485</span></span></a> but it appears that election by
choice and by lot were combined.<a id="noteref_486" name="noteref_486" href="#note_486"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">486</span></span></a> In this case we
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg 121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
see displayed a principle of the ancient Greek states,
which administered the criminal jurisdiction on aristocratic
principles, while civil causes were decided by
the whole community, or its representatives. At
Athens, Solon gave the popular courts a jurisdiction
only in civil suits; all criminal cases were decided
by the timocratic Areopagus, and the aristocratic
Ephetæ. In Heraclea on the Pontus, the chief
officers were chosen from a small number of the
citizens, the courts of justice from the rest of the
people.<a id="noteref_487" name="noteref_487" href="#note_487"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">487</span></span></a> And in Sparta also the civil
judges were the deputies of the assembly—the ???a?a,<a id="noteref_488" name="noteref_488" href="#note_488"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">488</span></span></a> which in
Athens itself acted as a court of justice under the
name of ???a?a.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. From the view of this office now taken, the
continued extension of the powers of the ephors may
be more easily accounted for. It was the regular
course of events in the Grecian states, that the civil
courts enlarged their influence, while the power of
the criminal courts was continually on the decline.
As in Athens, the Helæeea rose, as compared with
the Areopagus, so in Sparta the power of the ephors
increased in comparison with that of the gerusia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the first place, the jurisdiction of the ephors
was extended<a id="noteref_489" name="noteref_489" href="#note_489"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">489</span></span></a> chiefly by their privilege of instituting
scrutinies (e????a?) into the official conduct of all
magistrates, with the exception of the councillors.<a id="noteref_490" name="noteref_490" href="#note_490"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">490</span></span></a>
By this indeed we are not to understand, that all
magistrates, after the cessation of their office, rendered
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name="Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
an account of their proceedings, but only that
the ephors could compel them to undergo a trial, if
there had been any thing suspicious in their administration;
a right, however, as it extended over the
ephors of the preceding year,<a id="noteref_491" name="noteref_491" href="#note_491"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">491</span></span></a> which restrained the
power that it bestowed. But the ephors were not
compelled to wait for the natural expiration of an
office, they could suspend or deprive the officer by
their judicial powers.<a id="noteref_492" name="noteref_492" href="#note_492"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">492</span></span></a> Now in this respect
the king was in the very same situation with the remaining
magistrates, and could, as well as the others, be
brought before the tribunal of the ephors. Even
before the Persian war, Cleomenes was tried before
them for bribery.<a id="noteref_493" name="noteref_493" href="#note_493"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">493</span></span></a> The king was always bound to
obey their summons:<a id="noteref_494" name="noteref_494" href="#note_494"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">494</span></span></a> but the fact of his not being
compelled to yield till the third time, was used by
Cleomenes III. as an argument to prove that the power of
the ephors was originally an usurpation.<a id="noteref_495" name="noteref_495" href="#note_495"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">495</span></span></a>
At the same time, their power extended in practice so
far, that they could accuse the king, as well as the
other magistrates, in extreme cases, without consulting
the assembly, and could bring him to trial
for life and death.<a id="noteref_496" name="noteref_496" href="#note_496"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">496</span></span></a> This larger court consisted of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name="Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
all the councillors, of the ephors, who thus came
before it as accusers, besides having the right of
sitting as judges, of the other king, and probably of
several magistrates, who had all equal votes.<a id="noteref_497" name="noteref_497" href="#note_497"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">497</span></span></a> From
this court there was no appeal; it had power to
condemn the king to death;<a id="noteref_498" name="noteref_498" href="#note_498"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">498</span></span></a> although, until
later times, it was prevented by a religious scruple from
executing this sentence.<a id="noteref_499" name="noteref_499" href="#note_499"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">499</span></span></a> That its proceedings
were commonly carried on with great propriety and composure,
is stated upon the occasion of an instance
to the contrary.<a id="noteref_500" name="noteref_500" href="#note_500"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">500</span></span></a> This great court of magistrates
we frequently find deciding concerning public crimes
with supreme authority,<a id="noteref_501" name="noteref_501" href="#note_501"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">501</span></span></a> and the ephors acting in it as
accusers:<a id="noteref_502" name="noteref_502" href="#note_502"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">502</span></span></a> but that the ephors had power of themselves
to punish with death, I deny most decidedly:<a id="noteref_503" name="noteref_503" href="#note_503"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">503</span></span></a>
whether they had authority to banish, I even doubt.<a id="noteref_504" name="noteref_504" href="#note_504"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">504</span></span></a>
The inaccuracy of later writers has confounded the
steps preparatory to the sentence, with the sentence
itself; a power of life and death in the hands of the
ephors would have been worse than tyranny. The
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page124">[pg 124]</span><a name="Pg124" id="Pg124" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
ephors, when they judged for themselves, were only
able to impose fines, and to compel an instantaneous
payment.<a id="noteref_505" name="noteref_505" href="#note_505"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">505</span></span></a> Their power of punishing the kings in
this manner, or by a reprimand, was doubtless very
extensive, and appears to have been subject to no
limitation. Agesilaus was fined by them for endeavouring
to make himself popular,<a id="noteref_506" name="noteref_506" href="#note_506"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">506</span></span></a> and Archidamus
was censured for having married too small a wife,<a id="noteref_507" name="noteref_507" href="#note_507"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">507</span></span></a>
which implies the opinion, that the community had
a right to require their kings to keep up a robust
family.<a id="noteref_508" name="noteref_508" href="#note_508"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">508</span></span></a> The kings, however, were compelled to
submit to this treatment, in a state in which every
magistrate exercised the full powers of his office with
a certain degree of severity. We find, however,
that the ephors had also jurisdiction in cases which
were neither civil actions nor the scrutinies of public
officers; for example, they punished a man for having
brought money into the state;<a id="noteref_509" name="noteref_509" href="#note_509"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">509</span></span></a>
another for indolence;<a id="noteref_510" name="noteref_510" href="#note_510"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">510</span></span></a>
a third from the singular reason that he was generally
injured and insulted:<a id="noteref_511" name="noteref_511" href="#note_511"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">511</span></span></a> and their share in the superintendence
of public education,<a id="noteref_512" name="noteref_512" href="#note_512"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">512</span></span></a> as well as over the
celebration of the public games,<a id="noteref_513" name="noteref_513" href="#note_513"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">513</span></span></a> gave them a jurisdiction
in causes relating to these points. In cases
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg 125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of this kind, however, we are ignorant how far they
acted as a separate board, and how far in connexion
with other magistrates, for example, as assessors of
the kings.<a id="noteref_514" name="noteref_514" href="#note_514"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">514</span></span></a> They judged according to unwritten laws,
as Sparta knew no others. Aristotle calls this, deciding
according to their will and pleasure.<a id="noteref_515" name="noteref_515" href="#note_515"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">515</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. Another more important circumstance, as affecting
the extension of the power of the ephors, was, that
these officers (from what time we are not informed)
placed themselves in connexion with the popular assembly,
so that they had a right to transact business
with it in preference to all other magistrates. They
had power to convene the people,<a id="noteref_516" name="noteref_516" href="#note_516"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">516</span></span></a> and put the
vote to them.<a id="noteref_517" name="noteref_517" href="#note_517"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">517</span></span></a> They must in early times have had
the privilege of proposing laws<a id="noteref_518" name="noteref_518" href="#note_518"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">518</span></span></a> (but doubtless not till after
they had passed through the gerusia), if the ephor
Chilon is correctly called a legislator.<a id="noteref_519" name="noteref_519" href="#note_519"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">519</span></span></a>
They also possessed great authority in transactions with foreign
nations. They admitted ambassadors, and had also power to dismiss
them from the boundary,<a id="noteref_520" name="noteref_520" href="#note_520"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">520</span></span></a> likewise
to expel suspected foreigners from the state,<a id="noteref_521" name="noteref_521" href="#note_521"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">521</span></span></a> and
therefore they were probably the chief managers of
the Xenelasia. They frequently carried on the negotiations
with foreign ambassadors, with full powers of
treating;<a id="noteref_522" name="noteref_522" href="#note_522"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">522</span></span></a> and had great influence, especially of a preparatory
nature,<a id="noteref_523" name="noteref_523" href="#note_523"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">523</span></span></a> upon declarations of war, as well as
armistices and treaties of peace,<a id="noteref_524" name="noteref_524" href="#note_524"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">524</span></span></a> which the ephors, and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page126">[pg 126]</span><a name="Pg126" id="Pg126" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
particularly the first among them, swore to and subscribed
in presence of other persons.<a id="noteref_525" name="noteref_525" href="#note_525"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">525</span></span></a> To them also
was intrusted the right of dismissing ambassadors.<a id="noteref_526" name="noteref_526" href="#note_526"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">526</span></span></a>
In time of war they were empowered to send out
troops (f?????? fa??e??<a id="noteref_527" name="noteref_527" href="#note_527"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">527</span></span></a>) on whatever day seemed to
them expedient;<a id="noteref_528" name="noteref_528" href="#note_528"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">528</span></span></a> and they even appear to have had
authority to determine the number of men.<a id="noteref_529" name="noteref_529" href="#note_529"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">529</span></span></a> The
army they then intrusted to the king, or some other
general,<a id="noteref_530" name="noteref_530" href="#note_530"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">530</span></span></a> who received from them instructions how to
act;<a id="noteref_531" name="noteref_531" href="#note_531"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">531</span></span></a> sent back to the ephors for fresh instructions;<a id="noteref_532" name="noteref_532" href="#note_532"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">532</span></span></a>
were restrained by them through the attendance of
extraordinary plenipotentiaries;<a id="noteref_533" name="noteref_533" href="#note_533"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">533</span></span></a> were recalled by
means of the scytale;<a id="noteref_534" name="noteref_534" href="#note_534"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">534</span></span></a> summoned before a judicial
tribunal;<a id="noteref_535" name="noteref_535" href="#note_535"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">535</span></span></a> and their first duty after their
return was to visit the office of the ephors.<a id="noteref_536" name="noteref_536" href="#note_536"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">536</span></span></a> These officers also sent
commands, with respect to discipline, to standing
armies abroad,<a id="noteref_537" name="noteref_537" href="#note_537"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">537</span></span></a> Now in these cases the ephors must
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
have acted, not upon their own authority, but as the
agents of the public assembly;<a id="noteref_538" name="noteref_538" href="#note_538"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">538</span></span></a> it was their duty to
execute the decrees of the people, the mode being left
in some degree to their discretion. For this reason
the assembly is frequently mentioned, together with
the ephors, in the same cases in which on other occasions
the ephors alone are represented as acting. The
ephors were often manifestly mediators between the
generals and the assembly. In the field the king was
followed by two ephors, who belonged to the council
of war;<a id="noteref_539" name="noteref_539" href="#note_539"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">539</span></span></a> it is probable that they had the chief care of
the maintenance of the army, as well as the division of
the plunder:<a id="noteref_540" name="noteref_540" href="#note_540"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">540</span></span></a> those ephors who remained behind in
Sparta received the booty in charge, and paid it in to
the public treasury.<a id="noteref_541" name="noteref_541" href="#note_541"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">541</span></span></a> We also find the ephors deciding
with regard to conquered cities, whether they
should be dependent or independent;<a id="noteref_542" name="noteref_542" href="#note_542"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">542</span></span></a> they suppressed
the ten governors appointed by Lysander, nominated
harmosts,<a id="noteref_543" name="noteref_543" href="#note_543"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">543</span></span></a> &amp;c.; all evidently in the
name and authority of that power, which it would have been against all
principles of a free constitution to intrust to the college
of ephors.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. Although we are prevented from obtaining an
entirely clear view of this subject, and particularly
from pointing out all the collisions between the authority
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the ephors and other magistrates, by the
secret nature of the Spartan constitution,<a id="noteref_544" name="noteref_544" href="#note_544"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">544</span></span></a> it is yet
evident that the powers of the ephors were essentially
founded upon the supreme authority of the popular
assembly, whose agents and plenipotentiaries they were.
Every popular assembly is necessarily an unskilful
body, and little able to act both with energy and moderation;
least of all was the Spartan assembly capable
of transacting and executing any complicated business.
For this reason it intrusted to the ephors, who were
chosen upon democratic principles from among the
people, a power similar to that which the public leaders
or demagogues of Athens exercised in so pernicious
a manner. Plato and Aristotle compare their authority
with a tyranny:<a id="noteref_545" name="noteref_545" href="#note_545"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">545</span></span></a> and it is to be remembered that
in Greece tyrants continually rose from demagogues.
Accordingly the ephors reached the summit of their
power when they began to lead the public assembly:
it is probable that this was first done by the ephor
Asteropus, who is one of the first persons to whom
the extension of the powers of that office is ascribed,<a id="noteref_546" name="noteref_546" href="#note_546"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">546</span></span></a> and who probably lived not long before the time of
Chilon. The extensive political influence of Lacedæmon
also contributed to give a greater importance to
the ephoralty. Chasms arose in the constitution of
Lycurgus, which had been intended for a simpler state
of things, and were filled up by the ambition of these
magistrates. The transactions with foreign states required
a small number of skilful and clever men; the
gerusia was too helpless, simple, and antiquated for
this purpose; and accordingly the sphere of its operations
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
appears to have been confined to domestic affairs.
And lastly, as the finances of Sparta became continually
an object of greater and greater importance,
the influence of the officers necessarily increased, who
had, as it appears, at all times the management of the
treasury.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. There are some other facts which may be added
respecting the official proceedings of the ephors.
They commenced their annual office with the autumnal
equinox, the beginning of the Lacedæmonian year.<a id="noteref_547" name="noteref_547" href="#note_547"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">547</span></span></a>
The first of them gave his name to the year, which was
called after him in all public transactions. They commenced
their official duties with a species of edict, by
which the secret officers (???pt??) were sent out: it
appears from this that they also exercised a superintendence
over the discipline of the Helots and Periœci.<a id="noteref_548" name="noteref_548" href="#note_548"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">548</span></span></a>
In the same edict it was ordered <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to shave the beard</span></span>,”</span>
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">and obey the laws</span></span>,”</span><a id="noteref_549" name="noteref_549" href="#note_549"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">549</span></span></a> the former being a metaphorical,
and indeed rather a singular expression for subjection
and obedience. They held their daily meetings in the
ephors' office, in which they also ate together.<a id="noteref_550" name="noteref_550" href="#note_550"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">550</span></span></a> In
this house foreigners and ambassadors were introduced,
and hospitably entertained.<a id="noteref_551" name="noteref_551" href="#note_551"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">551</span></span></a> Next to the Ephoreum
stood a temple of Fear, which the dictatorial power of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
these magistrates doubtless inspired in the citizens.<a id="noteref_552" name="noteref_552" href="#note_552"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">552</span></span></a> Lastly, these officers also required a religious foundation
for their dignity. The ephors at certain periods
saw dreams in the temple of Pasiphaa at Thalamæ,
and their visions were politically interpreted: we know
that a dream of this kind stimulated the Spartans to
return to their ancient equality.<a id="noteref_553" name="noteref_553" href="#note_553"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">553</span></span></a> Of their periodical
inspection of the heavens we have already spoken,
when treating of the kingly office:<a id="noteref_554" name="noteref_554" href="#note_554"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">554</span></span></a> and it is remarkable
that this custom, which was doubtless of great
antiquity, occurs first in very late times, and was used
in support of the tyranny of the ephors over the kings.
It is these later times in particular which confirm the
assertion made in the beginning of the chapter, that
the ephoralty was the moving element, the principle of
change, in the Spartan constitution, and, in the end,
the cause of its final dissolution; for the ephors, being
brought by means of their jurisdiction and their political
duties into extensive intercourse with foreign
nations, were the first to give up the severe customs of
ancient Sparta, and to admit a greater luxury of
manners. Even Aristotle censures their relaxed mode
of life.<a id="noteref_555" name="noteref_555" href="#note_555"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">555</span></span></a> It is still more to our
purpose that the decrees which undermined the constitution of Sparta
originated from these magistrates: it was the ephor
Epitadeus who first carried through the law permitting
the free inheritance of property. For this reason it
was necessary for the royal heroes Agis and Cleomenes,
when, in a fruitless but glorious struggle with
the degenerate age, they undertook to restore the constitution
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of Lycurgus, to begin with the overthrow of
the ephors.<a id="noteref_556" name="noteref_556" href="#note_556"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">556</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_8" id="Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. The undefined and vague nature of the authority
of the ephors<a id="noteref_557" name="noteref_557" href="#note_557"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">557</span></span></a> is strongly opposed to the accurate
designation of the duties of the other annual officers.
Although there were many officers of this description
at Sparta, we seldom find any mention of them, as they
rarely overstepped the legal bounds of their authority.
Yet it is possible that the name t???,<a id="noteref_558" name="noteref_558" href="#note_558"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">558</span></span></a> which is so frequently
used for the presidents of the assembly, and
the high court for state offences, and which to a
foreigner rather concealed than explained the internal
affairs of Sparta, comprehended other magistrates,
according to the circumstances of the case, besides the
kings, councillors, and ephors. The nomophylaces
and bidiæi,<a id="noteref_559" name="noteref_559" href="#note_559"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">559</span></span></a> as well as the ephors, had their
offices in the market-place. The duties of the former officers
are declared by their name, of their number we know
nothing; of the latter there were five, and their business
was to inspect the gymnastic exercises.<a id="noteref_560" name="noteref_560" href="#note_560"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">560</span></span></a> The
harmosyni were appointed to superintend the manners
of the women;<a id="noteref_561" name="noteref_561" href="#note_561"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">561</span></span></a> the buagi regulated a part of the
education; to the empelori belonged the market-police.<a id="noteref_562" name="noteref_562" href="#note_562"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">562</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The polemarchs also, in addition to their military functions,
had a civil, together with a certain judicial power.
In some Laconian inscriptions, belonging to the
Roman time, many names of nomophylaces, buagi,
and s?ss?t?? of the magistrates are recorded; the
meaning of the latter distinction is obscure. The
election of regular nomophylaces was an occurrence
somewhat unusual.<a id="noteref_563" name="noteref_563" href="#note_563"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">563</span></span></a> With regard to later times we
may further observe, that the ephoralty, which was
abolished by Cleomenes, was re-established under the
Roman dominion;<a id="noteref_564" name="noteref_564" href="#note_564"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">564</span></span></a> and that the same king
instituted a college of pat????µ?? in the place of the gerusia,<a id="noteref_565" name="noteref_565" href="#note_565"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">565</span></span></a>
although Pausanias again mentions gerontes; unless
it is possible that the two councils coexisted. An inscription
of the second century of the Christian era<a id="noteref_566" name="noteref_566" href="#note_566"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">566</span></span></a>
mentions a s??d???? at Sparta, a public advocate, and
daµ?s??µ?st??, a public inquisitor, and interpreter of
the laws of Lycurgus, concerning whom, as well as
others of the magistrates here mentioned, we will say
more hereafter.<a id="noteref_567" name="noteref_567" href="#note_567"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">567</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a>
<a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VIII.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. The Cosmi of Crete. § 2. Changes in their powers. § 3.
The Prytanes of Corinth and Rhodes. § 4. The Prytanes of
ancient Athens. § 5. The Artynæ of Argos; the Demiurgi in
several states of Peloponnesus.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The cosmi of Crete are compared by Aristotle,
Ephorus and Cicero, with the ephors of Lacedæmon.<a id="noteref_568" name="noteref_568" href="#note_568"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">568</span></span></a>
We are first led to suspect the correctness of this
comparison by the fact, that the larger part of the
extensive power of the ephoralty did not exist in the
ancient constitution of Sparta, and consequently there
could not have been any thing corresponding with it
in the sister constitution of Crete. This conjecture
is still further confirmed when we remember that the
cosmi were chosen from particular families, rather
according to their rank than their personal merits.<a id="noteref_569" name="noteref_569" href="#note_569"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">569</span></span></a> For to take away from the office of ephors their
election from among the people would be to give up
its most essential characteristic. If then we abandon
this comparison, it will be necessary, on account of
the great similarity between the two constitutions,
to find some other analogous office, and it will then
appear that the parallel magistrates to the cosmi in
the Spartan government were the kings; whom
indeed the cosmi appear to have succeeded, like the
prytanes, artynæ, &amp;c., in other states, the expiring
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page134">[pg 134]</span><a name="Pg134" id="Pg134" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
monarchical dignity having been replaced by an aristocratical
magistrate.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This assertion is confirmed by whatever knowledge
we have of the powers of the cosmi, which
indeed chiefly regards their influence in foreign
affairs. They were commanders in war, like the
kings of Sparta.<a id="noteref_570" name="noteref_570" href="#note_570"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">570</span></span></a> They conducted the
negotiations with foreign ambassadors (although these last sometimes
spoke before the public assembly); and they
affixed their official name to the treaties, as well as to
all decrees of the state.<a id="noteref_571" name="noteref_571" href="#note_571"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">571</span></span></a> They provided for the ambassadors
during their residence,<a id="noteref_572" name="noteref_572" href="#note_572"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">572</span></span></a> and prepared for
them the necessary documents.<a id="noteref_573" name="noteref_573" href="#note_573"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">573</span></span></a> They appear to
have themselves gone as ambassadors to neighbouring
and friendly states.<a id="noteref_574" name="noteref_574" href="#note_574"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">574</span></span></a> For the internal government
and administration of the state they shared the power
of the senate, with which body they consulted on
important affairs.<a id="noteref_575" name="noteref_575" href="#note_575"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">575</span></span></a> The decrees passed in this council
were then laid before the public assembly for its decision,
according to the manner above stated.<a id="noteref_576" name="noteref_576" href="#note_576"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">576</span></span></a> On
an occasion of the connexion of two Cretan cities by
?s?p???te?a, the cosmi of the one state, who were
resident in the other city, went together into the house
of meeting of the cosmi and of the senate (as it appears)
and sat among them in the public assembly.<a id="noteref_577" name="noteref_577" href="#note_577"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">577</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The common routine of business they appear to have
conducted with a large executive power;<a id="noteref_578" name="noteref_578" href="#note_578"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">578</span></span></a> they
must, for example, have had a compulsive authority, in
order to force a person who had kidnapped citizens of
a foreign state, against the right of asylum, to restore
them.<a id="noteref_579" name="noteref_579" href="#note_579"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">579</span></span></a> In judicial matters they performed, in the
times at least subsequent to Alexander, certain duties
which had a resemblance to the introduction of the lawsuits
by the Athenian magistrates.<a id="noteref_580" name="noteref_580" href="#note_580"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">580</span></span></a> They themselves,
however, were not only subject to certain punishments
for omission of their duties, but they could also be impeached,
apparently during the continuance of their
office.<a id="noteref_581" name="noteref_581" href="#note_581"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">581</span></span></a> Upon the whole, without having equal dignity,
they had more power and more extensive duties than
the Spartan kings; yet both were limited by the large
number of the college of cosmi, for it contained ten
members. The college had power to degrade individuals,
although the office was limited to a year,
each individual being also permitted to tender his
resignation within that period.<a id="noteref_582" name="noteref_582" href="#note_582"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">582</span></span></a> The first
of them gave his name to the year; he was called
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page136">[pg 136]</span><a name="Pg136" id="Pg136" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
protocosmus,<a id="noteref_583" name="noteref_583" href="#note_583"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">583</span></span></a> although he had probably no distinct privileges.
The senate was chosen from persons who
had filled the office of cosmus; it was not, however,
so arranged that each cosmus, on the cessation of his
office, became a senator (as at Athens, after the time
of Solon, every archon, if no complaint was made
against him, became a member of the Areopagus),
but the senators were selected from among the former
cosmi, after a fresh examination. For the number
of the senators was, doubtless, limited, and was not
sufficiently great to comprehend all the cosmi.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. In the time of Aristotle the power of the cosmi
had acquired a despotic character. The number of
the families from which they were chosen had become
less numerous; individual families had acquired an
immediate influence upon the government, and their
disputes had created parties, in which the whole
nation took a share. The constitution had been thus
converted into a narrow oligarchy; the democratic
element, the public assembly, being too feeble to
put an end to these dissensions. To this was added,
at a time when men had ceased to venerate ancient
customs, a want of written laws. When powerful
families feared for the issue of a lawsuit, they prevented
the election of the cosmi, and an ???sµ?a, as it
was called, arose,<a id="noteref_584" name="noteref_584" href="#note_584"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">584</span></span></a> in which the chief families and
their dependents were opposed to one another as
enemies. This state of things had at that time
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg 137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
been introduced in several of the chief cities of
Crete: at the time, however, when the alliance
between the Priansii and Hierapytnii (which is still
extant) was agreed to, the government appears to
have been better regulated, and the powers of the
aristocracy to have been considerably diminished.
But before the time of Polybius a complete revolution
had taken place, by which the power of the
aristocracy was abolished, and the election of all
magistrates founded on democratic principles;<a id="noteref_585" name="noteref_585" href="#note_585"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">585</span></span></a> a
revolution which gradually overthrew all the ancient
institutions; so that the writer just mentioned cannot
discover the least resemblance between the Spartan
and Cretan governments, the original similarity of
which cannot be doubted. It is worthy of remark
that cosmi, as far as we know, were the chief magistrates
in all the cities of Crete; and their constitutions
were in all essential points the same: a proof
that these cities, although originally founded by
different tribes, were in their political institutions
determined by the governing, that is, the Doric
race.<a id="noteref_586" name="noteref_586" href="#note_586"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">586</span></span></a>
In the time of Plato, Cnosus was still, as in the
time of Minos, considered the chief seat of ancient
Cretan institutions; Ephorus, on the other hand,
observes that they had been less preserved in this
town than among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and other
small cities.<a id="noteref_587" name="noteref_587" href="#note_587"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">587</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. With the Cretan cosmi may be compared the
magistrates named prytanes, who in Corinth, as well
as in other states, succeeded in the place of the
kings. The numerous house of the Bacchiadæ were
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page138">[pg 138]</span><a name="Pg138" id="Pg138" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
not content that certain individuals of their number
should exercise the government as an hereditary right
for life, but wished to obtain a larger share in it, and
to give the enjoyment of the supreme power to a
greater number. The only difference, however, which
existed between a prytanis and a king was, that the
former was elected, and only held his office for a
year, by which he was compelled to administer it
according to the will of his house, into the body of
which he was soon to return. In this state, doubtless,
there was also a gerusia, but perhaps only consisting
of Bacchiadæ. As the Bacchiadæ only intermarried
with persons of their own house, they formed an
aristocratic caste, whose government, which lasted
for ninety years, must have been exceedingly
oppressive.<a id="noteref_588" name="noteref_588" href="#note_588"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">588</span></span></a>
As Corcyra was founded from Corinth before
the commencement of the tyranny of the Cypselidæ,
we find that in the latter state annual prytanes, chosen
apparently from among the aristocracy, remained the
supreme magistrates even in a democratic age.<a id="noteref_589" name="noteref_589" href="#note_589"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">589</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The power of the prytanis, as has been already
mentioned, came next in order in that of king, and
hence the ancient Charon of Lampsacus called the Spartan kings
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">prytanes</span></span>;<a id="noteref_590" name="noteref_590" href="#note_590"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">590</span></span></a> which was also the proper
name of one of them. The early kings of Delphi
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name="Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
were also, at least about 360 B.C., called prytanes;<a id="noteref_591" name="noteref_591" href="#note_591"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">591</span></span></a>
in which state there was for a long time an aristocratic
government, similar to that which prevailed in the
Homeric age.<a id="noteref_592" name="noteref_592" href="#note_592"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">592</span></span></a> The number of the prytanes was in
general only one or two.<a id="noteref_593" name="noteref_593" href="#note_593"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">593</span></span></a> At Rhodes there were two
in a year, each of whom had the precedence for six
months;<a id="noteref_594" name="noteref_594" href="#note_594"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">594</span></span></a> so that sometimes one, sometimes two prytanes
are mentioned: they managed the public affairs
with great power in the Prytaneum, in which building
the archives of the city were preserved, and foreign
ambassadors received.<a id="noteref_595" name="noteref_595" href="#note_595"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">595</span></span></a> Yet their powers cannot have
been excessive in the free constitution, which Rhodes,
at its most flourishing period, enjoyed. For the senate,
which was chosen on purely democratic principles,
as we shall see below, shared the management
of all public affairs with the prytanes; the people,
however, exercised the supreme power in the general
assembly, voted by cheirotonia,<a id="noteref_596" name="noteref_596" href="#note_596"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">596</span></span></a> and does not
appear to have been even led in its deliberations by the magistrates
alone.<a id="noteref_597" name="noteref_597" href="#note_597"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">597</span></span></a> Yet the government of Rhodes was
never, up to the time of the Roman dominion, a complete
democracy;<a id="noteref_598" name="noteref_598" href="#note_598"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">598</span></span></a>
perhaps it approximated at the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page140">[pg 140]</span><a name="Pg140" id="Pg140" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
period of the greatest power of these islanders to the
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">politeia</span></span> of Aristotle.<a id="noteref_599" name="noteref_599" href="#note_599"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">599</span></span></a> But the power of the prytanes,
who were also the chief magistrates in Ionian, and
especially Æolian<a id="noteref_600" name="noteref_600" href="#note_600"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">600</span></span></a> states, was not everywhere so
wisely restrained; in Miletus their authority was
nearly despotic.<a id="noteref_601" name="noteref_601" href="#note_601"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">601</span></span></a> In all places the prytanes inherited
from the kings the celebration of public sacrifices,
which they generally performed in particular buildings
in the market-place, on the common hearth of
the state. So the prytanis of Tenedos, to whom Pindar
has composed an ode for the sacrifice upon entrance
into his office (e?s?t?????). In Cos a divination
from fire was probably connected with the sacrifices
of the prytanis.<a id="noteref_602" name="noteref_602" href="#note_602"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">602</span></span></a> These sacrifices, the public banquets,
together with the reception of foreign ambassadors,
belonged at Athens to the fifty prytanes, as was
the case at Rhodes and Cos. But the political signification
of the name had, under the democratic government
of Athens, become entirely different from
that which it bore in other more aristocratic constitutions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The striking dissimilarity in the duties of the
prytanes in the Athenian and in the early constitutions
of Greece, and a conviction that the democracy
of Athens, although relatively modern, had so completely
brought into oblivion the former institutions,
that they can be only recognised in insulated traces
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page141">[pg 141]</span><a name="Pg141" id="Pg141" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and names which had lost their ancient meaning, encourage
me to offer some conjectures on the original
nature of the office held by the prytanes of Athens.
There was at Athens a court of justice in the prytaneum
(?p? p??ta?e??), which, in the times of which
we have an historical account, only possessed the
remnants of a formerly extensive criminal jurisdiction.<a id="noteref_603" name="noteref_603" href="#note_603"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">603</span></span></a>
Now that this had once been the chief court
in Athens is proved by the name <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">prytanea</span></span>, which
were fees deposited by the parties before each lawsuit,
according to the amount of value in question,
and which served for the maintenance of the judges.<a id="noteref_604" name="noteref_604" href="#note_604"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">604</span></span></a>
The name proves that these monies had at one time
been the pay of the prytanes, in their judicial capacity,
like the gifts in Homer and Hesiod. Furthermore
we know that the ancient financial office of the
colacretæ at one time, as their name testifies, collected
their share of the animals sacrificed (which exactly
resembles the perquisites of the kings at Sparta), and
that they always continued to manage the banquets in
the Prytaneum, and at a later time collected the justice-fees,
for example, these very prytanea.<a id="noteref_605" name="noteref_605" href="#note_605"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">605</span></span></a> From
the connexion between these functions, which has not
been entirely obliterated, it is manifest that the ancient judicial prytanes formed
a company or <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">syssition</span></span>, dined
in public, were fed at the public expense, and, with
regard to their revenues, had stept into the rights of
the kings, whose share in the sacrifices and justice-fees
had formerly been collected by the colacretæ.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page142">[pg 142]</span><a name="Pg142" id="Pg142" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although there appears to be nothing inconsistent in
this account, it is nevertheless singular that a whole
court of justice bore the name of prytanes, whereas
in other states the number of these magistrates was
always very small; and hence we are led to conjecture
that the prytanes, as in other places, were merely the
leaders and presidents of this supreme court. It is,
however, certain that in later times the phylobasileis
presided in the Prytaneum, four eupatridæ, who were
at the head of the four ancient tribes; and doubtless
performed other duties than the sacred functions which
are ascribed to them;<a id="noteref_606" name="noteref_606" href="#note_606"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">606</span></span></a> like the phylarchs of Epidamnus,
whose extensive duties were in later times transferred
to a senate.<a id="noteref_607" name="noteref_607" href="#note_607"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">607</span></span></a> We must therefore suppose that
these phylobasileis, who, in consequence of political
changes, had at an early period fallen into oblivion,
were once, under the name of prytanes, one of the
highest offices of the state. Now these four prytanes,
or phylobasileis, were assisted in their court by the
ephetæ, who, as I have already remarked,<a id="noteref_608" name="noteref_608" href="#note_608"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">608</span></span></a> were
before the time of Solon identical with the court of the
Areopagus, when they had the management of the
criminal jurisdiction, and a superintendence over the
manners of the citizens in an extended sense of the
word. Both these were also duties of the Doric gerusia,
to which the kings stood in nearly the same relation
as the prytanes of Athens to the areopagites or
ephetæ. Their number was fifty-one, which probably
includes the basileus: there could not, however, have
been fifty previously to the new division of the tribes
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page143">[pg 143]</span><a name="Pg143" id="Pg143" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by Cleisthenes, before which change their number
was forty-eight, according to the four tribes, either with
or without the phylobasileis.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If this view of the subject is correct, there is a
remarkable correspondence, both in their respective
numbers and constitutions, between the criminal court
and the first administrative office in the ancient state
of Athens. These latter were the naucrari. The
naucrari, who were also anciently forty-eight in number,
and fifty after the new division of the tribes, in
early times managed the public revenue, and therefore
fitted out armies and fleets.<a id="noteref_609" name="noteref_609" href="#note_609"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">609</span></span></a> Now Herodotus also
mentions prytanes of the naucrari, who in early times
directed the government of Athens.<a id="noteref_610" name="noteref_610" href="#note_610"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">610</span></span></a> Unless we suppose
the existence of two kinds of prytanes (which
does not appear suitable to the simplicity of ancient
institutions), the same persons must have presided
over both colleges, and have had an equal share in the
jurisdiction and government. The regularity of these
institutions would appear surprising, if we were not
certain that the same order existed in all the ancient
political establishments; at the same time we must
leave the relative powers of many officers, such, for
example, as those of the archons and prytanes, without
any attempt at elucidation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. More obscure even than the condition of the
cosmi and prytanes are the origin and powers of the
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">artynæ</span></span> at Argos.<a id="noteref_611" name="noteref_611" href="#note_611"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">611</span></span></a> They cannot have arisen at a
late period, for example, after the abolition of the
royalty, since the same office existed in their ancient
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page144">[pg 144]</span><a name="Pg144" id="Pg144" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
colony, Epidaurus, whose constitution resembled that
of Argos only in the more ancient period. Since it
did not originate from the downfall of the royalty, its
origin may, perhaps, have been owing to a division of
the regal authority, perhaps of the civil and military
functions. In Epidaurus the artynæ were presidents
of a large council of one hundred and eighty members:<a id="noteref_612" name="noteref_612" href="#note_612"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">612</span></span></a> in Argos they are mentioned in connexion with
a body of eighty persons, and a (democratic) senate,
of whose respective powers we are entirely ignorant.<a id="noteref_613" name="noteref_613" href="#note_613"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">613</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The present is a convenient occasion for mentioning
the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">demiurgi</span></span>, as several grammarians state that they
were in particular a Doric magistracy,<a id="noteref_614" name="noteref_614" href="#note_614"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">614</span></span></a> perhaps, however,
only judging from the form daµ???????. These
magistrates were, it is true, not uncommon in Peloponnesus,<a id="noteref_615" name="noteref_615" href="#note_615"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">615</span></span></a>
but they do not occur often in the Doric states.
They existed among the Eleans and Mantineans,<a id="noteref_616" name="noteref_616" href="#note_616"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">616</span></span></a>
the Hermioneans,<a id="noteref_617" name="noteref_617" href="#note_617"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">617</span></span></a> in the Achæan league,<a id="noteref_618" name="noteref_618" href="#note_618"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">618</span></span></a> at
Argos also,<a id="noteref_619" name="noteref_619" href="#note_619"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">619</span></span></a> as well as in Thessaly;<a id="noteref_620" name="noteref_620" href="#note_620"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">620</span></span></a> officers named
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">epidemiurgi</span></span> were sent by the Corinthians to
manage the government of their colony Potidæa.<a id="noteref_621" name="noteref_621" href="#note_621"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">621</span></span></a> The statements
and interpretations of the grammarians afford
little instruction: among the Achæans at least, their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page145">[pg 145]</span><a name="Pg145" id="Pg145" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
chief duty was to transact business with the people;
which renders it probable, that at Argos they were
identical with the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">leaders of the people</span></em>;<a id="noteref_622" name="noteref_622" href="#note_622"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">622</span></span></a> of whom, as
well as of some other public officers, whose functions
admit of further explanation, we will speak in the
following chapter.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a>
<a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a>
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IX.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Constitutions of Argos. § 2. Epidaurus, Ægina, Cos.
§ 3. Rhodes. § 4. Corinth. § 5. Corcyra. § 6. Ambracia,
Leucadia, Epidamnus, Apollonia. § 7. Syracuse. § 8. Gela,
Agrigentum. § 9. Sicyon, Phlius. § 10. Megara. § 11. Byzantium,
Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica. § 12. Cnidos, Melos,
Thera. § 13. Cyrene. § 14. Tarentum. § 15. Heraclea
Sciritis. § 16. Croton. § 17. And Delphi. § 18. Aristocratic
character of the constitution of Sparta.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. It is my intention in the present chapter to collect
and arrange the various accounts respecting the
alterations in the constitution of those Doric states,
which deviated more from their original condition
than Crete and Sparta: having been more affected by
the general revolutions of the Greek governments, and
drawn with greater violence into the strong current of
political change.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
And first, with regard to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argos</span></span>, I will extract the
following particulars from former parts of this work.
There were in this state three classes of persons; the
inhabitants of the city, who were for the most part
Dorians, distributed into four tribes; a class of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page146">[pg 146]</span><a name="Pg146" id="Pg146" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Periœci, and also a class of bondslaves, named gymnesii.<a id="noteref_623" name="noteref_623" href="#note_623"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">623</span></span></a>
The kings, who were at first of the Heraclide
family, and afterwards of another dynasty, reigned
until the time of the Persian war;<a id="noteref_624" name="noteref_624" href="#note_624"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">624</span></span></a> there were also
officers named artynæ, and a senate possessing extensive
powers. All these are traces which seem to prove a
considerable resemblance between the constitutions of
Argos and Sparta, at least they show that there was
no essential difference. But this similarity was put
an end to by the destruction of a large portion of the
citizens, in the battle with Cleomenes, and the consequent
admission of many Periœci to the rights of
citizenship.<a id="noteref_625" name="noteref_625" href="#note_625"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">625</span></span></a> Soon after this period, we find
Argos flourishing in population, industry, and wealth;<a id="noteref_626" name="noteref_626" href="#note_626"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">626</span></span></a> and in the enjoyment of a democratic constitution.<a id="noteref_627" name="noteref_627" href="#note_627"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">627</span></span></a> The
latter, however, was ill adapted to acquire the ascendency
in Peloponnesus, which Argos endeavoured to
obtain after the peace of Nicias. Hence the people
appointed a board of twelve men, with full powers to
conclude treaties with any Greek state that was willing
to join their party; but in case of Sparta or Athens
proposing any such alliance, the question was to be
first referred to the whole people.<a id="noteref_628" name="noteref_628" href="#note_628"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">628</span></span></a> The state
also, in order to form the nucleus of an army, levied a body of
well-armed men,<a id="noteref_629" name="noteref_629" href="#note_629"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">629</span></span></a> who were selected from the higher
ranks.<a id="noteref_630" name="noteref_630" href="#note_630"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">630</span></span></a> It was natural that these should endanger
the democracy; and after the battle of Mantinea
(B.C. 418.) they overthrew it, in concert with the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page147">[pg 147]</span><a name="Pg147" id="Pg147" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Lacedæmonians, after having put the demagogues to
death.<a id="noteref_631" name="noteref_631" href="#note_631"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">631</span></span></a> Their dominion, however, only lasted for
eight months, as an insurrection and battle within the
city deprived them of their power, and reinstated the
democracy.<a id="noteref_632" name="noteref_632" href="#note_632"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">632</span></span></a> Alcibiades the Athenian completed this
change by the expulsion of many oligarchs, who were
still remaining in the city;<a id="noteref_633" name="noteref_633" href="#note_633"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">633</span></span></a> afterwards he wished to
overthrow the democracy by means of his friends,<a id="noteref_634" name="noteref_634" href="#note_634"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">634</span></span></a> in
consequence of which they were all killed. Two
parties, however, must have still continued to exist in
this state. Æneas the Tactician relates, that the rich
purposing to attack the people for the second time,
and on a certain night having introduced many soldiers
into the city, the leaders of the people hastily summoned
an assembly, and ordered that every armed man
should that night pass muster in his tribe,<a id="noteref_635" name="noteref_635" href="#note_635"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">635</span></span></a> by which
means the rich were prevented from uniting themselves in a body.
The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">leaders of the people</span></em> (d?µ?? p??st?ta?<a id="noteref_636" name="noteref_636" href="#note_636"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">636</span></span></a>)
are here manifestly democratic magistrates, who
rose to power during the contests between the opposite
factions, and differed chiefly from the demagogues of
Athens, in that their authority was official, without
which they would not have been able to convene an
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page148">[pg 148]</span><a name="Pg148" id="Pg148" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
assembly of the people. For although the appellation
of d?µ?? p??st?t?? in the Doric states, as well as at
Athens, sometimes denotes merely a person who by his
character and eloquence had placed himself at the head
of the people; we shall produce hereafter certain
proofs, when we speak of Gela and Calymna, that it
was also the title of a public officer.<a id="noteref_637" name="noteref_637" href="#note_637"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">637</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When, during the peace of Artaxerxes, the Lacedæmonians
had ceased to possess any extensive share
in the direction of public affairs in Peloponnesus, a
spirit of ungovernable licentiousness and ochlocracy
arose in those cities which had hitherto been under an
oligarchical rule; everywhere there were vexatious
accusations, banishments, and confiscations of property,
especially of the property of such persons as had filled
public offices under the guidance of Sparta, though,
even during that period, (B.C. 374.) Argos had been
a place of refuge for banished democrats.<a id="noteref_638" name="noteref_638" href="#note_638"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">638</span></span></a> But after
the battle of Leuctra, when the power of Lacedæmon
was completely broken, and Peloponnesus had for a
certain time lost its leader, the greatest anarchy began
to prevail in Argos. Demagogues stirred up the
people so violently against all privileged or distinguished
persons, that the latter thought themselves
driven to plot the overthrow of the democracy.<a id="noteref_639" name="noteref_639" href="#note_639"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">639</span></span></a>
The scheme was discovered, and the people raged with the
greatest ferocity against the real or supposed conspirators.
On this occasion, more than 1200 of the
chief persons (many upon mere suspicion) were put to
death;<a id="noteref_640" name="noteref_640" href="#note_640"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">640</span></span></a> and at length the demagogues, fearing to carry
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page149">[pg 149]</span><a name="Pg149" id="Pg149" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
through the measures which themselves had originated,
suffered the same fate. This state of things was called
by the name of s??ta??sµ??, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">club-law</span></span>; it appears
to have been a time when the strongest man was the
most powerful. When the Athenians heard of these
transactions, they purified their market-place, thinking
that the whole of Greece was polluted by such atrocities:<a id="noteref_641" name="noteref_641" href="#note_641"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">641</span></span></a>
it was probably at the same time that the
Argives themselves offered an expiatory sacrifice to the
mild Zeus (?e?? ?e???????), for the free blood which
had been shed.<a id="noteref_642" name="noteref_642" href="#note_642"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">642</span></span></a> Notwithstanding these
proceedings, the rich and distinguished continued to be persecuted at
Argos with the greatest violence;<a id="noteref_643" name="noteref_643" href="#note_643"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">643</span></span></a> for which the ostracism,
a custom introduced from Athens,<a id="noteref_644" name="noteref_644" href="#note_644"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">644</span></span></a> together
with other democratic institutions,<a id="noteref_645" name="noteref_645" href="#note_645"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">645</span></span></a> was
the chief instrument. In times such as these, the chief and most
noble features of the Doric character necessarily disappeared;
the unfortunate termination of nearly all
military undertakings<a id="noteref_646" name="noteref_646" href="#note_646"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">646</span></span></a> proves the decline of
bravery. In so unsettled a state of public affairs, sycophancy and
violence became prevalent:<a id="noteref_647" name="noteref_647" href="#note_647"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">647</span></span></a> notwithstanding which,
their eagerness and attention to public speaking produced
no orator, whose fame was sufficient to descend
to posterity.<a id="noteref_648" name="noteref_648" href="#note_648"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">648</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. In <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidaurus</span></span>, on the other hand, the aristocracy
continued in force, and accordingly this city
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page150">[pg 150]</span><a name="Pg150" id="Pg150" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
was as much attached to the Spartans, as Argos was
disinclined to them. Of the artynæ in this state, and
of the senate of 180, as well as of the class of cultivators,
and of the tribes, we have spoken in former
parts of this work.<a id="noteref_649" name="noteref_649" href="#note_649"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">649</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As long as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ægina</span></span> remained an independent state,
the government was held by the hereditary aristocracy,
whose titular dignity was probably increased by the
power derived from the possession of great wealth.
The insurrection of a democratic party remained fruitless.
Ægina and Corinth are decisive proofs, that
under an aristocratical government an active and enterprising
spirit of commerce may arise and flourish.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Epidaurian colony, Cos, without doubt, originally
adopted the constitution of its mother-state.
Before the 75th (probably about the 73rd or 74th)
Olympiad, we find a tyrant appointed by the king of
Persia reigning in this island, Cadmus, the son of
Scythes of Zancle;<a id="noteref_650" name="noteref_650" href="#note_650"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">650</span></span></a> after some time,
however, he quitted Cos, having established a senate, and given
back the state its freedom; yet the island appears to
have immediately afterwards fallen under the dominion
of Artemisia.<a id="noteref_651" name="noteref_651" href="#note_651"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">651</span></span></a> At a later period, the influence of
Athens opened the way to democracy, but it was overthrown
by violent demagogues, who compelled the
chief persons in self-defence to combine against it.<a id="noteref_652" name="noteref_652" href="#note_652"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">652</span></span></a> The senate (ß???? or ?e???s?a) of the Coans, as well
as their prytanes, have been mentioned above;<a id="noteref_653" name="noteref_653" href="#note_653"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">653</span></span></a> the
nominal magistrates under the Roman dominion need
not be here treated of.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. In the Argive colony of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Rhodes</span></span>, it may be supposed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page151">[pg 151]</span><a name="Pg151" id="Pg151" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that an ancient Doric constitution existed; for
there were kings of the Heraclide family, and probably
also a council with the same powers as the Spartan
gerusia. The royalty expired after the 30th Olympiad
(660 B.C.); but the ancient family of the Eratidæ at
Ialysus, retained a considerable share in the government;
probably exercising nearly the powers of a
prytanis. Pindar shows that the frame of justice
belonged to this once royal family,<a id="noteref_654" name="noteref_654" href="#note_654"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">654</span></span></a> when he says,
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Give, O father Zeus, to Diagoras favour both with
citizens and with strangers, since he walks constantly
in the way opposed to violence, knowing
well what the just minds of noble ancestors have
inspired in him. Destroy not the common progeny
of Callianax. At the solemnities for the victory
of the Eratidæ, the whole city rejoices in banquets.
Yet in a moment of time many winds meet from
many quarters.</span></span>”</span> Pindar thus early (464 B.C.)
predicts the dangers that then awaited the ancient
family, to which Rhodes owed so much, from the
growing influence of Athens;<a id="noteref_655" name="noteref_655" href="#note_655"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">655</span></span></a> throughout the whole
ode he cautions the citizens against precipitate innovation,
and prays for the continuance of the ancient
firmly-seated constitution.<a id="noteref_656" name="noteref_656" href="#note_656"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">656</span></span></a> Both prophecies were
fulfilled. The sons of Diagoras were condemned to
death, and banished by the Athenians, as heads of the
aristocracy; but the hero Dorieus returned to his
country from Thurii, with Thurian ships, and fought
with them against the enemies of his family, as a faithful
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page152">[pg 152]</span><a name="Pg152" id="Pg152" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
partisan of the Spartans. He was taken by the
Athenians in the year 405 B.C., who, when about to
condemn him, were moved by the appearance of the
noble son of Diagoras (whose boldness of spirit corresponded
with the size and beauty peculiar to his
family), to release him from imprisonment and death.<a id="noteref_657" name="noteref_657" href="#note_657"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">657</span></span></a>
The ancient fortune of the Rhodians, which was owing
to their strict adherence to the Doric customs, and
to their great commercial activity, was interrupted by
the troubles of the Peloponnesian war, in which the
alternation of the Athenian and Lacedæmonian influence
by turns introduced democracy and aristocracy.
At the time of the Sicilian expedition, Rhodes was
under the power of Athens;<a id="noteref_658" name="noteref_658" href="#note_658"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">658</span></span></a> but the Spartans having
in 412 B.C. obtained the superiority in this island,<a id="noteref_659" name="noteref_659" href="#note_659"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">659</span></span></a> and Dorieus having been recalled by them (413 B.C.)
in order to suppress internal dissensions, the governing
power again reverted to the nobles: these latter
having been compelled to unite against the people by
the demagogues, who, while they distributed the public
money among the people in the shape of salaries, had
not repaid the sums due to the trierarchs, and at the
same time vexed them by continual lawsuits.<a id="noteref_660" name="noteref_660" href="#note_660"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">660</span></span></a> Soon
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page153">[pg 153]</span><a name="Pg153" id="Pg153" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
after this period (408 B.C.),<a id="noteref_661" name="noteref_661" href="#note_661"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">661</span></span></a> the large city of Rhodes
was founded, by collecting to one spot the inhabitants
of the three small cities of the island, Lindus, Ialysus,
and Camirus. But in 396 B.C. Rhodes was again recovered
by Conon to Athens, and became democratical;<a id="noteref_662" name="noteref_662" href="#note_662"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">662</span></span></a>
yet in five years (391 B.C.) the Spartan
party was again victorious;<a id="noteref_663" name="noteref_663" href="#note_663"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">663</span></span></a> and the Social War finally
put an end to the influence of the Athenians. From
this time the interference of the Carian rulers,
Mausolus and Artemisia, commenced, by which the
oligarchy was greatly raised, and the democratical
party driven out; to restore which, and to regard rather
the cause of popular freedom in Greece, than the injuries
received from the Rhodians, was the advice of
Demosthenes to the Athenians.<a id="noteref_664" name="noteref_664" href="#note_664"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">664</span></span></a> At that time a
Carian garrison was in the Acropolis of Rhodes.
Out of these troubles and dissensions a constitution
arose, in which, as far as we are able to ascertain,
democracy prevailed, although the small number and
extensive powers of the prytanes prove that it was not
unmixed with aristocratical elements. According to
the description which Cicero puts in the mouth of the
younger Scipio, at this time all the members of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page154">[pg 154]</span><a name="Pg154" id="Pg154" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
senate belonged (in the same year) to the public
assembly, and sat in alternate months (probably periods
of six months, like the prytanes) in the senate and
among the people; in both capacities they received pay
(<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">conventicium</span></span>): the same persons also sometimes
sat as judges among the people in the theatre, sometimes
in the senate in criminal and other cases.<a id="noteref_665" name="noteref_665" href="#note_665"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">665</span></span></a> These
statements cannot be easily reconciled with Strabo's
view of the constitution, and yet there can be no doubt
that he, as well as Cicero, speaks of the time preceding
Cassius' conquest of Rhodes. <span class="tei tei-q">“The Rhodians,”</span> he
says, <span class="tei tei-q">“though not under a democratic government,
took great care of the people; in order to support
the number of poor in the state, they provided them
with corn, and the rich maintained the poor according
to an ancient custom; there were also liturgies,
by which the people were furnished with meat, &amp;c.”</span><a id="noteref_666" name="noteref_666" href="#note_666"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">666</span></span></a> Notwithstanding the democratic institution of the senate,
many offices, those perhaps in particular which
were connected with the administration, such for example
as the superintendence of the marine, were
managed on oligarchical principles; the internal quiet
of Rhodes at this period is also a proof against the
existence of an unmixed democracy. Accordingly, the
true Doric characteristics were here retained for a
longer time than in most other Doric states; viz.,
courage, constancy, patriotism, with a haughty sternness
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page155">[pg 155]</span><a name="Pg155" id="Pg155" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of manners, and a certain temperance, which was
indeed in some manner contrasted with their magnificence
in meals, buildings, and all arts.<a id="noteref_667" name="noteref_667" href="#note_667"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">667</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinth</span></span>, delivered by Sparta from its tyrants,
had again reverted to its former constitution, which
however was not so oligarchical as the hereditary aristocracy
of the Bacchiadæ. Some noble families, as
the Oligæthidæ,<a id="noteref_668" name="noteref_668" href="#note_668"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">668</span></span></a> had a priority, probably the gerusia
was composed of them; and the public assembly was
restricted in a manner similar to that of Sparta. But
at the same time Pindar celebrates Corinth as <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the
city in which Eunomia</span></span> (or good government) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dwells,
and her sisters, the firm supports of cities, Justice
and Peace, the bestowers of riches, who know how
to keep off Violence, the bold mother of Arrogance</span></span>.”</span>
From these words it may also be conjectured, that the
aristocratical party was compelled to resist the endeavours
made by the people to extend their power:
it remained, however, unshaken up to the date of the
Peloponnesian war, and Corinth, with the exception of
a short time, continued the faithful ally of Sparta, and
foe of Athens.<a id="noteref_669" name="noteref_669" href="#note_669"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">669</span></span></a> At a later period, a democratic party,
which relied upon Argos, rose in Corinth, by the assistance
of Persian money: this at first obtained the
supreme power, and afterwards attacked the Lacedæmonian
party, consisting of the noble families, at the
festival of the Euclea; and at last proceeded so far, as
to wish to abolish the independence of Corinth, and to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page156">[pg 156]</span><a name="Pg156" id="Pg156" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
incorporate it completely with Argos (B.C. 395 and
394.)<a id="noteref_670" name="noteref_670" href="#note_670"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">670</span></span></a> The banished aristocrats, supported by some
Lacedæmonians who were quartered at Sicyon, continued
nevertheless to keep up a contest, and maintained
themselves at Lechæum;<a id="noteref_671" name="noteref_671" href="#note_671"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">671</span></span></a> after this they must
have returned and restored the ancient constitution:
for we find Corinth again true to the Lacedæmonian
alliance.<a id="noteref_672" name="noteref_672" href="#note_672"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">672</span></span></a> In the time of Dion (356 B.C.) Corinth
was under a government nearly oligarchical, little
business being transacted in the popular assembly:<a id="noteref_673" name="noteref_673" href="#note_673"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">673</span></span></a>
and although this body sent Timoleon as general of
the state to Sicily (B.C. 345.), there was then in
existence a gerusia (a name completely aristocratic),
which not only treated with foreign ambassadors, but
also, which is very remarkable, exercised a criminal
jurisdiction.<a id="noteref_674" name="noteref_674" href="#note_674"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">674</span></span></a> The tyranny of Timophanes, who
was slain by Timoleon, was, according to Aristotle, a short
interruption of the oligarchy.<a id="noteref_675" name="noteref_675" href="#note_675"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">675</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. From the moderate and well-balanced constitution,
which Corinth had upon the whole the good fortune
to possess, its colony <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corcyra</span></span> had at an early
period departed. Founded under the guidance of
Chersicrates, a Bacchiad, it was for a time governed by
the Corinthian families, which had first taken possession
of the colony. At the same time, however, a
popular party was formed, which obtained a greater
power by the violent disruption of Corcyra from its
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page157">[pg 157]</span><a name="Pg157" id="Pg157" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
mother-country, and the hostile relation in which the
two states were thus placed. In addition to these
differences, the connexion between Corcyra and the
Peloponnesian league had been relaxed, and was replaced
by a closer intimacy with Athens; so that while
the aristocratic party had lost its hold, the democratic
influence had taken a deep root. The people also
strengthened themselves by the union of a numerous
class of slaves.<a id="noteref_676" name="noteref_676" href="#note_676"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">676</span></span></a> By means of this combined force,
the aristocratical party was overthrown, whose expulsion
was attended with such scenes of blood and atrocity, as
were hardly known in any other state of Greece.<a id="noteref_677" name="noteref_677" href="#note_677"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">677</span></span></a> But
even before these occurrences the constitution had been
democratical.<a id="noteref_678" name="noteref_678" href="#note_678"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">678</span></span></a> The popular assembly had the supreme
power; and although the senate had perhaps a greater
authority than at Athens,<a id="noteref_679" name="noteref_679" href="#note_679"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">679</span></span></a> it was manifestly only a part
of the <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">demus</span></span>:<a id="noteref_680" name="noteref_680" href="#note_680"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">680</span></span></a> leaders of the people appear to have been in this, as well as in
other states, a regular office.<a id="noteref_681" name="noteref_681" href="#note_681"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">681</span></span></a>
From this time the most unbounded freedom prevailed
at Corcyra, of which the Greek proverb says coarsely
indeed, but expressively, ??e????a ??????a, ???? ?p??
???e??.<a id="noteref_682" name="noteref_682" href="#note_682"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">682</span></span></a> The Corcyreans were active, industrious, and
enterprising, good sailors, and active merchants; but
they had entirely lost the stability and noble features
of the Doric character. In absence of all modesty
they even exceeded the Athenians, among whom the
very dogs, as a certain philosopher said, were more
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page158">[pg 158]</span><a name="Pg158" id="Pg158" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
impudent than in any other place: fabulous reports
were circulated in Greece, respecting the excessive
luxury of the successors of the Phæacians.<a id="noteref_683" name="noteref_683" href="#note_683"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">683</span></span></a> Yet even
in this state an antidemocratic party, inclined to the
Lacedæmonians, was never entirely expelled; and it
frequently rose against the people without success,<a id="noteref_684" name="noteref_684" href="#note_684"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">684</span></span></a> but in the
time of Chares with a fortunate result,<a id="noteref_685" name="noteref_685" href="#note_685"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">685</span></span></a>
The four or five<a id="noteref_686" name="noteref_686" href="#note_686"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">686</span></span></a> prytanes, who were at a later period
the chief magistrates of Corcyra, seem not to have
been entirely democratic magistrates, although the government
was democratical; besides these officers, there
occur in an important monument,<a id="noteref_687" name="noteref_687" href="#note_687"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">687</span></span></a> p??d???? ß?????,
who appear as accusers in a lawsuit which has reference
to the administration; also p??ß?????<a id="noteref_688" name="noteref_688" href="#note_688"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">688</span></span></a> with a
p??st?t??, who brings a lawsuit of the same description
before the courts; besides which we learn, that
from time to time revisions (d?????se??) of the laws
took place, for which certain persons named d?????t??e?
were appointed; and that a taµ?a? and a d?????t??
were among the financial authorities.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. Another colony of Corinth, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ambracia</span></span>, had
been ruled by a tyrant of the family of the Cypselidæ,
named Gorgus (Gorgias), who was succeeded
by Periander, evidently a member of the same
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page159">[pg 159]</span><a name="Pg159" id="Pg159" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
house:<a id="noteref_689" name="noteref_689" href="#note_689"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">689</span></span></a> this latter tyrant, having insulted one of
the subjects of his illicit pleasures, was put to death
by the relations of the latter.<a id="noteref_690" name="noteref_690" href="#note_690"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">690</span></span></a> The people had
taken a share in the insurrection, and obtained the
supreme power:<a id="noteref_691" name="noteref_691" href="#note_691"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">691</span></span></a> the first change having, however,
been into a government founded on property, which
insensibly passed into a democracy, on account of
the low rate of property which qualified a person for
public offices.<a id="noteref_692" name="noteref_692" href="#note_692"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">692</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the Corinthian colony of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Leucadia</span></span>, the large
estates were originally inalienable, and in the possession
of the nobles: when the inalienability was
abolished, a certain amount of property was no longer
required for the holding of public offices, by which
the government became democratic.<a id="noteref_693" name="noteref_693" href="#note_693"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">693</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidamnus</span></span> was founded by Corinthians and Corcyæeans,
and a Heraclide, Phalias, from the mother-country,
was leader of the colony. It cannot be
doubted that the founders took possession of the best
lands, and assumed the powers of government, only
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page160">[pg 160]</span><a name="Pg160" id="Pg160" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
admitting persons of the same race to a share. A
single magistrate, similar to the cosmopolis at Opus, was at the head
of the administration;<a id="noteref_694" name="noteref_694" href="#note_694"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">694</span></span></a> the phylarchs
composed a species of council. But in the
second period of the constitution, the phylarchs were
replaced by a senate (ß????), chosen on democratic
principles: a remnant, however, of the early constitution
was preserved, in the regulation that all magistrates,
who were chosen from the ancient citizens
(the proper p???te?µa), were compelled to be present
in the public assembly, if a magistrate required it;<a id="noteref_695" name="noteref_695" href="#note_695"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">695</span></span></a>
the highest archon also alone remained.<a id="noteref_696" name="noteref_696" href="#note_696"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">696</span></span></a> The Peloponnesian
war was occasioned by a contest between
the popular party at Epidamnus, and the nobles, in
which the Corinthians, from jealousy against Corcyra,
unmindful of their true interests, supported
the former: of the issue of this contest we are not
informed. The number of resident and industrious
foreigners was very great:<a id="noteref_697" name="noteref_697" href="#note_697"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">697</span></span></a> besides this
class of persons, none but public slaves were employed in
mechanical labour, and never any citizen.<a id="noteref_698" name="noteref_698" href="#note_698"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">698</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Of all the Corinthian settlements, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Apollonia</span></span>
kept the nearest to the original colonial constitution,<a id="noteref_699" name="noteref_699" href="#note_699"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">699</span></span></a>
upon which its fame for justice is probably
founded.<a id="noteref_700" name="noteref_700" href="#note_700"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">700</span></span></a> The government remained almost
exclusively in the hands of the noble families and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page161">[pg 161]</span><a name="Pg161" id="Pg161" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
descendants of the first colonists, to whom the large
estates doubtless belonged.<a id="noteref_701" name="noteref_701" href="#note_701"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">701</span></span></a> Perhaps Apollonia was
indebted for the stability of its government to the
Xenelasia;<a id="noteref_702" name="noteref_702" href="#note_702"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">702</span></span></a> an institution which was of the first
importance for the preservation of ancient Greek
customs, to a state closely bordering on barbarous
nations.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. That we may not disturb the order of the Corinthian
colonies, we will immediately proceed to
consider the state of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Syracuse</span></span>. In the Syracusan
constitution the following were the chief epochs. In
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">first</span></em>, the government was in the hands of the
gamori,<a id="noteref_703" name="noteref_703" href="#note_703"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">703</span></span></a> originally together with a king,<a id="noteref_704" name="noteref_704" href="#note_704"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">704</span></span></a> whose
office was afterwards abolished. These we have
already stated<a id="noteref_705" name="noteref_705" href="#note_705"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">705</span></span></a> to have been the original colonists,
who took possession of the large estates cultivated
by native bondslaves, and exercised the chief governing
power. It is probable that the magistrates,
and the members of the council,<a id="noteref_706" name="noteref_706" href="#note_706"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">706</span></span></a> who were leaders
of the people in the assembly (???a), were chosen
from this body; in the same manner as the geomori
of Samos formed a council, which after the subversion
of the royalty governed the state.<a id="noteref_707" name="noteref_707" href="#note_707"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">707</span></span></a> Against
these authorities, the people, having gradually become
more pressing in their demands, at length rebelled,
and expelled them, by combining with their
slaves the Cyllyrii (before B.C. 492.<a id="noteref_708" name="noteref_708" href="#note_708"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">708</span></span></a>); but the democracy
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page162">[pg 162]</span><a name="Pg162" id="Pg162" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which succeeded was so irregular and lawless,
that it was of very short duration;<a id="noteref_709" name="noteref_709" href="#note_709"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">709</span></span></a> the people
therefore voluntarily opened the gates to Gelon,
when he came to restore the gamori, and gave themselves
entirely into his power,<a id="noteref_710" name="noteref_710" href="#note_710"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">710</span></span></a> in 485 B.C. The
rule of Gelon, and of his successor, was, although
monarchical, yet not oppressive, and upon the whole
beneficial to the state: as the former allowed an extraordinary
assembly of the people to decide concerning
his public administration,<a id="noteref_711" name="noteref_711" href="#note_711"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">711</span></span></a> it may be perhaps supposed
that he wished to be considered an Æsymnetes,
to whom the city, overcome by difficulties, intrusted
the unlimited disposal of its welfare. With the
overthrow of this dynasty, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">second</span></em> period begins,
during which there was upon the whole a moderate
constitution, called by most writers democracy,<a id="noteref_712" name="noteref_712" href="#note_712"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">712</span></span></a> and
by Aristotle distinguished from democracy as a
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">politeia</span></span>,
in his peculiar sense of the word.<a id="noteref_713" name="noteref_713" href="#note_713"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">713</span></span></a> Immediately
after the downfall of Thrasybulus an assembly
was convened, in which it was debated concerning
the constitution. The public offices were only
to be filled by the ancient citizens; while those
who had been admitted by Gelon from other cities,
together with the naturalized mercenaries,<a id="noteref_714" name="noteref_714" href="#note_714"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">714</span></span></a> were not
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page163">[pg 163]</span><a name="Pg163" id="Pg163" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to enjoy the complete rights of citizenship:<a id="noteref_715" name="noteref_715" href="#note_715"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">715</span></span></a>
measures which occasioned a war within the walls of
Syracuse. Lastly, in this, as well as in the other
states of Sicily, peace was re-established by the restoration
of the ancient citizens, a separation of the foreigners,
who found a settlement at Messana, and a
new allotment of the lands,<a id="noteref_716" name="noteref_716" href="#note_716"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">716</span></span></a> in which the estates of
the nobles were probably divided anew. At the same
time, by the violence of these proceedings, the states
of Sicily were reduced to a feeble condition, which
occasioned numerous attempts to set up a tyranny.
As a security against this danger, the people (in 454
B.C.) established the institution called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">petalism</span></span>, in
imitation of the ostracism of Athens; but they had
sufficient discernment soon to abolish this new form
of tyranny, as all distinguished and well educated men<a id="noteref_717" name="noteref_717" href="#note_717"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">717</span></span></a>
were deterred by it from taking a part in public affairs.
Syracuse suffered at that time, as well as Athens, by
the intrigues of demagogues and cabals of sycophants.<a id="noteref_718" name="noteref_718" href="#note_718"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">718</span></span></a>
In this city, at an early period, a talent for
the subtleties of oratory had begun to develope itself;
which owed its origin to Corax, a man employed by
Hieron as a secret spy and confidant, and celebrated
among the people as a powerful orator and sagacious
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page164">[pg 164]</span><a name="Pg164" id="Pg164" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
councillor.<a id="noteref_719" name="noteref_719" href="#note_719"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">719</span></span></a> The naturally refined, acute, and lively
temperament of the Sicilian Greeks<a id="noteref_720" name="noteref_720" href="#note_720"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">720</span></span></a> had already
turned towards cunning and deceit; and in particular
the young, eager after all novelty, ran counter to the
temperance and severity of the ancient customs and
mode of life.<a id="noteref_721" name="noteref_721" href="#note_721"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">721</span></span></a> As to the constitution at the time of
the Sicilian war, we know that all public affairs of
importance were decided in the popular assembly,<a id="noteref_722" name="noteref_722" href="#note_722"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">722</span></span></a> and
the management of them was in great part confided
to the leaders of the people (d?µ?? p??st?ta?), who
seem to have been regular public officers.<a id="noteref_723" name="noteref_723" href="#note_723"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">723</span></span></a> In what
manner the people was led, is shown by the instance
of Athenagoras, who represents the expedition of the
Athenians, when already approaching the shores of
Sicily, as a story invented by the oligarchs to terrify
the people. To what extent a complete freedom of
speaking before the people existed, is not altogether
clear.<a id="noteref_724" name="noteref_724" href="#note_724"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">724</span></span></a> That persons of an aristocratic disposition
still continued to possess political power, is evident
from the speech of Athenagoras;<a id="noteref_725" name="noteref_725" href="#note_725"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">725</span></span></a> and it is probable
from Aristotle, that they had an exclusive right to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page165">[pg 165]</span><a name="Pg165" id="Pg165" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
certain offices. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">third</span></em> period begins with the
victory over the Athenian armament. As this was
decided by the fleet of the Syracusans, the men of
inferior rank, who served as sailors, obtained a large
increase of importance in their own sight, and were
loud in their demands for admission to the highest
offices; in the very same manner as at Athens, after
the battle of Salamis. In 412 B.C., upon the proposal
of Diocles the demagogue,<a id="noteref_726" name="noteref_726" href="#note_726"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">726</span></span></a> a commission was
appointed for the arrangement of a new constitution,
in which the original contriver of the plan had himself
the first place. The government was thus converted
into a complete democracy, of which the first principle
was, that the public offices should be filled not
by election, but by lot.<a id="noteref_727" name="noteref_727" href="#note_727"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">727</span></span></a> There was formed at the
same time a collection of written laws, which were
very precise and explicit in the determination of
punishments, and were doubtless intended, by their
severity, to keep off those troubles, which the new
constitution could not fail to produce. This code,
which was also adopted by other Sicilian states, was
written in an ancient native dialect, which seventy
years afterwards (in the time of Timoleon) required
an interpreter.<a id="noteref_728" name="noteref_728" href="#note_728"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">728</span></span></a> Notwithstanding these
precautions, we find the democracy an Olympiad and a half later
fallen into such contempt,<a id="noteref_729" name="noteref_729" href="#note_729"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">729</span></span></a> that the people,
utterly incapable of protecting the city in the dangers of
the time, appointed a general with unlimited power:
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page166">[pg 166]</span><a name="Pg166" id="Pg166" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which measure, though always attended with bad
success, they repeatedly had recourse to. Dionysius,
a man powerful as well from his talents, as from the
means which his situation as demagogue afforded him
of keeping the people in continual dread of the
nobles,<a id="noteref_730" name="noteref_730" href="#note_730"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">730</span></span></a> soon became tyrant;<a id="noteref_731" name="noteref_731" href="#note_731"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">731</span></span></a> but he still allowed an
appearance of freedom to remain in public assemblies,
which he summoned, conducted, and dismissed.<a id="noteref_732" name="noteref_732" href="#note_732"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">732</span></span></a>
Dion restored the democracy for a short time, and
only partially;<a id="noteref_733" name="noteref_733" href="#note_733"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">733</span></span></a> for it was his real
intention to introduce a Doric aristocracy upon the model of those in
Sparta and Crete.<a id="noteref_734" name="noteref_734" href="#note_734"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">734</span></span></a> Timoleon with
more decision abolished the democracy, and restored the former
constitution,<a id="noteref_735" name="noteref_735" href="#note_735"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">735</span></span></a> as may be supposed, not without
sycophants and demagogues, who were not slow to turn
their arms against the founder of the new liberty.<a id="noteref_736" name="noteref_736" href="#note_736"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">736</span></span></a> A mixture of aristocracy is discernible in the office of
amphipolus of the Olympian Zeus, which lasted three
centuries from 343 B.C. and probably combined political
influence with the highest dignity; the person
who filled it gave his name to the year. Three candidates
were chosen for this office from three families
by vote, and one of the three was selected by lot.<a id="noteref_737" name="noteref_737" href="#note_737"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">737</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page167">[pg 167]</span><a name="Pg167" id="Pg167" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It may be observed, that Timoleon caused a revision
of the laws to be made by Cephalus, a Corinthian,
who, however, was only called an interpreter of the
code of Diocles, although, as it appears, he entirely
remodelled the civil law.<a id="noteref_738" name="noteref_738" href="#note_738"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">738</span></span></a> We must pass
hastily over the later times, remarking in general, that a feeble
democracy continued to exist, frequently contending
with clubs of oligarchs,<a id="noteref_739" name="noteref_739" href="#note_739"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">739</span></span></a> and afterwards falling into
the hand of tyrants who had risen from demagogues;
such, for instance, as Agathocles, who undertook to
bring about a redivision of the lands, and an abolition
of all claims of debt.<a id="noteref_740" name="noteref_740" href="#note_740"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">740</span></span></a> Hiero II. did not suppress the
council of the city, which Hieronymus never consulted;
but as it again returned into existence immediately
after the death of the latter prince, it appears
that it could not have been a body chosen annually,
but a board appointed for a considerable period.<a id="noteref_741" name="noteref_741" href="#note_741"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">741</span></span></a> The
generals had at all times very large powers, especially
in the popular assembly, in which, however, persons
of the lowest condition had liberty to speak.<a id="noteref_742" name="noteref_742" href="#note_742"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">742</span></span></a>
Another military office also, that of the hipparchs, exercised a
superintendence over the internal affairs of the state,
in order to guard against disturbances.<a id="noteref_743" name="noteref_743" href="#note_743"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">743</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page168">[pg 168]</span><a name="Pg168" id="Pg168" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_8" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. After this account of the constitution of Syracuse,
we may proceed to notice those of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Gela</span></span>, and
its colony <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agrigentum</span></span>; as these cities, though deriving
their origin from Rhodes, perhaps took Syracuse
for their model in the formation of their government.
In both states the noble and wealthy first
held the ruling power; which was afterwards for a
long time possessed by tyrants.<a id="noteref_744" name="noteref_744" href="#note_744"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">744</span></span></a> Agrigentum, after
the overthrow of Thrasydæus in 473 B.C., received
a democratic constitution:<a id="noteref_745" name="noteref_745" href="#note_745"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">745</span></span></a> we know, however, that
at that time an assembly of a thousand, appointed for
three years, governed the state. This assembly was
suppressed by Empedocles the philosopher;<a id="noteref_746" name="noteref_746" href="#note_746"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">746</span></span></a> who obtained
so large a share of popular favour that he was
even offered the office of king.<a id="noteref_747" name="noteref_747" href="#note_747"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">747</span></span></a> The assembly of
a thousand also occurs in Rhegium and Croton, in
speaking of which city we will again mention this
subject. Further than this all information fails us.
Scipio established anew the senate of Agrigentum,
and ordered that the number of the new colonists of
Manlius should never exceed that of the ancient
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page169">[pg 169]</span><a name="Pg169" id="Pg169" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
citizens.<a id="noteref_748" name="noteref_748" href="#note_748"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">748</span></span></a> The same senate, in an
inscription of the Roman time,<a id="noteref_749" name="noteref_749" href="#note_749"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">749</span></span></a> is called s?????t??, s???d????, and
ß????, and appears to have consisted of 110 members;
the day of meeting is stated: it appears that
the senate then alternated every two months;<a id="noteref_750" name="noteref_750" href="#note_750"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">750</span></span></a> the
decree of the senate is referred to the popular assembly
(???a); over which a p???????? presided<a id="noteref_751" name="noteref_751" href="#note_751"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">751</span></span></a> (which
was also the name of the supreme magistrate at Catana
in the time of Cicero);<a id="noteref_752" name="noteref_752" href="#note_752"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">752</span></span></a> the Hyllean tribe has
the precedency on the day of this assembly. A hierothytes
gives his name to the year, corresponding to the
amphipolus at Syracuse; in whose place a hierapolus<a id="noteref_753" name="noteref_753" href="#note_753"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">753</span></span></a>
is mentioned in a similar decree of Gela,<a id="noteref_754" name="noteref_754" href="#note_754"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">754</span></span></a> together
with whom a ?ate??a?s???, an annual magistrate (perhaps
archon), is mentioned. In this state the senate
(ß????) appears to have been changed every half
year,<a id="noteref_755" name="noteref_755" href="#note_755"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">755</span></span></a> their decrees being also confirmed by the assembly
(???a);<a id="noteref_756" name="noteref_756" href="#note_756"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">756</span></span></a> the assembly is led by a p??st?t??,
the same magistrate whom we have already met with
in nearly all the democratic states of the Dorians, in
Argos, Corcyra, and Syracuse.<a id="noteref_757" name="noteref_757" href="#note_757"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">757</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. We now return to Peloponnesus. In <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sicyon</span></span>
the tyrants had, as in other states, been the leaders of
a democratic party;<a id="noteref_758" name="noteref_758" href="#note_758"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">758</span></span></a>
but their dominion put an end
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page170">[pg 170]</span><a name="Pg170" id="Pg170" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the times of disturbance and irregularity, which had
occasioned the Pythian priestess to say, that <span class="tei tei-q">“Sicyon
needed a disciplinarian.”</span><a id="noteref_759" name="noteref_759" href="#note_759"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">759</span></span></a> After their overthrow
an early constitution was restored, which remained
unshaken during the Peloponnesian war. We are
only informed that in 418 B.C. the Lacedæmonians
made the constitution more oligarchical;<a id="noteref_760" name="noteref_760" href="#note_760"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">760</span></span></a> that it
had not previously been entirely democratical, is shown by
the fidelity with which Sicyon adhered to the head of
the Peloponnesian league. After the battle of Leuctra
we find that Sicyon possessed an Achæan constitution,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, one founded on property, in which the rich were
supreme;<a id="noteref_761" name="noteref_761" href="#note_761"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">761</span></span></a> Euphron, in 369 B.C., undertook
to change this into a democracy, and thus obtained the
tyranny, until the party of the nobles, whom he persecuted,
overthrew him.<a id="noteref_762" name="noteref_762" href="#note_762"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">762</span></span></a> Plutarch states most
clearly the changes in this constitution; <span class="tei tei-q">“after the unmixed
and Doric aristocracy<a id="noteref_763" name="noteref_763" href="#note_763"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">763</span></span></a> had been destroyed, Sicyon
fell from one sedition, from one tyranny into another;”</span>
until, at the time of Aratus, it adopted the
almost purely democratical institutions of the Achæans.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
As <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Phlius</span></span> during the whole Peloponnesian war
remained faithful to the interest of Sparta and hostile
to Argos, it is evident that the state was under an
aristocratic government.<a id="noteref_764" name="noteref_764" href="#note_764"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">764</span></span></a> In a revolution which took
place before 383 B.C. the Lacedæmonian party had
been expelled, but were in the same year again received
by the people; the government, however, did
not become democratical, until Agesilaus, introduced
by the former party, conquered the city, and remodelled
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page171">[pg 171]</span><a name="Pg171" id="Pg171" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the constitution<a id="noteref_765" name="noteref_765" href="#note_765"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">765</span></span></a> (379 B.C.). Before this
period the democratic assembly consisted of more
than 5000 members, those who were inclined to the
Lacedæmonians furnished above 1000 heavy-armed
soldiers. A very regular system of government is
proved to have existed, by the patience and heroism
with which the Phliasians, in 372-376 B.C., defended
their city and country against the attacks of
the Argives, Arcadians, Eleans, and Thebans, until,
without breaking their fidelity to Sparta, they concluded
a peace with Thebes and Argos (366 B.C.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_10" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
10. In <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span> the tyranny of Theagenes, to
which he rose from a demagogue, was overthrown
by Sparta, and the early constitution restored, which
for a time was administered with moderation,<a id="noteref_766" name="noteref_766" href="#note_766"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">766</span></span></a> but
even during the Persian war it had already been
rendered more democratical by the admission of
Periœci.<a id="noteref_767" name="noteref_767" href="#note_767"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">767</span></span></a> The elegiac poet Theognis shows himself
about this time the zealous friend of aristocracy;<a id="noteref_768" name="noteref_768" href="#note_768"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">768</span></span></a> he
dreads in particular men who stir up the populace
to evil, and, as leaders of parties, cause disorder and
dissension in the peaceful city; he laments the disappearance
of the pride of nobility, the general eagerness
for riches, and the increase of a crafty and deceitful
disposition.<a id="noteref_769" name="noteref_769" href="#note_769"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">769</span></span></a> These struggles after popular
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page172">[pg 172]</span><a name="Pg172" id="Pg172" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
liberty, promoted by demagogues, soon produced the
greatest disturbance; the people no longer paid the
interest of their debts, and even required a cession of
that which had been already paid (pa???t???a); the
houses of the rich, and the very temples, were plundered;
many persons were banished for the purpose
of confiscating their property.<a id="noteref_770" name="noteref_770" href="#note_770"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">770</span></span></a> It was perhaps at this
time that the Megarians adopted the democratic institution
of ostracism.<a id="noteref_771" name="noteref_771" href="#note_771"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">771</span></span></a> The nobles, however, soon
returned, conquered the people in a battle, and restored
an oligarchy, which was the more oppressive,
as the public offices were for a time exclusively filled
by persons who had fought against the people.<a id="noteref_772" name="noteref_772" href="#note_772"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">772</span></span></a> It is probable that the consequence of this return was
the revolt of Megara from Athens, in 446 B.C.;<a id="noteref_773" name="noteref_773" href="#note_773"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">773</span></span></a> in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Lacedæmonian
party was predominant. But in the eighth
year of the war the aristocratic party of Megara was
in banishment at Pegæ; and when they were about
to be recalled, and restored to their city, the leaders
of the people preferred to have the Athenians in the
town rather than the citizens whom they had driven
from their walls. By the influence of Brasidas, however,
they returned, upon a promise of amnesty, which
they did not long observe. For having first obtained
the supreme offices (to which they must therefore
have had a particular claim), they brought a hundred
of their chief enemies before the people, and forced
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page173">[pg 173]</span><a name="Pg173" id="Pg173" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
them to pass sentence upon the accused with open
votes. The people, terrified by this measure, condemned
them to death. At the same time the dominant
party established a close and strict oligarchy,<a id="noteref_774" name="noteref_774" href="#note_774"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">774</span></span></a>
which remained in existence for a very long period.<a id="noteref_775" name="noteref_775" href="#note_775"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">775</span></span></a>
In 375 B.C., we again find that democracy was the
established constitution, and that the attempts of the
oligarchs to change it were defeated.<a id="noteref_776" name="noteref_776" href="#note_776"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">776</span></span></a>
Demosthenes<a id="noteref_777" name="noteref_777" href="#note_777"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">777</span></span></a>
mentions a court of three hundred in this state, sitting
in judgment on public offences; and at this time
nobility and wealth were frequently united in the same
persons. Of the Megarian magistrates we have
already mentioned a king,<a id="noteref_778" name="noteref_778" href="#note_778"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">778</span></span></a> to which may now be
added the hieromnamon, an office always held by the
priest of Poseidon,<a id="noteref_779" name="noteref_779" href="#note_779"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">779</span></span></a> and probably having the same
duties and privileges as the amphipolus, hierapolus,
and hierothytes in the Sicilian states. The antiquity
of this office is evident from its occurrence in the
colonies of Megara, Byzantium and Chalcedon. In
the former a hieromnamon is mentioned in a decree
quoted by Demosthenes,<a id="noteref_780" name="noteref_780" href="#note_780"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">780</span></span></a> who gives his name to the
year; in the latter, a decree now extant<a id="noteref_781" name="noteref_781" href="#note_781"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">781</span></span></a> mentions first
a king, then a hieromnamon, then a prophet, together
with three nomophylaces, all administering the public
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page174">[pg 174]</span><a name="Pg174" id="Pg174" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
affairs (a?s?µ???te?) for the appointed term of a
month. The two first we have already seen united
in the very same manner at Megara; the third refers
to the worship of Apollo, of the transfer of which from
the mother-state to Chalcedon we have already spoken,
and pointed out an oracle of Apollo which was delivered
there;<a id="noteref_782" name="noteref_782" href="#note_782"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">782</span></span></a> the nomophylaces also occur at
Sparta. The hieromnamon was probably priest also of Poseidon
in the colonies, the worship of which god, deriving
its origin from the Isthmus of Corinth, was at least
more prevalent than any other.<a id="noteref_783" name="noteref_783" href="#note_783"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">783</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_11" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
11. The constitution of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Byzantium</span></span> was at first
royal,<a id="noteref_784" name="noteref_784" href="#note_784"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">784</span></span></a>
afterwards aristocratical,<a id="noteref_785" name="noteref_785" href="#note_785"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">785</span></span></a> and the oligarchy,
which soon succeeded, was, in 390 B.C., changed by
Thrasybulus the Athenian into democracy.<a id="noteref_786" name="noteref_786" href="#note_786"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">786</span></span></a> Equal
privileges were at the same time probably granted to
the new citizens, who, on account of their demands,
had been driven from the city by the ancient colonists.<a id="noteref_787" name="noteref_787" href="#note_787"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">787</span></span></a> After this, the democracy appears to have continued
for a long time;<a id="noteref_788" name="noteref_788" href="#note_788"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">788</span></span></a> but on account of the duration of
this form of government, and the habit of passing their
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page175">[pg 175]</span><a name="Pg175" id="Pg175" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
time in the market-place and the harbour, which the
people had contracted from the situation of the town,
a great dissoluteness of manners existed; and this
was also transferred to the neighbouring city of Chalcedon,
which had adopted the Byzantine democracy,
and, together with its ancient constitution, had lost the
temperance and regularity for which it had been distinguished.
In these times the Byzantians were frequently
in great financial difficulties, from which they
often endeavoured to extricate themselves by violent
measures.<a id="noteref_789" name="noteref_789" href="#note_789"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">789</span></span></a> In the document quoted by Demosthenes,
the senate (ß???) transfers a decree in its first stage,
called ??t?a,<a id="noteref_790" name="noteref_790" href="#note_790"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">790</span></span></a>
to an individual, in order to bring it
before the people in the assembly (???a), nearly in
the same manner as was customary at Athens; the
existing constitution is called in this document ? p?t????
p???te?a. The office of archon was perhaps
introduced together with the democracy;<a id="noteref_791" name="noteref_791" href="#note_791"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">791</span></span></a> the civil
authority of the generals existed in many states in
later times. The hundreds (??at?st??) occur apparently
as a subdivision of the tribes,<a id="noteref_792" name="noteref_792" href="#note_792"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">792</span></span></a> and 
therefore as a species of phratriæ;<a id="noteref_793" name="noteref_793" href="#note_793"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">793</span></span></a> they were probably common
to all the colonies of Megara, since we find them
in Heraclea on the Pontus. In this city we know to
a certainty that the hundreds were divisions of the
tribes, of which there were three;<a id="noteref_794" name="noteref_794" href="#note_794"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">794</span></span></a> the rich (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page176">[pg 176]</span><a name="Pg176" id="Pg176" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
possessors of the original lots) were all in the same
hundred; but the demagogues, intending to destroy
the aristocracy, divided the people into sixty new hundreds,
independent of the tribes, in which rich and
poor were entered without distinction: nearly the
same measure as that by which Cleisthenes had so
greatly raised the democracy at Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Heraclea Pontica</span></span>, a settlement in part
of Bœotians, but chiefly from Megara,<a id="noteref_795" name="noteref_795" href="#note_795"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">795</span></span></a>
had doubtless originally possessed the same constitution as other
Doric colonies; and the different classes were, first,
the possessors of the original lots; secondly, a
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">demus</span></span>,
or popular party, who had settled either at the same
time or subsequently; and, thirdly, the bondslaves,
the Mariandynians.<a id="noteref_796" name="noteref_796" href="#note_796"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">796</span></span></a> Although we are not
able to give any detailed account of the changes in the government
of this state, it may be observed, that for a
time the citizens alone had political power (the p???te?µa);
but that the people had the privilege of judging
(that is, probably in civil cases), which occasioned
a change in the constitution.<a id="noteref_797" name="noteref_797" href="#note_797"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">797</span></span></a> Before 364
B.C. the popular party demanded with violence an abolition of
debts, and a new division of the territory; the senate,
which at that time was not a body selected from the
people, but from the aristocracy,<a id="noteref_798" name="noteref_798" href="#note_798"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">798</span></span></a> at length, being
unable to act for itself, knew no other means than to
call in the assistance of Clearchus, an exile, who immediately
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page177">[pg 177]</span><a name="Pg177" id="Pg177" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
marched with a body of soldiers into the
city. But, instead of protecting the dignity of those
who had called him in, he became a leader of the
people, and, what in fact he is already, who sets the
blind fury and physical force of the multitude in action
against justice and good order—a tyrant.<a id="noteref_799" name="noteref_799" href="#note_799"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">799</span></span></a> Clearchus
put to death sixty of the members of the senate,
whom he had seized,<a id="noteref_800" name="noteref_800" href="#note_800"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">800</span></span></a> liberated their slaves, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
the Mariandynians; and compelled their wives and
daughters to marry these bondsmen, unquestionably
the best means of extirpating an hereditary aristocracy;
but the pride of noble descent was so strong in the
breasts of these women, that the greater number freed
themselves from the disgrace by suicide. It must be
supposed, that a tyranny administered in so violent
a spirit, and continued through several generations,
destroyed every vestige of the ancient constitution.<a id="noteref_801" name="noteref_801" href="#note_801"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">801</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
12. In the Spartan colony of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cnidos</span></span> the government
was a close aristocracy. At the head of the
state was a council of sixty members, who were chosen
from among the nobles. Its powers were precisely
the same as those of the Spartan gerusia, from which
its number is also copied. It debated concerning all
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page178">[pg 178]</span><a name="Pg178" id="Pg178" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
public affairs, previously to their being laid before the
assembly of the people, and had the superintendence
of manners. The office lasted for life, and was subject
to no responsibility.<a id="noteref_802" name="noteref_802" href="#note_802"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">802</span></span></a> The members were styled
?µ??µ??e?, and the president was called ?fest??, who
inquired the opinion of each councillor. Only one
person from each family was eligible to the council
and public offices, younger brothers being excluded.
This occasioned dissensions between members of the
same family; those who were not admitted joined the
popular party, and the oligarchy was overthrown.<a id="noteref_803" name="noteref_803" href="#note_803"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">803</span></span></a> This event probably took place a short time before the
life of Aristotle. Eudoxus the philosopher, and Archias,
a person of whom little is known, are mentioned
as legislators of the Cnidians.<a id="noteref_804" name="noteref_804" href="#note_804"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">804</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the Spartan island of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Melos</span></span> we find nothing
remarkable, except that the power of the magistrates
was at least greater than at Athens,<a id="noteref_805" name="noteref_805" href="#note_805"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">805</span></span></a> Of the
ancient constitution of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thera</span></span>, and of its ephors, we have
already spoken.<a id="noteref_806" name="noteref_806" href="#note_806"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">806</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_13" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_13" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
13. The changes in the government of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cyrene</span></span>
we pointed out when speaking of the Periœci. Originally
the constitution was perhaps nearly similar
to that of Sparta. Afterwards the ancient rights of
the colonists came into collision with the claims of
the later settlers, and at the same time the kings
obtained an unconstitutional and nearly tyrannical
power. It appears that they were stimulated by
their connexion, both by friendship and marriage,
with the sovereigns of Egypt, to change the ancient
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page179">[pg 179]</span><a name="Pg179" id="Pg179" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
royalty into an oriental despotism. Hence, in the
reign of Battus III., Demonax the Mantinean, who
was called in to frame a constitution for this city,
restored the supremacy of the community; he likewise
gave to the new colonists equal rights of citizenship
with the ancient citizens, although the latter
doubtless still retained many privileges. The power
of the kings was limited within the narrowest bounds;
and they were only permitted to enjoy the revenues
flowing from the sacerdotal office and their own
lands,<a id="noteref_807" name="noteref_807" href="#note_807"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">807</span></span></a> whereas they had before claimed possession of
the whole property of the state;<a id="noteref_808" name="noteref_808" href="#note_808"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">808</span></span></a>
they had, like the Spartan kings, a seat and vote in the council, and
probably presided over it, which duties were performed
by Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus III., during
the absence of her son.<a id="noteref_809" name="noteref_809" href="#note_809"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">809</span></span></a> These restrictions were,
however, violently opposed by the princes just mentioned,
as well as by their successors, who thus drew
upon themselves their own ruin. Arcesilaus also, to
whom Pindar addressed an ode, the fourth of the name,
ruled with harshness, and protected his power by foreign
mercenaries:<a id="noteref_810" name="noteref_810" href="#note_810"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">810</span></span></a> and the poet doubtless advised him
with good reason, although without success, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">not to
destroy with sharp axe the branches of the great
oak</span></span> (the nobles of the state), <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">and disfigure its
beautiful form; for that, even when deprived of its
vigour, it gives proof of its power, when the destructive
</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page180">[pg 180]</span><a name="Pg180" id="Pg180" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-style: italic">
fire of winter</span></span> (of insurrection) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">snatches it;
or, having left its own place desolate, serves a
wretched servitude, supporting with the other
columns the roof of the royal palace</span></span>”</span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, if the
people in despair throws itself under the dominion of a
foreign king).<a id="noteref_811" name="noteref_811" href="#note_811"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">811</span></span></a> But the soothing hand with which
the poet advises that the wounds of the state should be
treated was not that of Arcesilaus, celebrated only for
his boldness and valour. For these reasons he was
the last in the line of the princes of Cyrene (after
457 B.C.), and a democratical government succeeded.
His son Battus took refuge in the islands of the Hesperides,
where he died; and the head of his corpse was
thrown by these republicans into the sea.<a id="noteref_812" name="noteref_812" href="#note_812"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">812</span></span></a> The
new form of government obtained stability and duration by
an entire change; the number of the tribes and phratrias
was increased, the political union of the houses
destroyed, the family rites were incorporated in the
public worship,<a id="noteref_813" name="noteref_813" href="#note_813"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">813</span></span></a> &amp;c. Some element of disturbance
and revolution must, however, have been still left in
the constitution,<a id="noteref_814" name="noteref_814" href="#note_814"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">814</span></span></a> if the Cyrenæans requested Plato to
contrive for them a temperate and well-ordered government,
which the philosopher is said to have declined,
on the ground that they seemed too prosperous
to themselves. At a later period, Lucullus the Roman
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page181">[pg 181]</span><a name="Pg181" id="Pg181" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
is said to have restored the city to tranquillity, after
many wars and tyrannies.<a id="noteref_815" name="noteref_815" href="#note_815"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">815</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
14. In the constitution of the Lacedæmonian colony
of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tarentum</span></span> there were two chief periods. In
the first we must infer, from the analogy of the other
Doric colonies, that there was the same division of
ranks, viz., noble citizens, governing the state under a
king;<a id="noteref_816" name="noteref_816" href="#note_816"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">816</span></span></a> the people, to whom few and limited powers
were allowed; and aboriginal bondsmen, chiefly residing
upon the lands of the highest class.<a id="noteref_817" name="noteref_817" href="#note_817"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">817</span></span></a> This constitution
must, however, have been gradually relaxed;
for Aristotle calls it a <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">politeia</span></span> in the
limited sense, which, as he informs us, lasted over the Persian war,
and did not pass into a democracy until a large part of
the nobles had been slain in a bloody battle against the
Iapygians (474 B.C.)<a id="noteref_818" name="noteref_818" href="#note_818"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">818</span></span></a> The transition was introduced
without any violent revolution, by some measures,
in which the aristocracy submitted to the claims of
the people. First of all, according to Aristotle,<a id="noteref_819" name="noteref_819" href="#note_819"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">819</span></span></a> they
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page182">[pg 182]</span><a name="Pg182" id="Pg182" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
divided the public property among the poorer classes;
but only gave them the use of it; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, apparently the
public lands were apportioned out to them; but at the
payment of a small rent, in token that they had not the
absolute property in the soil. Besides this popular
measure, the number of all the public offices was
doubled; and one half was filled by election, the other
by lot; in order, by the latter mode of nomination, to
open a way to their attainment by the lower orders.
This democracy at first promoted to a great degree the
prosperity and power of the state,<a id="noteref_820" name="noteref_820" href="#note_820"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">820</span></span></a> while
persons of character and dignity were at the head of the government;
for example, one of the first men of the time,
Archytas the Pythagorean, a man of singular vigour
and wisdom, who, as well as all adherents of the
Pythagorean league (of which he could not then have
been a member), was of an aristocratical disposition.<a id="noteref_821" name="noteref_821" href="#note_821"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">821</span></span></a>
He was general seven times, although it was prohibited
by law that the same person should hold this office
more than once,<a id="noteref_822" name="noteref_822" href="#note_822"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">822</span></span></a> and never suffered a defeat:<a id="noteref_823" name="noteref_823" href="#note_823"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">823</span></span></a> the
people with a noble confidence entrusted to him for a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page183">[pg 183]</span><a name="Pg183" id="Pg183" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
considerable time the entire management of public
affairs.<a id="noteref_824" name="noteref_824" href="#note_824"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">824</span></span></a> At a subsequent period, however, as there
were no longer any men of this stamp to carry on the
government, and the corruption of manners, caused by
the natural fruitfulness of the country, and restrained
by no strict laws, was continually on the increase, the
state of Tarentum was so entirely changed, that every
trace of the ancient Doric character, and particularly
of the mother-country, disappeared; hence, although
externally powerful and wealthy, it was from its real
internal debility, in the end, necessarily overthrown,
particularly when the insolent violence of the people
became a fresh source of weakness.<a id="noteref_825" name="noteref_825" href="#note_825"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">825</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_15" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
15. On the constitution of the Tarentine colony
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Heraclea</span></span> (433 B.C.) the monuments extant, although
important in other respects, afford little information.
In the well-known inscription of this city, an
ephor gives his name to the year, five chosen surveyors
(???sta?) are to value the sacred lands of Bacchus,
and to measure it according to the rules of Etruscan
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">agrimensores</span></span>, upon the decree of the public
assembly,<a id="noteref_826" name="noteref_826" href="#note_826"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">826</span></span></a>
in order to ascertain what had been lost in the course
of time, and to secure the remainder. After this, the
state, two polianomi, and the horistæ, let the sacred
land according to a decree of the Heracleans, and state
the conditions; in which certain officers named s?ta?e?ta?
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page184">[pg 184]</span><a name="Pg184" id="Pg184" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
are mentioned as inspectors of the public corn-magazine.
The annual polianomi are bound to take
care that the contracts of lease shall be observed; they
carry on inquiries upon this subject jointly with ten
sworn colleagues, elected by the people, in case of any
breach of contract, collect the appointed fines, and
refer, in cases of singular importance, to the public
assembly, they themselves being subject to the responsibility.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_16" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_16" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
16. To these we may add <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Croton</span></span>, since this city,
founded under the authority of Sparta by a Heraclide,
and therefore revering Hercules himself as its founder,<a id="noteref_827" name="noteref_827" href="#note_827"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">827</span></span></a>
must be considered as belonging to the Doric race,
although at a later period the more numerous Achæan
portion of the population appears to have preponderated.
Croton was the soil upon which Pythagoras
endeavoured to realise his notions of a true aristocracy,
an endeavour in which he succeeded. This, however,
we cannot comprehend, unless we consider his ideal
state as no airy project or phantom of the brain, but
rather as founded upon national feelings, and as being
even the foundation of the governments of Sparta,
Crete, and the cities of Lower Italy, in which Pythagoras
first appeared: and for this reason he is described
as in part merely to have restored and
renewed; for example, to have destroyed tyrannies,
quieted the claims of the people, and re-established
ancient rights,<a id="noteref_828" name="noteref_828" href="#note_828"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">828</span></span></a> &amp;c. Croton, however, he selected
as the centre of his operations, as being under the
protection of Apollo, his household god;<a id="noteref_829" name="noteref_829" href="#note_829"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">829</span></span></a> and,
secondly, as being the <span class="tei tei-q">“city of the healthy,”</span> an advantage
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page185">[pg 185]</span><a name="Pg185" id="Pg185" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which it owed to its climate, to gymnastic
exercises, and to purer morals than were prevalent
at least in the neighbouring cities of Tarentum and
Sybaris. The government of this city was, when the
philosopher came forward, in the hands of the senate
of a thousand,<a id="noteref_830" name="noteref_830" href="#note_830"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">830</span></span></a> which formed a synedrion; the Crotoniats
are reported to have offered to Pythagoras the
presidency of this senate,<a id="noteref_831" name="noteref_831" href="#note_831"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">831</span></span></a> probably as prytanis.<a id="noteref_832" name="noteref_832" href="#note_832"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">832</span></span></a> A
similar senate of a thousand existed at Agrigentum in
the time of Empedocles; the same number of persons,
elected according to their property, were sole governors
at Rhegium.<a id="noteref_833" name="noteref_833" href="#note_833"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">833</span></span></a> This council of a thousand
members also existed at Locri.<a id="noteref_834" name="noteref_834" href="#note_834"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">834</span></span></a> From this we may
infer that the thousand of Croton were the most wealthy
citizens: who in states of which the power is derived
from the possession of land are, before the government
is disturbed by revolutions, generally identical with
the noble families. At Croton they had power to
decide in most affairs without the ratification of the
popular assembly,<a id="noteref_835" name="noteref_835" href="#note_835"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">835</span></span></a> and also possessed a
judicial authority.<a id="noteref_836" name="noteref_836" href="#note_836"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">836</span></span></a>
Now the council instituted by Pythagoras
(which appears not to have been formed of members
elected according to property, but to have been chosen
on purely aristocratical principles) only contained three
hundred members,<a id="noteref_837" name="noteref_837" href="#note_837"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">837</span></span></a> a number which frequently occurs
under similar circumstances;<a id="noteref_838" name="noteref_838" href="#note_838"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">838</span></span></a> at the head of
this council was Pythagoras himself. One of the
most remarkable phenomena in the political history
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page186">[pg 186]</span><a name="Pg186" id="Pg186" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the Greeks is, that the philosophy of order, of unison,
of ??sµ??, expressing, and consequently enlisting
on its side, the combined endeavours of the better
part of the people, obtained the management of public
affairs, and held possession of it for a considerable
time; so that the nature and destination of the political
elements in existence being understood, and each
having assigned to it its proper place, those who were
qualified both by their rank and talents were placed at
the head of the state; a strict self-education having in
the first place been made one of their chief obligations
(as it was of the f??a?e? of Plato), in order by this
means to prepare the way for the education of the
other members of the community. At present it is
generally acknowledged that the Pythagorean league
was in great part of a political nature, that its object
was to obtain a formal share in the administration of
states, and that its influence upon them was of the
most beneficial kind, which continued for many generations
in Magna Græcia after the dissolution of
the league itself.<a id="noteref_839" name="noteref_839" href="#note_839"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">839</span></span></a> This dissolution was caused by the
natural opposers of an aristocracy of this description,
the popular party and its leaders; for in this character
alone could Cylon have been the author of the
catastrophe which he occasioned; it is recorded, that
the opposition of this order to an agrarian law, which
referred to the division of the territory of the conquered
Sybaris among the people, served to inflame
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page187">[pg 187]</span><a name="Pg187" id="Pg187" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
their minds.<a id="noteref_840" name="noteref_840" href="#note_840"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">840</span></span></a> The opposite party demanded that the
whole people should have admittance to the public
assemblies and to public offices, that all magistrates at
the expiration of their offices should render an account
to a tribunal composed of members elected by lot,<a id="noteref_841" name="noteref_841" href="#note_841"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">841</span></span></a> that all existing debts should be cancelled, and
that the lands should be newly divided:<a id="noteref_842" name="noteref_842" href="#note_842"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">842</span></span></a> from
which we must infer, that the highest officers of the
Pythagoreans were, according to the Spartan and
Cretan principle, irresponsible, and that they considered
election by vote as necessary for all such situations.
How fatal to the quiet of Lower Italy were
the convulsions which followed the destruction of this
league (about 500 B.C.), is proved by the large share
which the whole of Greece took in their pacification.
This was at length effected by the Italian cities entirely
giving up the Doric customs, and adopting an
Achæan government and institutions;<a id="noteref_843" name="noteref_843" href="#note_843"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">843</span></span></a> which they
were afterwards, first by the power of Dionysius of
Syracuse, and then of the neighbouring Barbarians,
compelled to surrender. Now the Achæan constitution,
according to Polybius,<a id="noteref_844" name="noteref_844" href="#note_844"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">844</span></span></a> had become a democracy
immediately after the overthrow of the last king
Ogyges; and retained the same general character,
though some subordinate parts experienced very great
alterations: we also know that it was very unlike the
Spartan government.<a id="noteref_845" name="noteref_845" href="#note_845"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">845</span></span></a> I cannot, however, refrain
from doubting whether it could properly be termed
democracy at so early a period, since Xenophon states,
that in Sicyon, in 368-365 B.C., timocracy was the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page188">[pg 188]</span><a name="Pg188" id="Pg188" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
prevailing form of government, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">according to the
laws of the Achæans</span></span>,”</span><a id="noteref_846" name="noteref_846" href="#note_846"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">846</span></span></a> which words
cannot be referred to a mere transitory condition of that race.
There also was always among the Achæans an equestrian
order (?ppe??), of greater consideration and influence
on the government than can be reconciled with
complete democracy.<a id="noteref_847" name="noteref_847" href="#note_847"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">847</span></span></a> So also at Croton, in the year
of the city 637 (117 B.C.), there was a complete
democracy; but (as in all the cities of the Italian
Greeks at this period) a senate of nobles existed, which
was frequently at open war with the people.<a id="noteref_848" name="noteref_848" href="#note_848"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">848</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
17. Lastly, it is proper to mention the constitution
of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Delphi</span></span>, if our supposition is admitted to be correct,
that the most distinguished Delphian families
were of Doric origin.<a id="noteref_849" name="noteref_849" href="#note_849"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">849</span></span></a> It was also shown
that these families composed at an early period a close aristocracy;
the priests were chosen from among the nobles,
to whom the management of the oracle belonged;
from their body was taken the Pythian court of justice
(which may be compared with the Spartan gerusia,
and the Athenian court of the ephetæ), as well as the
chief magistrates, among whom in early times a king,<a id="noteref_850" name="noteref_850" href="#note_850"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">850</span></span></a>
and afterwards a prytanis, was supreme.<a id="noteref_851" name="noteref_851" href="#note_851"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">851</span></span></a> At a later
period we find mention of archons who gave their name
to the year.<a id="noteref_852" name="noteref_852" href="#note_852"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">852</span></span></a> At the same time a popular party was
formed (perhaps from the subjects of the temple),
which in a later age at least exercised its authority in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page189">[pg 189]</span><a name="Pg189" id="Pg189" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
a public assembly.<a id="noteref_853" name="noteref_853" href="#note_853"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">853</span></span></a> The senate (ß????) of Delphi
was at this period, as in Gela and Rhodes (according
to the hypothesis before advanced), renewed every half
year; but it appears to have consisted of very few
members, for only one senator (ß???e???), or at most
a few, in addition to the archon, are named in the
donatory decrees of Delphi.<a id="noteref_854" name="noteref_854" href="#note_854"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">854</span></span></a> Many
particulars which belong to a later date we pass over, as our only object
is to point out the characteristic points of the ancient
constitution.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_18" id="Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_18" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
18. From these various accounts it follows, that
although there was no one form of government common
to the Doric race in historic times, yet in many
of these states we find a constitution of nearly the
same character, which preceded and caused the subsequent
changes and developments; and was of unequal
duration in different states. This constitution,
which we, with Pindar, consider as most strongly
marked in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Spartan</span></em> form of government, was of a
strictly aristocratic character;<a id="noteref_855" name="noteref_855" href="#note_855"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">855</span></span></a> hence Sparta was the
basis and corner-stone of the Greek aristocracies, and
in this country alone the nobility ever retained their
original dignity and power. Hence also Sparta, during
the flourishing period of her history, never had a
large number of exiles on political grounds, while in the
other Grecian states the constant revolutions to which
they were subject generally kept one party or other
of the citizens in banishment; nor did she ever experience
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page190">[pg 190]</span><a name="Pg190" id="Pg190" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
any violent disturbances or changes in her
constitution,<a id="noteref_856" name="noteref_856" href="#note_856"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">856</span></span></a> until the number of the genuine Spartans
had nearly become extinct, and the conditions
necessary for the permanence of the ancient government
had in part been removed. Now I call the
Spartan constitution an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">aristocracy</span></em>, without the least
hesitation, on account of its continued and predominant
tendency towards governing the community by a few,
who were presumed to be the best, and as it inculcated
in the citizens far less independent confidence than
obedience and fear of those persons whose worth was
guaranteed by their family, their education, and the
public voice which had called them to the offices of
state. The ancients,<a id="noteref_857" name="noteref_857" href="#note_857"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">857</span></span></a> however, remark, that it might
also be called a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">democracy</span></em>, since the supreme power
was always considered as residing in the people, and
an entire equality of manners prevailed; that it might
be called a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">monarchy</span></em> on account of the
kings;<a id="noteref_858" name="noteref_858" href="#note_858"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">858</span></span></a> and
that in the power of the ephors there was even an
appearance of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tyranny</span></em>: so that in this one constitution
all forms of government were united.<a id="noteref_859" name="noteref_859" href="#note_859"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">859</span></span></a> But the
animating soul of all these forms was the Doric spirit
of fear and respect for ancient and established laws,
and the judgment of older men, the spirit of implicit
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page191">[pg 191]</span><a name="Pg191" id="Pg191" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
obedience towards the state and the constituted authorities
(pe??a???a);<a id="noteref_860" name="noteref_860" href="#note_860"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">860</span></span></a> and, lastly, the conviction that
strict discipline and a wise restriction of actions are
surer guides to safety, than a superabundance of
strength and activity directed to no certain end.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The relation which, according to these Doric principles,
existed between an inferior and a superior,
between the private citizen and the magistrate, also
extended to the Spartans and other states, as the former
were for a long time considered as aristocrats when
compared with the other Greeks. This superiority
was not caused by external preponderance and compulsion,
but by the internal acknowledgment that strict
laws and a well-ordered discipline belonged to them
above all. It is often curious to remark how great
was the power of a Lacedæmonian cloak and stick
(s??t??? ?a? t??ß??, as Plutarch says) among the
other races of the Greeks:<a id="noteref_861" name="noteref_861" href="#note_861"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">861</span></span></a> how, as it were by magic,
the single Gylippus, although by no means the best of
his nation, brings union and stability into the people at
Syracuse, and first gives all their undertakings force
and effect; on more than one occasion a single Spartan
was enough to unite squadrons of Æolians and Ionians
of Asia, and make them act in common; and even at
the times of the dissolution of the Grecian name, we
see Spartans acting as the generals of mercenaries
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page192">[pg 192]</span><a name="Pg192" id="Pg192" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
bound by no other law than the firm and decided will
of their leaders.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Many of the noblest and best of the Athenians
always considered the Spartan state nearly as an ideal
theory realised in practice; and, like Cimon and Xenophon
(whose decided preference for Sparta, though
perhaps sometimes prejudicial to his own country,
must not be called folly), joined themselves to this
state with zeal and eagerness, even to the prejudice of
their own interests. The preference of all the followers
of Socrates for Sparta is well known;<a id="noteref_862" name="noteref_862" href="#note_862"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">862</span></span></a> and Lycurgus,
the most just of financiers, united to an aristocratical
disposition an admiration for the laws of
Lacedæmon.<a id="noteref_863" name="noteref_863" href="#note_863"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">863</span></span></a> It is singular that men of such eminence,
both in a practical and theoretical view, should
express their admiration of a state,<a id="noteref_864" name="noteref_864" href="#note_864"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">864</span></span></a> which modern
writers<a id="noteref_865" name="noteref_865" href="#note_865"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">865</span></span></a> have often represented to us as a horde of half
savages. Nor must the judgment of the persons above
mentioned, who were without doubt sufficiently acquainted
with the object of it, be attributed to a morbid
craving after a state of nature which the Athenians
had for ever lost.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We moderns, on the other hand, on account of our
preconceived notions with respect to the advancement
of civilization, do not read without partiality the lessons
which history affords us; we refuse to recognise the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page193">[pg 193]</span><a name="Pg193" id="Pg193" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
most profound political wisdom in an age which we
believe to have been occupied in rude attempts after
the formation of a settled form of government. Far
otherwise the political speculators of antiquity, such as
the Pythagoreans and Plato, who considered the
Spartan and Cretan form of government, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the
ancient Dorian, as a general model of all governments;
and, in fact, the ideal constitution which was realized
in Sparta approaches most nearly to that which Pythagoras
attempted to establish in Lower Italy, and
which Plato brought forward as capable of being put
in practice, viz., a close communion, nearly similar to
that of a family, having for its object mutual instruction.
For the regulations of Pythagoras have many
things besides their aristocratic spirit in common with
the Spartan form of government, such as the public
tables, and in general the perpetual living in public,
with the number of laws for the maintenance of public
morality (<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">disciplina morum</span></span>); and the community of
goods, which existed among the Pythagoreans, is
nearly allied to the Doric system of equalizing the
landed estates. And Plato, although he at times
criticises the Spartan and Cretan constitution in a
somewhat unfair manner, has evidently derived his
political notions, mediately or immediately, from the
consideration of that form of government:<a id="noteref_866" name="noteref_866" href="#note_866"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">866</span></span></a> for it is
hardly possible that any person should speculate upon
government, without proceeding upon some chosen
historical basis, however he may endeavour to conceal
it. But the Athenian and Ionic democracy he altogether
despises, because that appeared on his principles
to be an annihilation of government rather than a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page194">[pg 194]</span><a name="Pg194" id="Pg194" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
government, in which every person, striving to act as
much as possible for himself, destroyed that unison and
harmony in which each individual exists only as a part
of the whole.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It would be interesting to know what were the
opinions and judgments of Spartans of the better time
concerning these relaxed forms of government. We
may well suppose that they did not view them in a
favourable light. The people of Athens must indeed
have appeared to them in general, as a Lacedæmonian
in Aristophanes<a id="noteref_867" name="noteref_867" href="#note_867"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">867</span></span></a> expresses himself, as a lawless and
turbulent rabble. For this reason they refused in the
Peloponnesian war to negociate with the whole community;
and would only treat with a few selected individuals.<a id="noteref_868" name="noteref_868" href="#note_868"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">868</span></span></a>
Upon the whole, the state of Sparta,
being, in comparison with the general mutability of the
Greeks after the Persian war, like the magnet, which
always pointed to the pole of ancient national customs,
became dissimilar, both in political and domestic
usages, to the rest of Greece;<a id="noteref_869" name="noteref_869" href="#note_869"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">869</span></span></a> and for this reason
the Spartans who were sent into foreign parts either gave
affront by their strangeness and peculiarity, or, by their
want of consistency and firmness, forfeited that confidence
with which they were everywhere met.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page195">[pg 195]</span><a name="Pg195" id="Pg195" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a>
<a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter X.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Tenure of land in Laconia. § 2. Partition of the land into
lots, and their inalienability. § 3. Law of inalienability of land
repealed by Epitadeus. § 4. Lacedæmonian law respecting
marriage portions and heiresses. § 5. Similar regulations respecting
landed property in other states. § 6. The syssitia of
Crete and the phiditia of Sparta. § 7. Contributions to the
public tables in Crete and Sparta. § 8. Domestic economy of
Sparta. § 9. Money of Sparta. § 10. Regulations respecting
the use of money in Sparta. § 11. Changes in these regulations.
Taxation of the Spartans. § 12. Trade of Peloponnesus.
Monetary system of the Dorians of Italy and Sicily.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Having now considered the individuals composing
the state in reference to the supreme governing
power, we will next view them in reference to property,
and investigate the subject of the public
economy. It is evident that this latter must have been
of great simplicity in the Doric states, as it was the
object of their constitution to remove everything accidental
and arbitrary; and by preventing property from
being an object of free choice and individual exertion,
to make it a matter of indifference to persons who were
to be trained only in moral excellence; hence the
dominant class, the genuine Spartans, were almost
entirely interdicted from the labour of trade or agriculture,
and excluded both from the cares and pleasures
of such occupations.<a id="noteref_870" name="noteref_870" href="#note_870"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">870</span></span></a>
Since then upon this principle
it was the object to allow as little freedom as possible
to individuals in the use of property, while the state
gained what these had lost, it is manifest that under a
government of this kind there could not have been any
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page196">[pg 196]</span><a name="Pg196" id="Pg196" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
accurate distinction between public and private economy;
and therefore no attempt will be made to
separate them in the following discussion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
All land in Laconia was either in the immediate
possession of the state, or freehold property of the
Spartans, or held by the Periœci upon the payment of
a tribute. That there were flocks and lands belonging
to the state of Sparta, is evident from facts which have
been already stated;<a id="noteref_871" name="noteref_871" href="#note_871"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">871</span></span></a> although
perhaps they were not so considerable as in Crete:<a id="noteref_872" name="noteref_872" href="#note_872"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">872</span></span></a> the large forest, in which
every Spartan had a right of hunting, must also have
belonged to the community. There can be no doubt
that this property of the state was different from the
royal lands,<a id="noteref_873" name="noteref_873" href="#note_873"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">873</span></span></a> which were
situated in the territory of the Periœci: it is probable that these (as well as the rest
of that district) were cultivated by the Periœci, who
only paid a tribute to the king. The rest of the territory
of the Periœci was divided into numerous but
small portions, of which, as has been already remarked,
there were 30,000;<a id="noteref_874" name="noteref_874" href="#note_874"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">874</span></span></a> a number which was probably
arranged at the same time with that of the hundred
towns.<a id="noteref_875" name="noteref_875" href="#note_875"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">875</span></span></a> In each lot (??????) only one family resided,
the members of which subsisted upon its produce, and
cultivated it, to the best of our knowledge, without
the assistance of Helots. For this reason the 9000
lots of the Spartans, which supported twice as many
men as the lots of the
Periœci,<a id="noteref_876" name="noteref_876" href="#note_876"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">876</span></span></a> must upon the whole
have been twice as extensive; each lot must therefore
have been seven times greater. Now the property of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page197">[pg 197]</span><a name="Pg197" id="Pg197" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Spartans was, according to the united testimony of
all writers, set out in equal lots; probably according
to some general valuation of the produce;<a id="noteref_877" name="noteref_877" href="#note_877"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">877</span></span></a> for the area
could not have been taken as a standard in a country
where the land was of such different degrees of goodness.
Yet even this method of allotment might not
have precluded all inequality: which, on account of
the natural changes of the soil, must in the course of
time have been much augmented; and to this result
the variable number of the slaves, which were strictly
connected with the land, necessarily contributed.
Nevertheless this fact proves that there existed a
principle of equality in the contrivers of the regulation:
for, as we remarked above, this division was in
strictness only a lower degree of a community of
goods, which the Pythagoreans endeavoured to put in
practice, on the principle of the possessions of friends
being common;<a id="noteref_878" name="noteref_878" href="#note_878"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">878</span></span></a> and which actually existed among the
Spartans in the free use of dogs, horses, servants,
and even the furniture of other persons.<a id="noteref_879" name="noteref_879" href="#note_879"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">879</span></span></a> The whole
institution of the public tables in Sparta and Crete
was, indeed, only a means of producing an equal distribution
of property among the members of them.<a id="noteref_880" name="noteref_880" href="#note_880"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">880</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. Although similar partitions of land had perhaps
been made from the time of the first occupation of
Laconia by the Dorians, the later division into 9000
lots cannot have taken place before the end of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page198">[pg 198]</span><a name="Pg198" id="Pg198" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
first Messenian war.<a id="noteref_881" name="noteref_881" href="#note_881"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">881</span></span></a> There is something very remarkable
in the historical account, that Tyrtæus by
means of his poem of Eunomia repressed the desire
of many citizens for a redivision of the lands.<a id="noteref_882" name="noteref_882" href="#note_882"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">882</span></span></a> It may be explained by supposing that the Spartans,
who before that time had possessed allotments in
Messenia, from which they then obtained no returns,
wished that new estates in Laconia should be assigned
to them.<a id="noteref_883" name="noteref_883" href="#note_883"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">883</span></span></a> At the time, however, of that division
Sparta must in fact have had about 9000 fathers of
families (or, according to the ancient expression, so
many ?????), of which each received a lot; for families
and lots were necessarily connected.<a id="noteref_884" name="noteref_884" href="#note_884"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">884</span></span></a> If then we
suppose that every family of a Spartan was provided
with a lot, the chief object was to keep them together
for the future by proper institutions: and to
ascertain the means which were employed to attain
this end (for they were upon the whole successful) is
a problem which has never yet been satisfactorily
solved.<a id="noteref_885" name="noteref_885" href="#note_885"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">885</span></span></a> The first part was the preservation of families,
in which the legislator was in ancient times assisted
by the sanction of religion. Nothing was more
dreaded by the early Greeks than the extinction of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page199">[pg 199]</span><a name="Pg199" id="Pg199" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the family, and the destruction of the house;<a id="noteref_886" name="noteref_886" href="#note_886"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">886</span></span></a> by which
the dead lost their religious honour, the household
gods their sacrifices, the hearth its flame, and the ancestors
their name among the living. This was in
Sparta provided against by regulations concerning
heiresses, adoptions, introductions of mothaces, and
other means which will presently be mentioned:
those persons also who had not as yet any children
were sometimes spared in war.<a id="noteref_887" name="noteref_887" href="#note_887"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">887</span></span></a> The second means
was the prohibition to alienate or divide the family
allotment,<a id="noteref_888" name="noteref_888" href="#note_888"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">888</span></span></a> which necessarily required the existence of
only one heir,<a id="noteref_889" name="noteref_889" href="#note_889"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">889</span></span></a> who probably was always the eldest
son.<a id="noteref_890" name="noteref_890" href="#note_890"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">890</span></span></a> The extent of his rights, however, was perhaps
no further than that he was considered master of the
house and property; while the other members of the
family had an equal right to a share in the enjoyment
of it. The head of the family was styled in Doric
?st??p?µ??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the lord of the hearth</span></span>;<a id="noteref_891" name="noteref_891" href="#note_891"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">891</span></span></a> the collective
members of the family were called by Epimenides the
Cretan ?µ???p??, that is, literally, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">eating from the
same crib</span></span>;<a id="noteref_892" name="noteref_892" href="#note_892"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">892</span></span></a> and by Charondas ?µ?s?p???, or <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">living
</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page200">[pg 200]</span><a name="Pg200" id="Pg200" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-style: italic">
upon the same stock</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_893" name="noteref_893" href="#note_893"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">893</span></span></a> and by the
Spartans perhaps pa?ta?.<a id="noteref_894" name="noteref_894" href="#note_894"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">894</span></span></a> The master of the family was therefore
obliged to contribute for all these to the syssitia,
without which contribution no one was admitted;<a id="noteref_895" name="noteref_895" href="#note_895"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">895</span></span></a> we
shall see presently that he was able to provide this
contribution for three men and women besides himself;
the other expenses were inconsiderable.<a id="noteref_896" name="noteref_896" href="#note_896"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">896</span></span></a> If,
however, the family contained more than three men,
which must frequently have been the case, the means
adopted for relieving the excessive number were either
to marry them with heiresses, or to send them out as
colonists; or the state had recourse to some other
means of preventing absolute want. This would have
been effected with the greater ease, if it were true, as
Plutarch relates, that immediately after the birth of
every Spartan boy, the eldest of the tribe, sitting
together in a lesche, gave him one of the 9000 lots.<a id="noteref_897" name="noteref_897" href="#note_897"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">897</span></span></a>
For this, however, it must be assumed that the state
or the tribes had possession of some lots, of those perhaps
in which the families had become extinct; but
we know that these lots went in a regular succession
to other families,<a id="noteref_898" name="noteref_898" href="#note_898"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">898</span></span></a> by which means many became exceedingly
rich. These elders of the tribe, mentioned
by Plutarch, were therefore probably only the eldest
of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">house</span></em> or ?????, who might take care that, if
several sons and at the same time several lots had
fallen together in one family, the younger sons should,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page201">[pg 201]</span><a name="Pg201" id="Pg201" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
as far as was possible, be in the possession of land,
without however violating the indivisible unity of an
allotment.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In this manner at Sparta the family, together with
the estate, formed an undivided whole, under the control
of one head, who was privileged by his birth.
But if the number of persons to be fed was too great,
as compared with the means of feeding them, the
natural consequence was, that the privileged eldest
brother could afford to marry, while the younger
brothers remained without wives or children. This
natural inference from the above account is strikingly
confirmed by a most singular statement of Polybius,<a id="noteref_899" name="noteref_899" href="#note_899"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">899</span></span></a>
which has lately been brought to light, viz., that <span class="tei tei-q">“in
Sparta several brothers had often one wife, and that
the children were brought up in common.”</span> If we
may here infer a misrepresentation, to which the Spartan
institutions were particularly liable, it is seen how
the custom just described might cause <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">several</span></em> men to
dwell in one house, upon the same estate, of whom
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> only had a wife. But it must be confessed that
the Spartan institution was very likely to lead to the
terrible abuse which Polybius mentions, particularly
as the Spartan laws, as we shall see presently,<a id="noteref_900" name="noteref_900" href="#note_900"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">900</span></span></a> did
not absolutely prohibit the husband from allowing the
procreation of children from his wife by strangers.
It is therefore possible that the Hebrew institution of
the Levirate-marriage (viz., that if a man died without
leaving children, his widow became the wife of
her former husband's brother, who was to raise up
seed to his brother)<a id="noteref_901" name="noteref_901" href="#note_901"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">901</span></span></a> was extended in Sparta to the
lifetime of the childless elder brother.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page202">[pg 202]</span><a name="Pg202" id="Pg202" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. This whole system was entirely broken up by
the law of the ephor Epitadeus, which permitted any
person to give away his house and lot during his lifetime,
and also to leave it as he chose by will.<a id="noteref_902" name="noteref_902" href="#note_902"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">902</span></span></a>
Whence, as might have been expected, the practice
of legacy-hunting rose to a great height, in which the
rich had always the advantage over the poor. This
law, which was directly opposed to the spirit of the
Spartan constitution, was passed after the time of Lysander,
but a considerable period before Aristotle;
since this writer, manifestly confounding the state of
things as it existed in his time with the ancient legislation,<a id="noteref_903" name="noteref_903" href="#note_903"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">903</span></span></a>
reckons it as an inconsistency in the constitution
of Sparta, that buying and selling of property
was attended with dishonour,<a id="noteref_904" name="noteref_904" href="#note_904"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">904</span></span></a> but that it was permitted
to give it away, and bequeath it by will.<a id="noteref_905" name="noteref_905" href="#note_905"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">905</span></span></a>
From that time we find that the number of the Spartans,
and particularly of the landed proprietors, continually
decreased. The first fact is very remarkable,
and can hardly be accounted for by the wars,<a id="noteref_906" name="noteref_906" href="#note_906"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">906</span></span></a> in which
moreover the Spartans lost but few of their number;
it was perhaps rather owing to the late marriages,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page203">[pg 203]</span><a name="Pg203" id="Pg203" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which also frequently took place between members of
the same family. After all, it must be confessed that
the constitution of Sparta too much restrained the
natural inclination of the citizens; and by making
every thing too subservient to public ends, checked
the free growth of the people, and, like a plant
trimmed by an unsparing hand, destroyed its means
both of actual strength and future increase. At the
time of Aristotle they endeavoured to increase the
population by exempting the father of three sons from
serving in war, and the father of four sons from all
taxes.<a id="noteref_907" name="noteref_907" href="#note_907"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">907</span></span></a> But even Herodotus only reckons 8000
Spartans in the 9000 families; in the middle of the
Peloponnesian war Sparta did not send quite 6000
heavy-armed soldiers into the field.<a id="noteref_908" name="noteref_908" href="#note_908"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">908</span></span></a> Aristotle states
that in his time the whole of Laconia could hardly
furnish 1000 heavy-armed men;<a id="noteref_909" name="noteref_909" href="#note_909"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">909</span></span></a> and at the time of
Agis the Third there were only 700 genuine Spartans.<a id="noteref_910" name="noteref_910" href="#note_910"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">910</span></span></a>
Even in 399 B.C. the Spartans who were in
possession of lots<a id="noteref_911" name="noteref_911" href="#note_911"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">911</span></span></a> did not compose a large number in
comparison with the people; for the numerous Neodamodes
must not be included among them, who it
appears could not obtain lots in any other manner
than by adoption into a Spartan family, before which
time they were provided for by the state. We are
entirely uninformed in what manner the loss of Messenia
was borne by Sparta; it cannot be supposed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page204">[pg 204]</span><a name="Pg204" id="Pg204" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that whole families completely lost their landed property;
for they would have perished by famine. No
writer has, however, preserved a trace of the mode
in which these difficulties were met by the state. At
the time of Agis the Third we know that of the 700
Spartans, about 100 only were in possession of the
district of the city.<a id="noteref_912" name="noteref_912" href="#note_912"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">912</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. From this view of the times, which succeeded
the innovation of Epitadeus, we will now turn to the
original system, which indeed we are scarcely able to
ascertain, from the feeble and obscure indications now
extant. In the first place, we know with certainty
that daughters had originally no dowry (in Doric
d?t???),<a id="noteref_913" name="noteref_913" href="#note_913"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">913</span></span></a> and were married with a gift of clothes,
&amp;c.;<a id="noteref_914" name="noteref_914" href="#note_914"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">914</span></span></a> afterwards, however, they were at least provided
with money and other moveable property.<a id="noteref_915" name="noteref_915" href="#note_915"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">915</span></span></a> At
the time of Aristotle, after the ephoralty of Epitadeus,
they were also endowed with land.<a id="noteref_916" name="noteref_916" href="#note_916"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">916</span></span></a> This was the
regulation in case of the existence of a son; if there
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page205">[pg 205]</span><a name="Pg205" id="Pg205" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
was none, the daughter, and if there were several
daughters, probably the eldest, became heiress (?p???????,
in Doric ?p?paµat??);<a id="noteref_917" name="noteref_917" href="#note_917"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">917</span></span></a> that is to say, the
possession of her was necessarily connected with that
of the inheritance. Regulations concerning heiresses
were an object of chief importance in the ancient
legislations, on account of their anxiety for the maintenance
of families, as in that of Androdamas of Rhegium
for the Thracian Chalcideans,<a id="noteref_918" name="noteref_918" href="#note_918"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">918</span></span></a> and in the
code of Solon,<a id="noteref_919" name="noteref_919" href="#note_919"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">919</span></span></a> with which the Chalcidean laws of Charondas
appear to have agreed in all essential points.<a id="noteref_920" name="noteref_920" href="#note_920"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">920</span></span></a>
We will mention the most important of these regulations.
The heiress, together with her inheritance,
belonged to the kinsmen of the family (????ste??);
so that in early times<a id="noteref_921" name="noteref_921" href="#note_921"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">921</span></span></a> the father could not dispose of
his daughter as he liked without their assent. But,
according to the later Athenian law, the father had
power either during his life or by will to give his
daughter, with her inheritance, in marriage to whomever
he wished. If, however, this power was not
exercised, the kinsmen had a right of claiming the
daughter by a judicial process; and the right to
marry her went round in a regular succession.<a id="noteref_922" name="noteref_922" href="#note_922"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">922</span></span></a> But
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page206">[pg 206]</span><a name="Pg206" id="Pg206" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the unmarried man, to whom of all her kinsmen she
was allotted, was not only privileged, but also compelled
to marry her.<a id="noteref_923" name="noteref_923" href="#note_923"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">923</span></span></a> The laws also exercised a further
superintendence over him, and enjoined that he
should beget children from his wife,<a id="noteref_924" name="noteref_924" href="#note_924"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">924</span></span></a> which
then did not pass into his family, but into that of his wife, and
became the successors of their maternal grandfather.
Now there is no doubt that in Sparta the family was
continued by means of the heiresses; but it is probable
that they always chose for their husbands persons
who had no lots of their own, such as the descendants
of younger brothers, and, first, persons of
the same family,<a id="noteref_925" name="noteref_925" href="#note_925"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">925</span></span></a> if there were any, then persons
connected by relationship, and so on. If the father
himself had made no disposition concerning his
daughters, (in which respect, however, his choice
was limited,) it was to be decided by the king's court
who among the privileged persons should marry the
heiress.<a id="noteref_926" name="noteref_926" href="#note_926"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">926</span></span></a> It was not until after the time of
Epitadeus that the father could betroth his daughter to whom
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page207">[pg 207]</span><a name="Pg207" id="Pg207" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
he pleased; and if he had not declared his intention,
his heir had equal right to decide concerning her.<a id="noteref_927" name="noteref_927" href="#note_927"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">927</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
If, however, the family was without female issue,
and the succession had not been secured during the
father's lifetime by adoption in the presence of the
king, it is probable that the heads of houses related to
the surviving daughter married her to a son of their
own, who was then considered as successor of the
family into which he was introduced—a means employed
at Athens,<a id="noteref_928" name="noteref_928" href="#note_928"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">928</span></span></a> and probably therefore at Sparta
also, for preventing the extinction of families. But
there were two customs peculiar to the Lacedæmonians;
in the first place, a husband, if he considered
that the unfruitfulness of the marriage was owing to
himself (for if he considered his wife as barren he had
power immediately to put her away),<a id="noteref_929" name="noteref_929" href="#note_929"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">929</span></span></a> gave
his matrimonial rights to a younger and more powerful man,
whose child then belonged to the family of the husband,
although it was also publicly considered as related
to the family of the real father.<a id="noteref_930" name="noteref_930" href="#note_930"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">930</span></span></a> The second
institution was, that to the wives of men, who, for example,
had fallen in war before they had begotten any
children, other men (probably slaves) were assigned,
in order to produce heirs and successors, not to themselves,
but to the deceased husband.<a id="noteref_931" name="noteref_931" href="#note_931"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">931</span></span></a> Both these
customs, which appear to us so singular (though similar
regulations existed in the constitution of Solon),
originated from the superstitious dread of the destruction
of a family. When this motive lost its power
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page208">[pg 208]</span><a name="Pg208" id="Pg208" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
upon the mind, these ancient institutions were probably
also lost, and the population and number of families
were continually diminished.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. In Sparta, however, the principle of community
of goods was carried to a further extent than in any
other nation, although it was the principle on which
the legislation of many other Grecian states was
founded. Phaleas the Chalcedonian had made it the
basis of his laws.<a id="noteref_932" name="noteref_932" href="#note_932"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">932</span></span></a> The prohibition of Solon, that no
citizen should possess more than a certain quantity of
land, appears to have been a remnant of a former
equality in the lots of the nobles.<a id="noteref_933" name="noteref_933" href="#note_933"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">933</span></span></a> In
cases, however, in which the restoration or introduction of equality
was not possible, the legislators endeavoured to make
the landed estates inalienable. For this reason the mortgaging of
land was prohibited in Elis;<a id="noteref_934" name="noteref_934" href="#note_934"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">934</span></span></a> and
among the Locrians land could not be alienated without
proof of absolute necessity.<a id="noteref_935" name="noteref_935" href="#note_935"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">935</span></span></a> We have
already spoken of the inalienability of the lots at
Leucas.<a id="noteref_936" name="noteref_936" href="#note_936"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">936</span></span></a> The ancient
Corinthian lawgiver, Phidon, made no alteration
in the unequal size of landed estates, but he wished to
restrict their extent, as well as the number of the landed proprietors,
who were all citizens.<a id="noteref_937" name="noteref_937" href="#note_937"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">937</span></span></a> Philolaus
the Corinthian, who gave laws to Thebes in the 13th
Olympiad, went still further;<a id="noteref_938" name="noteref_938" href="#note_938"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">938</span></span></a> since he not only endeavoured
to retain the same number of lots, by laws
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page209">[pg 209]</span><a name="Pg209" id="Pg209" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
concerning the procreation and adoption of children,<a id="noteref_939" name="noteref_939" href="#note_939"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">939</span></span></a>
but endeavoured to restore the original equality from
time to time, perhaps in a manner similar to the jubilee-year
of the Hebrews:<a id="noteref_940" name="noteref_940" href="#note_940"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">940</span></span></a> this was in fact most simply
effected by the Illyrian Dalmatians, who made a new
division of the tillage-land every seven years.<a id="noteref_941" name="noteref_941" href="#note_941"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">941</span></span></a> If the
Doric legislation of Crete had originally a tendency of
this kind, its adoption in practice had evidently been
hindered by peculiar circumstances. For Polybius<a id="noteref_942" name="noteref_942" href="#note_942"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">942</span></span></a>
at least knew of no Cretan laws which laid any restriction
upon the purchase of land, nor indeed upon gain
in general:<a id="noteref_943" name="noteref_943" href="#note_943"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">943</span></span></a> the landed estates were divided among
the brothers, the sisters receiving half a brother's
share.<a id="noteref_944" name="noteref_944" href="#note_944"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">944</span></span></a>
In this manner, in the narration of Ulysses,<a id="noteref_945" name="noteref_945" href="#note_945"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">945</span></span></a>
the sons of Castor, the son of Hylacus, made a division
of their patrimony; the illegitimate son receiving only
a small share (???e?a). But the poor frequently, by
marriage with wealthy wives, attained to riches, together
with personal distinction. In addition to this,
privateering expeditions, sometimes as far as Egypt,
for which individual adventurers frequently equipped
whole flotillas, gave an opportunity for a more rapid
acquisition of wealth. This habit of living in ships,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page210">[pg 210]</span><a name="Pg210" id="Pg210" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and at the same time the variable condition of the
different states, necessarily produced a frequent change
of property, and soon put an end to all firmness and
equality wherever they existed.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. But the Cretan institution of the syssitia was,
at least according to the judgment of Aristotle,
founded more upon the principle of community of
goods than the same establishment in Sparta, since in
the former country the expenses of it were defrayed
by the state, and not by the contributions of the citizens.<a id="noteref_946" name="noteref_946" href="#note_946"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">946</span></span></a>
This institution of the ancient Dorians, or
rather of the ancient Greeks in general, we will consider
in a subsequent part of this work, with reference
to manners and taste; here it must be viewed as
affecting the public economy. In Sparta every member
of the phiditia contributed to them, as has been
already stated, from his own stock;<a id="noteref_947" name="noteref_947" href="#note_947"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">947</span></span></a> the amount required
was about one Attic medimnus and a half of
barley-meal, eleven or twelve choëis of wine,<a id="noteref_948" name="noteref_948" href="#note_948"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">948</span></span></a> five
minas of cheese, with half the same quantity of figs,
together with dates,<a id="noteref_949" name="noteref_949" href="#note_949"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">949</span></span></a> and ten Æginetan oboli for
meat.<a id="noteref_950" name="noteref_950" href="#note_950"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">950</span></span></a>
The approximate statement of one Attic medimnus
and a half is probably meant as an equivalent to one
Æginetan medimnus;<a id="noteref_951" name="noteref_951" href="#note_951"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">951</span></span></a> the ten oboli are equal to a
Corinthian stater, or a Syracusan decalitre; the whole
is doubtless the monthly contribution of an individual,<a id="noteref_952" name="noteref_952" href="#note_952"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">952</span></span></a>
and is amply sufficient for the consumption of one
person. For the daily allowance being elsewhere
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page211">[pg 211]</span><a name="Pg211" id="Pg211" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
reckoned at two chœnices, and one cotyla of wine
(although the latter is an extremely small quantity),<a id="noteref_953" name="noteref_953" href="#note_953"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">953</span></span></a> this contribution would give rather more than two
chœnices, and five cotylas for each day. There appears
to have been only a small allowance for meat,
but the want of it was partly supplied by the frequent
sacrifices, and partly by the excellent institution of the
?p????a, which were additions to the regular meal or
a?????. The poorer members of the syssition furnished
these from the proceeds of the chase, while
wealthier persons supplied wheaten bread (the common
provision being barley cakes, µ??a?), with young
cattle from their flocks, birds prepared as µatt?a,
and the fruits of the season from their lands.<a id="noteref_954" name="noteref_954" href="#note_954"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">954</span></span></a> Voluntary
gifts of this kind were probably seldom wanting,
so long as the spirit of community influenced their
minds; it was also natural that they should contribute
largely, in order to give variety and grace to their
otherwise uniform banquet.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. In the Cretan institution, however, the state provided
for all the citizens and their wives.<a id="noteref_955" name="noteref_955" href="#note_955"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">955</span></span></a> The revenues
received by the community from the public lands,
and from the tributes of the Periœci, were divided
according to the months of the year into twelve parts;<a id="noteref_956" name="noteref_956" href="#note_956"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">956</span></span></a>
and also into two according to the purpose to which it
was appropriated; so that one half defrayed the sacrifices
and the expenses of the government, the other
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page212">[pg 212]</span><a name="Pg212" id="Pg212" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
went to the public banquets.<a id="noteref_957" name="noteref_957" href="#note_957"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">957</span></span></a> Now this
latter half was divided among the different families, and each gave
his share into the company of syssitia (?ta???a) to
which he belonged.<a id="noteref_958" name="noteref_958" href="#note_958"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">958</span></span></a> It may be asked why the state
did not allot these sums directly among the syssitia,
instead of making the payment indirectly through the
members: it is, however, probable that these companies
were formed at will by the several messmates.
The division of the public revenue is in some measure
similar to the proceeding of the Athenians with respect
to the Laurian silver-mines.<a id="noteref_959" name="noteref_959" href="#note_959"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">959</span></span></a> In addition to
this, every citizen furnished a tenth of the produce of
his lands, and every Clarotes an Æginetan stater for
his master.<a id="noteref_960" name="noteref_960" href="#note_960"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">960</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although the meaning and object of this institution
is quite intelligible, it is not easy to obtain a clear
notion of the Lacedæmonian system. The produce
of a lot amounted for the Spartans, according to a
passage above quoted, to 82 medimni. If we suppose
these to be Attic medimni, as was there assumed upon
a mere approximate calculation, each lot would have
enabled three men to contribute to the syssitia (54
medimni), and would also have furnished a scanty
subsistence at home to three women. But this would
leave a surplus, in addition to whatever money was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page213">[pg 213]</span><a name="Pg213" id="Pg213" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
required as a subscription to the syssitia, for all other
household expenses. Now it is true that among the
poorer citizens these could not have been considerable,
since the younger children went with their fathers to
the public tables, and the elder were educated and
maintained by the state; to which might be added the
produce of the chase, and the charity of other persons.
But after making all allowance for these causes, the
expenses for dwellings, clothing, furniture, and partly
for food not provided by the syssitia, still remain undefrayed.
It is, however, evident that there would have
been sufficient income to meet these demands, if we
suppose that the 82 medimni were not Attic, but
Æginetan, which were considerably larger.<a id="noteref_961" name="noteref_961" href="#note_961"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">961</span></span></a> But
even upon this supposition one lot could not have
maintained more than six persons, unless the rent of
the Helots is assumed higher: and it might also be the
case (which however, according to Aristotle, appears
to have been of rare occurrence), that they were not
able to pay their contributions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. Of the domestic economy of Lacedæmon we
have little knowledge; although Aristotle, or rather
Theophrastus (who is now known to be the author of
the first book of the Economics), gives it a separate
place in treating of this subject. Every master of a
family, if he received his share of the produce of the
soil, laid by a portion sufficient for the year's consumption,
and sold the rest in the market of Sparta:<a id="noteref_962" name="noteref_962" href="#note_962"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">962</span></span></a> the
exchange being probably effected by barter, and not
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page214">[pg 214]</span><a name="Pg214" id="Pg214" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by the intervention of money.<a id="noteref_963" name="noteref_963" href="#note_963"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">963</span></span></a> It should be observed,
that the system of keeping the fruits in store had something
peculiar,<a id="noteref_964" name="noteref_964" href="#note_964"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">964</span></span></a> and the regularity was
celebrated, by which every thing could be easily found and made use
of.<a id="noteref_965" name="noteref_965" href="#note_965"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">965</span></span></a> We are also informed that the Spartans had
granaries (taµ?e?a) upon their estates, which, according
to ancient custom, they kept under a seal; it was
however permitted to any poor person, who for example
had remained too long in the chase, to open the
granary, take out what he wanted, and then put his
own seal, his iron ring, upon the door.<a id="noteref_966" name="noteref_966" href="#note_966"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">966</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. In the market of Sparta, money was employed
more often as a medium of comparison than of exchange;
small coins were chiefly used, and no value
was attributed to the possession of large quantities.<a id="noteref_967" name="noteref_967" href="#note_967"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">967</span></span></a>
This usage Lycurgus had established, by permitting
only the use of iron coin, which had been made useless
for common purposes, by cooling in vinegar, or by
some other process.<a id="noteref_968" name="noteref_968" href="#note_968"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">968</span></span></a> In early times iron spits or bars
had been really used as money,<a id="noteref_969" name="noteref_969" href="#note_969"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">969</span></span></a> which after the time
of Phidon the Argive were replaced by coined metal.
The chief coin was called from its shape, and perhaps
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page215">[pg 215]</span><a name="Pg215" id="Pg215" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
also from its size, p??a???, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the cake used in sacrifices</span></span>;
its value was equal to four chalcûs, that is, to a half
obolus, or the twelfth of a drachma<a id="noteref_970" name="noteref_970" href="#note_970"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">970</span></span></a> (manifestly of the
Æginetan standard, as the Spartan coinage must
necessarily have been adapted to this measure), and
weighed an Æginetan mina.<a id="noteref_971" name="noteref_971" href="#note_971"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">971</span></span></a> Now as a mina of silver
contained 1200 half oboli, the price of silver must have
been to that of iron as 1200 to one; an excessive
cheapness of the latter metal, which can only be explained
by the large quantity of iron found in Laconia,
and the high price of silver in early times. Ten
Æginetan minas of money were, according to this
calculation, equal in weight to 1200 minas, and it is
easy to see that it would have required large carriages for
transport, and an extensive space when kept in
store.<a id="noteref_972" name="noteref_972" href="#note_972"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">972</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
10. That, however, the possession of gold and silver
money was expressly interdicted to the citizens of
Sparta, is abundantly proved by the prohibition renewed
at the time of Lysander by Sciraphidas or
Phlogidas:<a id="noteref_973" name="noteref_973" href="#note_973"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">973</span></span></a> and how strong was the hold of this
ancient custom is seen from the punishment of death
which was threatened to those who secretly transgressed
it. The possession of wrought precious metals does
not appear to have been illegal. This decree, however,
expressly permitted to the state the possession of gold
and silver:<a id="noteref_974" name="noteref_974" href="#note_974"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">974</span></span></a> which enactment was also doubtless a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page216">[pg 216]</span><a name="Pg216" id="Pg216" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
restoration of ancient custom. Without the possession
of a coin of general currency, Sparta would have been
unable to send ambassadors to foreign states, to maintain
troops in another country, or to take foreign, for
instance Cretan, mercenaries into pay. We also know
that the Lacedæmonians sent sacred offerings to
Delphi, as for example, the golden stars of the Dioscuri
dedicated by Lysander;<a id="noteref_975" name="noteref_975" href="#note_975"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">975</span></span></a> and Lacedæmonian artists
made for the state statues of gold and ivory.<a id="noteref_976" name="noteref_976" href="#note_976"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">976</span></span></a> This
took place about the time of the Persian war. A
century indeed earlier, Sparta had not enough gold to
gild the face of the statue of Apollo at Thornax, and
endeavoured to buy it in Lydia, probably in exchange
for silver.<a id="noteref_977" name="noteref_977" href="#note_977"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">977</span></span></a> It follows from this, that in Sparta the
state was sole possessor of the precious metals, at
least in the shape of coin (though it did not coin any
money of its own before the time of Alexander),<a id="noteref_978" name="noteref_978" href="#note_978"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">978</span></span></a>
which it used in the intercourse with foreign nations.
The individual citizens however, who were without
the pale of this intercourse, only required and possessed
iron coin;<a id="noteref_979" name="noteref_979" href="#note_979"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">979</span></span></a> in a manner precisely similar to that
proposed by Plato in the Laws, viz., that the money
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page217">[pg 217]</span><a name="Pg217" id="Pg217" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
generally current should be at the disposal of the state,
and should be given out by the magistrates for the
purposes of war and foreign travel, and that within the
country should be circulated a coinage in itself worthless,
deriving its value from public ordinance.<a id="noteref_980" name="noteref_980" href="#note_980"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">980</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Still however, some difficult questions remain to be
considered. In the first place, it is evident that whatever
commerce was carried on by Laconia,<a id="noteref_981" name="noteref_981" href="#note_981"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">981</span></span></a> could not
have existed without a coinage of universal currency.
Now it is impossible that this trade could have been
carried on by the state, since it would have required a
proportionate number of public officers; consequently
it was in the hands of the Periœci. We must therefore
suppose that the possession of silver coin was
allowed to this class of persons; in general, indeed the
Spartan customs did not without exception extend to
the Periœci. Nor could this have had much influence
upon the Spartans, since they had not any personal
connexion with the Periœci, the latter being
only tributary to the state. In the market of Sparta
in which the Spartans and Helots sold their corn and
the products of native industry were exposed, all
foreigners being entirely excluded,<a id="noteref_982" name="noteref_982" href="#note_982"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">982</span></span></a> doubtless none but
the iron coin was used; and so also in the whole of
Laconia it was current at its fixed value; but those
Lacedæmonians who were not of Doric origin must
have possessed a currency of their own, probably under
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page218">[pg 218]</span><a name="Pg218" id="Pg218" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
certain restrictions. And the tributes of these persons
were doubtless the chief source from which the state
derived its silver and gold coins. Besides this, the
kings must also have been privileged to possess silver
and gold. If some permission of this kind had not
existed, Pausanias (who was in strictness only guardian
of the king) would not have been able to receive among other
spoils ten talents from the plunder of Platæa;<a id="noteref_983" name="noteref_983" href="#note_983"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">983</span></span></a>
and Pleistonax and Agis the First could not have been
fined in the sums of fifteen talents, and 100,000
drachmas:<a id="noteref_984" name="noteref_984" href="#note_984"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">984</span></span></a> at a later time also, as has been already
remarked, Agis the Third was possessed of six hundred
talents.<a id="noteref_985" name="noteref_985" href="#note_985"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">985</span></span></a> The estates of the kings were also situated
in the territory of the Periœci, in which silver money
was in circulation, and it is at least possible that the
payments may have been made to them in this coinage.
Herodotus states that every king at the beginning
of his reign remitted all the debts of the citizens both
to the state and to the kings:<a id="noteref_986" name="noteref_986" href="#note_986"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">986</span></span></a> they therefore cancelled
all certificates of debt, which in Sparta were called
?????a, or mortgages, probably because the land (and
in early times the produce of the land only) was assigned
as security.<a id="noteref_987" name="noteref_987" href="#note_987"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">987</span></span></a> This was a wise institution, by
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page219">[pg 219]</span><a name="Pg219" id="Pg219" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which those persons in particular were relieved who
had, for a particular object, received from the kings
or the state, gold or silver, which on account of the
small value of the iron coinage they were seldom able
to repay. Now gold and silver were, for example,
necessary to all persons who had to undertake a
journey out of Laconia, and these they could not obtain
otherwise than from the magistrates or the king,<a id="noteref_988" name="noteref_988" href="#note_988"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">988</span></span></a>
a measure which must have placed great obstacles in
the way of foreign travel.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_11" id="Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
11. It is, however, well known that in this respect
the ancient severity of custom was gradually relaxed.
Even in the third generation before the Persian war,
the just Glaucus was tempted to defraud a Milesian of
a sum of money deposited with him. The Persian
war only increased the public wealth, and the Persian
subsidies were confined to the payment of national expenses.
When at length Lysander brought vast sums
of money into Sparta, and made this state the most
wealthy in Greece,<a id="noteref_989" name="noteref_989" href="#note_989"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">989</span></span></a> the citizens are reported still to
have maintained the same proud indigence. But was
it possible for individuals to despise what the state
esteemed so highly, and would they not naturally endeavour
to found their fame upon that on which the
power of the nation depended? Even Lysander, who,
with all the artfulness and versatility of his manners,
had a considerable severity of character, was still unwilling
to enrich himself;<a id="noteref_990" name="noteref_990" href="#note_990"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">990</span></span></a>
a credible witness<a id="noteref_991" name="noteref_991" href="#note_991"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">991</span></span></a> indeed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page220">[pg 220]</span><a name="Pg220" id="Pg220" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
relates, that he had deposited a talent and fifty-two
minas of silver, together with eleven staters, probably
in case he should have occasion for them when out of
the country; but how small is this sum when compared
with the acquisitions of others in similar situations!
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It appears, however, to have been at that time customary
to deposit money without the boundaries,
especially in Arcadia, and this was the first means
adopted for evading the law.<a id="noteref_992" name="noteref_992" href="#note_992"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">992</span></span></a> Lysander, however,
was far exceeded by Gylippus in love for money, in
whose family avarice appears to have been hereditary;
for his father Cleandridas had been condemned
for taking bribes.<a id="noteref_993" name="noteref_993" href="#note_993"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">993</span></span></a> Lastly, after the death of Lysander,
the possession of precious metals must have been
allowed to private individuals, under certain conditions
with which we are unacquainted. At least some supposition
of this kind must be adopted, to enable us to
account for the fact, that Phœbidas was fined 100,000
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page221">[pg 221]</span><a name="Pg221" id="Pg221" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
drachmas for the taking of the Cadmea, and Lysanoridas
an equally large sum for his weak defence of
the same citadel.<a id="noteref_994" name="noteref_994" href="#note_994"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">994</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
No regular taxation of the citizens of Sparta existed
in any shape.<a id="noteref_995" name="noteref_995" href="#note_995"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">995</span></span></a> Extraordinary contributions and
taxes were, however, raised for the purposes of war,
which, on account of their unusual and irregular occurrence,
were collected with difficulty.<a id="noteref_996" name="noteref_996" href="#note_996"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">996</span></span></a> This will
serve to explain the exemption from duties (?t??e?a)
that is sometimes mentioned.<a id="noteref_997" name="noteref_997" href="#note_997"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">997</span></span></a> When in the time of
Agis the Third the ephor Agesilaus extended the
annual period of his office for a month, in order to
increase his receipts,<a id="noteref_998" name="noteref_998" href="#note_998"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">998</span></span></a> it is probable that he
reckoned upon large fines;<a id="noteref_999" name="noteref_999" href="#note_999"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">999</span></span></a> of which he, as it
seems, would receive a part. There was no public treasure at Sparta
up to the time of the Peloponnesian war;<a id="noteref_1000" name="noteref_1000" href="#note_1000"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1000</span></span></a> the revenue
and expenditure were therefore nearly equal;
and the Spartans were honest enough to require from
the allies only the sums which were necessary,<a id="noteref_1001" name="noteref_1001" href="#note_1001"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1001</span></span></a>
The altered state of these circumstances in later times lies
without the sphere of our inquiries.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
12. I shall equally abstain from collecting the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page222">[pg 222]</span><a name="Pg222" id="Pg222" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
various accounts respecting the finance and trade of
other Doric states; since the inland countries, in
which many peculiarities may perhaps have existed,
are little known; and the commercial cities, such as
Ægina, Corinth, Rhodes, and Cyrene, gave up their
national customs for the sake of trade. In Peloponnesus,
however, the cities on the coast of Argolis were
adapted by nature for exchanging the products of the
agricultural nations of the interior for foreign commodities;<a id="noteref_1002" name="noteref_1002" href="#note_1002"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1002</span></span></a> and thus they established a connexion and
intercourse between Laconia and Arcadia, and other
countries.<a id="noteref_1003" name="noteref_1003" href="#note_1003"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1003</span></span></a> In these cities also there were many commercial
establishments, which did not manufacture
only for the interior.<a id="noteref_1004" name="noteref_1004" href="#note_1004"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1004</span></span></a> In Corinth, the duties from
the harbour and market had in the time of Periander
become so considerable, that the tyrant limited his receipts
to that one branch of revenue;<a id="noteref_1005" name="noteref_1005" href="#note_1005"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1005</span></span></a> although, according
to a fabulous tradition, the golden colossus of
Cypselus at Olympia was consecrated from a tax of
a tenth upon all property continued for ten years.<a id="noteref_1006" name="noteref_1006" href="#note_1006"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1006</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The strongest proof of the ancient commerce of
Peloponnesus, and of its great extent, is the Æginetan
money; the standard of which was in early times prevalent
in Peloponnesus, in Crete, in Italy,<a id="noteref_1007" name="noteref_1007" href="#note_1007"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1007</span></span></a> and even
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page223">[pg 223]</span><a name="Pg223" id="Pg223" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the north of Greece, since the early Bœotian,
Thessalian, and Macedonian coins were before the
time of Philip adapted to it.<a id="noteref_1008" name="noteref_1008" href="#note_1008"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1008</span></span></a> In Italy the monetary
system was arranged in a peculiar manner, for the
convenience of intercourse with the natives; and as
this subject is of much importance in a historical point
of view, we will now examine it briefly, without attempting
a complete investigation. If we consider
the names of the coins in use among the Dorians of
Italy and Sicily, for example, at Syracuse and Tarentum
(as they had been collected by Aristotle in his
Constitution of the Himeræans from Doric Poets),<a id="noteref_1009" name="noteref_1009" href="#note_1009"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1009</span></span></a>
viz., ??t?a for an obolus, ?µ???t??? for six, pe?t??????
for five, tet??? for four, t???? for three,<a id="noteref_1010" name="noteref_1010" href="#note_1010"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1010</span></span></a> ???? for two,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page224">[pg 224]</span><a name="Pg224" id="Pg224" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
????a for a twelfth; it is at once evident that these
Greeks had adopted the Italian and Roman duodenary
system, in which the libra, the pound of brass, was the
unit;<a id="noteref_1011" name="noteref_1011" href="#note_1011"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1011</span></span></a> a system which was originally unknown to the
Greeks, and accordingly the word ??t?a has no root
in their language. Now, together with these coins in
the Greek states, the ??µ??,<a id="noteref_1012" name="noteref_1012" href="#note_1012"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1012</span></span></a> among the Latins
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">numus</span></span>,
occurs; manifestly, as Varro says, a word belonging
to the former people, and signifying a coin current by
law; whence it is evident that the Italians, in the regulations
of their monetary system, did not merely give
to the Greeks of Italy, but that they also received
something in return, and that one standard was compounded,
partaking in some measure of both methods
of computation. If we, then, consider the form and
value of these coins, it is plain that the Greek colonies
retained the system of money which they brought
with them from Peloponnesus; and that they did not
till subsequently adapt their coinage to the native
standard. They then made the litra equal to the
obolus, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, to the Æginetan, which was also the
Corinthian;<a id="noteref_1013" name="noteref_1013" href="#note_1013"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1013</span></span></a> so that a Corinthian stater of ten oboli
was called in Syracuse a de????t???, or piece of ten
litras. At the time, therefore, when this system was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page225">[pg 225]</span><a name="Pg225" id="Pg225" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
formed, the lb. of copper must have really been equal
in value to a silver obolus. Now since the former
weighed 6048,<a id="noteref_1014" name="noteref_1014" href="#note_1014"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1014</span></span></a> the latter nearly 23 French grains,<a id="noteref_1015" name="noteref_1015" href="#note_1015"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1015</span></span></a>
the ratio of silver to copper must at the time of this
arrangement have been as 1 to 263; the commerce of
these regions having in early times determined this
proportion. But as more silver was gradually introduced
by the trade with the west of Europe, and probably
at the same time some native copper-mines were
exhausted, copper, which was the circulating medium
of Italy, rose in comparison with silver, the circulating
medium of Greece; and this was the principal cause
of the constant diminution in the weight of the as in
Etruria and Rome. But a detailed examination of
this subject, so important in the history of the commerce
of Greece and Italy, does not fall within the
plan of the present work.<a id="noteref_1016" name="noteref_1016" href="#note_1016"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1016</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
What was the value of the ??µ?? of the Sicilian
Greeks we are not informed by any decisive testimony:
the name, however, proves that it was a current
coin, and not of very inconsiderable value. For
this reason I cannot assume that it was equal to a
litra;<a id="noteref_1017" name="noteref_1017" href="#note_1017"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1017</span></span></a>
Aristotle<a id="noteref_1018" name="noteref_1018" href="#note_1018"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1018</span></span></a> also states that the impression of
the Tarentine coins was Taras sitting upon the dolphin;
now, in the first place, this device does not occur
on any litras or oboli of Tarentum; and, secondly,
the coin would not be of sufficient size to contain it:
for which reason the Greeks, whenever they stamped
so small a coin of silver, always made use of the
simplest devices. If, however, the Tarentine numus
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page226">[pg 226]</span><a name="Pg226" id="Pg226" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
had the same ratio to the litra as the Roman numus
sestertius to the as,<a id="noteref_1019" name="noteref_1019" href="#note_1019"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1019</span></span></a> the former would have been a
large coin; and we are also on the same supposition
enabled to explain how it came that in Sicily an
amount of 24, and afterwards of 12 numi, was called
a talent;<a id="noteref_1020" name="noteref_1020" href="#note_1020"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1020</span></span></a> for in that case 24 numi would be equal
to 60 lbs. of copper, which was the same number of
minas that the Æginetan talent of silver contained.
It is also confirmed by the fact mentioned by Festus,
that this talent in Neapolis amounted to six, and in
Syracuse to three denarii, by which he means decalitra.<a id="noteref_1021" name="noteref_1021" href="#note_1021"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1021</span></span></a>
And therefore, although other circumstances
tend to shake the certainty of this supposition,<a id="noteref_1022" name="noteref_1022" href="#note_1022"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1022</span></span></a> it
will be better to acquiesce in these arguments, on
account of the harmony of the different statements.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page227">[pg 227]</span><a name="Pg227" id="Pg227" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a>
<a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter XI.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Simplicity of the Law of Sparta. § 2. Spartan System of
Judicature. § 3. Penal system of Sparta: fine, infamy,
§ 4. exile, and death. § 5. Origin of the laws respecting the
penalty of death in the Doric states. § 6. Connexion of Locri
with the Doric race. § 7. Laws of Zaleucus.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_1" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. The law, as well as the economy, of the Dorians,
seems to bear a character of very great antiquity, as
far as our scanty means of information permit us to
judge. It exhibits strong marks of the early time at
which it originated, and it is impossible not to recognise
in it a certain loftiness and severity of character. For
this reason it was ill suited to the circumstances of the
more unrestrained and active manners of later times,
and only owed its continuance to the isolated situation
in which Sparta succeeded in keeping herself.
Thus the civil law was less definite and settled here
than in any other part of Greece in early times, as
property was, according to the Spartan notions, to be
looked upon as a matter of indifference; in the decrees
and institutions attributed to Lycurgus, no mention
was made of this point, and the ephors were
permitted to judge according to their own notions of
equity. The ancient legislators had an evident repugnance
to any strict regulations on this subject;
thus Zaleucus, who, however, first made particular enactments concerning
the right of property,<a id="noteref_1023" name="noteref_1023" href="#note_1023"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1023</span></span></a> expressly
interdicted certificates of debt.<a id="noteref_1024" name="noteref_1024" href="#note_1024"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1024</span></span></a> The laws of
that early period had a much more personal tendency,
and rather regulated the actions of every individual by
means of the national customs. It was nearly indifferent
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page228">[pg 228]</span><a name="Pg228" id="Pg228" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
whether those actions immediately concerned
other persons or not; the whole state was considered
as injured and attacked when any individual did not
comply with the general principles. Hence the
ancient courts of justice exercised a superintendence
over the manners of the citizens, as, for instance, the
Areopagus at Athens, and the Gerusia at Sparta:
hence the extensive interference of the law with the
most private relations, such, for example, as marriage.
But the history of nations is a history of the progress
of individual liberty; among the Greeks of later times
the laws necessarily lost this binding force, and obtained
a negative character, by which they only so far
restrained the actions of each individual, as was necessary
for the co-existence of other members of the state.
In Sparta, however, law and custom retained nearly
equal power; it will therefore be impossible to treat
of them separately, and we must be satisfied with
some observations upon the judicial system in Sparta
and other Doric states.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. The courts of justice in Sparta have already
been spoken of in several places.<a id="noteref_1025" name="noteref_1025" href="#note_1025"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1025</span></span></a> The Gerusia decided
all criminal causes, together with most others
which affected the conduct of the citizens; the other
jurisdiction was divided among the magistrates according
to the branches of their administration.<a id="noteref_1026" name="noteref_1026" href="#note_1026"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1026</span></span></a> The
ephors decided all disputes concerning money and
property, as well as in accusations against responsible
officers, provided they were not of a criminal
nature; the kings decided in causes of heiresses and
adoptions, and the bidiæi in disputes arising at the
gymnasia. Public offences, particularly of the kings
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page229">[pg 229]</span><a name="Pg229" id="Pg229" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and other authorities, were decided by a supreme court
of judicature.<a id="noteref_1027" name="noteref_1027" href="#note_1027"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1027</span></span></a> The popular assembly had probably
no judicial functions; disputes concerning the succession
to the throne were referred to it only after ineffectual
attempts to settle them, and it then passed a
decree.<a id="noteref_1028" name="noteref_1028" href="#note_1028"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1028</span></span></a> The assembly took the case of those who fled
from their ranks at the battle of Leuctra out of the
hands of the regular court, by nominating an extraordinary
nomothetes for the occasion, and afterwards
confirming his proposal.<a id="noteref_1029" name="noteref_1029" href="#note_1029"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1029</span></span></a> It does not appear that
the practice of ostracism was known in the Doric states
before the destruction of the early constitution.<a id="noteref_1030" name="noteref_1030" href="#note_1030"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1030</span></span></a>
Arbitrators were also employed at Sparta for the decision
of private cases, as in the Homeric time;<a id="noteref_1031" name="noteref_1031" href="#note_1031"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1031</span></span></a> but
whether they were publicly appointed, as in Athens, is
not known.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At Sparta, as well as at Athens, the parties interested
were, of course, entitled to accuse in private
causes; and in criminal cases the next of kin; it
cannot however be supposed that in Sparta, as in
Athens, every citizen of the state was empowered to
institute a public action; as a regulation of this kind
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page230">[pg 230]</span><a name="Pg230" id="Pg230" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
appears too inseparably connected with democracy.
Private individuals were therefore only permitted to
lay an information before a magistrate, which was also
allowed to the Helots;<a id="noteref_1032" name="noteref_1032" href="#note_1032"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1032</span></span></a> the action being conducted,
as we find to have been so frequently the case with
the ephors, by some public officer. In the judicial
procedure of Sparta, it is probable that much of the
ancient Grecian simplicity remained, which Aristotle
for example remarks in the criminal proceedings of
the Æolic Cume, where in trials for murder witnesses
from the family of the murdered person were sufficient
to prove the offence.<a id="noteref_1033" name="noteref_1033" href="#note_1033"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1033</span></span></a> In the ancient laws of Rhadamanthus,
disputes were generally decided in a very
summary manner by oath,<a id="noteref_1034" name="noteref_1034" href="#note_1034"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1034</span></span></a> and the
legislation of Charondas for the Chalcidean colonies was the first
that instituted inquiries concerning false
testimony.<a id="noteref_1035" name="noteref_1035" href="#note_1035"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1035</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The laws by which the decisions were regulated
were supposed to live in the breasts of the magistrates
themselves; nor was there any written law during the
flourishing times of Sparta. The interpreters of the
laws of Lycurgus, who occur at a late period,<a id="noteref_1036" name="noteref_1036" href="#note_1036"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1036</span></span></a> appear
to imply the existence of a written code, if they are
compared with the Syracusan interpreters of the code
of Diocles;<a id="noteref_1037" name="noteref_1037" href="#note_1037"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1037</span></span></a> yet it is possible that they may have
merely given answers from an innate knowledge of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page231">[pg 231]</span><a name="Pg231" id="Pg231" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the traditional law, like the ?????ta? t?? pat???? at
Athens.<a id="noteref_1038" name="noteref_1038" href="#note_1038"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1038</span></span></a> Thus also it was allowed to the judges to
impose punishments according to their own pleasure;
the laws of Sparta contained no special enactments on
this point, which were first added by Zaleucus to his
code.<a id="noteref_1039" name="noteref_1039" href="#note_1039"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1039</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_3" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. Among the various punishments which occur,
fines levied on property would appear ridiculous in
any other state than Sparta on account of their extreme
lowness. Perseus in his treatise on the Lacedæmonian
government, says, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the judge immediately
condemns the rich man to the loss of a
dessert (?p?ï????); the poor he orders to bring a
reed, or a rush, or laurel-leaves for the public banquet.”</span>
Nicocles the Lacedæmonian says, upon the
same subject, <span class="tei tei-q">“when the ephor has heard all the
witnesses, he either acquits the defendant or condemns
him: and the successful plaintiff slightly
fines him in a cake, or some laurel-leaves,”</span> which
were used to give a relish to the cakes.<a id="noteref_1040" name="noteref_1040" href="#note_1040"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1040</span></span></a> From this
it is evident that actions were heard before the ephors,
and probably in private cases, in which the plaintiff
assessed the fine (????e? t?µ?t??). Large fines of
money in early times only occur as being paid by the
kings, but afterwards by generals, harmosts, &amp;c.<a id="noteref_1041" name="noteref_1041" href="#note_1041"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1041</span></span></a>
The defendant was frequently condemned to leave the
country.<a id="noteref_1042" name="noteref_1042" href="#note_1042"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1042</span></span></a> It is hardly possible that a complete confiscation
of property, extending to land, could have been
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page232">[pg 232]</span><a name="Pg232" id="Pg232" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
permitted in Sparta,<a id="noteref_1043" name="noteref_1043" href="#note_1043"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1043</span></span></a> although it is mentioned in
Argos and Phlius. Imprisonment was never employed
in Sparta as a penalty for a free citizen, but
only as a means of preventing the escape of an accused
person. Corporal punishment preceded, as in the
case of Cinadon, the infliction of death; but was not a
separate penalty.<a id="noteref_1044" name="noteref_1044" href="#note_1044"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1044</span></span></a> On the other hand, infamy (?t?µ?a)
was the more frequently used as a punishment, from
the deep impression which it made on the mind of
a Spartan.<a id="noteref_1045" name="noteref_1045" href="#note_1045"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1045</span></span></a> The highest degree of this infamy, as
it appears, fell upon the coward, who either left the
ranks and fled from battle, or returned without the
rest of the army, as Aristodemus from Thermopylæ.<a id="noteref_1046" name="noteref_1046" href="#note_1046"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1046</span></span></a>
A person thus excommunicated could fill
no public office; had the lowest place in the choruses;
in the game of ball neither party would have him on
their side; he could find no competitor in the gymnasia,
no companion of his tent in the field. The
flame of his hearth was extinguished, as he was
unable to obtain fire from any person. He was
compelled to maintain his daughters at home, or, if
unmarried, to live in an empty house, since no one
would contract any alliance with him. In the street
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page233">[pg 233]</span><a name="Pg233" id="Pg233" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
he yielded to every one the way, and gave up his seat
to an inferior in age; his lost honour was at first
sight evident to every one from his ragged cloak, and
his half slavery, from his half-shorn head. Hence
many persons have asked, what merit it was in a
Spartan if he preferred death to flight, since a punishment
far worse than death awaited the coward? It
is indeed true, that the merit of each individual
Spartan was less if he preferred dying at his post
to saving himself by flight, than if public opinion had
not affixed so severe a penalty to the offence of the
cowardly soldier. But this argument would be equally
good against <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> public laws and ordinances, and even
against the expression of national feelings and opinion.
For the looser the bond of social union, and the more
anarchical the condition of any state, the greater
is the individual merit of any citizen who nevertheless
observes the rules of morality and justice, and the
praise of virtue is more considered as his particular
due. Whereas, when each citizen listens to the voice
of public opinion, and feels himself, as it were, bound
to support the national power, a large part of the
merit of individual excellence is taken away from the
individual, and bestowed on the public institutions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A less severe description of infamy was the lot of
prisoners taken in war, who were not subject to the
imputation of cowardice, as, for instance, the captives
at Sphacteria. They were not allowed to fill any
public office, and were deprived of the privilege of
buying and selling. The other degrading restrictions
were not, however, enforced, and the time of
the punishment was limited.<a id="noteref_1047" name="noteref_1047" href="#note_1047"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1047</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page234">[pg 234]</span><a name="Pg234" id="Pg234" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Among this class of punishments may be included
the penalty of the unmarried, who were deprived of
the customary honours of old age. Young men were
also punished for various offences, by being compelled
to sing defamatory songs against themselves, a custom
corresponding with the inclination of the Doric race
to mirth and merriment, under which a very serious
character was frequently concealed. In the code of
Charondas, public ridicule was also assigned as the
penalty of the adulterer and busybody (p???p???µ??),<a id="noteref_1048" name="noteref_1048" href="#note_1048"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1048</span></span></a>
and that for sycophants and cowards was of a
similar character.<a id="noteref_1049" name="noteref_1049" href="#note_1049"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1049</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. Banishment was probably never a regular punishment
in Sparta, for the law could hardly have
compelled a person to do that which, if he had done
it voluntarily, would have been punished with death.<a id="noteref_1050" name="noteref_1050" href="#note_1050"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1050</span></span></a>
Murderers, particularly if their crime was unpremeditated,
were sometimes forced to fly the country;<a id="noteref_1051" name="noteref_1051" href="#note_1051"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1051</span></span></a>
but this cannot be considered as a case in point, for
the flight only took place for the purpose of avoiding
the revenge of relations. On the other hand, banishment
exempted a person from the most severe punishments,<a id="noteref_1052" name="noteref_1052" href="#note_1052"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1052</span></span></a>
and, according to the principles of the Greeks,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page235">[pg 235]</span><a name="Pg235" id="Pg235" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
preserved him from every persecution; so that even a
person who was declared an outlaw by the Amphictyons
was thought secure when out of the country.<a id="noteref_1053" name="noteref_1053" href="#note_1053"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1053</span></span></a>
There is no instance in the history of Sparta of any
individual being banished for political reasons, so long
as the ancient constitution continued.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The punishment of death was inflicted either by
strangulation in a room of the public prison called
?e???,<a id="noteref_1054" name="noteref_1054" href="#note_1054"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1054</span></span></a> or by throwing the criminal into the Cæadas,
a ceremony which was always performed by night.<a id="noteref_1055" name="noteref_1055" href="#note_1055"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1055</span></span></a>
It was also in ancient times the law of Athens, that
no execution should take place in the day-time.<a id="noteref_1056" name="noteref_1056" href="#note_1056"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1056</span></span></a> So
also the senate of the Æolic Cume (whose antiquated
institutions have been already mentioned) decided
criminal cases during the night, and voted with covered
balls,<a id="noteref_1057" name="noteref_1057" href="#note_1057"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1057</span></span></a> nearly in the same manner as the kings
of the people of Atlantis, in the Critias of Plato.<a id="noteref_1058" name="noteref_1058" href="#note_1058"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1058</span></span></a> These must not be considered as oligarchical contrivances
for the undisturbed execution of severe
sentences, but are to be attributed to the dread of
pronouncing and putting into execution the sentence
of death, and to an unwillingness to bring the terrors
of that penalty before the eye of day. A similar
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page236">[pg 236]</span><a name="Pg236" id="Pg236" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
repugnance is expressed in the practice of the Spartan
Gerusia, which never passed sentence of death without
several days' deliberation, nor ever without the most
conclusive testimony; the person who was acquitted
could however be always subjected to a fresh examination.<a id="noteref_1059" name="noteref_1059" href="#note_1059"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1059</span></span></a>
Notwithstanding this horror of shedding blood,
the punishments in the early Greek states were more
severe than under the Athenian republic. The orator
Lycurgus<a id="noteref_1060" name="noteref_1060" href="#note_1060"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1060</span></span></a> ascribes to the ancient legislators in general
the principle of the laws of Draco, to punish
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> actions with the same severity, whether the evil
which they caused was great or small. This severity
partly owed its origin to a supposition that the public
rights were injured, and not the property or the peace
of an individual. Thus the ancient law of Tenedos
(which, together with the worship of Apollo there
established, appears to have been derived from Crete)
punished adulterers by decapitation with an axe;<a id="noteref_1061" name="noteref_1061" href="#note_1061"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1061</span></span></a> the
same offence was punished, according to the code
of Zaleucus, by the loss of an eye,<a id="noteref_1062" name="noteref_1062" href="#note_1062"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1062</span></span></a> and in Sparta
it was guarded against by laws of extreme severity.<a id="noteref_1063" name="noteref_1063" href="#note_1063"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1063</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page237">[pg 237]</span><a name="Pg237" id="Pg237" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. The laws respecting the penalty of death, which
prevailed in the Grecian, and especially in the Doric
states, were derived from Delphi. They were entirely
founded upon the ancient rite of expiation, by which a
limit was first set to the fury of revenge, and a fixed mode of
procedure in such cases established.<a id="noteref_1064" name="noteref_1064" href="#note_1064"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1064</span></span></a> Any
person killing another without premeditation in the
gymnastic contests and public battles was, according
to the law which (as Plato states)<a id="noteref_1065" name="noteref_1065" href="#note_1065"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1065</span></span></a> came from Delphi,
immediately released from all guilt, when he had been
purified: it is however probable, that much of what
the philosopher recommends in other cases was derived
from the institutions of Draco, as well as from the
Delphian laws, which were actually administered in the latter state
by the Pythian court of justice.<a id="noteref_1066" name="noteref_1066" href="#note_1066"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1066</span></span></a> To
what extent reconciliation with kinsmen by the payment
of a fine was permitted, and in what cases the
punishment of death was made compulsory, cannot be
ascertained. The Delphian court having unjustly
condemned Æsop to death, sentenced itself to the payment
of a fine, and discovered some descendants or
kinsmen of their victim, to whom the money was paid.<a id="noteref_1067" name="noteref_1067" href="#note_1067"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1067</span></span></a>
The Delphian institutions were doubtless connected
with those of Crete, where Rhadamanthus was reported
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page238">[pg 238]</span><a name="Pg238" id="Pg238" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by ancient tradition to have first established courts of
justice, and a system of law,<a id="noteref_1068" name="noteref_1068" href="#note_1068"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1068</span></span></a> the larger and more
important part of which, in early times, is always the
criminal law. Now as Rhadamanthus is said to have
made exact retaliation the fundamental principle of his
code,<a id="noteref_1069" name="noteref_1069" href="#note_1069"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1069</span></span></a> it cannot be doubted, after what has been said
in the second book on the connexion of the worship of
Apollo and its expiatory rites with Crete, that in this
island the harshness of that principle was early softened
by religious ceremonies, in which victims and libations
took the place of the punishment which should have
fallen on the head of the offender himself.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. In the present chapter we have frequently had
occasion to mention the laws of Zaleucus (the earliest
written code which existed in Greece),<a id="noteref_1070" name="noteref_1070" href="#note_1070"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1070</span></span></a> actuated by a
belief that they were of Doric origin. The Epizephyrian
Locrians, amongst whom these laws were in
force, were indeed for the most part descendants of the
Ozolian and Opuntian Locrians.<a id="noteref_1071" name="noteref_1071" href="#note_1071"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1071</span></span></a> Aristotle describes
them as a collected rabble, in the true spirit of a mythologist,
carrying to the extreme the opposition between
recent regularity and early anarchy. These Locrians,
however, at the very first establishment of their city,
received the Doric customs, Syracusans from Corinth
having contributed largely to its foundation,<a id="noteref_1072" name="noteref_1072" href="#note_1072"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1072</span></span></a> besides
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page239">[pg 239]</span><a name="Pg239" id="Pg239" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which the Spartans are said to have colonized Locri
during the first Messenian war. Although the time
may be doubtful, it is an additional confirmation of the
fact, that in an ancient war with the inhabitants of
Croton, the Locrians applied for assistance to the
Spartans, who promised them the assistance of their
gods of war, the Tyndaridæ. Locri was therefore
considered a Doric state, a character which was likewise
preserved in its dialect. The constitution was
also an oligarchy,<a id="noteref_1073" name="noteref_1073" href="#note_1073"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1073</span></span></a> in the hands apparently of a number
of Doric and Locrian families. We find in this state,
as well as in its mother-city Opus, the hundred families
who, by virtue of their nobility, enjoyed a large share
in the government.<a id="noteref_1074" name="noteref_1074" href="#note_1074"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1074</span></span></a> But that the aristocracy was
united with a timocracy appears to me to be proved by
the senate of a thousand; which, under the presidency
of the cosmopolis, constituted a supreme court of
justice,<a id="noteref_1075" name="noteref_1075" href="#note_1075"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1075</span></span></a>
and appears to have been formed in the manner
stated, if we may judge from the analogy of the senates
of Rhegium and Agrigentum: which argument seems
to have the greater weight, as such numerous councils
of an aristocratic character do not appear to have
existed in Greece, and they were evidently not democratic.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_7" id="Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. Now with regard to the laws themselves which
Zaleucus gave to this state about the 29th
Olympiad,<a id="noteref_1076" name="noteref_1076" href="#note_1076"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1076</span></span></a>
the testimony of Ephorus deserves particular attention,
that they were founded upon the institutions of Crete,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page240">[pg 240]</span><a name="Pg240" id="Pg240" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Sparta, and the Areopagus, and upon those of the
latter in criminal law.<a id="noteref_1077" name="noteref_1077" href="#note_1077"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1077</span></span></a> For this reason Zaleucus is
brought into connexion with Thaletas, the expiatory
priest of Crete, and the spirit of his laws suited the
Pythagoreans (who proceeded upon the same Doric
usages and maxims), and in later days Pindar<a id="noteref_1078" name="noteref_1078" href="#note_1078"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1078</span></span></a> and
Plato.<a id="noteref_1079" name="noteref_1079" href="#note_1079"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1079</span></span></a> The prohibition to all citizens to leave
their country, and to dwell in foreign states,<a id="noteref_1080" name="noteref_1080" href="#note_1080"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1080</span></span></a> is of genuine
Doric, and therefore Spartan character;<a id="noteref_1081" name="noteref_1081" href="#note_1081"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1081</span></span></a> an institution
which forms the other side of the Xenelasia. Of the
same nature also is the firmness with which the legislation
was maintained, and every change guarded
against;<a id="noteref_1082" name="noteref_1082" href="#note_1082"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1082</span></span></a> they laboured to resist in every manner the
Ionic spirit of innovation; and if understood with a
slight allowance, it may be true that every person
arriving at Locri was punished, who inquired after
novelties.<a id="noteref_1083" name="noteref_1083" href="#note_1083"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1083</span></span></a> In the same spirit are the measures
adopted for securing as far as possible the inalienability
of landed property.<a id="noteref_1084" name="noteref_1084" href="#note_1084"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1084</span></span></a>
The same character is shown in
the strict sumptuary laws,<a id="noteref_1085" name="noteref_1085" href="#note_1085"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1085</span></span></a> and the superintendence of
public morals exercised by the nomophylaces, who
were, for example, empowered to admonish and to
punish slanderers.<a id="noteref_1086" name="noteref_1086" href="#note_1086"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1086</span></span></a> A certain progress is, however,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page241">[pg 241]</span><a name="Pg241" id="Pg241" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
shown in the rude attempts at a law of property, and
a more accurate assignment of punishments.<a id="noteref_1087" name="noteref_1087" href="#note_1087"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1087</span></span></a> It is
remarkable that both Zaleucus and Charondas annexed
a sort of recommendation to particular laws:<a id="noteref_1088" name="noteref_1088" href="#note_1088"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1088</span></span></a> whereas
nothing can be a greater proof of the total failure of a
system of laws, than when an endeavour is made to
demonstrate the expediency of arrangements, the truth
and necessity of which should be self-evident. This
statement must not, however, be thus understood: the
meaning is, that all the laws were by a short introduction
referred to some general principle; such, for
example, as <span class="tei tei-q">“In order not to offend the gods of
the families.”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“In order that the state may
be well administered, and according to the laws of
our fathers.”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“Trusting that it will be salutary to
the people,”</span> (????? ?a? ?µe????, as the Delphic
oracle says on some occasion<a id="noteref_1089" name="noteref_1089" href="#note_1089"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1089</span></span></a>), &amp;c.; which seem to
me to be rather ancient formulas, suited to the simplicity
of the time, and inserted from a vague religious
feeling, than intended logically to establish, to the
satisfaction of the people, the wisdom and expediency
of the new laws.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page242">[pg 242]</span><a name="Pg242" id="Pg242" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a>
<a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter XII.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Study of the military profession at Sparta. Period of service.
§ 2. Arrangement of the army. Numbers of the military
divisions. § 3. Arrangement of the enomoty and military
evolutions. § 4. Arrangement of the Mora. § 5. Organization
of the Spartan army. Its officers. § 6. Cavalry in the
other Doric states. The Sciritæ in the Lacedæmonian army.
Light-armed soldiers. § 7. Arms of the heavy infantry of
Sparta. § 8. Spartan tactics. § 9. Steady courage of the
Spartans. § 10. War considered as an art by the Spartans.
Life of the Spartans in camp.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The military system of the Dorians, which we
are now about to consider, was evidently brought to
the greatest perfection in Sparta. In this state the
military profession, as was hardly the case in any other
part of Greece, was followed as an art, as the study of
a life;<a id="noteref_1090" name="noteref_1090" href="#note_1090"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1090</span></span></a> so that when Agesilaus (as is related) separated
the shoemakers, carpenters, potters, &amp;c., from
the assembled allied army, the Spartans alone remained,
as being the warriors by profession (as
te???ta? t?? p??eµ????<a id="noteref_1091" name="noteref_1091" href="#note_1091"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1091</span></span></a>). But the principles of
their military tactics were evidently common to the
whole race; and, according to a conjecture advanced
in a former part of this work,<a id="noteref_1092" name="noteref_1092" href="#note_1092"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1092</span></span></a> it was chiefly
the method of attack, in closed lines, with extended lances,
by which the Dorians conquered the Achæans of
Peloponnesus, and which was adopted from them by
many other states of Greece.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Every Spartan was, if he had sufficient strength,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page243">[pg 243]</span><a name="Pg243" id="Pg243" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
bound to defend his country in expeditions without
the boundaries during the years that were designated
by the name ?????a.<a id="noteref_1093" name="noteref_1093" href="#note_1093"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1093</span></span></a> This period lasted to the fortieth
year from manhood (?f? ?ß??), that is to say, to the
sixtieth year from birth:<a id="noteref_1094" name="noteref_1094" href="#note_1094"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1094</span></span></a> until that time a man was
called ?µf?????? (from f?????), and could not go out
of the country without permission from the authorities.<a id="noteref_1095" name="noteref_1095" href="#note_1095"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1095</span></span></a>
Of these, the younger men were sometimes sent
abroad; but those of fifty-five and upwards, not till the
state was in difficulty.<a id="noteref_1096" name="noteref_1096" href="#note_1096"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1096</span></span></a> The ephors stated
in the name of the public assembly the years, until which the
obligation to service in an individual case extended.<a id="noteref_1097" name="noteref_1097" href="#note_1097"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1097</span></span></a>
Upon the whole, the armies of Sparta must have contained
many aged triarii: while in Athens the liability
to foreign service generally terminated with the twenty-third
year of manhood; which was computed from the
eighteenth year.<a id="noteref_1098" name="noteref_1098" href="#note_1098"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1098</span></span></a> But Sparta reckoned upon a healthy
and strong old age; the time for deliberative sagacity
does not begin till the age for fighting has ended. The
allied army of the Argives, Arcadians, and Athenians
was, in 418 B.C., met by an army composed of all
the Spartans<a id="noteref_1099" name="noteref_1099" href="#note_1099"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1099</span></span></a> (that is, all the ?µf??????<a id="noteref_1100" name="noteref_1100" href="#note_1100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1100</span></span></a>); but they
dismissed from the boundaries a sixth part of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page244">[pg 244]</span><a name="Pg244" id="Pg244" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
army, consisting of the younger and the older, in order
to protect the capital.<a id="noteref_1101" name="noteref_1101" href="#note_1101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1101</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_2" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. In marching and in battle the Spartans endeavoured
to conceal their strength from the enemy; for
this reason the levies were hastily made by the ephors,
and the army sometimes marched during the night;<a id="noteref_1102" name="noteref_1102" href="#note_1102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1102</span></span></a>
the depth of the ranks in the army was also very
various, and the enemy could not be certain of its
strength. In the battle of Mantinea there were seven
lochi, each containing four pentecostyes, the pentecostys
four enomoties, and the front row of the enomoty containing
four men: the pentecostys had therefore 16 in
front, the lochus 64, the whole army 448. According
to Thucydides the Spartans generally stood eight men
deep; therefore the whole number of the hoplitæ was
3584. To these however were added the 300 picked men about
the king, about 400 cavalry in both wings,<a id="noteref_1103" name="noteref_1103" href="#note_1103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1103</span></span></a>
and also the old men, posted as a body of reserve with
the baggage, together with the Lacedæmonians,
appointed to cover the right wing of the allies, in
number perhaps about 500.<a id="noteref_1104" name="noteref_1104" href="#note_1104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1104</span></span></a> The whole number of
men was 4784. A sixth part of the army had been
sent back; which gives for the entire army 5740 men.
This was at that time the number of heavy-armed
soldiers, which, after severe losses in the field, the city
of Sparta was able of itself to furnish:<a id="noteref_1105" name="noteref_1105" href="#note_1105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1105</span></span></a> nor indeed is
it so considerable as the report of its strength would
lead one to suppose; but it increased, in the manner of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page245">[pg 245]</span><a name="Pg245" id="Pg245" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
an avalanche, into a numerous and powerful army,<a id="noteref_1106" name="noteref_1106" href="#note_1106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1106</span></span></a>
when there was time to collect troops from the allies.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although we have given the account of this battle
in the first instance, we cannot derive from it any
information with regard to the original regulation of
the army, since Agis had increased the lochi to four
times their usual strength, as we shall presently see,
in order to deceive the enemy by false accounts. For,
if we compare the statements of the well informed
Xenophon,<a id="noteref_1107" name="noteref_1107" href="#note_1107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1107</span></span></a> we obtain the following explanation of
the names: two enomoties compose a pentecostys, two
pentecostyes a lochus,<a id="noteref_1108" name="noteref_1108" href="#note_1108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1108</span></span></a> four lochi a mora; now if
an enomoty, as must have been originally the case,
contained twenty-four,<a id="noteref_1109" name="noteref_1109" href="#note_1109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1109</span></span></a> or, with the enomotarch,
twenty-five men,<a id="noteref_1110" name="noteref_1110" href="#note_1110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1110</span></span></a> the mora would have contained
400; and, including the superior officers, pentecosters,
and lochagi, 412. In the time of Xenophon, however,
the enomoty consisted of thirty-six men<a id="noteref_1111" name="noteref_1111" href="#note_1111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1111</span></span></a>; and
accordingly, the mora of 600, as was the case on an
occasion mentioned by the same historian<a id="noteref_1112" name="noteref_1112" href="#note_1112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1112</span></span></a>;
the other numbers, which vary between 500<a id="noteref_1113" name="noteref_1113" href="#note_1113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1113</span></span></a> and 900,<a id="noteref_1114" name="noteref_1114" href="#note_1114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1114</span></span></a> must
also have resulted from the greater or less increase in
the strength of the enomoty.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Now the enomoty, the most simple body of this
military arrangement, was, as the word shows, a file of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page246">[pg 246]</span><a name="Pg246" id="Pg246" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
men closely united, and bound by a common oath,<a id="noteref_1115" name="noteref_1115" href="#note_1115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1115</span></span></a>
which stood in the deep phalanx each one behind the
other,<a id="noteref_1116" name="noteref_1116" href="#note_1116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1116</span></span></a> the enomotarch being in front (p??t?st?t??)
of the whole file. Thus also the Thebans stood in
files twenty-five men deep,<a id="noteref_1117" name="noteref_1117" href="#note_1117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1117</span></span></a> which they sometimes
strengthened to double that number<a id="noteref_1118" name="noteref_1118" href="#note_1118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1118</span></span></a>; in
the Lacedæmonian army, however, the file was generally broken,
and the enomoty, according to the order given before
the battle, stood three and sometimes six men broad<a id="noteref_1119" name="noteref_1119" href="#note_1119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1119</span></span></a>;
in the former case, if its number was not increased,
eight; in the latter, four deep: the Lacedæmonians
are also reported to have once beaten the Arcadians
with a line only one shield deep.<a id="noteref_1120" name="noteref_1120" href="#note_1120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1120</span></span></a> If, however, the
whole enomoty stood in one file, it was called ?????
??????; and in this disposition they attacked high
places, when the files were placed at some distance
from each other.<a id="noteref_1121" name="noteref_1121" href="#note_1121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1121</span></span></a> The deployments (pa?a???a?),
by which the phalanx was made more or less deep,
were ordered by the enomotarch. This person was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page247">[pg 247]</span><a name="Pg247" id="Pg247" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the strongest man or the best soldier of the whole
enomoty; hence it was his continual care that on
whatever point the attack was made he should always
stand at the head of his file: the uragi, however, the
last men of the file, were experienced soldiers, especially
when the army was expected to be threatened in
the rear. If then the lochi moved one behind the
other (?p? ?????), the enomotarchs advanced before the
long files. If the enemy approached in front, the
files, either whole or broken, moved forward, each
placing itself on the left side of the preceding file
(pa?? ?sp?da<a id="noteref_1122" name="noteref_1122" href="#note_1122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1122</span></span></a>). If the enomoty was broken, the
enomotarch then occupied in the square formed by
his enomoty the front angle to the right hand, and the
first enomotarch of the army was always the last man
of the right wing; this movement was called pa?a????
e?? µ?t?p??, or ?p? f??a????.<a id="noteref_1123" name="noteref_1123" href="#note_1123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1123</span></span></a> But if the
enemy came on in the rear, each file wheeled round, so that
the leaders again came in front.<a id="noteref_1124" name="noteref_1124" href="#note_1124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1124</span></span></a> If the enemy
appeared on the right, the whole number of lochi,
moving one behind the other, turned, like triremes,
towards the enemy, and the man who was last upon
the march was last in the line of battle to the right
(pa?? d???). And, lastly, if they advanced from the
left, the same movement took place, only the last lochus then
occupied the left wing (pa?? ?sp?da<a id="noteref_1125" name="noteref_1125" href="#note_1125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1125</span></span></a>).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_4" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. Lochi also occur among the Argives and Thebans,
and in the Asiatic armies; under the command
of Sparta there were lochi of mercenaries and bowmen,<a id="noteref_1126" name="noteref_1126" href="#note_1126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1126</span></span></a> &amp;c.; whereas the mora was a division peculiar
to the Spartans. The formation of this body was as
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page248">[pg 248]</span><a name="Pg248" id="Pg248" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
follows. The whole number of citizens (t? p???t????)
was divided into six moras<a id="noteref_1127" name="noteref_1127" href="#note_1127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1127</span></span></a>; so that every person of
military age (?µf??????), even while he lived at
Sparta, belonged to one of them. The strength of
the mora in the field depended on the maximum fixed
by the ephors for the age of those employed; thus,
for example, they were able to send out a mora composed
of persons less than thirty-five years from manhood (?f? ?ß??)
and keep back those of greater age,<a id="noteref_1128" name="noteref_1128" href="#note_1128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1128</span></span></a>
&amp;c. So that in this sense the numbers of the division
depended upon circumstances. To each mora of heavy-armed
infantry there belonged, without being in close
connexion with it, a body of cavalry bearing the same
name,<a id="noteref_1129" name="noteref_1129" href="#note_1129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1129</span></span></a>
consisting at the most of 100 men, and commanded
by the hipparmost.<a id="noteref_1130" name="noteref_1130" href="#note_1130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1130</span></span></a> In the mora of the
infantry, however, the men of different ages must have
been in some manner separated, so that, for example,
those between thirty and thirty-five years of age could
be easily detached for pursuit.<a id="noteref_1131" name="noteref_1131" href="#note_1131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1131</span></span></a> In this division no
respect was had to kindred; soldiers of one mora had
brothers, sons, fathers, in another,<a id="noteref_1132" name="noteref_1132" href="#note_1132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1132</span></span></a> although in
early times it appears to have been an object of the greatest
care to bring relations and friends together. According
to Herodotus<a id="noteref_1133" name="noteref_1133" href="#note_1133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1133</span></span></a>
Lycurgus instituted the enomoties,
triacades, and syssitia for war; evidently as military
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page249">[pg 249]</span><a name="Pg249" id="Pg249" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
divisions; and the Lacedæmonians ate and fought
in the same company; from which we may explain
why the polemarchs had also a superintendence over
the public tables.<a id="noteref_1134" name="noteref_1134" href="#note_1134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1134</span></span></a> By these the larger divisions, and
not the single banqueting companies, are intended;
when Sparta, in the reign of king Agis, again contained
4500 families, there were fifteen of these
divisions<a id="noteref_1135" name="noteref_1135" href="#note_1135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1135</span></span></a>; and in earlier times, when the number of
families was 9000, there were probably thirty; it is
therefore doubtless another name for oba, which rarely
occurs; and the army was arranged according to
tribes, phratrias, and houses. In early times also
the single hamlets of Sparta furnished lochi of their
own; as were the Pitanatæ<a id="noteref_1136" name="noteref_1136" href="#note_1136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1136</span></span></a>
in the Persian war, and
the Mesoatæ.<a id="noteref_1137" name="noteref_1137" href="#note_1137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1137</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. Of the two principles upon which the regulation
of the Lacedæmonian army was founded, one (as has
been already pointed out) belonged more peculiarly
to early times, and at a late period nearly disappeared:
I mean the complete union and amalgamation
of the army in all its parts. This is expressed
by the name <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">enomoty</span></span>; and we are led to the same
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page250">[pg 250]</span><a name="Pg250" id="Pg250" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
result by many other remarkable vestiges, such as the
proximity of the lovers to the loved (which in certain
situations must have produced a strong effect upon
the feelings), and the sacrifices to Love, which, according
both to the Spartan and Cretan usage, the
most beautiful men performed before the battle. The
second principle was of longer duration; the duty
of implicit obedience to every person in authority
(pe??a???a). Now in the artificial organization of
the army almost all Spartans were in a certain
respect commanders<a id="noteref_1138" name="noteref_1138" href="#note_1138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1138</span></span></a>; for not only the front men of
the files, even when the enomoties were broken (p??t?st?ta?),
but the first men of every line (?e???ta?) were
officers<a id="noteref_1139" name="noteref_1139" href="#note_1139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1139</span></span></a>; nay, every two persons throughout the
whole enomoty were connected with each other as fore-man
and rear-man (p??t?st?t?? and ?p?st?t??.<a id="noteref_1140" name="noteref_1140" href="#note_1140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1140</span></span></a>)
The commands (pa?a????se??) passed rapidly through
the polemarchs, lochagi, &amp;c, to the enomotarchs, who gave them
out, like heralds, in a loud voice<a id="noteref_1141" name="noteref_1141" href="#note_1141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1141</span></span></a>;
but that the command alone of the immediate superior
held good, is proved by the circumstance that
the disobedience of a polemarch or lochagus entailed
the disobedience of the whole lochus.<a id="noteref_1142" name="noteref_1142" href="#note_1142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1142</span></span></a> The polemarchs,
lochagi, pentecosters, and also the xenagi
(leaders of mercenaries<a id="noteref_1143" name="noteref_1143" href="#note_1143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1143</span></span></a>), took part in the council of
war, which was preceded by solemn sacrifices<a id="noteref_1144" name="noteref_1144" href="#note_1144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1144</span></span></a>; the
first mentioned officers commanded independently
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page251">[pg 251]</span><a name="Pg251" id="Pg251" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
single moras and whole armies,<a id="noteref_1145" name="noteref_1145" href="#note_1145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1145</span></span></a> or composed the
immediate council of the kings; they were supported
or represented, as it appears, by the s?µf??e??.<a id="noteref_1146" name="noteref_1146" href="#note_1146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1146</span></span></a> The
king, in an instance mentioned by Herodotus, himself
appointed an inferior general,<a id="noteref_1147" name="noteref_1147" href="#note_1147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1147</span></span></a> which seems to be a
consequence of his extensive power in military affairs.
The escort of the king was called by the name of
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">damosia</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1148" name="noteref_1148" href="#note_1148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1148</span></span></a> and consisted of his tent comrades, to which
the polemarchs,<a id="noteref_1149" name="noteref_1149" href="#note_1149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1149</span></span></a> the Pythians,<a id="noteref_1150" name="noteref_1150" href="#note_1150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1150</span></span></a> and three Equals
also belonged<a id="noteref_1151" name="noteref_1151" href="#note_1151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1151</span></span></a>; of the diviners, surgeons, flute-players,
and volunteers in the army,<a id="noteref_1152" name="noteref_1152" href="#note_1152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1152</span></span></a> to which must be added
the two ephors, who attended the kings on expeditions<a id="noteref_1153" name="noteref_1153" href="#note_1153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1153</span></span></a>;
the laphyropolæ, who together with the ephors,
took possession of the booty; the hellanodicæ, who
decided disputes in the army (in this case, as well as
at Olympia, the Peloponnesians were called Hellenes
by pre-eminence<a id="noteref_1154" name="noteref_1154" href="#note_1154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1154</span></span></a>); the symbuli, sent out,
after the time of Agis, as assistants to the king<a id="noteref_1155" name="noteref_1155" href="#note_1155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1155</span></span></a>; the pyrphorus,
a priest of Ares, who took fire from the
sacrifice, which the king performed at home to Zeus
Agetor,<a id="noteref_1156" name="noteref_1156" href="#note_1156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1156</span></span></a> and on the boundary to Zeus and Athene,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page252">[pg 252]</span><a name="Pg252" id="Pg252" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and preserved it during the whole campaign (in battle
the unarmed were protected by a religious awe<a id="noteref_1157" name="noteref_1157" href="#note_1157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1157</span></span></a>); and,
lastly, those who had conquered in crowned contests
were in the king's train<a id="noteref_1158" name="noteref_1158" href="#note_1158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1158</span></span></a>; a train indeed of sufficient
importance, and fit in so simple a state of society to
surround the descendant of Hercules with an appearance
of dignity. The Thirty about the king's person
are not identical with the damosia; for these were
always Spartans, which we cannot say of flute-players,
&amp;c.; they were assigned to the king, even when the rest
of the army (as was frequently the case in expeditions in
Asia) consisted exclusively of neodamodes,<a id="noteref_1159" name="noteref_1159" href="#note_1159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1159</span></span></a> and were
probably at the same time the body-guard and council
of the king. They may therefore be considered as
the 300 contracted into a small body, which accompanied
the king only on expeditions to a small
distance from home. These 300 were the picked
regiment of Sparta, the flower of the youth, as the
gerontes were of the old men, and also chosen on
aristocratic principles. For the ephors appointed
three hippagretæ, each of whom chose one hundred
young men, with a statement of the grounds of his
selection; from the number of those discharged from
this body the five agathoergi were taken, who for the
space of a year served the state in missions.<a id="noteref_1160" name="noteref_1160" href="#note_1160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1160</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page253">[pg 253]</span><a name="Pg253" id="Pg253" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_6" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
6. A similar body in the Cretan states really consisted
of horsemen; the Spartans were called horsemen,
and were in fact heavy-armed infantry<a id="noteref_1161" name="noteref_1161" href="#note_1161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1161</span></span></a>; the
cause of which was, the low estimation of the cavalry-service
among the Lacedæmonians. The country
was fitted rather for the production of men than of
horses; and although the citizens furnished both the
horse and accoutrements, they were ridden only by
weak and inferior persons.<a id="noteref_1162" name="noteref_1162" href="#note_1162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1162</span></span></a> Thus the
horsemen of Sparta, the number of whom in the Peloponnesian
war was at first 400, and afterwards rose to 600,<a id="noteref_1163" name="noteref_1163" href="#note_1163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1163</span></span></a>
effected nothing against the better mounted and
practised cavalry of Bœotia, which as the light-armed
riders sometimes mounted behind, sometimes vaulted
off rapidly, was doubly formidable to the enemy.<a id="noteref_1164" name="noteref_1164" href="#note_1164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1164</span></span></a>
Among the other Doric states, Tarentum in particular
had a numerous<a id="noteref_1165" name="noteref_1165" href="#note_1165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1165</span></span></a> and very excellent
light cavalry.<a id="noteref_1166" name="noteref_1166" href="#note_1166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1166</span></span></a>
The preference for a force of this description is a
proof, according to the principles of antiquity, of an
unstable and effeminate character, exactly the reverse
of that exhibited by the heavy-armed soldiery of the
Lacedæmonians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the Lacedæmonian army the Sciritæ formed a
separate body,<a id="noteref_1167" name="noteref_1167" href="#note_1167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1167</span></span></a> of whom there were 600 in the Peloponnesian
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page254">[pg 254]</span><a name="Pg254" id="Pg254" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
war.<a id="noteref_1168" name="noteref_1168" href="#note_1168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1168</span></span></a> In marches they went in front, in
the camp they occupied the extreme place,<a id="noteref_1169" name="noteref_1169" href="#note_1169"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1169</span></span></a> and in
the battle they formed the left wing.<a id="noteref_1170" name="noteref_1170" href="#note_1170"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1170</span></span></a> Although we
have no express statement of their mode of arms, we
can hardly suppose that they were heavy-armed troops,
since they were particularly employed when a rapid
change of position, or a vigorous attack, such as
storming of heights, &amp;c., was required<a id="noteref_1171" name="noteref_1171" href="#note_1171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1171</span></span></a>; they were
often at the post of greatest danger.<a id="noteref_1172" name="noteref_1172" href="#note_1172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1172</span></span></a> Originally,
doubtless, they were, as they were called, inhabitants
of the district Sciritis, on the confines of Laconia,
towards Parrhasia<a id="noteref_1173" name="noteref_1173" href="#note_1173"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1173</span></span></a>; their rights and
duties appear to have been defined by agreement; their mode of fighting
was also perhaps Arcadian. The other Periœci
appear only to have taken part in large expeditions,
and such as were prepared for a considerable time
beforehand; and they probably served for the most
part as hoplitæ<a id="noteref_1174" name="noteref_1174" href="#note_1174"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1174</span></span></a>; the ratio of their number, as well
as that of the neodamodes and others, to the citizens
of Sparta, was not governed by any fixed rule.<a id="noteref_1175" name="noteref_1175" href="#note_1175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1175</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is not by any means clear in what manner the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page255">[pg 255]</span><a name="Pg255" id="Pg255" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Peloponnesian armies were accompanied by such
numerous bodies of light-armed soldiers, more particularly
of Helots.<a id="noteref_1176" name="noteref_1176" href="#note_1176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1176</span></span></a> It must at the same time be
borne in mind that the Persian war was the only time,
that is, on a general summons of the nation, when so
many as seven attended upon every Spartan<a id="noteref_1177" name="noteref_1177" href="#note_1177"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1177</span></span></a>; on
this occasion, when the numbers of the enemy were
so excessive, they might have served to protect the
rear of the long line of battle, and to resist the pressure;
in addition to which they also annoyed the
enemy from behind with slings, javelins, and stones.
A large part of them, in the capacity of attendants
(?e??p??te?, ????t??e?, ?pasp?sta?), were also destined
exclusively for the service of the hoplitæ, and
to rescue them in danger<a id="noteref_1178" name="noteref_1178" href="#note_1178"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1178</span></span></a>; another portion was probably
detached to convoy and cover the baggage
(st?at?? s?e??f??????). The Peloponnesians in early
times never attempted to form separate divisions of
light-armed soldiers, such as the peltasts were, who,
in addition to the javelin, bore the small shield of
the Thracians and Illyrians.<a id="noteref_1179" name="noteref_1179" href="#note_1179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1179</span></span></a> The perfection of this
species of troops, especially after the improvement
of Chabrias and Iphicrates, was the cause of severe
injury to the heavy-armed tactics of the Spartans;
and the Peloponnesians dreaded them for a long time,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page256">[pg 256]</span><a name="Pg256" id="Pg256" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
according to the Laconian expression, as children fear
a bugbear.<a id="noteref_1180" name="noteref_1180" href="#note_1180"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1180</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
7. The attention of Sparta was almost exclusively
directed to the heavy infantry; and it can scarcely be
denied that this was carried by them to the highest
pitch of perfection. The arms<a id="noteref_1181" name="noteref_1181" href="#note_1181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1181</span></span></a> consisted of a long
spear,<a id="noteref_1182" name="noteref_1182" href="#note_1182"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1182</span></span></a> a short sword only used in the closest
single combat,<a id="noteref_1183" name="noteref_1183" href="#note_1183"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1183</span></span></a> a brazen shield,<a id="noteref_1184" name="noteref_1184" href="#note_1184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1184</span></span></a> which covered the body
from the shoulders to the knees,<a id="noteref_1185" name="noteref_1185" href="#note_1185"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1185</span></span></a> and was in other
respects also more similar to the shield of the heroic
age than that of the other Greeks. For while the
Greeks in general had adopted the Carian handle
(?????) in order to direct the motion of the shield,
of which the size had been considerably reduced, the
Spartan buckler was probably suspended upon a
thong (te?aµ??) laid round the neck, and was only
managed by a ring (p??pa?) fastened to the concave
side, which in time of peace could be taken out.<a id="noteref_1186" name="noteref_1186" href="#note_1186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1186</span></span></a>
Cleomenes the Third first introduced the handles of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page257">[pg 257]</span><a name="Pg257" id="Pg257" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
shields in Lacedæmon, and in general a less heavy
armour.<a id="noteref_1187" name="noteref_1187" href="#note_1187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1187</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_8" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. The principles of the Lacedæmonian tactics may
be deduced from what has been already said on the
subject of the enomoty, and of its movements; the
deployment of the enomoty (the ??e???µ??) was the
chief means of opposing the best soldiers to the
enemy,<a id="noteref_1188" name="noteref_1188" href="#note_1188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1188</span></span></a> and it was from this movement
in particular that victory was expected. A particular kind of this
manœuvre was called the Laconian; it began from
the enomotarchs, who faced about to the right, and
passed in an oblique direction between their own and
the next file; the whole file, following its leader,
placed itself in front of the uragus, who merely faced
to the right about. So that the whole phalanx,
by this means, turning their faces towards the enemy
who appeared in the rear, advanced at the same time
in that direction by the depth of the order of battle.
The Macedonian mode was different from this; for
in that the movement began from the uragus, and
therefore the phalanx lost, instead of gained, the same
space of ground as it covered; and the Cretan (called
also <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Choreus</span></span>) differed from both, as the
enomotarch and uragus both moved, until they changed places, and
consequently, according to this method, the phalanx
remained on the same ground.<a id="noteref_1189" name="noteref_1189" href="#note_1189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1189</span></span></a> In a charge it was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page258">[pg 258]</span><a name="Pg258" id="Pg258" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the duty of the general to take care that the army constantly
inclined somewhat further to the right than
the exact line of its intended direction, since each man
naturally endeavoured to bring his unprotected side
under the shield of his neighbour, and the last man on
the right wing to turn away that side from the danger,
and therefore to outflank the left of the enemy:<a id="noteref_1190" name="noteref_1190" href="#note_1190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1190</span></span></a>
this was also the cause of the weakness of the right wing,
which they endeavoured to remedy by putting in it the
best troops, and by protecting it with cavalry. Before
Epaminondas discovered the art of concentrating the
battle in the spot in which he was strongest, and of
keeping the rest of the enemy's troops unengaged, the
general had to attend to two points. In the first place,
that the chief charge of his own men should be made
upon that part where it appeared most easy and advantageous
to break the line; and that at the same
time his own line should withstand the charge of the
enemy: and, secondly, he might endeavour to obtain
the victory by extending his front so as to outflank the
enemy; a manœuvre which the Spartans seldom
indeed attempted, being content to hinder the enemy
from effecting it. The chief point was to keep the
whole body of men in compact order, both in rapid
advance and in pretended flight:<a id="noteref_1191" name="noteref_1191" href="#note_1191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1191</span></span></a> no bravery could
excuse a man for quitting his post.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_9" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. The chief characteristic of the warriors of Sparta
was great composure and a subdued strength; the
violence (??ssa) of Aristodemus<a id="noteref_1192" name="noteref_1192" href="#note_1192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1192</span></span></a>
and Isadas<a id="noteref_1193" name="noteref_1193" href="#note_1193"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1193</span></span></a> being
considered as deserving rather of blame than praise;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page259">[pg 259]</span><a name="Pg259" id="Pg259" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and these qualities in general distinguished the Greeks
from the northern Barbarians, whose boldness always
consisted in noise and tumult.<a id="noteref_1194" name="noteref_1194" href="#note_1194"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1194</span></span></a> The conduct of the
Spartans in battle denotes a high and noble disposition,
which rejected all the extremes of brutal rage; the
pursuit of the enemy ceased when the victory was
completed;<a id="noteref_1195" name="noteref_1195" href="#note_1195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1195</span></span></a> and, after the signal for retreat had been
given, all hostilities ceased.<a id="noteref_1196" name="noteref_1196" href="#note_1196"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1196</span></span></a>
The spoiling of arms, at least during the battle, was also
interdicted;<a id="noteref_1197" name="noteref_1197" href="#note_1197"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1197</span></span></a> and the
consecration of the spoils of slain enemies to the
gods,<a id="noteref_1198" name="noteref_1198" href="#note_1198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1198</span></span></a>
as in general all rejoicings for victory were considered
as ill-omened;<a id="noteref_1199" name="noteref_1199" href="#note_1199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1199</span></span></a> ancient principles of Greek
humanity which we cannot but admire. War was as much as
possible confined to a measure of strength; and battle,
as Mardonius in Herodotus describes that of the
Greeks in general,<a id="noteref_1200" name="noteref_1200" href="#note_1200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1200</span></span></a> was a kind of duel upon the
principles of honour. In Peloponnesus, as well as in
Eubœa,<a id="noteref_1201" name="noteref_1201" href="#note_1201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1201</span></span></a> the use of the different species of arms had
perhaps been regulated by the appointment of general
councils; Sparta also retained with a religious veneration
the ancient institutions of sacred truces; as, for
instance, the Olympic armistice: it wished not only to
celebrate its native festivals in quiet,<a id="noteref_1202" name="noteref_1202" href="#note_1202"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1202</span></span></a> but even respected
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page260">[pg 260]</span><a name="Pg260" id="Pg260" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
foreign solemnities; thus, at so late a period as 391
B.C., that state allowed itself to be delayed and deceived
by an appeal of the Argives to <span class="tei tei-q">“the sacred
months.”</span><a id="noteref_1203" name="noteref_1203" href="#note_1203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1203</span></span></a> If then the state, so long as
it remained true to these principles, did not slaughter its enemies
without aim or object, so much the more sparing was
it of its own soldiers, every moderate loss being
severely felt; but even in the engagements of the
hoplitæ few of the victorious party were lost. Every
one knows of the tearless battle between the Spartans
and Arcadians, in which the state had no dead to
mourn.<a id="noteref_1204" name="noteref_1204" href="#note_1204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1204</span></span></a> Nothing therefore can be less laid to the
charge of Sparta than a violent passion for war, a
foolhardy and reckless desire of conquest. The latter
was also guarded against by the maxim of Lycurgus,<a id="noteref_1205" name="noteref_1205" href="#note_1205"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1205</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-q">“not to go often against the same enemy,”</span> the non-observance
of which was a charge brought against
Agesilaus. With what unwillingness the Lacedæmonians
engaged in great wars is generally known.
And yet in every action in the open field, up to the
battle of Leuctra, Sparta had nearly a certainty of
success,<a id="noteref_1206" name="noteref_1206" href="#note_1206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1206</span></span></a> since the consciousness of skill in the use of
arms was added to the national feeling of the Doric
race, that victory over the Ionians was not a matter of
doubt.<a id="noteref_1207" name="noteref_1207" href="#note_1207"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1207</span></span></a> With what timidity did the Athenians attack
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page261">[pg 261]</span><a name="Pg261" id="Pg261" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the hard-pressed and exhausted Spartans in Sphacteria!
Their feeling towards the captives was nearly
the same as that of the Achæans in Homer to the
corpse of Hector.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These opinions necessarily experienced innumerable
modifications when Sparta engaged in foreign warfare,
and moved out of her own orbit into an unknown
region; this was particularly the case in maritime war,
which, although followed in early times by Corinth,
Ægina, and Corcyra, never agreed with the nature of
the Doric tribe. For this reason Sparta, although
after many unsuccessful attempts she gave birth to
men who had considerable talents for this service, as
Callicratidas and Lysander, and for a time her fleet
was very numerous, and the commander of it a second
king,<a id="noteref_1208" name="noteref_1208" href="#note_1208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1208</span></span></a> never showed any particular inclination for it.
A disinclination equally strong, and formed upon the
same grounds, was shown by the Spartans to the
storming of walled places (p????µa?e??<a id="noteref_1209" name="noteref_1209" href="#note_1209"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1209</span></span></a>) for which
reason they never in early times constructed any
defences of this kind; and despised the use of machines,
by which Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus,
thought that <span class="tei tei-q">“man's strength was annihilated.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_10" id="Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
10. We conclude with the assertion with which we
prefaced this chapter, though in a different point of
view, that no nation ever considered war as an art in
the same sense and to the same degree as the Doric
Spartans. Indeed every nation, of a military disposition,
and addicted to warlike pursuits, considers war
not merely as a means of repelling the attacks of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page262">[pg 262]</span><a name="Pg262" id="Pg262" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
enemies, or of gaining plunder or territory by being
itself the invader. The mere act of fighting, the common
and disciplined movement of thousands directed
to the same end, the <span class="tei tei-q">“pomp, pride, and circumstance
of glorious war,”</span> arouse the feelings, and inspire the
mind with the noblest and most elevated thoughts; and
there is a certain affinity between the art of war and
the more regular and peaceful arts; thus a military
body resembled, in its movements and array, a large
choral dance. These feelings and views were among
all nations most natural to the Greeks, and, of the
Greek races, familiar to the Dorians in particular.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The agreement which some moderns<a id="noteref_1210" name="noteref_1210" href="#note_1210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1210</span></span></a> have found
between the Greek chorus and the lochus is not a mere
creation of the fancy; the large chorus was a pentecostys
in number, which was divided into enomoties
(hemichoria); it advanced in certain divisions, like an
army, and had corresponding evolutions.<a id="noteref_1211" name="noteref_1211" href="#note_1211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1211</span></span></a> Both the
dance and the battle were the object of the Pyrrhic,
which was particularly practised in Sparta and Crete.<a id="noteref_1212" name="noteref_1212" href="#note_1212"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1212</span></span></a>
In early times it was a preparation for battle, an
use of it which was neglected in a later age; in the
soldier heavy-armed for the battle was also seen the
practised dancer of the Pyrrhic. The same connexion
is alluded to by Homer, where Æneas hopes to overthrow
Meriones of Crete, however good a dancer he
may be:<a id="noteref_1213" name="noteref_1213" href="#note_1213"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1213</span></span></a> thus also the Thessalians called the soldiers
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page263">[pg 263]</span><a name="Pg263" id="Pg263" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the front ranks <span class="tei tei-q">“principal dancers;”</span> and said of a
good fighter, that <span class="tei tei-q">“he had danced well.”</span><a id="noteref_1214" name="noteref_1214" href="#note_1214"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1214</span></span></a>
For the same reason Homer calls hoplitæ by the name p????e?<a id="noteref_1215" name="noteref_1215" href="#note_1215"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1215</span></span></a>
the war-dance having been called p????? by the Cretans.<a id="noteref_1216" name="noteref_1216" href="#note_1216"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1216</span></span></a>
Now this latter expression is used by Homer
in the passages in which both Greeks and Trojans
give up the usual method of fighting, and the heroes
descend from their chariots and form themselves into
a body on foot; and therefore of that very mode of
battle which became prevalent in Greece through the
influence of the Dorians. For the same reason the
Spartans sacrificed to the Muses before an action,<a id="noteref_1217" name="noteref_1217" href="#note_1217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1217</span></span></a>
these goddesses being expected to produce regularity
and order in battle; as they sacrificed on the same
occasion in Crete to the god of love, as the confirmer
of mutual esteem and shame.<a id="noteref_1218" name="noteref_1218" href="#note_1218"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1218</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The whole existence of the Spartans in the camp
appears to have been easy and tranquil; and therefore
resembled the mode of living in Sparta, as that city
was to a certain degree always a camp.<a id="noteref_1219" name="noteref_1219" href="#note_1219"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1219</span></span></a> The bodily
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page264">[pg 264]</span><a name="Pg264" id="Pg264" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
exercises were regularly continued, and repeated twice
in each day;<a id="noteref_1220" name="noteref_1220" href="#note_1220"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1220</span></span></a>
but with less severity than at home;<a id="noteref_1221" name="noteref_1221" href="#note_1221"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1221</span></span></a> and
the discipline in general was less strict. The Persian
spy found the Spartans in the evening before the battle
of Thermopylæ employed, some in gymnastic exercises,
and some in arranging their hair,<a id="noteref_1222" name="noteref_1222" href="#note_1222"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1222</span></span></a> which they
always wore long after their entrance into manhood.
Every man put on a crown<a id="noteref_1223" name="noteref_1223" href="#note_1223"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1223</span></span></a> when the band of flute-players
gave the signal for attack; all the shields of
the line glittered with their high polish,<a id="noteref_1224" name="noteref_1224" href="#note_1224"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1224</span></span></a> and mingled
their splendour with the dark red of the purple
mantles,<a id="noteref_1225" name="noteref_1225" href="#note_1225"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1225</span></span></a> which were meant both to adorn the combatant,
and to conceal the blood of the wounded; to
fall well and decorously being an incentive the more to
the most heroic valour.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page265">[pg 265]</span><a name="Pg265" id="Pg265" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>


<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc27" id="toc27"></a>
<a name="pdf28" id="pdf28"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Book IV.
Domestic Institutions, Arts, And Literature
Of The Dorians.</span></h1>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc29" id="toc29"></a>
<a name="pdf30" id="pdf30"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter I.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Subjects of the present book. § 2. Simplicity of the dwellings
of the Dorians. § 3. Achæan style of buildings. § 4.
Character of the Doric architecture.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Having examined the political institutions of
the Doric states, we next proceed to consider
their private life and domestic economy; which two
subjects were so intimately connected in the habits
of this race, that we shall not attempt to separate
them by any exact line of distinction. Our observations
will be confined to those matters which appear
most to exhibit the peculiar character of the Dorians.
For which purpose, having first considered their domestic
conveniences, such as dwellings, &amp;c., we will
proceed to their domestic relations, their arts, and
literature.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The dwellings of the Dorians were plain and
simple. By a law of Lycurgus the doors of every
house were to be fashioned only with the saw, and the
ceiling with the axe;<a id="noteref_1226" name="noteref_1226" href="#note_1226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1226</span></span></a> not that the legislator intended
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page266">[pg 266]</span><a name="Pg266" id="Pg266" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to abolish altogether the science of architecture, but
merely to restrain it to its proper objects, viz., temples
and public buildings, and to prevent it from purveying
to private luxury. The kings of Greece in Homer's
time lived not only in spacious, but also richly ornamented
houses, the walls of which glittered with brass,
silver, gold, amber, and ivory; but no such splendour
was seen in the dwellings of the Heraclide princes.
The palace of the two kings of Sparta was said to
have been built by Aristodemus at the taking of the
town; here Agesilaus lived after the manner of his
ancestors; the doors even in his time being, according
to Xenophon's somewhat exaggerated expression,
those of the original building.<a id="noteref_1227" name="noteref_1227" href="#note_1227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1227</span></span></a> Hence Leotychidas
the elder (490 B.C.) asked his host at Corinth
(which city had early risen to riches and luxury), on
seeing the ceiling ornamented with sunken panels
(fat??µata), <span class="tei tei-q">“whether the trees in Corinth were
naturally four-cornered.”</span><a id="noteref_1228" name="noteref_1228" href="#note_1228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1228</span></span></a> The houses at Sparta,
however, notwithstanding their rude structure, were
probably spacious and commodious; in front there
was generally a court-yard, separated by a wall from
the street,<a id="noteref_1229" name="noteref_1229" href="#note_1229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1229</span></span></a> and containing a large portico. The towns
of Peloponnesus were for the most part irregularly
built, whereas the Ionians had early learnt to lay out
their streets in straight lines,<a id="noteref_1230" name="noteref_1230" href="#note_1230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1230</span></span></a> a custom which Hippodamus
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page267">[pg 267]</span><a name="Pg267" id="Pg267" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of Miletus succeeded in spreading over the rest
of Greece. It was probably this architect who in the
year 445 B.C. laid out the plan of Thurii<a id="noteref_1231" name="noteref_1231" href="#note_1231"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1231</span></span></a> in exact squares, with streets
at right angles;<a id="noteref_1232" name="noteref_1232" href="#note_1232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1232</span></span></a> and the
same who in his old age built the city of Rhodes
(407 B.C.), the plan of which was designed with
such perfect symmetry, that, according to the expression
of the astonished ancients, it seemed <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">like one
house</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1233" name="noteref_1233" href="#note_1233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1233</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. The principles of Lycurgus, however, we repeat
did not in the least degree retard the progress of
real architecture. Indeed we know that in the embellishment
of their sacred edifices the Dorians employed
a style of building which they themselves
invented, from the strict principles of which they
never deviated, and which at the same time they took
the utmost care to bring to perfection. That they
were in strictness the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">original inventors</span></em> of this style
of architecture has been first satisfactorily proved by
the remarkable discoveries of modern times, which
have laid open to us the monuments of the unknown
ages of Greece in all their strange peculiarities. The
treasury of Atreus is indeed the only example now
extant of a class of buildings doubtless once very numerous;<a id="noteref_1234" name="noteref_1234" href="#note_1234"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1234</span></span></a>
but its paraboloidal construction distinguishes
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page268">[pg 268]</span><a name="Pg268" id="Pg268" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
it as well from the later Grecian as the oriental style
of architecture. Near this structure some fragments
of columns have been discovered by modern travellers,<a id="noteref_1235" name="noteref_1235" href="#note_1235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1235</span></span></a>
remarkable both for the variety of their forms and the
richness of their ornaments; still the spot on which
they were found, as well as their singular shape, leave
no doubt that they belong to the same unknown period.
They consist, first, of the base of a fluted column,
with a plinth, and also a torus of elliptical outline,
decorated with an alternation of projecting and receding
compartments, the former of which have in some
cases an ornament of spiral lines; secondly, a fragment
of the shaft of a column of bronze-coloured
marble, similarly ornamented with compartments;
thirdly, a very small fragment of a capital; and,
lastly, a tablet of white marble, with a species of ornament
in imitation of shells. There are in the British
Museum two tablets of light green and dark red
marble, both taken from the treasury of Atreus,
which have the spiral lines above mentioned, and are
worked very elaborately, though without mathematical
precision.<a id="noteref_1236" name="noteref_1236" href="#note_1236"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1236</span></span></a> We have given this description of a
style of architecture, not strictly belonging to our subject,
in order to direct the reader's attention to these
most remarkable remains of Grecian sculpture, which
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page269">[pg 269]</span><a name="Pg269" id="Pg269" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
are quite sufficient to convince us that the building to
which they belong, thus adorned with party-coloured
stones, and probably covered in the interior with plates
of bronze, may be reckoned as the monument of a
time when a semi-barbarous style of architecture prevailed
throughout Greece.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. In direct contrast with the above is the simple
unornamented character and unobtrusive grandeur
of the style unanimously called by the ancients <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the
Doric</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1237" name="noteref_1237" href="#note_1237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1237</span></span></a> It appears certain that the first hints of this
order were borrowed from buildings constructed of
wood, a fact which I cannot reconcile with the supposition
of a foreign origin. For we should thus lose
sight altogether of the gradual and regular progress
by which it advanced to maturity, and suppose that the
improvements of foreign artificers, with their peculiar
principles, and those of native architects, looking only
to the original structure of wood, were blended, or
rather violently confused together. Could anything
be more natural than that the long surface of the
principal beams should be imitated in stone, that the
cross-beams with the Doric triglyph should be laid
over these, the intervals or metopes being by degrees
covered with marble, whilst the cornice, in imitation
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page270">[pg 270]</span><a name="Pg270" id="Pg270" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of carpenters' work, was allowed to project in bold
relief? The roof perhaps was for some time allowed
to end in a slope on each side; Corinth was the first
place where the front and hind part were finished off
with a pediment; the tympanum being adorned with
statues of ancient clay-work.<a id="noteref_1238" name="noteref_1238" href="#note_1238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1238</span></span></a> Such was the origin
of the Doric temple, of which early models have been
preserved in the Doric towns of Corinth and Pæstum,
in Ægina, and the Doric colonies of Sicily.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We cannot however suppose it to have been the
opinion of the historian of ancient architecture,<a id="noteref_1239" name="noteref_1239" href="#note_1239"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1239</span></span></a> that
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">artistical</span></em> character of the Doric architecture may
be satisfactorily derived from wooden buildings. It is
the essence of this art to connect, by the varieties of
form and proportion, a peculiar association of ideas
with works intended merely for purposes of necessity.
The Doric character, in short, created the Doric architecture.
In the temples of this order the weight to be
supported is intentionally increased, and the architrave,
frieze, and cornice, of unusual depth; but the columns
are proportionably strong, and placed very close to
each other; so that, in contemplating the structure,
our astonishment at the weight supported is mingled
with pleasure at the security imparted by the strength
of the columns underneath. This impression of firmness
and solidity is increased by the rapid tapering of
the column, its conical shape giving it an appearance
of strength; while the diminution beginning immediately
at the base, and the straight line not being,
as in other orders, softened by the interposition of the
swelling, gives a severity of character to the order.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page271">[pg 271]</span><a name="Pg271" id="Pg271" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
With this rapid diminution is also connected the bold
projection of the echinus (or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">quarter-round</span></span>) of the capital;
which likewise creates a striking impression,
particularly if its outline is nearly rectilineal. The
alternation of long unornamented surfaces with smaller
rows of decorated work awakens a feeling of simple
grandeur, without appearing either monotonous or
fatiguing. The harmony spread over the whole becomes
more conspicuous when contrasted with the dark
shadows occasioned by the projecting drip of the cornice;
above, the magnificent pediment crowns the
whole. Thus in this creation of art we find expressed
the peculiar bias of the Doric race to strict rule,
simple proportion, and pure harmony.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc31" id="toc31"></a>
<a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter II.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. General character of the Doric dress. § 2. Different dresses
of married and unmarried women among the Dorians. § 3.
Dress of the Spartan women. § 4. Dress of the Spartan men.
§ 5. Simplicity of the Doric dress. § 6. Doric and Ionic
fashions of wearing the hair. Change of costume in many
Doric states. Baths.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. The next point which we have to consider is
the mode of clothing in use among the Dorians; in
which a peculiar taste was displayed; an ancient
decorum and simplicity, equally removed from the
splendour of Asiatics and the uncleanliness of barbarians.
At the same time, however, they paid considerable
attention to their personal appearance, although
their manners did not require the body to be studiously
and completely covered. A Dorian was the first who
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page272">[pg 272]</span><a name="Pg272" id="Pg272" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the lists of Olympia threw off the heavy girdle,
which the wrestlers of Homer had worn in common
with those of barbarous countries, and ran naked to
the goal;<a id="noteref_1240" name="noteref_1240" href="#note_1240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1240</span></span></a> in fact a display of the naked form, when
all covering was useless, and indeed inconvenient, was
altogether in harmony with the Doric character. This
reminds us of the nakedness of the Spartan young
women, even in the time of Athenian civilization,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page273">[pg 273]</span><a name="Pg273" id="Pg273" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which custom gave rise to the joke, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the Spartans
showed foreigners their virgins naked.”</span><a id="noteref_1241" name="noteref_1241" href="#note_1241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1241</span></span></a> On this
subject, however, it is necessary that we should enter
into greater detail.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_2" id="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. In the first place these words direct our attention
to the different modes of life of the married and unmarried
women among the Dorians. Modern manners,
derived from the age of chivalry, carefully withdraw
young women from all impressions calculated to inflame
the passions; while married women are more
exposed to intercourse with men. But, according to
the colder notions of the Greeks, which are seen most
clearly among the Dorians, the unmarried lived more
in public than the married women; who attended more
to the care of their family; and hence the former alone
practised music and athletic exercises; the latter
being occupied only with their household affairs.<a id="noteref_1242" name="noteref_1242" href="#note_1242"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1242</span></span></a> This
explains why at Sparta unmarried women appeared
with their faces uncovered, while the married only
went out in veils;<a id="noteref_1243" name="noteref_1243" href="#note_1243"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1243</span></span></a> and it was common to see the
former walking in the streets with young men,<a id="noteref_1244" name="noteref_1244" href="#note_1244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1244</span></span></a> which
was certainly not permitted to the others; and so also
at Sparta,<a id="noteref_1245" name="noteref_1245" href="#note_1245"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1245</span></span></a> in Crete,<a id="noteref_1246" name="noteref_1246" href="#note_1246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1246</span></span></a> and at Olympia,
virgins were permitted to be spectators of the gymnastic contests,
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">married</span></em> women only were excluded;<a id="noteref_1247" name="noteref_1247" href="#note_1247"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1247</span></span></a> the reverse
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page274">[pg 274]</span><a name="Pg274" id="Pg274" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of which was the case in Ionia, where the unmarried
women were usually shut up in the interior of the
houses.<a id="noteref_1248" name="noteref_1248" href="#note_1248"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1248</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This different position in society was also marked
by the dress, which was lighter and less strict among
the unmarried women; for it is these alone who are
charged with exposure of their persons. This charge
of the Athenians was, however, caused by a strange
forgetfulness of ancient custom; for after the mode of
treatment of their women had become precisely similar
to that of the eastern nations, the ancient Greek usage
appeared to them unnatural;<a id="noteref_1249" name="noteref_1249" href="#note_1249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1249</span></span></a> and the dress of the
Doric women caused in their minds the same notions
as the German dress in those of the Romans; of which
Tacitus says, <span class="tei tei-q">“the German women wear the arms
naked up to the shoulders, and even the next part of
the breast is uncovered; <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">notwithstanding which</span></em>
they never break the marriage vow.”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. On the dress of the Spartans I need only, after
the labours of former writers,<a id="noteref_1250" name="noteref_1250" href="#note_1250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1250</span></span></a> make the following
remarks. The chief, or indeed the only garment of
the Doric virgin is by ancient writers sometimes called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">himation</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1251" name="noteref_1251" href="#note_1251"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1251</span></span></a> sometimes
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">chiton</span></span>: the former more correctly,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page275">[pg 275]</span><a name="Pg275" id="Pg275" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
as appears from works of art; and the latter
word was used metaphorically, from the resemblance of
the himation to the linen chiton of the Ionians. This
garment of woollen stuff was without sleeves, and
fastened over both shoulders by clasps (p??pa?,
pe???a?), which were often of considerable size;<a id="noteref_1252" name="noteref_1252" href="#note_1252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1252</span></span></a> while
the Ionic women wore sleeves of greater or less length.<a id="noteref_1253" name="noteref_1253" href="#note_1253"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1253</span></span></a>
This chiton was only joined together on one side,
while on the other it was left partly open or slit up
(s??st?? ??t??<a id="noteref_1254" name="noteref_1254" href="#note_1254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1254</span></span></a>); probably it could be fastened with
clasps, or opened wider, so as to admit a freer motion
of the limbs, so that the two skirts (pt????e?) flew
open; whence Ibycus called the Spartan women
fa???µ???de?.<a id="noteref_1255" name="noteref_1255" href="#note_1255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1255</span></span></a> This garment was also worn without
a girdle; when it hung down to the calves of the legs.<a id="noteref_1256" name="noteref_1256" href="#note_1256"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1256</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page276">[pg 276]</span><a name="Pg276" id="Pg276" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
This is generally the dress with which the goddesses
Victory and Iris are represented in works of art, the
latter particularly among the statues from the pediment
of the Parthenon, in which rapid motion is indicated
by the chiton being thrown from the feet and
ancles on the left side; and in the same chiton,
though with more ample folds, is the dress of Athene
in many statues of the more finished and perfect
style of the art: and Artemis, the huntress, in the
Doric chiton, girt up for the purpose of rapid
motion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In one of these different fashions, according to her
object and business, the virgin of Sparta, generally
without the himation,<a id="noteref_1257" name="noteref_1257" href="#note_1257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1257</span></span></a> wore a single garment, and
appeared even in the company of men without any further
covering. Thus Periander the Corinthian<a id="noteref_1258" name="noteref_1258" href="#note_1258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1258</span></span></a> was
seized with love for the beautiful Melissa at Epidaurus,
when he saw her dressed, after the Peloponnesian
manner, in her chiton, without any upper garment, as
she was giving out wine to the labourers.<a id="noteref_1259" name="noteref_1259" href="#note_1259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1259</span></span></a> In this
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page277">[pg 277]</span><a name="Pg277" id="Pg277" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
costume the Doric virgins might be seen dancing at
their places of exercise and in the chorus.<a id="noteref_1260" name="noteref_1260" href="#note_1260"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1260</span></span></a> The married
women, however, never appeared without an
upper garment; which probably was not essentially
different from the himation of the men: thus, for
example, the wife of Phocion, who lived in the Doric
manner, according to the account of Plutarch, often
went out in the himation of her husband.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. This leads us to consider the costume of the
men, the chief parts of which we will describe generally,
before we speak of them in detail. These then
are, first, the chiton, a woollen shirt without sleeves,
worn by all the Greeks and Italians, the only dress of
boys;<a id="noteref_1261" name="noteref_1261" href="#note_1261"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1261</span></span></a> since it was not till after the increase of luxury
in Athens that they began to dress young boys in the
himation.<a id="noteref_1262" name="noteref_1262" href="#note_1262"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1262</span></span></a> Secondly, the himation, called in Homer
??a??a.<a id="noteref_1263" name="noteref_1263" href="#note_1263"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1263</span></span></a> a square piece of cloth, sometimes rounded
off at the corners, which was commonly thrown over
the left, and behind under the right arm, and the end
was again brought back over the left shoulder.<a id="noteref_1264" name="noteref_1264" href="#note_1264"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1264</span></span></a>
Thirdly, the chlamys (Tetta???? pt??a), of Macedonian
and Thessalian origin,<a id="noteref_1265" name="noteref_1265" href="#note_1265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1265</span></span></a> an oblong piece of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page278">[pg 278]</span><a name="Pg278" id="Pg278" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
cloth, of which the two lower ends came forward, and
were fastened with a clasp upon the right shoulder;
so that it left that arm free. This latter dress is never
mentioned in the poems of Homer. Sappho was the
first among the Greek poets who spoke of it.<a id="noteref_1266" name="noteref_1266" href="#note_1266"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1266</span></span></a> It was
not therefore till after her time that its use was extended
over Greece Proper, first as the dress of horsemen,
and young men in general, and then as a military
cloak; under which character it was introduced into
Sparta.<a id="noteref_1267" name="noteref_1267" href="#note_1267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1267</span></span></a> The earliest painted vases, however, always
represent the warriors in the himation, which is commonly
without folds, and drawn close to the body.<a id="noteref_1268" name="noteref_1268" href="#note_1268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1268</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thucydides<a id="noteref_1269" name="noteref_1269" href="#note_1269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1269</span></span></a> says of the Lacedæmonians, that <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">they
were the first to adopt a simpler mode of dress</span></span>:”</span> a
statement which is founded on a peculiar notion of
this historian, that the loose linen garments, which
were still worn by old-fashioned people at Athens in
the time of Aristophanes, were the original Greek
dress; whereas we know with tolerable certainty that
this dress was brought over to Athens by the Ionians
of Asia.<a id="noteref_1270" name="noteref_1270" href="#note_1270"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1270</span></span></a> The Athenians again laid this aside at the
time of the Peloponnesian war, and returned to the
thin clothing of the ancient Greeks; with the exception
of the women, who had formerly at Athens worn
the Doric costume, but now retained the Ionic dress
with long sleeves, wide folds, and trailing hem, which
was generally of linen. Thucydides, however, is so
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page279">[pg 279]</span><a name="Pg279" id="Pg279" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
far right, that the Lacedæmonians were distinguished
among all the Greeks for their scanty and simple
clothing: thus the Lacedæmonian habit,<a id="noteref_1271" name="noteref_1271" href="#note_1271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1271</span></span></a> the t??ß??,<a id="noteref_1272" name="noteref_1272" href="#note_1272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1272</span></span></a>
was of thick cloth and small size,<a id="noteref_1273" name="noteref_1273" href="#note_1273"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1273</span></span></a> which the youths<a id="noteref_1274" name="noteref_1274" href="#note_1274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1274</span></span></a>
of Sparta were bound by custom to wear the whole
year through without any other clothes;<a id="noteref_1275" name="noteref_1275" href="#note_1275"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1275</span></span></a> and to which
older men (for example, those Athenians who aped
the Lacedæmonian manners) sometimes voluntarily
submitted.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_5" id="Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. As at Athens the style of dress indicated the
rank and station of the wearer, so also the Doric
manners were clearly expressed in the arrangement
of the clothes. Thus, for example, it was generally
recognised in Greece that holding the arms
within the cloak was a sign of modesty;<a id="noteref_1276" name="noteref_1276" href="#note_1276"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1276</span></span></a> and hence
the Spartan youths, like the Roman in the first
year of their manhood, appeared always in the street
with both hands under their cloak and their eyes cast
down, <span class="tei tei-q">“resembling statues,”</span> says Xenophon,<a id="noteref_1277" name="noteref_1277" href="#note_1277"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1277</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“in
their silence, and in the immoveability of their eyes,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page280">[pg 280]</span><a name="Pg280" id="Pg280" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and more modest than virgins in the bridal chamber.”</span>
In the same manner the youths of lower Italy, in
which there were many Doric cities, are frequently
represented on vases, with the arms folded under the
cloak, which is indicated by the large fold across the
breast.<a id="noteref_1278" name="noteref_1278" href="#note_1278"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1278</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In other respects equality<a id="noteref_1279" name="noteref_1279" href="#note_1279"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1279</span></span></a> and simplicity were the
prevailing rule. Manufacturers of ointment were
excluded from Sparta, as being corrupters of oil:
dyers, because they deprived the wool of its beautiful
white colour.<a id="noteref_1280" name="noteref_1280" href="#note_1280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1280</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“Deceitful are ointments, and
deceitful are dyes,”</span> is the Spartan expression for this
idea.<a id="noteref_1281" name="noteref_1281" href="#note_1281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1281</span></span></a> Even in the cities which had early departed
from the Doric customs, there were frequent and strict
prohibitions against expensiveness of female attire,
prostitutes alone being wisely excepted.<a id="noteref_1282" name="noteref_1282" href="#note_1282"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1282</span></span></a> As in
Sparta the beard was considered as the ornament of a
man,<a id="noteref_1283" name="noteref_1283" href="#note_1283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1283</span></span></a> and as a sign of freedom (to which the symbolical
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page281">[pg 281]</span><a name="Pg281" id="Pg281" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
edict of the ephors to shave the beard refers),<a id="noteref_1284" name="noteref_1284" href="#note_1284"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1284</span></span></a> so
also at Byzantium and Rhodes shaving was prohibited
by ancient, but constantly neglected, laws.<a id="noteref_1285" name="noteref_1285" href="#note_1285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1285</span></span></a> The custom
of carrying sticks (in Doric s??t??a?) was
common to the Spartans,<a id="noteref_1286" name="noteref_1286" href="#note_1286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1286</span></span></a> with the Dorians of lower
Italy.<a id="noteref_1287" name="noteref_1287" href="#note_1287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1287</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. The Doric customs were not, however, hostile to
the beauty of personal appearance; but the beauty at
which they aimed was of a severe kind, and remote
from all feminine tenderness. The Spartan from his
youth upwards<a id="noteref_1288" name="noteref_1288" href="#note_1288"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1288</span></span></a> preserved, in order to distinguish him
from slaves and mechanics,<a id="noteref_1289" name="noteref_1289" href="#note_1289"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1289</span></span></a> according to ancient
usage,<a id="noteref_1290" name="noteref_1290" href="#note_1290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1290</span></span></a> the hair of his head uncut,<a id="noteref_1291" name="noteref_1291" href="#note_1291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1291</span></span></a> which indeed, if not
properly arranged, might frequently give him a squalid
appearance. It seems that both men and women
tied the hair in a knot over the crown of the head;<a id="noteref_1292" name="noteref_1292" href="#note_1292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1292</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page282">[pg 282]</span><a name="Pg282" id="Pg282" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
while, according to the Ionic custom, which in this
respect resembled that of the barbarians, it was divided
into locks, and connected over the forehead with
golden clasps in the shape of grasshoppers.<a id="noteref_1293" name="noteref_1293" href="#note_1293"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1293</span></span></a> On
their heads the Lacedæmonians wore hats with broad
brims, which were sometimes also used in war, though
probably only by the light-armed soldiers.<a id="noteref_1294" name="noteref_1294" href="#note_1294"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1294</span></span></a> The manner
in which they arranged and adorned their hair for
battle was remarked
above.<a id="noteref_1295" name="noteref_1295" href="#note_1295"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1295</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That most of the Doric states, and particularly the
colonies, degenerated from this noble and beautiful
simplicity, does not require to be proved. The splendour
of Rhodes was proverbial, nor was any dress
more effeminate than the transparent and loose robe
of Tarentum;<a id="noteref_1296" name="noteref_1296" href="#note_1296"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1296</span></span></a> and the Sicilian garments, which Lysander
or Archidamus received as a present from
Dionysius, he rejected as unfit for his daughters.<a id="noteref_1297" name="noteref_1297" href="#note_1297"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1297</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page283">[pg 283]</span><a name="Pg283" id="Pg283" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Among the accompaniments of the toilette may be
mentioned the baths; with respect to which it may be
remarked, that the Lacedæmonian custom only admitted
of two kinds; viz., the cold daily baths in the
Eurotas (which also formed a part of the regimen of
king Agesilaus<a id="noteref_1298" name="noteref_1298" href="#note_1298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1298</span></span></a>), and from time to time a dry sudorific
bath.<a id="noteref_1299" name="noteref_1299" href="#note_1299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1299</span></span></a> But the weakening of the body by warm
or tepid baths was strictly prohibited.<a id="noteref_1300" name="noteref_1300" href="#note_1300"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1300</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc33" id="toc33"></a>
<a name="pdf34" id="pdf34"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter III.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Syssitia of the Dorians and other Greek races. § 2. Simple
fare of Sparta. § 3. Public tables of Sparta and Crete. § 4.
Abandonment of the simple fare in some Doric colonies.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. With respect to the food and meals of the Dorians,
we will only mention those points which are
connected with some historical or moral fact, since
we have already considered this subject in connexion
with the economy of the state.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the first place, the adherence of the Dorians to
ancient Greek usages is visible in their custom of
eating together, or of the <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">syssitia</span></span>.
For these public
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page284">[pg 284]</span><a name="Pg284" id="Pg284" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
tables were not only in use among the Dorians
(with whom, besides in Crete and Sparta, they also
existed at Megara in the time of Theognis,<a id="noteref_1301" name="noteref_1301" href="#note_1301"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1301</span></span></a> and at
Corinth in the time of Periander),<a id="noteref_1302" name="noteref_1302" href="#note_1302"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1302</span></span></a> but they had also
once been a national custom among the Œnotrians<a id="noteref_1303" name="noteref_1303" href="#note_1303"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1303</span></span></a> and their kinsmen the Arcadians, particularly at
Phigalia;<a id="noteref_1304" name="noteref_1304" href="#note_1304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1304</span></span></a>
and among the Greeks of Homer the princes
at least eat together, and at the cost of the community;
a custom which was retained by the Prytanes at
Athens, Rhodes, and elsewhere. In particular, the
public tables of Sparta have in many points a great
resemblance to the Homeric banquets
(da?te?)<a id="noteref_1305" name="noteref_1305" href="#note_1305"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1305</span></span></a>; only
that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> the Spartans were in a certain manner considered
as princes. The Spartans, however, so far
departed from the ancient custom, that at the time of
Alcman they <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">lay</span></em><a id="noteref_1306" name="noteref_1306" href="#note_1306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1306</span></span></a> at table; while the Dorians of
Crete always <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sat</span></em>,<a id="noteref_1307" name="noteref_1307" href="#note_1307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1307</span></span></a> like the heroes of Homer and the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page285">[pg 285]</span><a name="Pg285" id="Pg285" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
early Romans, according to the ancient European
usage, which was entirely supplanted among the
early Greeks by the oriental custom introduced by the
Ionians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. With regard to the food, it is probable that in
Sparta much had been retained from ancient usage,
and that the rest had been from its first origin peculiar
to the nation. The profession of cook at Sparta was,
as we have already remarked,
hereditary,<a id="noteref_1308" name="noteref_1308" href="#note_1308"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1308</span></span></a> and consequently
they had no inducement to vie with one another
in the delicacy and luxury of their dishes: they
cooked the black broth, as their ancestors had done
before them. It was likewise more difficult to make
dishes of various ingredients, on account of the division
of the different departments of cookery; for instance,
some cooks were only allowed to dress flesh, others to
make broth,<a id="noteref_1309" name="noteref_1309" href="#note_1309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1309</span></span></a> &amp;c. The bakers, whose trade also was
hereditary, generally baked nothing but barley-bread
(??f?ta);<a id="noteref_1310" name="noteref_1310" href="#note_1310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1310</span></span></a> wheaten bread was only eaten at the
dessert of the public tables, when presented by liberal
individuals.<a id="noteref_1311" name="noteref_1311" href="#note_1311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1311</span></span></a> The latter kind of bread was originally
scarce in Greece, whither it was introduced chiefly
from Sicily;<a id="noteref_1312" name="noteref_1312" href="#note_1312"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1312</span></span></a>
in which country they had also a particular
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page286">[pg 286]</span><a name="Pg286" id="Pg286" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
kind of Doric wheaten bread, of coarser meal
than was common elsewhere.<a id="noteref_1313" name="noteref_1313" href="#note_1313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1313</span></span></a> The chief dish of meat
at the public tables was the black broth (µ??a? ??µ??);<a id="noteref_1314" name="noteref_1314" href="#note_1314"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1314</span></span></a>
also pork,<a id="noteref_1315" name="noteref_1315" href="#note_1315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1315</span></span></a> the meat being subjected to
stricter regulations than any other kind of food.<a id="noteref_1316" name="noteref_1316" href="#note_1316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1316</span></span></a> Poultry
and game were generally eaten after dinner: beef,
pork, and kid, were chiefly supplied by the sacrifices,
which upon the whole were an exception to the Phiditia.<a id="noteref_1317" name="noteref_1317" href="#note_1317"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1317</span></span></a>
Their mode of drinking was also that of the
ancient Greeks; which, as far as I am aware, is only
mentioned in Homer. Before each person was placed
a cup, which was filled by the cup-bearer with mixed
wine, when it had been emptied; the wine was however
never passed round, and no person drank to
another; which were Lydian customs introduced by
the Ionians.<a id="noteref_1318" name="noteref_1318" href="#note_1318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1318</span></span></a> Both in Sparta and Crete it was
forbidden by law to drink to intoxication;<a id="noteref_1319" name="noteref_1319" href="#note_1319"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1319</span></span></a> and no
persons were lighted home except old men of sixty.<a id="noteref_1320" name="noteref_1320" href="#note_1320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1320</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. But a still more beautiful feature in the Doric
character is the friendly community of their public
tables, founded upon the close union of the company
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page287">[pg 287]</span><a name="Pg287" id="Pg287" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the tables (?ta???a in
Crete);<a id="noteref_1321" name="noteref_1321" href="#note_1321"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1321</span></span></a> into which fresh
members were admitted by unanimous election (by
ballot).<a id="noteref_1322" name="noteref_1322" href="#note_1322"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1322</span></span></a> Whether a preference was shown to kinsmen
is uncertain; the syssitia indeed, as divisions of
the state, were founded upon a supposed relationship,
that is, the connexion of
houses;<a id="noteref_1323" name="noteref_1323" href="#note_1323"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1323</span></span></a> but here we are
speaking of smaller societies, consisting of about
fifteen men. A company of this kind was a small
state in itself,<a id="noteref_1324" name="noteref_1324" href="#note_1324"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1324</span></span></a>
arranged upon aristocratical principles,<a id="noteref_1325" name="noteref_1325" href="#note_1325"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1325</span></span></a>
although the equality was not interrupted by the privileges
of any individuals. The ties of this friendly
union were however drawn still closer by the constant
intercourse of giving and taking, which enriched the
scanty meal with the more palatable <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">after-meal</span></span>
(?p??????) or dessert, which no one was permitted
to purchase:<a id="noteref_1326" name="noteref_1326" href="#note_1326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1326</span></span></a> from which the ??p?? should be distinguished,
a sacrificial feast, which individuals furnished
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page288">[pg 288]</span><a name="Pg288" id="Pg288" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
on stated occasions, and invited to it any
friends whom they wished, and particularly the
kings.<a id="noteref_1327" name="noteref_1327" href="#note_1327"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1327</span></span></a> The phiditia were not, however, considered
a scanty and disagreeable meal, until thrown in the
shade by the refinements of modern luxury; for they
had originally been intended to increase the comforts
of the partakers. The conversation, indeed, turned
chiefly upon public affairs:<a id="noteref_1328" name="noteref_1328" href="#note_1328"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1328</span></span></a> but laughter and jocularity
were not prohibited.<a id="noteref_1329" name="noteref_1329" href="#note_1329"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1329</span></span></a> Every person was encouraged
to speak by the general confidence, and
there were frequent songs, as Alcman says that <span class="tei tei-q">“at
the banquets and drinking entertainments of the
men, it was fit for the guests to sing the pæan.”</span><a id="noteref_1330" name="noteref_1330" href="#note_1330"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1330</span></span></a>
Nor was the appellation fe?d?t?a, that is, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">spare</span></em>,
or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">scanty meals</span></em>, of any antiquity, and the Spartans
received it from abroad:<a id="noteref_1331" name="noteref_1331" href="#note_1331"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1331</span></span></a> by whom, as well as in
Crete, they were once called ??d?e?a, or the meals of
men.<a id="noteref_1332" name="noteref_1332" href="#note_1332"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1332</span></span></a> For the men alone were admitted to them:
the youths and boys ate in their own divisions, whilst
the small children were allowed to eat at the public
tables, and both in Crete and Sparta they sat on low
stools near their fathers' chairs, and received a half
share without any vegetables (?ßaµß??e?sta).<a id="noteref_1333" name="noteref_1333" href="#note_1333"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1333</span></span></a> The
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page289">[pg 289]</span><a name="Pg289" id="Pg289" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
women were never admitted to the syssitia of the men:
both at Sparta and in Crete the rule was, that they
ate at home;<a id="noteref_1334" name="noteref_1334" href="#note_1334"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1334</span></span></a> in the latter state, however, a woman
had the care of the tables of the men.<a id="noteref_1335" name="noteref_1335" href="#note_1335"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1335</span></span></a> The Cretans
were distinguished by their great hospitality: for
every two tables of the citizens there was always one
for foreigners; and when two cities were in close
alliance with one another, their citizens mutually
enjoyed the right of frequenting the public tables of
the other state.<a id="noteref_1336" name="noteref_1336" href="#note_1336"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1336</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. This temperance and simplicity, which was
longest preserved in Crete and Sparta, were considered
by the ancients as characterizing generally the whole
Doric race, and a simple mode of cookery was called
Doric;<a id="noteref_1337" name="noteref_1337" href="#note_1337"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1337</span></span></a> although many cities of that race, such as
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page290">[pg 290]</span><a name="Pg290" id="Pg290" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Tarentum, Syracuse,<a id="noteref_1338" name="noteref_1338" href="#note_1338"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1338</span></span></a> and Agrigentum,<a id="noteref_1339" name="noteref_1339" href="#note_1339"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1339</span></span></a> entirely
abandoned the severe and sober habits of their race;
and having once broken through the bonds of ancient
custom, gave themselves up with the less restraint to
every kind of luxury and indulgence.<a id="noteref_1340" name="noteref_1340" href="#note_1340"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1340</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc35" id="toc35"></a>
<a name="pdf36" id="pdf36"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IV.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Freedom of intercourse between unmarried persons at Sparta.
§ 2. Marriage ceremonies. § 3. Age of marriage. § 4. Relations
of husband and wife. § 5. Different treatment of
women among the Ionians. § 6. ?a?de?ast?a of Sparta. § 7.
And of Crete. § 8. Origin of this custom.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. We now proceed to describe the different relations
in the domestic life of the Dorians; and first,
that between man and wife. Here it will be necessary
to contradict the idea, that the duties of private
life were but little esteemed by the Doric race, particularly
at Sparta, and were sacrificed to the duty
owed to the community. The Lacedæmonian maxim
was in direct opposition to this doctrine; viz., that
the door of his court<a id="noteref_1341" name="noteref_1341" href="#note_1341"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1341</span></span></a> was the boundary of every
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page291">[pg 291]</span><a name="Pg291" id="Pg291" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
man's freedom:<a id="noteref_1342" name="noteref_1342" href="#note_1342"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1342</span></span></a> without, all owned the authority of
the state; within, the master of the house ruled as
lord on his own ground;<a id="noteref_1343" name="noteref_1343" href="#note_1343"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1343</span></span></a> and the rights of domestic
life, notwithstanding their frequent collision with the
public institutions, were more respected than at Athens.
At the same time, however, a peculiar national custom,
which pervaded the whole system of legislation, prevailed
throughout these relations with a force and
energy, which we, taking the accounts of the ancients
as our guide, will endeavour now to examine. It has
been above remarked how, in accordance with the
manners of the east, but in direct opposition to the
later habits of the Greeks,<a id="noteref_1344" name="noteref_1344" href="#note_1344"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1344</span></span></a> a free intercourse in public
was permitted by the Dorians to the youth of both
sexes, who were brought into contact particularly at
festivals and choruses.<a id="noteref_1345" name="noteref_1345" href="#note_1345"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1345</span></span></a>
Hence Homer represents the
Cretan chorus as composed of young men and women,
who dance hand in hand.<a id="noteref_1346" name="noteref_1346" href="#note_1346"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1346</span></span></a> At Sparta in particular the
young men lived in the presence of the unmarried
women, and as their derision was an object of dread,
so to be the theme of their praise was the highest
reward for noble actions.<a id="noteref_1347" name="noteref_1347" href="#note_1347"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1347</span></span></a> Hence it was very possible
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page292">[pg 292]</span><a name="Pg292" id="Pg292" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
at Sparta, that affection and love, although not of a
romantic nature, should take possession of the heart:
but at Athens, as far as my recollection goes, we have
not a single instance of a man having loved a free-born
woman, and marrying her from any strong affection,
whilst a single narrative of Herodotus<a id="noteref_1348" name="noteref_1348" href="#note_1348"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1348</span></span></a> contains two
love stories at Sparta. How many opportunities may
have been given by the festivals, as for instance the
Hyacinthia, at which the Spartan damsels were seen
going about in ???a??a (ornamented cars peculiar to
the country, which were also used in the procession to
the temple of Helen at Therapne), and racing in
chariots in the midst of assembled multitudes.<a id="noteref_1349" name="noteref_1349" href="#note_1349"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1349</span></span></a> Accordingly,
the beauty of her women, the most beautiful
in all Greece,<a id="noteref_1350" name="noteref_1350" href="#note_1350"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1350</span></span></a> was at Sparta more than any other
town, an object of general admiration, in a nation
where beauty of form was particularly felt and esteemed.<a id="noteref_1351" name="noteref_1351" href="#note_1351"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1351</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Two things were, however, requisite as an introduction
and preparation to marriage at Sparta, first,
betrothing on the part of the father;<a id="noteref_1352" name="noteref_1352" href="#note_1352"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1352</span></span></a> secondly, the
seizure of the bride. The latter was clearly an ancient
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page293">[pg 293]</span><a name="Pg293" id="Pg293" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
national custom, founded on the idea that the young
woman could not surrender her freedom and virgin
purity unless compelled by the violence of the stronger
sex. They married, says Plutarch, by ravishing.
The bridegroom brought the young virgin, having
carried her off from the chorus of maidens or elsewhere,
to the bride's maid, who cut short her hair, and
left her lying in a man's dress and shoes, without a
light, on a bed of rushes, until the bridegroom returned
from the public banquet, carried the bride to
the nuptial couch, and loosened her girdle.<a id="noteref_1353" name="noteref_1353" href="#note_1353"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1353</span></span></a> And this
intercourse was for some time carried on clandestinely,
till the man brought his wife, and frequently her
mother, into his house. That this usage was retained
to the last days of Sparta may be inferred from the
fact, that the young wife of Panteus was still in the
house of her parents, and remained there, when he
went with Cleomenes to Egypt.<a id="noteref_1354" name="noteref_1354" href="#note_1354"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1354</span></span></a> A similar
custom must have prevailed in Crete, where we find, that the
young persons who were dismissed at the same time
from the agele, were immediately married, but did not
till some time after introduce their wives into their
own house.<a id="noteref_1355" name="noteref_1355" href="#note_1355"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1355</span></span></a> The children born before this took place
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page294">[pg 294]</span><a name="Pg294" id="Pg294" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
were probably called pa??e??a?;<a id="noteref_1356" name="noteref_1356" href="#note_1356"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1356</span></span></a> they were in general
considered in all respects equal to those born at home;
but in the first Messenian war particular circumstances
seem to have made it impossible to provide
them with lots of land;<a id="noteref_1357" name="noteref_1357" href="#note_1357"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1357</span></span></a> and hence they became the
founders of Tarentum.<a id="noteref_1358" name="noteref_1358" href="#note_1358"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1358</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. The age of marriage was fixed by the ancient
Greeks and western nations much later than at a subsequent
period by those of the east. Following the
former, the laws of Sparta did not allow women of
too tender an age to be disposed of in marriage. The
women were generally those at the highest pitch of
youthful vigour<a id="noteref_1359" name="noteref_1359" href="#note_1359"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1359</span></span></a> (called in Rhodes
???est????de?),<a id="noteref_1360" name="noteref_1360" href="#note_1360"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1360</span></span></a>
and for the men, about the age of thirty was esteemed
the most proper, as we find in Hesiod,<a id="noteref_1361" name="noteref_1361" href="#note_1361"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1361</span></span></a> Plato,<a id="noteref_1362" name="noteref_1362" href="#note_1362"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1362</span></span></a> and
even Aristotle. Public actions might however be
brought against those who married too late (??af?
????aµ???), to which those also were liable who had
entered into unsuitable marriages (??af? ?a???aµ???),
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page295">[pg 295]</span><a name="Pg295" id="Pg295" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and those who remained unmarried (??af? ??aµ???).<a id="noteref_1363" name="noteref_1363" href="#note_1363"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1363</span></span></a>
It is well known that these laws have been blamed as
a violation of the rights of individuals, and even a profanation
of the rite of marriage: but these censors
should have remembered that they were judging those
institutions by principles which the founders of them
would not have recognised. For the Spartans considered
marriage, not as a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">private relation</span></em>, about
which the state had little or no interest, but as a
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public institution</span></em>, in order to rear up a strong and
healthy progeny to the nation. In Solon's legislation,
marriage was also placed under the inspection of the
state, and an action for not marrying (??af? ??aµ???<a id="noteref_1364" name="noteref_1364" href="#note_1364"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1364</span></span></a>), though merely as a relic of antiquity, existed at
Athens. It is nevertheless true that marriage, especially
in Sparta, was, to a certain degree, viewed with
a primitive simplicity, which shocks the feelings of
more refined ages, as the peculiar object of matrimony
was never kept out of sight. Leonidas, when despatched
to Thermopylæ, is said to have left as a
legacy to his wife Gorgo the maxim, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Marry nobly,
and produce a noble offspring</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1365" name="noteref_1365" href="#note_1365"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1365</span></span></a> and when Acrotatus
had fought bravely in the war against Pyrrhus, the
women followed him through the town, and some of the
older ones shouted after him, <span class="tei tei-q">“Go, Acrotatus, enjoy
yourself with Chelidonis, and beget valiant sons for
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page296">[pg 296]</span><a name="Pg296" id="Pg296" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Sparta.”</span><a id="noteref_1366" name="noteref_1366" href="#note_1366"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1366</span></span></a> Hence we may perceive the reason why
in various cases<a id="noteref_1367" name="noteref_1367" href="#note_1367"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1367</span></span></a> (such as are known to us have been
mentioned above<a id="noteref_1368" name="noteref_1368" href="#note_1368"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1368</span></span></a>) Lycurgus not only allowed, but
enjoined the marriage duties to be transferred to another;
always, however, providing that the sanctity of
the marriage union should be for a certain time sacrificed
to that which the Doric race considered as of
higher importance, viz., the maintenance of the family.
That these cases were so defined by custom, as to
leave but little room for the effects of caprice or passion,
is evident from the infrequency of adultery at Sparta:<a id="noteref_1369" name="noteref_1369" href="#note_1369"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1369</span></span></a>
but the above aim justified even king Anaxandridas,
when, contrary to all national customs, he cohabited
with two wives,<a id="noteref_1370" name="noteref_1370" href="#note_1370"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1370</span></span></a> who lived without doubt in
separate houses. To marry foreign women was certainly forbidden
to all Spartans, and to the Heraclidæ by a
separate rhetra;<a id="noteref_1371" name="noteref_1371" href="#note_1371"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1371</span></span></a> contrary to the custom in
other Grecian towns, especially Athens, whose princes in
early times, as Megacles, Miltiades, &amp;c., frequently
contracted marriages with foreigners.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The domestic relation of the wife to her husband
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page297">[pg 297]</span><a name="Pg297" id="Pg297" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
among the Dorians was in general the same as that of
the ancient western nations, described by Homer as
universal among the Greeks, and which existed at
Rome till a late period; the only difference being,
that the peculiarities of the custom were preserved by
the Dorians more strictly than elsewhere. It formed
a striking contrast with the habits of the Ionic Athenians,
with whom the ancient custom of Greece was
almost entirely supplanted by that of the east.<a id="noteref_1372" name="noteref_1372" href="#note_1372"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1372</span></span></a>
Amongst the Ionians of Asia, the wife (as we are
informed by Herodotus<a id="noteref_1373" name="noteref_1373" href="#note_1373"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1373</span></span></a>) shared indeed the bed, but
not the table of her husband; she dared not call him
by his name, but addressed him with the title of lord,
and lived secluded in the interior of the house: on this
model the most important relations between man and
wife were regulated at Athens. But amongst the
Dorians of Sparta, the wife<a id="noteref_1374" name="noteref_1374" href="#note_1374"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1374</span></span></a> was honoured by her husband
with the title of mistress (d?sp???a),<a id="noteref_1375" name="noteref_1375" href="#note_1375"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1375</span></span></a> (a
gallantry belonging to the north of Greece, and also practised
by the Thessalians<a id="noteref_1376" name="noteref_1376" href="#note_1376"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1376</span></span></a>), which was used neither ironically
nor unmeaningly. Nay, so strange did the importance
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page298">[pg 298]</span><a name="Pg298" id="Pg298" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which the Lacedæmonian women enjoyed, and the
influence which they exercised as the managers of their
household, and mothers of families, appear to the
Greeks, at a time when the prevalence of Athenian
manners prevented a due consideration for national
customs, that Aristotle<a id="noteref_1377" name="noteref_1377" href="#note_1377"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1377</span></span></a> supposed Lycurgus to have
attempted, but without success, to regulate the life of
women as he had that of the men; and the Spartans
were frequently censured for submitting to the yoke of
their wives.<a id="noteref_1378" name="noteref_1378" href="#note_1378"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1378</span></span></a> Nevertheless Alcman, generally a great
admirer of the beauty of Lacedæmonian women, could
say, <span class="tei tei-q">“It becomes a man to say much, and a woman
to rejoice at all she hears.”</span><a id="noteref_1379" name="noteref_1379" href="#note_1379"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1379</span></span></a> In accusing the
women of Sparta, however, for not essentially assisting
their country in times of necessity, Aristotle has
in the first place required of them a duty which even
in Sparta lay out of their sphere, and in the second
place, his assertion has been sufficiently contradicted
by the events of a subsequent period, in the last days
of Sparta, which acquired a surprising lustre from
female valour.<a id="noteref_1380" name="noteref_1380" href="#note_1380"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1380</span></span></a> On the whole, however, little as the
Athenians esteemed their own women, they involuntarily
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page299">[pg 299]</span><a name="Pg299" id="Pg299" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
revered the heroines of Sparta, such as Gorgo
the wife of Leonidas, Lampito the daughter of Leotychidas,
the wife of Archidamus and mother of Agis;<a id="noteref_1381" name="noteref_1381" href="#note_1381"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1381</span></span></a>
and this feeling is sometimes apparent even in the
coarse jests of Aristophanes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. How this indulgent treatment of the women
among the Dorians produced a state of opinion entirely
different from that prevalent at Athens, has
been intimated above, and will be further explained
hereafter. In general it may be remarked, that while
among the Ionians women were merely considered in
an inferior and sensual light, and though the Æolians
allowed their feelings a more exalted tone, as is proved
by the amatory poetesses of Lesbos;<a id="noteref_1382" name="noteref_1382" href="#note_1382"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1382</span></span></a> the Dorians, as
well at Sparta as in the south of Italy, were almost
the only nation who esteemed the higher attributes of
the female mind as capable of cultivation.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is hardly necessary to remark, that in considering
the rights and duties of the wife, as represented in
the above pages, to apply to the whole Doric race,
allowance must be made for the alterations introduced
into different towns, particularly by foreign intercourse
and luxury. At Corinth, for instance, the institution
of the sacred slaves (?e??d?????) in the temple of Aphrodite,
probably introduced from Asia Minor, produced
a most prejudicial effect on the morals of that city,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page300">[pg 300]</span><a name="Pg300" id="Pg300" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and made it the ancient and great resort of courtesans.<a id="noteref_1383" name="noteref_1383" href="#note_1383"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1383</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. Having now considered the personal relations
between the sexes, we next come to those depending
on difference of age; which from the Doric principle
of the elders instructing the younger, are intimately
connected with education.<a id="noteref_1384" name="noteref_1384" href="#note_1384"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1384</span></span></a> But before we
enter on that subject, it will be necessary to speak
of a connexion (termed by the Greeks pa?de?ast?a),
which, so long as it was regulated by the ancient
Doric principles, to be recognised both in the Cretan
laws and those of Lycurgus, had great influence
on the instruction of youth. We will first state the
exact circumstances of this relation, and then make
some general remarks on it; but without examining it
in a moral point of view, which does not fall within the
scope of this work.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At Sparta the party loving was called e?sp???a?,<a id="noteref_1385" name="noteref_1385" href="#note_1385"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1385</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page301">[pg 301]</span><a name="Pg301" id="Pg301" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and his affection was termed a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">breathing in</span></em>, or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inspiring</span></em>
(e?sp?e??<a id="noteref_1386" name="noteref_1386" href="#note_1386"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1386</span></span></a>); which expresses the pure and
mental connexion between the two persons, and corresponds
with the name of the other, viz., ??ta?,<a id="noteref_1387" name="noteref_1387" href="#note_1387"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1387</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">listener</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hearer</span></em>. Now it appears to have been the
practice for every youth of good character to have his
lover;<a id="noteref_1388" name="noteref_1388" href="#note_1388"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1388</span></span></a> and, on the other hand, every well-educated
man was bound by custom to be the lover of some
youth.<a id="noteref_1389" name="noteref_1389" href="#note_1389"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1389</span></span></a> Instances of this connexion are furnished
by several of the royal family of Sparta; thus Agesilaus,
while he still belonged to the herd of youths, was the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hearer</span></em> of Lysander,<a id="noteref_1390" name="noteref_1390" href="#note_1390"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1390</span></span></a> and himself had in his turn also
a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hearer</span></em>;<a id="noteref_1391" name="noteref_1391" href="#note_1391"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1391</span></span></a> his son Archidamus was the lover of the son
of Sphodrias, the noble Cleonymus;<a id="noteref_1392" name="noteref_1392" href="#note_1392"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1392</span></span></a>
Cleomenes the Third was, when a young man, the hearer of
Xenares,<a id="noteref_1393" name="noteref_1393" href="#note_1393"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1393</span></span></a>
and later in life the lover of the brave Panteus.<a id="noteref_1394" name="noteref_1394" href="#note_1394"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1394</span></span></a> The
connexion usually originated from the proposal of the
lover; yet it was necessary that the listener should
accept him from real affection, as a regard to the riches
of the proposer was considered very
disgraceful:<a id="noteref_1395" name="noteref_1395" href="#note_1395"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1395</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page302">[pg 302]</span><a name="Pg302" id="Pg302" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sometimes however it happened that the proposal originated
from the other party.<a id="noteref_1396" name="noteref_1396" href="#note_1396"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1396</span></span></a> The connexion appears
to have been very intimate and faithful, and was recognised
by the state. If his kinsmen were absent, the
youth might be represented in the public assembly by
his lover:<a id="noteref_1397" name="noteref_1397" href="#note_1397"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1397</span></span></a> in battle too they stood near one
another, where their fidelity and affection were often shown till
death;<a id="noteref_1398" name="noteref_1398" href="#note_1398"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1398</span></span></a> while at home the youth was constantly under
the eyes of his lover, who was to him as it were a
model and pattern of life;<a id="noteref_1399" name="noteref_1399" href="#note_1399"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1399</span></span></a> which explains why, for
many faults, particularly for want of ambition, the
lover could be punished instead of the listener.<a id="noteref_1400" name="noteref_1400" href="#note_1400"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1400</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_7" id="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. This ancient national custom prevailed with still
greater force in Crete; which island was hence by
many persons considered as the original seat of the
connexion in question.<a id="noteref_1401" name="noteref_1401" href="#note_1401"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1401</span></span></a> Here too it was disgraceful
for a well-educated youth to be without a lover;<a id="noteref_1402" name="noteref_1402" href="#note_1402"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1402</span></span></a> and hence the party loved was termed ??e????,<a id="noteref_1403" name="noteref_1403" href="#note_1403"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1403</span></span></a> the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">praised</span></em>;
the lover being simply called f???t??. It appears
that the youth was always carried away by force,<a id="noteref_1404" name="noteref_1404" href="#note_1404"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1404</span></span></a> the
intention of the ravisher being previously communicated
to the relations, who however took no measures
of precaution, and only made a feigned resistance;
except when the ravisher appeared, either in family or
talent, unworthy of the youth. The lover then led
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page303">[pg 303]</span><a name="Pg303" id="Pg303" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
him away to his apartment (??d?e???), and afterwards,
with any chance companions, either to the mountains
or to his estate. Here they remained two months (the
period prescribed by custom), which were passed
chiefly in hunting together. After this time had
expired, the lover dismissed the youth, and at his
departure gave him, according to custom, an ox, a
military dress, and brazen cup, with other things; and
frequently these gifts were increased by the friends of
the ravisher.<a id="noteref_1405" name="noteref_1405" href="#note_1405"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1405</span></span></a> The youth then sacrificed the ox to
Zeus, with which he gave a feast to his companions:
at this he stated how he had been pleased with his
lover; and he had complete liberty by law to punish
any insult or disgraceful treatment. It depended now
on the choice of the youth whether the connexion
should be broken off or not. If it was kept up, the
companion in arms (pa?ast?t??), as the youth was
then called, wore the military dress which had been
given him; and fought in battle next his lover, inspired
with double valour by the gods of war and love,
according to the notion of the Cretans;<a id="noteref_1406" name="noteref_1406" href="#note_1406"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1406</span></span></a> and even in
man's age he was distinguished by the first place and
rank in the course, and certain insignia worn about the
body.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Institutions, so systematic and regular as these, did
not indeed exist in any Doric state except Crete and
Sparta; but the feelings on which they were founded
seem to have been common to all the Dorians. The
love of Philolaus, a Corinthian of the family of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page304">[pg 304]</span><a name="Pg304" id="Pg304" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Bacchiadæ, and the lawgiver of Thebes, and of Diocles
the Olympic conqueror, lasted until death; and even
their graves were turned towards one another, in token
of their affection:<a id="noteref_1407" name="noteref_1407" href="#note_1407"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1407</span></span></a> and another
person of the same name was honoured in Megara, as a noble instance of
self-devotion for the object of his love.<a id="noteref_1408" name="noteref_1408" href="#note_1408"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1408</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_8" id="Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. It is indeed clear that a custom of such general
prevalence cannot have originated from any accidental
impression or train of reasoning; but must have been
founded on feelings natural to the whole Doric race.
Now that the affection of the lover was not entirely
mental, and that a pleasure in beholding the beauty
and vigour, the manly activity and exercises<a id="noteref_1409" name="noteref_1409" href="#note_1409"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1409</span></span></a> of the
youth was also present, is certain. But it is a very
different question, whether this custom, universally
prevalent both in Crete and Sparta, followed by the
noblest men, by the legislators encouraged with all
care, and having so powerful an influence on education,
was identical with the vice to which in its name
and outward form it is so nearly allied.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The subject should be carefully considered, before,
with Aristotle, we answer this question in the affirmative,
who not only takes the fact as certain, but even
accounts for it by supposing that the custom was instituted
by the legislator of Crete as a check to population.<a id="noteref_1410" name="noteref_1410" href="#note_1410"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1410</span></span></a>
Is it, I ask, likely that so disgraceful a vice,
not practised in secret, but publicly acknowledged and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page305">[pg 305]</span><a name="Pg305" id="Pg305" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
countenanced by the state, not confined to a few individuals,
but common for centuries to the whole people,
should really have existed, and this in the race of all
the Greeks, the most distinguished for its healthy, temperate,
and even ascetic habits? These difficulties
must be solved before the testimony of Aristotle can be
received.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
I will now offer what appears to me the most probable
view of this question. The Dorians seem in
early times to have considered an intimate friendship
and connexion between males as necessary for their
proper education. But the objection which would
have presented itself in a later age, viz. the liability to
abuse of such a habit, had then no existence, as has
been already remarked by a learned writer.<a id="noteref_1411" name="noteref_1411" href="#note_1411"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1411</span></span></a> And
hence they saw no disadvantage to counterbalance the
advantages which they promised themselves in the
unrestrained intercourse which would be the natural
consequence of the new institution. It is also true
that the manners of simple and primitive nations generally
have and need less restraint than those whom a
more general intercourse and the greater facility of
concealment have forced to enact prohibitory laws.
This view is in fact confirmed by the declaration of
Cicero, that the Lacedæmonians brought the lover into
the closest relation with the object of his love, and that
every sign of affection was permitted
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">præter stuprum</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1412" name="noteref_1412" href="#note_1412"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1412</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page306">[pg 306]</span><a name="Pg306" id="Pg306" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
for although in the times of the corruption of manners
this proximity would have been attended with the most
dangerous consequences, in early times it never would
have been permitted, if any pollution had been apprehended
from it. And we know from another source
that this <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">stuprum</span></span> was punished by the Lacedæmonians
most severely, viz. with banishment or death.<a id="noteref_1413" name="noteref_1413" href="#note_1413"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1413</span></span></a> It
may be moreover added, that this pure connexion was
encouraged by the Doric principle of taking the education
from the hands of parents, and introducing boys
in early youth to a wider society than their home could
afford.<a id="noteref_1414" name="noteref_1414" href="#note_1414"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1414</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page307">[pg 307]</span><a name="Pg307" id="Pg307" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc37" id="toc37"></a>
<a name="pdf38" id="pdf38"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter V.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Education of the youth at Sparta. Its early stages. § 2. Its
continuation after the twelfth year. § 3. Education of the
youth in Crete. § 4. Nature of the education: gymnastic and
music. § 5. Influence of the Dorians upon the national
games. § 6. The Spartan youth trained to hardships. § 7.
Military games at Crete and Sparta. § 8. Athletic exercises
of the women.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. The education of the youth (?e??a?a)<a id="noteref_1415" name="noteref_1415" href="#note_1415"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1415</span></span></a> in the
ancient Doric states of Sparta and Crete, was conducted,
as might be supposed, on a very artificial
system: indeed, the great number of classes into
which the boys and youths were distributed, would
itself lead us to this conclusion. For since this separation
could not have been made without some aim,
each class, we may conjecture, was treated in some
way different from the rest, the whole forming a complete
scale of mental or bodily acquirements.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whether a new-born infant should be preserved or
not, was decided in Lacedæmon by the state, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> a
council composed of the elders of the house.<a id="noteref_1416" name="noteref_1416" href="#note_1416"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1416</span></span></a> This
custom was not by any means more barbarous than
that of the ancient world in general, which, in earlier
times at least, gave the father full power over the lives
of his children. Here we may perceive the great
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page308">[pg 308]</span><a name="Pg308" id="Pg308" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
influence of the community over the education of its
members, which should not, however, lead us to suppose
that all connexion between parents and children
was dissolved, or the dearest ties of nature torn asunder.
Even Spartan mothers preserved a power over their
sons when arrived at manhood, of which we find no
trace in the rest of Greece. Agesilaus riding before
his children on a stick<a id="noteref_1417" name="noteref_1417" href="#note_1417"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1417</span></span></a> presents a true picture of the
education,<a id="noteref_1418" name="noteref_1418" href="#note_1418"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1418</span></span></a>
which was entrusted entirely to the parents<a id="noteref_1419" name="noteref_1419" href="#note_1419"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1419</span></span></a>
till the age of seven; at which period the public and
regular education (?????)<a id="noteref_1420" name="noteref_1420" href="#note_1420"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1420</span></span></a> commenced. This was
in strictness enjoyed only by the sons of Spartans
(p???t???? pa?de?),<a id="noteref_1421" name="noteref_1421" href="#note_1421"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1421</span></span></a> and the mothaces (slaves brought
up in the family) selected to share their education:
sometimes also Spartans of half-blood were admitted.<a id="noteref_1422" name="noteref_1422" href="#note_1422"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1422</span></span></a>
This education was one chief requisite for a free citizen;<a id="noteref_1423" name="noteref_1423" href="#note_1423"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1423</span></span></a>
whoever refused to submit to it,<a id="noteref_1424" name="noteref_1424" href="#note_1424"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1424</span></span></a> suffered a partial
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page309">[pg 309]</span><a name="Pg309" id="Pg309" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
loss of his rights; the immediate heir to the throne
was the only person excepted,<a id="noteref_1425" name="noteref_1425" href="#note_1425"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1425</span></span></a> whilst the
younger sons of the kings were brought up in the herd (?????).
Leonidas and Agesilaus, two of the noblest princes of
Sparta, submitted when boys to the correction of their
masters.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_2" id="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. From the twelfth year<a id="noteref_1426" name="noteref_1426" href="#note_1426"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1426</span></span></a>
upwards, the education
of boys was much more strict. About the age of sixteen
or seventeen they were called s?de??a?.<a id="noteref_1427" name="noteref_1427" href="#note_1427"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1427</span></span></a> At the
expiration of his eighteenth year, the youth emerged
from childhood, the first years of this new rank being
distinguished by separate terms.<a id="noteref_1428" name="noteref_1428" href="#note_1428"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1428</span></span></a> During the progress
from the condition of an ephebus to manhood, the
young Spartans were called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Sphæreis</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1429" name="noteref_1429" href="#note_1429"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1429</span></span></a> probably
because their chief exercise was foot-ball, which game
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page310">[pg 310]</span><a name="Pg310" id="Pg310" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
was carried on with great emulation, and indeed
resembled a battle rather than a diversion.<a id="noteref_1430" name="noteref_1430" href="#note_1430"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1430</span></span></a>
In their nineteenth year they were sent out on the crypteia,<a id="noteref_1431" name="noteref_1431" href="#note_1431"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1431</span></span></a> at
twenty they served in the ranks, their duties resembling
those of the pe??p???? at Athens. Still the youths,
although they were now admitted to the public banquets,<a id="noteref_1432" name="noteref_1432" href="#note_1432"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1432</span></span></a> remained in the divisions, which were called
????a?, or in the Spartan dialect ß??a?,<a id="noteref_1433" name="noteref_1433" href="#note_1433"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1433</span></span></a> and distributed
into smaller troops (called ??a?).<a id="noteref_1434" name="noteref_1434" href="#note_1434"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1434</span></span></a> The last
name was also applied to a troop of horse,<a id="noteref_1435" name="noteref_1435" href="#note_1435"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1435</span></span></a> and is one
amongst several other proofs,<a id="noteref_1436" name="noteref_1436" href="#note_1436"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1436</span></span></a> that, in early times at
least, the exercise of riding was one of the principal
occupations of the youths of Sparta. In these divisions
all distinction of age was lost, the leaders of them were
taken from among the Irenes,<a id="noteref_1437" name="noteref_1437" href="#note_1437"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1437</span></span></a> and exercised great
powers over the younger members; for the use of
which they were in their turn responsible to every citizen
of a more advanced age,<a id="noteref_1438" name="noteref_1438" href="#note_1438"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1438</span></span></a> and particularly to the
paidonomus, a magistrate of very extensive authority.<a id="noteref_1439" name="noteref_1439" href="#note_1439"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1439</span></span></a>
His assistants were the floggers, or mastigophori, who
were selected from the young men,<a id="noteref_1440" name="noteref_1440" href="#note_1440"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1440</span></span></a> the buagi or
managers of the buæ;<a id="noteref_1441" name="noteref_1441" href="#note_1441"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1441</span></span></a>
besides which, there were certain
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page311">[pg 311]</span><a name="Pg311" id="Pg311" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
officers appointed to manage the boys, called ampaides.<a id="noteref_1442" name="noteref_1442" href="#note_1442"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1442</span></span></a> A similar arrangement was adopted in the
societies of the girls and young women.<a id="noteref_1443" name="noteref_1443" href="#note_1443"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1443</span></span></a> Theocritus,
in his Epithalamium of Helen, represents 240 young
women of the same age, as joining in the daily exercises
and games.<a id="noteref_1444" name="noteref_1444" href="#note_1444"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1444</span></span></a> And whilst Doric customs prevailed
at Croton, the daughter of Pythagoras (according
to Timæus)<a id="noteref_1445" name="noteref_1445" href="#note_1445"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1445</span></span></a> was several times appointed leader of the
young women and matrons.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. In Crete the boys, as long as they remained in
the house of their father, were said to dwell in darkness.<a id="noteref_1446" name="noteref_1446" href="#note_1446"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1446</span></span></a>
At this period they were admitted into the
syssitia of their respective fathers, where they sat
together on the ground; after the syssitia they formed
themselves into societies under separate paidonomi.<a id="noteref_1447" name="noteref_1447" href="#note_1447"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1447</span></span></a> It was not till their seventeenth year that they were
enrolled in the agelæ,<a id="noteref_1448" name="noteref_1448" href="#note_1448"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1448</span></span></a> so that the education was here
entrusted to the family for a longer period than at
Sparta. They remained in the agelæ till married,
and consequently even after they had attained the age
of manhood; hence in the extant treaty between the
Latians and Olontians, it is required that the agelæ
also should take the oath.<a id="noteref_1449" name="noteref_1449" href="#note_1449"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1449</span></span></a> From the
circumstance,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page312">[pg 312]</span><a name="Pg312" id="Pg312" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
however, that these troops of young men were brought
together by one of the most wealthy and illustrious
in their body, whose father held the office of commander
(??e??t??), led them to the chase and the
games, and exercised the right of punishment over
them;<a id="noteref_1450" name="noteref_1450" href="#note_1450"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1450</span></span></a> we perceive that a far greater influence, as
well over the government<a id="noteref_1451" name="noteref_1451" href="#note_1451"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1451</span></span></a>
as the education, was permitted
to particular families in Crete than at Sparta,
whilst the system itself was less strict and impartial.
The age of manhood was in Crete dated from the time
of admittance into the male gymnasia (there called
d??µ??;)<a id="noteref_1452" name="noteref_1452" href="#note_1452"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1452</span></span></a> hence a person who had exercised ten years
among the men was called de??d??µ??;<a id="noteref_1453" name="noteref_1453" href="#note_1453"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1453</span></span></a> the youth who
had not as yet wrestled or run in them ?p?d??µ??.<a id="noteref_1454" name="noteref_1454" href="#note_1454"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1454</span></span></a>
We have no account respecting other Doric towns,
and merely know that the classes of the ephebi at
Cyrene were called from the number of each, the
<span class="tei tei-q">“three hundred.”</span><a id="noteref_1455" name="noteref_1455" href="#note_1455"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1455</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Thus far respecting the arrangements for training
the youths. The education itself was partly
bodily, partly mental; although the division must not
be drawn too strictly, since each exercise of the body
includes at the same time that of the mind, at least of
its hardihood, patience, and vigour. The Greeks,
however, used the general terms of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">gymnastic</span></em> for the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page313">[pg 313]</span><a name="Pg313" id="Pg313" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
former, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">music</span></em> for the latter of these branches. It
is well known that the Dorians paid more attention
than any other Greeks to gymnastic exercises;<a id="noteref_1456" name="noteref_1456" href="#note_1456"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1456</span></span></a> and
it has been above remarked, that these exercises in
their proper sense first originated among the Cretans
and Spartans; the latter in particular have often been
censured for practising them in an immoderate degree.<a id="noteref_1457" name="noteref_1457" href="#note_1457"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1457</span></span></a>
This want of moderation, however, though it
occurred in later times, is never perceivable in the
maxims and ideas of the Dorians, who in this, as in
several other cases, knew how to set bounds to youthful
ardour, and check its pernicious effects. Aristotle
himself<a id="noteref_1458" name="noteref_1458" href="#note_1458"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1458</span></span></a> remarks concerning the Spartan education,
that it did not tend to form athletes, who considered
gymnastic exercises as the chief business of life; and
that the exercises tending to the beauty and elasticity
of the frame were accurately separated from those of
an opposite character, is shown by the absolute prohibition
of the rougher exercises of boxing and the
pancration;<a id="noteref_1459" name="noteref_1459" href="#note_1459"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1459</span></span></a> the latter being a mixture of wrestling
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page314">[pg 314]</span><a name="Pg314" id="Pg314" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and boxing, in which the fall of either party did not
decide the victory, but the most violent contest often
took place when the combatants were struggling on
the ground. The reason of this is said to be, that
in these alone an express confession of the defeated
party by the raising of the hand, served to put an end
to the contest; and that Lycurgus would not permit
such an avowal to his Spartans. But the real reason
is probably that stated above. On the other hand,
gladiators (?p??µa???) who publicly exhibited their
skill in the use of arms, were not tolerated in Laconia,<a id="noteref_1460" name="noteref_1460" href="#note_1460"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1460</span></span></a> probably because the use of arms was thought too
serious for mere sport and display. Nevertheless the
colony of Cyrene adopted this custom from Mantinea
in Arcadia,<a id="noteref_1461" name="noteref_1461" href="#note_1461"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1461</span></span></a> under their legislator Demonax.<a id="noteref_1462" name="noteref_1462" href="#note_1462"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1462</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_5" id="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
5. The Doric race, to whom the elevation of gymnastic
contests into great national festivals was principally
owing, were probably likewise the first who
introduced crowns in lieu of other prizes of victory.
The gymnastic combatants in Homer are excited by
real rewards; but from the advanced state of civilization
on which the Dorians stood in other respects,
it is probable that they also purified the exhibition
of bodily activity from all other motives than the love
of honour. The first crown was bestowed at Olympia,
and was gained in the seventh Olympiad by Daicles a
Dorian of Messenia.<a id="noteref_1463" name="noteref_1463" href="#note_1463"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1463</span></span></a> How much gymnastic exercises
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page315">[pg 315]</span><a name="Pg315" id="Pg315" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
were practised in the different Doric states, may be
collected from the extant catalogues of the conquerors
at the Olympian, and Pythian games: some conclusions
may even be drawn from an examination of
Corsini's Catalogue. This shows that the Spartans
never practised either boxing or the pancration,<a id="noteref_1464" name="noteref_1464" href="#note_1464"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1464</span></span></a> and
their principles were so generally recognized at the
Olympian games, over which they possessed great
influence, that boys were not till a very late period permitted
to contend in the pancration.<a id="noteref_1465" name="noteref_1465" href="#note_1465"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1465</span></span></a> On the other
hand, many conquerors in the race came from Sparta,
particularly between the 20th and 50th Olympiads:
besides numerous pentathli and wrestlers: amongst
the former Philombrotus (Olymp. 26-28.), amongst
the latter Hipposthenes (Olymp. 37-43.) and his
son Hetœmocles are distinguished by the number of
crowns gained at Olympia; the first victors in both
contests were also Lacedæmonians. Before the 9th
Olympiad, the Elean catalogues mention Messenians
in particular as victors in the race: from the 49th
Olympiad, the natives of Croton are conspicuous as
victors in the stadium; of these, Tisicrates and Astylus
occupy the whole period between the 71st and
75th Olympiads. At the same time the swift-footed
Phallys was thrice victorious at the Pythian games:
this champion was likewise the wonder of his age
in the pentathlon (a contest requiring extraordinary
activity), but particularly in the exercise of
leaping,<a id="noteref_1466" name="noteref_1466" href="#note_1466"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1466</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page316">[pg 316]</span><a name="Pg316" id="Pg316" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
being also a warrior and athlete. The gymnastic
training of the young Crotoniats at that time attained
the height of the development of the body in equal
beauty and strength; Croton was celebrated for its
beautiful boys and youths.<a id="noteref_1467" name="noteref_1467" href="#note_1467"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1467</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
During this period there existed at Croton a school
of wrestlers, the chief of whom was Milo, who from
the 62nd Olympiad was victorious in almost every one
of the four principal games, more frequently than any
other Greek. It was however whilst the philosophy of
Pythagoras directed the public institutions of Croton,
and influenced its manners, that this city outshone the
rest of Greece by its warriors and athletes.<a id="noteref_1468" name="noteref_1468" href="#note_1468"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1468</span></span></a> Milo
himself, the fabulous champion of posterity, was at
the same time a sage and hero. But the conquest of
Sybaris, the destruction of the Pythagorean league,
and the adoption of the Achæan constitution, soon put
an end to this system, and Croton, without suffering
any external change, lost at the end of the 75th
Olympiad the whole of her internal vigour. As the
athletes of this town followed in their choice of exercises
the fundamental principles of Spartan discipline,
the case was reversed amongst the Rhodians,
particularly whilst the family of Diagoras flourished,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page317">[pg 317]</span><a name="Pg317" id="Pg317" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which produced more than six boxers, the first of their
day, and men of gigantic bodily strength.<a id="noteref_1469" name="noteref_1469" href="#note_1469"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1469</span></span></a> The Æginetans
were famed for their dexterity in the contests,
and from the 45th Olympiad till the dissolution of
their state, bore off numerous victories in the race,
wrestling, and pancration, and were particularly distinguished
as boys.<a id="noteref_1470" name="noteref_1470" href="#note_1470"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1470</span></span></a> The distant colonies in Sicily
and Libya took little interest in gymnastic contests:
the latter expected more glory from their renowned
horses and chariots,<a id="noteref_1471" name="noteref_1471" href="#note_1471"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1471</span></span></a> the former from their breed of
mules.<a id="noteref_1472" name="noteref_1472" href="#note_1472"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1472</span></span></a> The Cretans, although particularly distinguished
in running, fought (according to Pindar,
whose statement is confirmed by these catalogues)
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">like gamecocks in the arena
of their own court</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1473" name="noteref_1473" href="#note_1473"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1473</span></span></a>
It is not possible to detail the peculiarities of the Doric
states in their management of the various exercises,
till the customs observed at their contests, particularly
in wrestling, have been more accurately examined.<a id="noteref_1474" name="noteref_1474" href="#note_1474"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1474</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. But all the exercises in the gymnasium of
Sparta were esteemed of perhaps less importance to
the education of the body, than another class, the
object of which was to harden the frame by labour
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page318">[pg 318]</span><a name="Pg318" id="Pg318" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and fatigue. The body was obliged to undergo heat
and cold (the extremes of which were felt in an immoderate
degree throughout the narrow valley of
Sparta),<a id="noteref_1475" name="noteref_1475" href="#note_1475"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1475</span></span></a> likewise hunger, thirst and
privations of every description. To this they were trained by
frequent hunting on the mountains, in which manner
the youths of Crete were also exercised,<a id="noteref_1476" name="noteref_1476" href="#note_1476"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1476</span></span></a> as also in the
agelæ, under the agelates.<a id="noteref_1477" name="noteref_1477" href="#note_1477"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1477</span></span></a> Next came the laborious
service in the most distant parts of the Laconian territory,
amidst which the young men of Sparta grew up
from youth to manhood, obliged to administer to their
own wants without the assistance of a servant.<a id="noteref_1478" name="noteref_1478" href="#note_1478"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1478</span></span></a> The
boys were also inured to hardships, by being forced to
obtain their daily nourishment by stealing; for this
custom was also limited to a particular period in the
education of the sons of the Equals.<a id="noteref_1479" name="noteref_1479" href="#note_1479"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1479</span></span></a> We
should certainly afford at the best but a very partial representation
of these peculiar customs, if we were to single
out some striking peculiarity from a connected system,
and attempt to examine in detail a subject which
should be criticised generally, or not at all. According
to the scattered fragments of our information, the
state of the case was as follows:<a id="noteref_1480" name="noteref_1480" href="#note_1480"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1480</span></span></a> the boys at a certain
period were generally banished from the town, and all
communion with men, and were obliged to lead a
wandering life in the fields and forests. When thus
excluded, they were forced to obtain, by force or cunning
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page319">[pg 319]</span><a name="Pg319" id="Pg319" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the means of subsistence from the houses and
court-yards, all access to which was at this time forbidden
them; frequently obliged to keep watch for
whole nights, and always exposed to the danger of
being beaten, if detected. To judge this custom with
fairness, it should only be regarded in the connexion
which we have explained above. The possession of
property was made to furnish a means of sharpening
the intellect, and strengthening the courage of the
citizens, by forcing the one party to hold and the other
to obtain it by a sort of war. The loss of property
which was thus occasioned, appeared of little importance
to a state where personal rights were so little
regarded; and the mischievous consequences were in
some measure avoided by an exact definition of the
goods permitted to be stolen,<a id="noteref_1481" name="noteref_1481" href="#note_1481"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1481</span></span></a> which were in fact those,
that any Spartan who required them for the chase,
might take from the stock of another. Such was the
idea upon which this usage was kept up; it might
possibly however have originated in the ancient
mountain-life of the Dorians, when they inhabited
mounts Œta and Olympus, cooped up within narrow
boundaries, and engaged in perpetual contests with
the more fortunate inhabitants of the plains: as a relic
and memorial of those habits, it remained, contrasted
with the independent and secure mode of life of the
Spartans at a later period. Respecting the triumph
of Spartan hardihood, viz. the scourging at the altar
of Artemis Orthia, it has been above remarked in what
manner, by a change made in the genuine Grecian
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page320">[pg 320]</span><a name="Pg320" id="Pg320" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
spirit, the gloomy rites of a sanguinary religion had
been turned to a different and useful purpose.<a id="noteref_1482" name="noteref_1482" href="#note_1482"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1482</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_7" id="Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. The gymnastic war-games, which were peculiar
to the Cretans and Spartans, still remained to be
noticed as a characteristic feature of the Doric education.
At the celebration of these, the ephebi, after
a sacrifice to Ares in a temple at Therapne, went
through a regular battle unarmed, in an island formed
by ditches, near the garden called Platanistas, and exerted
every means in their power to obtain the victory.<a id="noteref_1483" name="noteref_1483" href="#note_1483"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1483</span></span></a>
In Crete the boys belonging to one syssition frequently
engaged in battle against those of another, the youths
of one agele against those of another, and these contests
bore a still nearer resemblance to a real engagement.
They marched to the sound of flutes and lyres,
and besides fists, weapons of wood and iron were employed.<a id="noteref_1484" name="noteref_1484" href="#note_1484"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1484</span></span></a>
Yet although at Sparta gymnastic exercises
were certainly brought to a nearer resemblance with
war than in the rest of Greece, it would be erroneous
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page321">[pg 321]</span><a name="Pg321" id="Pg321" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
on that account to conclude, that the aim of all bodily
education among the Dorians was to obtain superiority
in war. Enough has been alleged to prove satisfactorily
to any unprejudiced reader, that the chief object
of Spartan discipline was to invigorate the bodies of
the youth, without rendering their minds at the same
time either brutal or ferocious. And that this endeavour
to attain, as it were, an ideal beauty and
strength of limb, was not altogether unsuccessful, may
be seen from the fact, that the Spartans, as well as
the Crotoniats, were about the 60th Olympiad (540
B.C.) the most healthy of the Greeks,<a id="noteref_1485" name="noteref_1485" href="#note_1485"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1485</span></span></a> and that the
most beautiful men as well as women were found
amongst them.<a id="noteref_1486" name="noteref_1486" href="#note_1486"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1486</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. The female sex underwent in this respect the
same education as the male, though (as has been above
remarked) only the virgins. They had their own
gymnasia,<a id="noteref_1487" name="noteref_1487" href="#note_1487"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1487</span></span></a> and exercised themselves, either naked
or lightly clad, in running, wrestling, or throwing the
quoit and spear.<a id="noteref_1488" name="noteref_1488" href="#note_1488"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1488</span></span></a> It is highly improbable that youths
or men were allowed to look on, since in the gymnasia
of Lacedæmon no idle bystanders were permitted;
every person was obliged either to join the rest, or
withdraw.<a id="noteref_1489" name="noteref_1489" href="#note_1489"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1489</span></span></a> Like the Elean girls in the temples of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page322">[pg 322]</span><a name="Pg322" id="Pg322" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Here, so at Sparta the eleven Bacchanalian virgins
exhibited their skill in the race at a contest in honour
of their god.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The whole system of gymnastic exercise was placed
at Sparta under the superintendence of magistrates of
the highest dignity, the bidiæi; and the ephors every
ten days inspected the condition of the boys, to ascertain
whether they were of a good habit of body, if so
general a meaning can be attached to the testimony of
Agatharchides.<a id="noteref_1490" name="noteref_1490" href="#note_1490"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1490</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The whole of this book from the first chapter has
been employed in considering the manners and physical
existence of the Dorians (the d?a?ta ??????).
We now come to the second great division of education,
viz. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">music</span></em>; in which term the whole mental
education of the Doric race was included, if we except
writing, which was never generally taught at Sparta.<a id="noteref_1491" name="noteref_1491" href="#note_1491"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1491</span></span></a>
Nor indeed was it essential in a nation, where, as in
Crete, laws, hymns, and the praises of illustrious men,
that is the jurisprudence and history of such a people,
were taught in the schools of music.<a id="noteref_1492" name="noteref_1492" href="#note_1492"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1492</span></span></a>
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page323">[pg 323]</span><a name="Pg323" id="Pg323" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc39" id="toc39"></a>
<a name="pdf40" id="pdf40"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VI.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Origin of the Doric musical mode. § 2. Character of the Doric
mode. § 3. Progress of music in Sparta. § 4. Public musical
performances. § 5. Progress of music in other Doric
states. § 6. Connexion of dancing and music. Military
music of Sparta. § 7. Military dances. § 8. Connexion of
gymnastic exercises and dancing. § 9. Imitative dances. §
10. Dances of the Helots. Origin of bucolic poetry among the
subject classes. § 11. Comedy connected with the county festivals
of Bacchus.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. We are now about to speak of the history of
music in the different Doric states; and before we
notice particular facts and circumstances, we must
direct our attention to the more general one, namely,
that one of the musical <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">modes</span></em> or ??µ???a? (by which
term the ancient Greeks denoted the arrangement of
intervals, the length of which was fixed by the different
kinds of harmony, ????, according to the strings of the
tetrachord, together with the higher or lower scale of
the whole system), was anciently called the
Doric,<a id="noteref_1493" name="noteref_1493" href="#note_1493"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1493</span></span></a>
and that this measure, together with the Phrygian and
Lydian, was long the only one in use among the
musicians of Greece, and consequently the only one
which in these early times derived its name from a
Greek nation; a sufficient warrant for us to consider it
as the genuine Greek mode, in contradistinction to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page324">[pg 324]</span><a name="Pg324" id="Pg324" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
any other introduced at a later period.<a id="noteref_1494" name="noteref_1494" href="#note_1494"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1494</span></span></a>
A question next arises, wherefore this ancient and genuine Greek
strain was called the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Doric</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1495" name="noteref_1495" href="#note_1495"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1495</span></span></a> The only explanation
that can be given is, that it was brought to perfection
in Doric countries, viz. in the ancient nurseries of
music, Crete, Sparta, Sicyon, and Delphi. There
cannot therefore have been any school or succession of
musicians among the other Greek nations, of greater
celebrity than the Doric, before the time we allude to.
Had this been the fact, they must either have adopted
the same mode, or had an original one of their own;
in the first case, it would have been named rather
after them, in preference to the Dorians; in the second,
there would have been <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">two</span></em> Greek musical modes, not
merely the Doric. It follows then, that the establishment
of the Doric music must have been of greater
antiquity than the renowned musicians of Lesbos, who
themselves were prior to Archilochus,<a id="noteref_1496" name="noteref_1496" href="#note_1496"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1496</span></span></a> and should not
be considered as commencing with Terpander<a id="noteref_1497" name="noteref_1497" href="#note_1497"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1497</span></span></a> (who
flourished from Olymp. 26. till 33. 676-646 B.C.),
since at his time they had already arrived at a high
degree of eminence. In fact, the Lesbian musicians
were at that time the most distinguished in Greece:
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page325">[pg 325]</span><a name="Pg325" id="Pg325" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
they far surpassed the native musicians of Peloponnesus,
nay, even of Lacedæmon itself; so that if the
above style had not at that time been common in the
Peninsula, it would not have been called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Doric</span></em>.
Notwithstanding which, the opposition of the Doric
to the Phrygian and Lydian modes on the one side, and
the definite and systematic relation between the three
on the other, can neither have been the result of mere
popular and unscientific attempts, nor have originated
in the mother-country of Greece, where there was no
opportunity of becoming acquainted with the styles of
music peculiar to those Asiatic nations,<a id="noteref_1498" name="noteref_1498" href="#note_1498"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1498</span></span></a> or of comparing
them with their own, so as to mould them into one.
The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Doric</span></em> mode, however, could only have been so
named originally, from the contrast which it exhibited
with these other kinds of music, and this must have
been first observed in foreign countries, and not among
the Dorians or Peloponnesians themselves, who were
only acquainted with one style. The natural supposition
then is, that the Lesbian musicians, being in constant
communication both with Peloponnesus and Asia
Minor, first established the distinction and names of
the three <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">modes</span></em>, by adapting to the particular species
of tetrachord in use throughout Peloponnesus, the accompaniments
of singing and dancing practised in
Asia Minor, and moulding the whole into a regular
system.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_2" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. Allowing then the truth of these premises, it
follows that the Dorians of Peloponnesus, the genuine
Greeks, cultivated music to a greater degree than
any other of the Grecian tribes, before the time when
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page326">[pg 326]</span><a name="Pg326" id="Pg326" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
this far-famed school of Asia flourished. We are
warranted in assuming that it was not merely the external
influence of the Doric race which gave their
name to this mode, from the close affinity it bears to
the character of the nation. The ancients, who were
infinitely quicker in discovering the moral character
of music than can be the case in modern times, attributed
to it something solemn, firm, and manly, calculated
to inspire fortitude in supporting misfortunes and
hardships, and to strengthen the mind against the
attacks of passion. They discovered in it a calm sublimity,
and a simple grandeur which bordered upon
severity, equally opposed to inconstancy and enthusiasm;<a id="noteref_1499" name="noteref_1499" href="#note_1499"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1499</span></span></a>
and this is precisely the character we find so
strongly impressed on the religion, arts, and manners
of the Dorians. The severity and rudeness of this
music (which appeared gloomy and harsh to the later
ages, and would be still more so to our ears, accustomed
to a softer style) was strikingly contrasted with
the mild and pleasing character which had then long
pervaded the Epic poetry. It teaches us undoubtedly
to distinguish between the Asiatic Greeks, and those
sprung from the mountains in the north of Greece,
who, proud of their natural loftiness of character and
vigour of mind, had acquired but little refinement from
any contact with strangers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. In the study of music, as well as every thing
else, the Dorians were uniformly the friends of antiquity;
and in this also Sparta was considered the
model of Doric customs.<a id="noteref_1500" name="noteref_1500" href="#note_1500"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1500</span></span></a> Not that Sparta opposed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page327">[pg 327]</span><a name="Pg327" id="Pg327" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
herself altogether to every attempt at improvement;
her object was, that every novelty should be first acknowledged
to be an improvement, before it passed
into common use, and formed a part of the national
education. Hence it unavoidably followed, that the
music publicly practised in Sparta proceeded by rapid
and single advances to a state of perfection; which
opinion is perfectly consistent with the account given
by an ancient author of the different regulations
respecting the exercise of this art.<a id="noteref_1501" name="noteref_1501" href="#note_1501"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1501</span></span></a> When Terpander,
the son of Derdenes, an inhabitant of Antissa in
Lesbos, four times carried off the prize in the Pythian
games, and also in the Carnean festival at Sparta
(where the musicians of his school were long
distinguished),<a id="noteref_1502" name="noteref_1502" href="#note_1502"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1502</span></span></a>
and had tranquillized the tumults and disorders
of the city by the solemn and healing tones
of his songs,<a id="noteref_1503" name="noteref_1503" href="#note_1503"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1503</span></span></a> the acknowledged admiration of this
master became so general in Sparta, that he procured
the sanction of the law to his new inventions, particularly
the seven-stringed cithara. It appears that by
these means<a id="noteref_1504" name="noteref_1504" href="#note_1504"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1504</span></span></a> the music of earlier times became entirely
antiquated, so that with the exception of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page328">[pg 328]</span><a name="Pg328" id="Pg328" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
ancient Pythian minstrels, Chrysothemis and Philammon,
not one name of the Doric musicians, before the
time of Terpander, has come down to us. For those
who, like Thaletas, have been sometimes considered
more ancient, belong, according to undoubted testimony,
to a later period.<a id="noteref_1505" name="noteref_1505" href="#note_1505"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1505</span></span></a> Plutarch dates the second
epoch of Spartan music from Thaletas the Elyrian
(whose skill was undoubtedly derived from the ancient
sacred minstrels of the neighbouring town of Tarrha),<a id="noteref_1506" name="noteref_1506" href="#note_1506"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1506</span></span></a> and from Xenodamus of Cythera, and Xenocritus the
Locrian,<a id="noteref_1507" name="noteref_1507" href="#note_1507"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1507</span></span></a> (whose chief compositions were pæans and
hyporchemes), from Polymnestus of Colophon, and
Sacadas the Argive, the latter of whom distinguished
himself in elegies and other compositions adapted to
the flute, the former in the orthian and dithyrambic
styles, and also as an epic and elegiac poet. Sacadas
flourished and conquered at the Pythian games in
Olymp. 48. 3. 586 B.C.; the other musicians, according
to Plutarch, must also have lived about the same
period. Thaletas was however earlier than Polymnestus<a id="noteref_1508" name="noteref_1508" href="#note_1508"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1508</span></span></a>
and Xenocritus,<a id="noteref_1509" name="noteref_1509" href="#note_1509"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1509</span></span></a> although later than Terpander
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page329">[pg 329]</span><a name="Pg329" id="Pg329" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and Archilochus, and therefore lived before the 40th
Olympiad, or 620 B.C. To these musicians Plutarch
entirely ascribes the introduction of songs at the
gymnopædia of Lacedæmon,<a id="noteref_1510" name="noteref_1510" href="#note_1510"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1510</span></span></a> the endymatia at Argos,
and some public spectacles in Arcadia. The regulations
established at this period appear to have continued
in force as long as the Spartan customs were
kept up, and were the chief means by which the
changes attempted to be introduced during the several
epochs of Melanippides, Cinesias, Phrynis, and Timotheus
the Milesian were prevented from being carried
into effect. Thus Ecprepes the ephor, on observing
that the cithara of Phrynis had two strings more than
the allowed number, immediately cut them out; and
the<a id="noteref_1511" name="noteref_1511" href="#note_1511"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1511</span></span></a> same thing is said to have happened to Timotheus
at the Carnean festival.<a id="noteref_1512" name="noteref_1512" href="#note_1512"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1512</span></span></a> The account is, however,
contradicted by an improbable story, that the accused
minstrel justified himself by referring to a statue of
Apollo at Sparta, which had a lyre containing the
same number of strings.<a id="noteref_1513" name="noteref_1513" href="#note_1513"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1513</span></span></a> At least Pausanias<a id="noteref_1514" name="noteref_1514" href="#note_1514"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1514</span></span></a> saw in
the hall of music at Sparta<a id="noteref_1515" name="noteref_1515" href="#note_1515"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1515</span></span></a> (s????), the
eleven-stringed cithara which was taken from Timotheus, and
there hung up.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page330">[pg 330]</span><a name="Pg330" id="Pg330" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is well known that a Spartan decree is supposed
to exist,<a id="noteref_1516" name="noteref_1516" href="#note_1516"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1516</span></span></a> on this real or fabulous transaction respecting
the eleven-stringed cithara of Timotheus. It
recites, that <span class="tei tei-q">“whereas Timotheus of Miletus, despising
the harmony of the seven-stringed cithara, poisoned
the ears of the young men by increasing the number
of strings, and introducing a new and effeminate
species of melody; and that having been invited to
perform at the festival of the Eleusian Ceres, he
exhibited an indecent representation of the holy
rites, and most improperly instructed the young
men in the mystery of the labour-pains of Semele;
it is decreed that the kings and ephors should reprimand
Timotheus, and compel him to reduce the
number of strings on his cithara to seven; in order
that every person in future, being conscious of the
dignity of the state, might beware of introducing
improper customs into Sparta, and the fame of the
contests be preserved unsullied.”</span><a id="noteref_1517" name="noteref_1517" href="#note_1517"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1517</span></span></a> But the authenticity
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page331">[pg 331]</span><a name="Pg331" id="Pg331" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the inscription is so doubtful, to say no more,
that we dare not deduce any historical inferences from
it. For in the first place, the style of the document
appears to have been formed upon the model of a
common Athenian honorary decree, only that censure
is inserted instead of praise with a sort of mock gravity.
There is nothing in it characteristic of Spartan
manners, but much that is foreign and almost strange;
for example, it is not even stated who proposed and
approved the decree. Secondly, a decree upon such
a subject is not consistent with the general spirit of
the government of Sparta, which was distinguished
by its summary method of proceeding. Every ephor,
as inspector of the games, had the same powers individually
as are here attributed to the whole college,
and the kings; who had (it is true) a place of honour
at the public games, but no share in the direction of
them. The Eleusinia, in the form of a theatrical festival,
were at least celebrated in Sparta at a late date.<a id="noteref_1518" name="noteref_1518" href="#note_1518"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1518</span></span></a> That Timotheus should have ventured to produce his
<span class="tei tei-q">“Birth of Bacchus”</span> at those games is very surprising;
but still more so is the account of his having
taught it to the Spartan youths, which can only mean
that he contrived to have it represented by the young
men of the town. Now the ?d?? of Timotheus was
a dithyrambic ode of the mimic species, which was a
late invention performed by regular actors, not by a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page332">[pg 332]</span><a name="Pg332" id="Pg332" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
public chorus. How then is it possible that the
latter should have been the case at Sparta? The
learned distinction between different styles of music
in the decree, clearly savours less of Laconian brevity
than of the self-complacency of some grammarian.<a id="noteref_1519" name="noteref_1519" href="#note_1519"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1519</span></span></a>
Most of the expressions used may be traced to the
comic poets of Athens, and contain no Spartan peculiarities,
and yet an accurate explanation of them
might lead us into many difficulties. Lastly, the
dialect appears to me to be the composition of some
one who had accidentally become acquainted with
peculiar Spartan inflections. The letter ? is most
suspiciously used throughout; the author had evidently
an erroneous notion that T is not Laconian,
and should be changed into ?, instead of S.<a id="noteref_1520" name="noteref_1520" href="#note_1520"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1520</span></span></a> The
editors have endeavoured to make considerable alterations
in the orthography;<a id="noteref_1521" name="noteref_1521" href="#note_1521"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1521</span></span></a> but by this means all possibility
of criticism is made hopeless. It is therefore
probable that some grammarian has taken the trouble
to draw up a Laconian decree from one of the stories
respecting Timotheus, the interest of which should
consist in the austerity of the sentiments, and the
roughness of the dialect. That the inventor really
intended it for a public monument, is evident from the
ancient style of writing, which was abolished at Athens
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page333">[pg 333]</span><a name="Pg333" id="Pg333" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
at the archonship of Euclid, and in Sparta perhaps
later.<a id="noteref_1522" name="noteref_1522" href="#note_1522"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1522</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In Crete the national music was once formed on
the same principles as in Lacedæmon,<a id="noteref_1523" name="noteref_1523" href="#note_1523"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1523</span></span></a> but became
relaxed in course of time. In a Cnosian<a id="noteref_1524" name="noteref_1524" href="#note_1524"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1524</span></span></a> decree made at the beginning of the second century before
Christ, an ambassador is commended for having often
played on the cithara the melodies of Timotheus, Polyidus,<a id="noteref_1525" name="noteref_1525" href="#note_1525"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1525</span></span></a>
and the ancient Cretan poets. In Argos, too,
the first person who used a cithara with more than
seven strings was punished;<a id="noteref_1526" name="noteref_1526" href="#note_1526"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1526</span></span></a> and in Sicyon,
also, there were laws appointed to regulate musical contests.<a id="noteref_1527" name="noteref_1527" href="#note_1527"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1527</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_4" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
4. The chief reason why the state constantly interfered
in the regulation of music was, that it was considered
much more as expressing the general tone of
the feeling and morals of the people, than as an art
which might be left to its own capabilities of improvement.
Historical examples confirm the truth of this
close connexion, and in particular, it is alleged respecting
the Dorians of Sicily, that by introducing
a soft effeminate music, they destroyed the purity
of their morals;<a id="noteref_1528" name="noteref_1528" href="#note_1528"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1528</span></span></a> while the strict domestic discipline
at Sparta would hardly have been preserved without
the assistance of the ancient style of music which was
there cultivated. In order to explain this, it is necessary
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page334">[pg 334]</span><a name="Pg334" id="Pg334" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to observe, that in those times music formed a
much more universal branch of education, and was
practised to a far greater extent by the people at large,
than it has ever been since.<a id="noteref_1529" name="noteref_1529" href="#note_1529"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1529</span></span></a> We may trace the progress
of music, as it from time to time fell more into
the hands of individual artists, whilst the populace,
which in the infancy of the art took a part in the exhibition,
gradually became mere spectators. The command
of an ancient Delphic oracle,<a id="noteref_1530" name="noteref_1530" href="#note_1530"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1530</span></span></a> that public
thanksgivings should be offered to Bromius by the
whole people for a fruitful year, by singing choruses
in the streets, was also followed at Sparta, at least in
the Gymnopædia. At this festival large choruses of
men and boys appeared,<a id="noteref_1531" name="noteref_1531" href="#note_1531"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1531</span></span></a> in which many of the inhabitants
of the city doubtless took part. From this
circumstance either the whole or part of the market
was called <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">chorus</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1532" name="noteref_1532" href="#note_1532"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1532</span></span></a> and it is probable that the spacious
(e????????) cities of Homer were merely furnished
with open squares large enough to contain such numerous
choruses. It was at these great city choruses
that those of blemished reputation always
occupied the hindermost rows:<a id="noteref_1533" name="noteref_1533" href="#note_1533"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1533</span></span></a> sometimes, nevertheless,
men of consideration, when placed there by the
arranger of the chorus, boasted that they did honour
to the places, the places did not dishonour them.<a id="noteref_1534" name="noteref_1534" href="#note_1534"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1534</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page335">[pg 335]</span><a name="Pg335" id="Pg335" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Those placed at the back of the chorus were called
(like the soldiers arrayed behind the line of battle)
???e??;<a id="noteref_1535" name="noteref_1535" href="#note_1535"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1535</span></span></a> the choregus, however, did not merely defray
the expenses of the chorus, but he also led it in person;
and indeed a choregos once performed the duties
of flute-player at Lacedæmon.<a id="noteref_1536" name="noteref_1536" href="#note_1536"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1536</span></span></a> If
then every citizen took some part in these choruses, it follows that they
must have been trained to them, and have practised
them from childhood; as we know on the other hand
that the whole musical instruction of Crete and
Sparta was intended as a preparation for them.<a id="noteref_1537" name="noteref_1537" href="#note_1537"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1537</span></span></a> Accordingly, the musical school was called
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">chorus</span></span>
among the Dorians;<a id="noteref_1538" name="noteref_1538" href="#note_1538"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1538</span></span></a> in musical training there
was a constant reference to the public choral dances.
Hence we perceive that, at least in early times, a certain
cultivation of music within the limits prescribed
by the national manners was common to all Spartans;
and the saying of the poet Socrates,<a id="noteref_1539" name="noteref_1539" href="#note_1539"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1539</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“that the bravest
of the Greeks also made the finest choruses,”</span> was
peculiarly applicable to them; also Pratinas the scenic
poet speaks of <span class="tei tei-q">“the Lacedæmonian cicada,<a id="noteref_1540" name="noteref_1540" href="#note_1540"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1540</span></span></a> as ready for
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page336">[pg 336]</span><a name="Pg336" id="Pg336" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the chorus.”</span><a id="noteref_1541" name="noteref_1541" href="#note_1541"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1541</span></span></a> In later times, indeed, the
numbers of the citizens in Sparta so greatly diminished, and war
occupied so much of the public attention, that the
favourable side of Spartan discipline was cast into the
shade, and Aristotle ascribes with truth to the Spartans
of his time a just discrimination and taste for music,
but no scientific knowledge of it.<a id="noteref_1542" name="noteref_1542" href="#note_1542"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1542</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The cultivation of music, however, was the more
general among the Dorians and kindred race of
Arcadians, from the circumstance that women took a
part in it, and sang and danced in public both with
men and by themselves.<a id="noteref_1543" name="noteref_1543" href="#note_1543"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1543</span></span></a> On the nature of the
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">parthenia</span></span>,
or the choruses performed by girls, the character
and education of Doric virgins enable us to decide
with confidence, when we are told, that the parthenia
were accompanied by Dorian music, and there was
something in them exceedingly grave and solemn.<a id="noteref_1544" name="noteref_1544" href="#note_1544"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1544</span></span></a> It
appears likewise, that aged persons, who at Athens
would have been ridiculed for dancing at religious
ceremonies, at Sparta often took a part in the great
choruses, as is proved by the accounts of the three
great choirs of boys, men, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">old men</span></em>, which seem
to have danced at several great festivals.<a id="noteref_1545" name="noteref_1545" href="#note_1545"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1545</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. Having now in the foregoing remarks considered
the peculiarities of the Doric race, as well in general
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page337">[pg 337]</span><a name="Pg337" id="Pg337" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
as with respect to Sparta in particular, we shall next
give some account of the progress of music among the
several states of that race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That the religious music and poetry of the Dorians
originated in Crete, has been shown above:<a id="noteref_1546" name="noteref_1546" href="#note_1546"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1546</span></span></a> and
perhaps the loud and irregular music of the early
Phrygian inhabitants first awakened a taste for that
art among the Dorians. The nome, the pæan, and
the hyporcheme,<a id="noteref_1547" name="noteref_1547" href="#note_1547"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1547</span></span></a> had been known in Crete from an
early period, though the more polished form of the
two last was introduced by Thaletas. The dances in
a ring were often connected with the nome and hyporcheme,
according to an ancient custom in Crete and
the neighbouring regions; and they were danced by
both men and women.<a id="noteref_1548" name="noteref_1548" href="#note_1548"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1548</span></span></a> At Sparta there were the
same dancers, known by the name of ?µ??, or
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ornaments</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1549" name="noteref_1549" href="#note_1549"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1549</span></span></a>
The youth danced first some movements
suited to his age, and of a military nature; the maiden
followed in measured steps, and with feminine gestures.
The Spartan music was in general derived
from the Cretan, nor did it attempt to disown its
origin; indeed many favourite dances, with their
tunes, and certain pæans, ordered by law to be sung
at appointed times, together with many other kinds
of music, were called Cretan.<a id="noteref_1550" name="noteref_1550" href="#note_1550"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1550</span></span></a> But it cannot be
denied that, although their origin may have been
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page338">[pg 338]</span><a name="Pg338" id="Pg338" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
similar, their progress and development were very
different. The Cretan music appears to have been
almost entirely warlike and religious, while the
Spartan, from the time of Alcman, was adapted to
more various purposes. Peculiar kinds of Lacedæmonian
dances were in existence at the time of Cleisthenes
of Sicyon;<a id="noteref_1551" name="noteref_1551" href="#note_1551"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1551</span></span></a> they consisted both of motions
of the hands and feet, as Aristoxenus states of several
ancient national dances.<a id="noteref_1552" name="noteref_1552" href="#note_1552"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1552</span></span></a> The early zeal for
music in these regions is shown by the contests in
the temple of Zeus at Ithome in Messenia, in which
Eumelus engaged before the first war with Lacedæmon:<a id="noteref_1553" name="noteref_1553" href="#note_1553"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1553</span></span></a> the contests of the Muses connected with
the Carnean festival began in the 26th Olympiad
(676 B.C.). In the time of Polycrates, Argos possessed
the most celebrated musicians in Greece,<a id="noteref_1554" name="noteref_1554" href="#note_1554"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1554</span></span></a>
particularly flute-players; about the 48th Olympiad
(588 B.C.) Sacadas wrote poetry, composed music,
and played lyric songs and elegies to the flute:<a id="noteref_1555" name="noteref_1555" href="#note_1555"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1555</span></span></a> a particular kind of
flute was called the Argive.<a id="noteref_1556" name="noteref_1556" href="#note_1556"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1556</span></span></a> Sicyon
also appears to have had a share in these improvements:
for after Sacadas had thrice gained the
prize, Pythocritus of Sicyon was victorious in six
following contests;<a id="noteref_1557" name="noteref_1557" href="#note_1557"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1557</span></span></a> and the dithyrambic
chorus to the flute was performed there with great skill and
effect.<a id="noteref_1558" name="noteref_1558" href="#note_1558"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1558</span></span></a> That at Sicyon, Corinth, and Phlius, the
worship of Bacchus gave a peculiar turn to music
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page339">[pg 339]</span><a name="Pg339" id="Pg339" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and poetry, has been remarked above,<a id="noteref_1559" name="noteref_1559" href="#note_1559"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1559</span></span></a> and
will be explained at greater length hereafter. In Sicily the
worship of Demeter prevailed, which was always
attended with a degree of licentiousness; the Syracusan
choruses of iambists<a id="noteref_1560" name="noteref_1560" href="#note_1560"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1560</span></span></a> were, without doubt,
connected with this worship.<a id="noteref_1561" name="noteref_1561" href="#note_1561"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1561</span></span></a> The circumstance that
the effeminate dances of the Ionians were celebrated
there in honour of Artemis,<a id="noteref_1562" name="noteref_1562" href="#note_1562"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1562</span></span></a> was probably occasioned
by music having degenerated in that island.<a id="noteref_1563" name="noteref_1563" href="#note_1563"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1563</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. We do not intend to consider the subject of
dancing independently of music; as this combination
appears to be most convenient for our purpose of
ascertaining its importance as connected with manners
and public education. Dancing, when it did
not merely accompany the time of the music, inclined
either to gymnastic display or to mimicry;
that is, it either represented bodily activity, or it
was meant to express certain ideas and feelings.
The gymnastic dancing was no where so much
practised as at Sparta, where the ancient connexion
between the musical school and the palæstra, and of
both with the military exercises,<a id="noteref_1564" name="noteref_1564" href="#note_1564"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1564</span></span></a> was more strictly
maintained than in any other state. Indeed the march
of the Spartans and Cretans had, on account of its
musical accompaniment, some resemblance to a dance.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page340">[pg 340]</span><a name="Pg340" id="Pg340" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
For, whereas the other Greeks either marched to
battle without any music, in the manner of the
ancient Achæans, or, like the Argives, made use of
Tyrrhenian trumpets,<a id="noteref_1565" name="noteref_1565" href="#note_1565"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1565</span></span></a> the Cretans advanced to battle
to the sound of the lyre,<a id="noteref_1566" name="noteref_1566" href="#note_1566"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1566</span></span></a> the Spartans to that of the
flute.<a id="noteref_1567" name="noteref_1567" href="#note_1567"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1567</span></span></a> This last seems, however, to have been an
innovation; for Alcman the Laconian mentions the
cithara;<a id="noteref_1568" name="noteref_1568" href="#note_1568"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1568</span></span></a> and the Cretans also introduced the flute in
their army.<a id="noteref_1569" name="noteref_1569" href="#note_1569"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1569</span></span></a> However, be this as it may, the flute had
become the common instrument at Sparta; probably
because the cithara was not fitted for uniting large
bodies of men, its sound being too low to produce any
effect, even during a complete stillness. The sound
of flutes was doubtless more piercing, and particularly
when a great number of pipers (who in Sparta formed
several native
families)<a id="noteref_1570" name="noteref_1570" href="#note_1570"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1570</span></span></a>
played the tune for attack.
Thucydides remarks that this was not for any religious
purpose, but that the troops might march in time,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page341">[pg 341]</span><a name="Pg341" id="Pg341" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and not as large armies are apt to do, fall into disorder.<a id="noteref_1571" name="noteref_1571" href="#note_1571"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1571</span></span></a>
The general term for a tune of this kind was
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">embaterion</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1572" name="noteref_1572" href="#note_1572"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1572</span></span></a>
One kind of nome was called <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">castoreum</span></span>,
which, like the others, was played on the flute, when
the army marched in line to meet the enemy.<a id="noteref_1573" name="noteref_1573" href="#note_1573"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1573</span></span></a> This
had the same rhythm<a id="noteref_1574" name="noteref_1574" href="#note_1574"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1574</span></span></a> as
the other embateria,<a id="noteref_1575" name="noteref_1575" href="#note_1575"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1575</span></span></a> viz. an
anapæstic; both in its measure and melody there was
something very enlivening and animated,<a id="noteref_1576" name="noteref_1576" href="#note_1576"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1576</span></span></a> so that
Alexander of Macedon always felt himself inspired
with fresh bravery when Timotheus the Theban played
the castoreum to him. There can be no doubt that it
was originally set in the Doric mode, and bore the
character of Spartan simplicity, notwithstanding the
many variations which were afterwards added.<a id="noteref_1577" name="noteref_1577" href="#note_1577"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1577</span></span></a> Pindar
is reminded by its name of Castor the horseman
and charioteer;<a id="noteref_1578" name="noteref_1578" href="#note_1578"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1578</span></span></a> but I do not perceive what relation
the most ancient use of this nome, as a march for the
Spartans, could have to this point: but it clearly took
its name from the Tyndaridæ, who were considered as
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page342">[pg 342]</span><a name="Pg342" id="Pg342" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the leaders of the Spartan army.<a id="noteref_1579" name="noteref_1579" href="#note_1579"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1579</span></span></a> That of the poems
of Tyrtæus the anapæstic verses only were sung as
marches, and that they were embateria, is now generally
admitted.<a id="noteref_1580" name="noteref_1580" href="#note_1580"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1580</span></span></a> The elegies were sung in campaigns,
at meals, and after the pæan, not in chorus, but singly,
and for a prize. The polemarch
decided,<a id="noteref_1581" name="noteref_1581" href="#note_1581"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1581</span></span></a> and the
victor was rewarded with a chosen piece of meat.<a id="noteref_1582" name="noteref_1582" href="#note_1582"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1582</span></span></a>
The Cretans had also embateria, named after Ibycus,
a musician.<a id="noteref_1583" name="noteref_1583" href="#note_1583"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1583</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_7" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
7. That war among these ancient nations had
something of an imitative nature, and that it was by
imperceptible transitions connected with the pure
imitations of art, I have already attempted to
show;<a id="noteref_1584" name="noteref_1584" href="#note_1584"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1584</span></span></a>
and the same may be inferred from what has been
just said. A transition of this kind was formed by
the Pyrrhic dance, the dancers of which bore the same
name as the practised, armed and expert combatant
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page343">[pg 343]</span><a name="Pg343" id="Pg343" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
(p?????).<a id="noteref_1585" name="noteref_1585" href="#note_1585"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1585</span></span></a> The Pyrrhic dance was undoubtedly a
production of the Doric nation in Crete and Sparta,<a id="noteref_1586" name="noteref_1586" href="#note_1586"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1586</span></span></a>
although in the former state it was fabulously connected
with the Curetes and the rites of the ancient
Idæan Zeus,<a id="noteref_1587" name="noteref_1587" href="#note_1587"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1587</span></span></a> and at Sparta with the Dioscuri. It
was danced to the flute,<a id="noteref_1588" name="noteref_1588" href="#note_1588"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1588</span></span></a> and its time was very quick
and light, as is shown by the name of the Pyrrhic
foot. Hence in Crete Thaletas was able to add
hyporchematic or mimic variations to it,<a id="noteref_1589" name="noteref_1589" href="#note_1589"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1589</span></span></a>
which had likewise quick measures. From this account it may
be also inferred that the war-dance of Crete was of an
imitative kind; and indeed Plato says of the Pyrrhic
dance in general that it imitated all the attitudes of
defence, by avoiding a thrust or a cast, retreating,
springing up, and crouching, as also the opposite
movements of attack with arrows and lances, and also
of every kind of thrust.<a id="noteref_1590" name="noteref_1590" href="#note_1590"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1590</span></span></a> So strong was the
attachment to this dance at Sparta, that, long after it had in
the other Greek states degenerated into a Bacchanalian
revel, it was still danced by the Spartans
as a warlike exercise, and boys of fifteen were instructed
in it.<a id="noteref_1591" name="noteref_1591" href="#note_1591"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1591</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. But we must return to the subject whence we
digressed, the connexion between gymnastic exercises
and dancing. These two arts were connected
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page344">[pg 344]</span><a name="Pg344" id="Pg344" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by the pentathlon, a pattern of adroitness, activity,
strength and measured motions, which was accompanied
by the music of the flute.<a id="noteref_1592" name="noteref_1592" href="#note_1592"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1592</span></span></a> In later times any
tunes were used for this exhibition; but earlier certain
fixed measures were played, one of which had been
composed by Hierax, a disciple of Olympus:<a id="noteref_1593" name="noteref_1593" href="#note_1593"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1593</span></span></a> nor at
that time did distinguished artists disdain to appear as
actors in these sports, as, for example, Pythocritus of
Sicyon. At Argos, at the Sthenia, the combatants
wrestled to the sound of the flute;<a id="noteref_1594" name="noteref_1594" href="#note_1594"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1594</span></span></a> and a
melody of this same Hierax was played<a id="noteref_1595" name="noteref_1595" href="#note_1595"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1595</span></span></a> when the women carried
flowers (at a festival) to the temple of Here. At
Sparta the chief object of the Gymnopædia was to
represent gymnastic exercises and dancing in intimate
union, and indeed the latter only as the accomplishment
and end of the former. One of the principal
games at this festival resembled the <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">anapale</span></span>,
or wrestling-dance; the boys danced in regular time
with graceful motions of the hands, in which the
methods of the wrestling-school and the pancration
were shown; at the same time, however, this dance
had some mixture of the Bacchanalian kind.<a id="noteref_1596" name="noteref_1596" href="#note_1596"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1596</span></span></a> Thus
also the youths (ephebi) of Sparta, when they were
skilled in their exercises, danced in rows behind each
other, to the music of the flute, first military, then
choral dances, and at the same time repeated two
verses, of which one was an invitation to Aphrodite
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page345">[pg 345]</span><a name="Pg345" id="Pg345" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and Eros to join them, the other an exhortation to one
another.<a id="noteref_1597" name="noteref_1597" href="#note_1597"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1597</span></span></a> There was also a dance with a ball at
Sparta and Sicyon.<a id="noteref_1598" name="noteref_1598" href="#note_1598"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1598</span></span></a> The
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Bibasis</span></span>, a dance of men
and women, was of the gymnastic kind;<a id="noteref_1599" name="noteref_1599" href="#note_1599"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1599</span></span></a> all the
dancers struck their feet behind, a feat, of which a
Spartan woman in Aristophanes prides herself.<a id="noteref_1600" name="noteref_1600" href="#note_1600"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1600</span></span></a> Prizes
were given to the most skilful; and we are told by a
verse which has been preserved that a Laconian girl
had danced the Bibasis a thousand times more than
any other had done.<a id="noteref_1601" name="noteref_1601" href="#note_1601"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1601</span></span></a> Besides the Bibasis the
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Dipodia</span></span>
is mentioned;<a id="noteref_1602" name="noteref_1602" href="#note_1602"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1602</span></span></a> but so little is known about it, that the
origin of its name even is not clear.<a id="noteref_1603" name="noteref_1603" href="#note_1603"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1603</span></span></a> In a comedy of
Aristophanes a chorus of Lacedæmonians danced a
Dipodia to the flute, and sing, chiefly in trochaic
metre, of the battles of Thermopylæ and Artemisium,
and the friendship of Sparta and Athens;
after which follows another song, which was probably
danced in the same manner. In this the
chorus implores the Laconian Muse to come from
mount Taygetus, and to celebrate the tutelar deities
of Sparta; and urges itself to the dance in words
which give a very good idea of its character: <span class="tei tei-q">“Come
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page346">[pg 346]</span><a name="Pg346" id="Pg346" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
hither with a light motion to sing of Sparta. Where
there are choruses in honour of the gods, and the
noise of dancing, when, like young horses, the
maidens on the banks of the Eurotas rapidly move
their feet; while their hair floats, like revelling
Bacchanals; and the daughter of Leda directs them,
the sacred leader of the chorus. Now bind up the
hair, and leap like fawns; now strike the measured
tune which gladdens the chorus.”</span><a id="noteref_1604" name="noteref_1604" href="#note_1604"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1604</span></span></a>
Many points in this description remind us of the dances of the Laconian
maidens at the worship of Artemis of Caryæ,
which were animated and vehement.<a id="noteref_1605" name="noteref_1605" href="#note_1605"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1605</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_9" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
9. We now come to the dances whose object was
to express and represent some peculiar meaning.
This was either some feeling (to which class almost
all the religious as well as the theatrical dances
belong) or some outward object; to which we may
refer the mimic dances. To the latter, the Pyrrhic
and the Gymnopædian dances belong, and to the religious,
the Hyporcheme, which we treated of in connexion
with the worship of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1606" name="noteref_1606" href="#note_1606"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1606</span></span></a> Of this
description was perhaps the Bryallicha,<a id="noteref_1607" name="noteref_1607" href="#note_1607"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1607</span></span></a> a dance in honour of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page347">[pg 347]</span><a name="Pg347" id="Pg347" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Artemis and Apollo, danced by women, or, as some
assert, by men in hideous women's masks, who at the
same time sang hymns to the two deities.<a id="noteref_1608" name="noteref_1608" href="#note_1608"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1608</span></span></a> The name
signifies a violent leap; and from what we can gather
elsewhere respecting the character of this dance, it
appears to have been irregular and licentious. How
it agrees with the worship of Apollo, one does not
exactly perceive, unless it is supposed that some fable
in the history of that god was represented in a mimic
style, which admitted of such irregularity. The
worship of Artemis, however, had other forms which
produced these licentious dances, as in Laconia itself
the Calabis.<a id="noteref_1609" name="noteref_1609" href="#note_1609"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1609</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
A few particulars respecting several Laconian
dances have been preserved by a grammarian,<a id="noteref_1610" name="noteref_1610" href="#note_1610"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1610</span></span></a> whose
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page348">[pg 348]</span><a name="Pg348" id="Pg348" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
account we will insert at full, adding only some
remarks of our own. <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Deimalea was danced
by Sileni and Satyrs waltzing in a circle</span></span>,”</span> its
name being perhaps derived from the cowardice (de?µa)
of these <span class="tei tei-q">“useless and worthless fellows,”</span> as Hesiod
calls them.<a id="noteref_1611" name="noteref_1611" href="#note_1611"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1611</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Ithymbi was danced to Bacchus,
the dance of the Caryatides to Artemis; the Bryallicha
was so called after its inventor Bryallichus;
it was danced by women to Apollo and
Artemis.</span></span>”</span> The following dances also, as appears
from the conclusion, were Laconian. The Hypogypones
imitated old men with sticks. The Gypones
danced on wooden stilts, and wearing
transparent Tarentine dresses. The Menes was
danced by Charini,<a id="noteref_1612" name="noteref_1612" href="#note_1612"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1612</span></span></a> and took its name from the
flute-player who invented it. There was a Bacchanalian
dance called <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tyrbasia</span></span>,”</span> probably resembling
the Argive Tyrbè, and deriving its name from
its intricate mazes. <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A dance in which they mimicked
those who were caught stealing the remains
of meals was called Mimelic. But the Gymnopœdia,
danced with jests and merriment, was more
splendid.</span></span>”</span> The merry spirit, and the love for comic
exhibition, which produced all these mimic dances, is
shown in these imperfect notices, the deficiencies of
which we can only supply in one instance, viz. in the
account of the Deicelictæ (or Mimeli). There was at
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page349">[pg 349]</span><a name="Pg349" id="Pg349" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Sparta an ancient play, but it was probably acted only
by the common people, and quite extempore, nor ever
by regular players.<a id="noteref_1613" name="noteref_1613" href="#note_1613"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1613</span></span></a> From the account of Nepos it
may be also conjectured that it was performed by
unmarried women. The name Deicelictæ (or Mimeli)
merely means <span class="tei tei-q">“imitators;”</span><a id="noteref_1614" name="noteref_1614" href="#note_1614"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1614</span></span></a> but it came to
signify only <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">comic</span></em> imitators.<a id="noteref_1615" name="noteref_1615" href="#note_1615"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1615</span></span></a> In this play there was
not (according to Sosibius)<a id="noteref_1616" name="noteref_1616" href="#note_1616"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1616</span></span></a> any great art; for Sparta
in all things loved simplicity. It represented in plain
and common language either a foreign physician or
stealers of fruit (probably boys), who were caught
with their stolen goods;<a id="noteref_1617" name="noteref_1617" href="#note_1617"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1617</span></span></a> that is, it was an imitation of
common life, probably alternating with comic dances.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
10. In Laconia it was chiefly the lower orders who
had any decided love for comedy and buffoonery; for
with the Dorians we only now and then discover a ray
of levity or mirth piercing the gravity of their nature.
I have already
mentioned,<a id="noteref_1618" name="noteref_1618" href="#note_1618"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1618</span></span></a> that from the Helots, who
dwelt in the houses of the Spartans, and were called
Mothones, or Mothaces, a kind of riotous dance took
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page350">[pg 350]</span><a name="Pg350" id="Pg350" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
its name, in which drunken persons were probably
represented; whence perhaps was derived the story
that the Spartans intoxicated their slaves as a warning
to their children. Other dances may perhaps have
been common among the peasants, and particularly
among the shepherds of remote regions.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It is an interesting question, and one allied to the
present inquiry, to ascertain the origin of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bucolic</span></em>
poetry of the ancients. No one can doubt that its
mingled character of simplicity, nature, and buffoonery,
was copied from real life. Now the manners which it
represented could neither have been those of slaves,
for the condition of slavery does not admit of any regular
society; nor yet of free citizens, for the rustic
scenes of this poetry wholly disagree with a city life.
It remains therefore that it imitated the life of subjects,
of bondmen, such as existed as a separate class
in the Doric states, and accordingly bucolic poems are
commonly in the Doric dialect. It is related, that
when Xerxes had overrun Greece, and the Spartan
women could not perform the customary rites of Artemis
Caryatis, the shepherds came from the mountains,
and sang pastoral hymns to the goddess.<a id="noteref_1619" name="noteref_1619" href="#note_1619"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1619</span></span></a> From this
confused account we may collect that in the north of
Laconia there had been some rude essays of pastoral
poetry. In this respect, however, the shepherds of
Italy and Sicily have become far more celebrated;
Epicharmus mentions their bucolics (ß??????asµ??),
as a kind of dance and song;<a id="noteref_1620" name="noteref_1620" href="#note_1620"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1620</span></span></a> and even before his time
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page351">[pg 351]</span><a name="Pg351" id="Pg351" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Stesichorus had formed them into a species of lyric
poetry.<a id="noteref_1621" name="noteref_1621" href="#note_1621"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1621</span></span></a> Nevertheless their origin appears not
to have been independent of one another, for both in
Laconia and Sicily the name of Tityrus was used for
the leading goat or ram of the flock.<a id="noteref_1622" name="noteref_1622" href="#note_1622"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1622</span></span></a> That the
same name should equally distinguish the human and
animal leader of the flock, is a trait of the simplicity
of those men, who passed their days among valleys
and pastures, harmlessly tending their flocks, and
taking no more notice of other modes of life than
sending from time to time the produce of their industry
to the city. Now in Sicily these shepherds were not
of Greek extraction, but were undoubtedly of the
aboriginal Siculian population, the ancient worshippers
of the goddess Pales;<a id="noteref_1623" name="noteref_1623" href="#note_1623"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1623</span></span></a> and it is not improbable that
the bucolic poetry owed its origin to native talent.
Even the ancient legend of Daphnis, who lost his eyes
through his love for a nymph,<a id="noteref_1624" name="noteref_1624" href="#note_1624"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1624</span></span></a> appears to me rather
of a Siculian than Grecian cast; although how far the
character of the Greeks and of the native inhabitants
were opposed, is a very obscure subject of inquiry.<a id="noteref_1625" name="noteref_1625" href="#note_1625"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1625</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page352">[pg 352]</span><a name="Pg352" id="Pg352" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
11. To conclude; as in Attica, so among the Dorians,
comedy connected itself with the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">country festivals</span></span>
of Bacchus; and, as Aristotle says,<a id="noteref_1626" name="noteref_1626" href="#note_1626"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1626</span></span></a> originated
from the extemporaneous songs of those who led the
Phallic processions, which were still customary in
many Greek cities at the time of that philosopher.
Of this, Sicyon furnishes an example. There was
there a dance called ???t??,<a id="noteref_1627" name="noteref_1627" href="#note_1627"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1627</span></span></a> which was probably of
a Phallic nature; and also a comic entertainment,
called the Phallophori,<a id="noteref_1628" name="noteref_1628" href="#note_1628"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1628</span></span></a> in which the actors, with their
heads and faces adorned with flowers, but unmasked,
came into the theatre, in stately garments, some at the
common entrance, some at the scene-doors; the Phallophorus,
his face smeared with soot, walked first from
among them, and, after giving notice that they came
with a new song in honour of Bacchus, they began to
ridicule any person they chose to select. Thus too the
Phlyaces of Tarentum were probably connected with
the worship of Bacchus, whose festivals were accompanied
with similar rejoicings in Sicily.<a id="noteref_1629" name="noteref_1629" href="#note_1629"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1629</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Yet the rites of Demeter sometimes gave rise among
the Dorians to lascivious entertainments of this kind,
as we learn from the description in Herodotus of the
Æginetan choruses of women at the festival of Artemis
and Auxesia, which provoked others of their sex
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page353">[pg 353]</span><a name="Pg353" id="Pg353" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by riotous and insulting language.<a id="noteref_1630" name="noteref_1630" href="#note_1630"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1630</span></span></a> These
mockeries were, however, only the humour of the moment, and
were merely accessaries to certain dances and songs;
but among the Megarians, comedy, we know not by
what means, obtained a more artificial character, and
a more independent form.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc41" id="toc41"></a>
<a name="pdf42" id="pdf42"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VII.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Origin of comedy at Megara. § 2. Life and drama of Epicharmus.
§ 3. Traces of theatrical representations on painted
vases. § 4. Political and philosophical tendency of the drama
of Epicharmus. § 5. Mimes of Sophron. § 6. Plays of
Rhinthon. § 7. Origin of tragedy at the city festivals of Bacchus.
§ 8. Early history of the Doric tragedy. § 9. Character
of the Doric lyric poetry. § 10. Doric lyric poets. § 11.
Origin of the Doric lyric poetry. § 12. Character of the Doric
style of sculpture.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. At Athens, a coarse and ill-mannered jest was
termed a Megarian joke;<a id="noteref_1631" name="noteref_1631" href="#note_1631"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1631</span></span></a> which may be considered
as a certain proof of the decided propensity of that
people to humour. This is confirmed by the claims
of the Megarians, who disputed the invention of
comedy with the Athenians,<a id="noteref_1632" name="noteref_1632" href="#note_1632"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1632</span></span></a> and perhaps not without
justice, if indeed the term invention be at all applicable
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page354">[pg 354]</span><a name="Pg354" id="Pg354" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the rise of the several branches of poetry,
which sprung so gradually, and at such different
times, from the particular feelings excited by the
ancient festival rites, that it is difficult, and perhaps
impossible, to fix upon the period at which the species
of composition to which each gave rise was sufficiently
advanced to be called a particular kind of poetry.
Yet it is in the highest degree probable that the
Athenians were indebted for the earliest form of their
comic poetry to the Megarians. The Megarian
comedy is ridiculed by Ecphantides, one of the early
comic poets of Athens, as rude and unpolished, which
circumstance alone makes its higher antiquity probable.<a id="noteref_1633" name="noteref_1633" href="#note_1633"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1633</span></span></a>
Ecphantides, whom Aristophanes, Cratinus,
and others, ridicule as rough and unpolished,<a id="noteref_1634" name="noteref_1634" href="#note_1634"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1634</span></span></a> looks
down in his turn on those who had introduced comedy
from Megara, and claims the merit of first seasoning
the uncouth Megarian productions with Attic salt.
But one of the earliest introducers of comedy was,
according to the most credible and authentic accounts,
Susarion, a native of Tripodiscus, an ancient village
in the Megarian territory;<a id="noteref_1635" name="noteref_1635" href="#note_1635"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1635</span></span></a> in Attica he made his
first appearance in the village of Icaria,<a id="noteref_1636" name="noteref_1636" href="#note_1636"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1636</span></span></a> situated on
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page355">[pg 355]</span><a name="Pg355" id="Pg355" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the borders of Megaris and Bœotia;<a id="noteref_1637" name="noteref_1637" href="#note_1637"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1637</span></span></a> where it is
known from mythological fables, that the rural festival
of Bacchus had been celebrated from an early period.
The argument for its Doric origin, derived from the
name ??µ?d?a, <span class="tei tei-q">“the village-song”</span> (the Peloponnesians
calling their villages ??µa?, and the Athenians
d?µ??), is by no means conclusive, as the
derivation of that name from the word ??µ??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">a tumultuous
festival procession</span></span>, is far more probable.
The early time at which comedy must have flourished
may be seen from the fact, that it passed over to
Athens in the 50th Olympiad;<a id="noteref_1638" name="noteref_1638" href="#note_1638"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1638</span></span></a> but of its character
we should form a very partial judgment, if we trusted
implicitly to the accounts of the Athenian neighbours;
and yet we have no other means of information.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The ancient comedy of Susarion, and of the Megarians,
was (as is clear from the passage of Ecphantides)
founded on a dramatic principle; although a
species of lyric poetry, also called comedy, had existed
from an early period among the Dorians and
Æolians;<a id="noteref_1639" name="noteref_1639" href="#note_1639"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1639</span></span></a> nor can I admit the opinion of Aristotle,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page356">[pg 356]</span><a name="Pg356" id="Pg356" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that Epicharmus and Phormis were the first who
wrote a comedy with a plot or story; previously to
those poets, only some extempore and abusive speeches
(?aµß??e??) were, according to his view of the subject,
introduced between the songs of the chorus; but if
this had been the case, the Megarian comedy would
not have differed materially from the Sicyonian sports
of the Phallophori, nor have attracted so much attention
as it actually did. A Megarian actor, named
Mæson, is often mentioned by the ancients as the inventor
of masks of certain characters of low comedy,
as cooks, scullions, sailors, and the like.<a id="noteref_1640" name="noteref_1640" href="#note_1640"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1640</span></span></a> Hence it
may be inferred that these Megarian farces, with their
established or frequently recurring characters, had
some resemblance to the Oscan Atellane plays.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. It is indeed very probable that the Megarian
furnished the first germ and elements of the Sicilian
comedy, as perfected by Epicharmus. For the Megarians
in Sicily, as well as those near Athens, laid
claim, according to Aristotle,<a id="noteref_1641" name="noteref_1641" href="#note_1641"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1641</span></span></a> to the invention of
comedy, and there is no doubt that a communication
was kept up between those two states. Now it is
possible that comedy was brought from Megara to
Syracuse, when Gelon (484 or 483 B.C.)<a id="noteref_1642" name="noteref_1642" href="#note_1642"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1642</span></span></a>
transplanted the inhabitants from the former to the latter
city; and thus the elements of comedy which existed
in the choruses and iambic speeches, were, by
their subsequent combination with a more improved
species of poetry, brought to maturity. This supposition,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page357">[pg 357]</span><a name="Pg357" id="Pg357" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
however, rests upon mere conjecture. Epicharmus,
the son of Helothales,<a id="noteref_1643" name="noteref_1643" href="#note_1643"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1643</span></span></a> must have gone to
Syracuse at this emigration, having formerly resided
at Megara; but he cannot be considered as the person
who really introduced comedy at Syracuse, as he
had lived only a short time at Megara; he was, as we
are credibly informed, a native of Cos,<a id="noteref_1644" name="noteref_1644" href="#note_1644"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1644</span></span></a> and went to
Sicily with Cadmus, that is, about, or soon after, 480
B.C.,<a id="noteref_1645" name="noteref_1645" href="#note_1645"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1645</span></span></a> and he must at this time have
been at least a youth, in order to have acquired a name and influence
in the reign of Hieron (between 478 and 467 B.C.)<a id="noteref_1646" name="noteref_1646" href="#note_1646"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1646</span></span></a>
In confirmation of the statement that he was a native
of Cos, it may be remarked, that he was likewise a
physician, which was the regular profession of his
brother, his family being probably connected with
that of the Asclepiadæ. Phormis, or Phormus, who
by Aristotle and others is often mentioned with Epicharmus,
appears to have been earlier than that poet
by some Olympiads, having been the friend of Gelon,
and tutor to his children;<a id="noteref_1647" name="noteref_1647" href="#note_1647"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1647</span></span></a> but his fame was so completely
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page358">[pg 358]</span><a name="Pg358" id="Pg358" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
eclipsed by that of his successor, that there is
scarcely anything remaining of his plays, except a
few titles,<a id="noteref_1648" name="noteref_1648" href="#note_1648"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1648</span></span></a> which however show that he parodied mythological
subjects.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But Epicharmus is much less known and esteemed
than his peculiar style of writing and dramatic skill
deserve; and those authors greatly err, who fix upon
the period when his peculiar kind of poetry had
arrived at perfection, as the commencement of the
Athenian comedy, and attribute the clumsy and
rustic simplicity from which the latter emerged, to
the Sicilian style, which had enjoyed all the advantages
which the life of a city and court could afford.<a id="noteref_1649" name="noteref_1649" href="#note_1649"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1649</span></span></a>
Before, therefore, we enter into details respecting
the dramas, of Epicharmus, we will say a few words
on the nature of his subjects, and his mode of handling
them.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The subjects of the plays of Epicharmus were
chiefly mythological, that is, parodies or travesties of
mythology, nearly in the style of the satyric drama
of Athens. Thus in the comedy of Busiris, Hercules
was represented in the most ludicrous light, as a voracious
glutton, and he was again exhibited in the
same character (with a mixture perhaps of satirical
remarks on the luxury of the times) in <span class="tei tei-q">“the Marriage
of Hebe,”</span> in which an astonishing number of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page359">[pg 359]</span><a name="Pg359" id="Pg359" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
dishes was mentioned.<a id="noteref_1650" name="noteref_1650" href="#note_1650"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1650</span></span></a> We can however form a
better notion of the drama called <span class="tei tei-q">“Hephæstus, or
the Revellers,”</span> chiefly by the help of some ancient
works of art, which have come down to us. The
play began we are told, with Hephæstus chaining his
mother Here by magical charms to a seat, from which
he only released her after long entreaties.<a id="noteref_1651" name="noteref_1651" href="#note_1651"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1651</span></span></a> Now on
a vase discovered at Bari in the kingdom of Naples,
and now preserved in the British Museum,<a id="noteref_1652" name="noteref_1652" href="#note_1652"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1652</span></span></a> Here,
with the superscription ????,<a id="noteref_1653" name="noteref_1653" href="#note_1653"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1653</span></span></a> is seen seated on a
throne; on her right is a clown fantastically dressed,
whom his pointed cap marks as a servant of Hephæstus,
and his name, Dædalus, is written over his head;<a id="noteref_1654" name="noteref_1654" href="#note_1654"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1654</span></span></a>
on her left is Mars, dressed, with the exception of his
helmet, in the same fashion (with the superscription
????????S); both these figures are armed, and
endeavouring, the one to dissolve, the other to
strengthen the charm by which Here is held. The
whole scene is evidently supposed to take place on a
stage, leading to which there are some steps; and as
there were no other Sicilian or Italian comedies on the
same subject, it may without hesitation be considered
as a representation of the first part of the Hephæstus
of Epicharmus.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page360">[pg 360]</span><a name="Pg360" id="Pg360" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The legend went on to say, that Hephæstus, having
in consequence of this act been ill-treated by his
parents, entirely deserted Olympus, until Bacchus,
having contrived to make him drunk, placed him on
an ass, and thus brought him in jolly merriment back
to Olympus; to which transaction the other title of
the piece, <span class="tei tei-q">“the Revellers,”</span> evidently alludes. Now
this scene also has been transmitted to us in some
ancient paintings, which although they do not exhibit
the theatrical dress and the place of performance so
clearly as that just mentioned, are evidently taken
from comedies. There is on a Coghill vase<a id="noteref_1655" name="noteref_1655" href="#note_1655"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1655</span></span></a> a procession
in which the names of the several individuals
composing it are superscribed; first Marsyas as a
flute-player; then Comedy, in a state of violent
motion; next Bacchus, in the ancient festival costume;
and lastly, Hephæstus, who in other compositions
of the same subject is drawn riding on an
ass.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_3" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
3. From these data, I will leave it to the judgment
and taste of the reader to draw his own conclusions
on the character of the drama of Epicharmus. But I
may take this opportunity of remarking, that the
painted vases of lower Italy often enable us to gain a
complete and vivid idea of the theatrical representations
of that country. From this source I have above
traced a farce, in which Hercules delivers the Cercopes
to Eurystheus, or some other king,<a id="noteref_1656" name="noteref_1656" href="#note_1656"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1656</span></span></a> and
perhaps also the picture of Hercules in the form of a
pigmy, and fighting with the cranes, was derived from
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page361">[pg 361]</span><a name="Pg361" id="Pg361" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
a similar source.<a id="noteref_1657" name="noteref_1657" href="#note_1657"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1657</span></span></a> We may likewise mention the
picture of Zeus and Hermes, the latter with a lantern,
and the former with a ladder, both dressed in the
most ridiculous and fantastical costume, in the act of
ascending to a fair female, who is expecting them at
her window.<a id="noteref_1658" name="noteref_1658" href="#note_1658"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1658</span></span></a> It seems also probable, that the buffoon
represented on a vase, as sitting on a fish, and making
ridiculous grimaces,<a id="noteref_1659" name="noteref_1659" href="#note_1659"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1659</span></span></a> is a caricature of the Tarentine
fable of Taras on the dolphin. The costume, which
reminds us of the Italian Policinello and Arlecchino,<a id="noteref_1660" name="noteref_1660" href="#note_1660"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1660</span></span></a>
proves that it was taken from a dramatic representation,
which however is still more conspicuous on the
painted vase of Asteas,<a id="noteref_1661" name="noteref_1661" href="#note_1661"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1661</span></span></a> on which, among a number of
clowns, one is seen stretched on a couch, evidently the
bed of Procrustes. But it is remarkable, that in this
case the performers do not bear the names of the
heroes whom they travesty, but those of their masks.
The one on the bed is called ??????S, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gracioso</span></span>
(which name was likewise in use at Sparta);<a id="noteref_1662" name="noteref_1662" href="#note_1662"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1662</span></span></a> the
others are named ???S???S <span class="tei tei-q">“the jester:”</span>
??G??S <span class="tei tei-q">“the laugher;”</span><a id="noteref_1663" name="noteref_1663" href="#note_1663"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1663</span></span></a> and G????S?S, if the
letters are read correctly: these are evidently names
of standing characters of a dramatic fable, resembling
the Attelane farces of Campania. The vase was
moreover discovered in Campania.<a id="noteref_1664" name="noteref_1664" href="#note_1664"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1664</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page362">[pg 362]</span><a name="Pg362" id="Pg362" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. But to return to Epicharmus; the comedy of
this poet was by no means confined to parodies of
mythological stories, as he also, like Aristophanes,
handled political subjects, and invented comic characters
like the later Athenian poets; and indeed the extent
of his subjects was very wide. The piece called
??pa?a?, or <span class="tei tei-q">“the Plunderings,”</span> which described
the devastation of Sicily in his time, had, according to
Hemsterhuis,<a id="noteref_1665" name="noteref_1665" href="#note_1665"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1665</span></span></a> a political meaning; and this
was perhaps also the case with the ??s??, or <span class="tei tei-q">“the
Islands:”</span> at least it was mentioned in this play, that
Hieron had prevented Anaxilas from destroying
Locri (477 B.C.);<a id="noteref_1666" name="noteref_1666" href="#note_1666"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1666</span></span></a> in his <span class="tei tei-q">“Persians”</span> also there
were allusions to the history of the times. The play
called the <span class="tei tei-q">“Countryman”</span> (????st????, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ????????),
was an instance of the drama, which illustrated the
character of a certain class of society. Epicharmus
also introduced, and almost perfected characters, which
were very common in the drama of later times;<a id="noteref_1667" name="noteref_1667" href="#note_1667"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1667</span></span></a> and if
the plot of the Menæchmi of Plautus was, as the poet
seems to state in the prologue, taken from a comedy
of Epicharmus, it must be granted that the ingenious
construction of plots was not beyond the powers of
that poet.<a id="noteref_1668" name="noteref_1668" href="#note_1668"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1668</span></span></a> The style of his plays was not less various
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page363">[pg 363]</span><a name="Pg363" id="Pg363" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
than his subjects, as he passed from the extreme
of rude and comic buffoonery to a more serious and
instructive vein, introducing maxims and moral sentences<a id="noteref_1669" name="noteref_1669" href="#note_1669"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1669</span></span></a>
with precepts of the Pythagorean philosophy,
in which he is said to have been initiated with Archytas
and Philolaus the son of Arcesas, the successor of
Pythagoras;<a id="noteref_1670" name="noteref_1670" href="#note_1670"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1670</span></span></a> and we know from Diogenes Laertius
that he introduced long discourses of a speculative
and philosophical nature, though it is not easy to see
how they were connected with the rest of the piece.
In the Ulysses (as I conjecture from the speech to
Eumæus) he made incidentally some philosophical
remarks on the instinct of animals;<a id="noteref_1671" name="noteref_1671" href="#note_1671"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1671</span></span></a> other
pieces, such as <span class="tei tei-q">“the Pyrrha and Prometheus,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“the
Land and Sea,”</span> were by their subjects still more
closely connected with philosophy; he also wrote
some poems on questions of natural and moral philosophy,
which, if we may judge from the imitation of
Ennius, were composed in a theatrical and very lively
metre, the trochaic tetrameter.<a id="noteref_1672" name="noteref_1672" href="#note_1672"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1672</span></span></a> That the dramatic
style of Epicharmus was perfect in its kind, is proved
by the great admiration it was held in by the ancients,
particularly by Plato; and if the Attic comedy excelled
in cutting satire and ridicule, the Sicilian poet
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page364">[pg 364]</span><a name="Pg364" id="Pg364" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
had a higher and more general aim. The Athenian
poets, if we may judge from Aristophanes, confined
themselves wholly to the affairs of their own state,
and it was their object to point out what they considered
beneficial to the people. But Epicharmus had
a different and higher object; for if the elements of
his drama, which we have discovered singly, were in
his plays combined, he must have set out with an
elevated and philosophical view, which enabled him to
satirize mankind, without disturbing the calmness and
tranquillity of his thoughts; while at the same time
his scenes of common life were marked with the acute
and penetrating genius which characterized the
Sicilians.<a id="noteref_1673" name="noteref_1673" href="#note_1673"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1673</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. Notwithstanding this excellence, the comedy of
Epicharmus was only an insulated and passing phenomenon,
as we are not informed of any successors
of that great poet, except Deinolochus<a id="noteref_1674" name="noteref_1674" href="#note_1674"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1674</span></span></a>
his son, or rather his disciple. But about half a century after
Epicharmus,<a id="noteref_1675" name="noteref_1675" href="#note_1675"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1675</span></span></a> Sophron, the mimographer, made his
appearance, who was the author of a new species of
comedy, though in many respects resembling that of
his predecessor. Still this variety of the drama differed
so much, not only from that of Sicily, but from
any other which existed in Greece, that its origin
must, after all our attempts at explanation, remain
involved in great obscurity. The mimes of Sophron
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page365">[pg 365]</span><a name="Pg365" id="Pg365" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
had no accompaniment of music or dancing, and they
were written, not in verse, but in prose, though perhaps
in certain <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">rhythmical divisions</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1676" name="noteref_1676" href="#note_1676"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1676</span></span></a> This latter
circumstance seems quite singular, and without example
in the Greek literature which has been transmitted
to us. But that it was in reality so, seems
improbable, when we remember that there would
naturally be an intermediate rhythm, formed at the
transition from the metrical to the prosaic style;<a id="noteref_1677" name="noteref_1677" href="#note_1677"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1677</span></span></a> and
with the Dorians this would have taken the form of
concise and disjointed sentences, a periodical style
being more suited to the Athenians. We are led to
this notion by the consideration of some remains of
Lacedæmonian composition, in which no one can fail
to see the rhythmical form and symmetry of the sentences.
Thus in the famous letter of Hippocrates,<a id="noteref_1678" name="noteref_1678" href="#note_1678"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1678</span></span></a>
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">???e? t? ?a??. ???da??? ?? ?pess??a;</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">pe????t? t??d?e?; ?p????µe? t? ??? d???.</span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
and also in that of the Lacedæmonian women, preserved
by Plutarch,<a id="noteref_1679" name="noteref_1679" href="#note_1679"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1679</span></span></a>
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">?a?? te? f?µa ?a?????ta?;</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">ta?ta? ?p??e?, ? µ? ?s?,</span></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
where the rhythm passes insensibly into verse; which
is less strikingly the case in other instances.<a id="noteref_1680" name="noteref_1680" href="#note_1680"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1680</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page366">[pg 366]</span><a name="Pg366" id="Pg366" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Whether the mimes of Sophron were publicly represented
or not, is a question not easily answered.
It would however be singular, if a poetical work had
been intended only for reading, in an age when everything
was written, not for the public eye, but for the
public ear. It is certainly more probable that these
mimes were originally part of the amusements of
certain festivals, as was the case with the Spartan
deicelictæ, which they resembled more than any other
variety of the drama.<a id="noteref_1681" name="noteref_1681" href="#note_1681"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1681</span></span></a> Indeed it can be easily conceived,
that farces of this description, acted by persons
who had a quick perception of the eccentricities
and peculiarities of mankind, and a talent for mimicry,
should have existed among the Dorians of Sicily, as
well as of Laconia, particularly as the former were
celebrated for their imitative skill.<a id="noteref_1682" name="noteref_1682" href="#note_1682"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1682</span></span></a> Even Agathocles
the tyrant excited the laughter, not merely of his
guests and companions, but of whole assemblies of the
people, by ridiculing certain known characters, in the
manner of an <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">ethologus</span></span>, or merry
andrew.<a id="noteref_1683" name="noteref_1683" href="#note_1683"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1683</span></span></a> Accordingly
the mimes of Sophron, by which these rude
attempts were improved, and raised to a regular
species of the drama, were distinguished by their faithful
imitation of manners, even of the vulgar, and the
solecisms and rude dialect of the common people
were copied with great exactness;<a id="noteref_1684" name="noteref_1684" href="#note_1684"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1684</span></span></a> whence the numerous
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page367">[pg 367]</span><a name="Pg367" id="Pg367" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
sayings and proverbs which were introduced.<a id="noteref_1685" name="noteref_1685" href="#note_1685"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1685</span></span></a>
On the other hand, he was most skilful in seizing the
more delicate shades and turns of feeling, and in preserving
the unity and consistency of his characters,
without which he would never have been so much admired
by Plato, or the study of his works have been
so serviceable in the composition of the Socratic
dialogues, as we know on good authority to have been
the case;<a id="noteref_1686" name="noteref_1686" href="#note_1686"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1686</span></span></a> and hence we should compare the scenery
of Plato's dialogues with the poems of Theocritus,
which we know to be imitated from the female mimes
of Sophron, in order to obtain a proper idea of those
master-pieces. His talent for description must however
have been supported and directed by moral considerations;
which probably preponderated rather in
the serious (µ?µ?? sp??da???), and were less prominent
in the common mimes (µ?µ?? ???????). The tribe of
Aretalogi and Ethologi, who originally spoke much
of virtue and morality, but gradually sank into mere
buffoons, appears to have come from Sicily, and was,
perhaps through several intermediate links, connected
with Sophron.<a id="noteref_1687" name="noteref_1687" href="#note_1687"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1687</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In considering these philosophical sports, which
mingled in the same breath the grave and solemn
lessons of philosophy and the most ludicrous mimicry
and buffoonery, we may perhaps find a reason why
Persius, a youth educated in the Stoic sect, should
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page368">[pg 368]</span><a name="Pg368" id="Pg368" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
have thought of making Sophron the model of his
Satires. This statement is given by a late, but in
this instance a credible writer,<a id="noteref_1688" name="noteref_1688" href="#note_1688"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1688</span></span></a> and is confirmed by
the dramatic character of the Satires of Persius, and
the constant use of mimicry in them, particularly the
first four; so much so indeed, that a study of Persius
is the best method of forming an accurate and lively
idea of the mimes of Sophron.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. The Dorians in general had evidently less
poetical skill and feeling than the Athenians, and did
not cultivate those rude attempts of wit and mirth
which the festivals called forth, and of which the
Athenians knew so well how to take advantage.
This incapacity or negligence of the early times
enables us to explain why several kinds of Doric
poetry were not received into the literature of civilized
Greece until the Alexandrian age, of which we may
particularly specify the bucolic poetry, and the phlyaces
of Tarentum. These carnival sports had doubtless
been represented for ages, before they acquired,
in the time of Ptolemy the First, notoriety in other
places by the poems of Rhinthon, which were named
after them. These plays are also called ??a??t?a??d?a,<a id="noteref_1689" name="noteref_1689" href="#note_1689"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1689</span></span></a>
or tragi-comedy; and both these and the titles
of some pieces<a id="noteref_1690" name="noteref_1690" href="#note_1690"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1690</span></span></a> and fragments handed down to us
show that they were burlesques of tragical subjects.<a id="noteref_1691" name="noteref_1691" href="#note_1691"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1691</span></span></a>
It may, however, be easily supposed that Rhinthon
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page369">[pg 369]</span><a name="Pg369" id="Pg369" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
did not lose sight of the Athenian tragedy, and it is
possible that his two Iphigenias in particular, at Aulis
and Tauris, contained many parodies of the two plays
of Euripides. I should conceive, however, that he
adhered generally to the form of the ancient phlyaces;
thus for example, he faithfully imitated the dialect of
Tarentum;<a id="noteref_1692" name="noteref_1692" href="#note_1692"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1692</span></span></a> we may also be assured that he polished
the native farces, so as to fit them for theatrical
representation. These pieces were generally written
in trimeter iambics, which Rhinthon, however,
framed somewhat carelessly, as may be seen from
a fragment of his transmitted to us, where addressing
himself to his verses, he declares <span class="tei tei-q">“that he did
not give himself much trouble about them;”</span><a id="noteref_1693" name="noteref_1693" href="#note_1693"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1693</span></span></a> it is
also possible that he mixed the iambic with other
metres, as parodies, for the sake of contrast; thus,
for instance, he appears to have employed the solemn
hexameter in some very ludicrous passages.<a id="noteref_1694" name="noteref_1694" href="#note_1694"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1694</span></span></a> Rhinthon
was succeeded in this species of parody by
Sopatrus, Sciras,<a id="noteref_1695" name="noteref_1695" href="#note_1695"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1695</span></span></a> and Blæsus; the last-named poet,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page370">[pg 370]</span><a name="Pg370" id="Pg370" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
a native of Capreæ in Campania, wrote (as may be
inferred from the title of his <span class="tei tei-q">“Saturn”</span>) after the Roman
manners and religion had gained the ascendency;
but he used only the ancient dialect, and he too, being
called a serio-comic poet (sp??d??e????? p???t??),
seems to have adopted the same mixture of tragedy
and comedy.<a id="noteref_1696" name="noteref_1696" href="#note_1696"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1696</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
7. We have now dwelt at some length on the comic
poetry of the Dorians, on account of the interesting
nature of the subject, and the light which it throws
on the general character of a people, among whom the
strictest gravity was found closely united with the
most unrestrained jocularity and mirth; for as every
real jest requires for a foundation a firm, solid, and
grave disposition of mind, so moral indifference, and a
frivolous temperament, not only destroy the contrast
between gravity and jest, but annihilate the spirit of
both. Our inquiries on the early state of the tragic
drama among the Dorians will be more concise. And
we may first observe, that the great difference between
tragedy and comedy did not exist originally but was
only formed gradually in their development. Their
only distinction at first was, that while comedy was
more a sport and a merriment of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">country</span></em> festivals,
tragedy was from its commencement connected with
the public rejoicings and ceremonies of Bacchus in
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">cities</span></em>, and was performed by the great cyclic or
dithyrambic choruses. Thence it came that the former
expressed the boisterous mirth and joviality of clowns
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page371">[pg 371]</span><a name="Pg371" id="Pg371" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and peasants; whereas the latter was formed upon
the particular ideas and feelings suggested by the worship
of Bacchus, and by the part which he bore in
mythology. It principally turned on the sufferings of
Bacchus (?????s?? p???), a point alluded to in some
verses in the Iliad, though there is no doubt that it had
been attempted at a much earlier period.<a id="noteref_1697" name="noteref_1697" href="#note_1697"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1697</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_8" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
8. We shall now show how this applies to the tragedy
of the Dorians. According to the account of
Herodotus<a id="noteref_1698" name="noteref_1698" href="#note_1698"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1698</span></span></a> there were at Sicyon, an ancient seat of
the worship of Bacchus, tragic choruses which sung
of Bacchus, and undoubtedly of his sufferings. These
choruses however had even before the age of Cleisthenes
(Olymp. 45.) been transferred to Adrastus,
the hero of that city, but they were by that tyrant
restored to their former subject. The date of their
restoration is therefore known; the time of their extension
to Adrastus, and consequently of their foundation,
must have been much more remote; this shows
the comparatively late date of the Attic tragedy, which
began with Thespis. Now we are also informed that
Epigenes, a very ancient tragedian of Sicyon, was the
sixteenth before Thespis;<a id="noteref_1699" name="noteref_1699" href="#note_1699"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1699</span></span></a> thus it appears that the
ancients were in possession of a stock of information,
which has been lost to us, that enabled them to draw
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page372">[pg 372]</span><a name="Pg372" id="Pg372" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
up a regular succession of all the intermediate tragic
poets. To this if we add that some of the Peloponnesians,
as we are told by Aristotle,<a id="noteref_1700" name="noteref_1700" href="#note_1700"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1700</span></span></a> disputed with
the Athenians the invention of tragedy,<a id="noteref_1701" name="noteref_1701" href="#note_1701"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1701</span></span></a> we shall not
be inclined to deny the claims of the former, on the
mere ground that their song, being drowned by the
louder notes of the Athenians, was thus early silenced.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But it remains to be decided, whether this Sicyonian
tragedy belonged to the regular drama, or whether
it was merely a species of dithyrambic lyric
poetry, the existence of which was first proved some
few years ago by a learned writer of this country.<a id="noteref_1702" name="noteref_1702" href="#note_1702"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1702</span></span></a>
Of these hypotheses the latter seems most probable,
as the accounts of the Athenians respecting the origin
and progress of their own tragedy can only then be
justified, and because it is distinctly stated that the
early tragedy consisted exclusively of choruses.<a id="noteref_1703" name="noteref_1703" href="#note_1703"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1703</span></span></a> But
I should conceive that these Bacchanalian songs were
always accompanied by some mimicry; which indeed
the nature of that worship would seem to require;
the liveliness of the feelings which it inspired calling
for a personified representation of them; and thus
Arion, who is styled the inventor of the tragic style
(t?a????? p??p??), is said to have introduced satyrs
into his choruses.<a id="noteref_1704" name="noteref_1704" href="#note_1704"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1704</span></span></a> Arion, although by birth a
Methymnæan, and probably a disciple of Terpander,
chiefly lived and wrote (like his predecessors, mentioned
above) in Peloponnesus and among Dorian
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page373">[pg 373]</span><a name="Pg373" id="Pg373" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
nations. It was at Corinth, in the reign of Periander,<a id="noteref_1705" name="noteref_1705" href="#note_1705"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1705</span></span></a>
that he first practised a cyclic chorus<a id="noteref_1706" name="noteref_1706" href="#note_1706"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1706</span></span></a> in the performance
of a dithyramb,<a id="noteref_1707" name="noteref_1707" href="#note_1707"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1707</span></span></a> where he probably took advantage
of some local accidents and rude beginnings,
which alone could justify Pindar in considering Corinth
as the native city of the dithyramb.<a id="noteref_1708" name="noteref_1708" href="#note_1708"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1708</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thus the district of Corinth and Sicyon is of considerable
importance in the early history of the drama.
Phlius also, where the satirical drama probably first
became a separate variety of the ancient tragedy, was
situate in that part: whence being introduced into
Athens, it was brought into a regular dramatical
shape. For Pratinas the Phliasian is truly called the
inventor of this species of the drama;<a id="noteref_1709" name="noteref_1709" href="#note_1709"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1709</span></span></a> and although
he contended for the prize with Æschylus at Athens,
he nevertheless must have remained a native of Phlius,
as his son and successor Aristeas was a citizen of that
city, and was buried there.<a id="noteref_1710" name="noteref_1710" href="#note_1710"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1710</span></span></a> I have nothing to
remark respecting the satyric drama, except that it must have
abounded in mimicry and pantomimic dances, such
as were used under the name of <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">hyporchemes</span></span> in
the temples of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1711" name="noteref_1711" href="#note_1711"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1711</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page374">[pg 374]</span><a name="Pg374" id="Pg374" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
9. Having now examined the two species of the
drama, comedy and tragedy, under different heads, we
will next consider them under the general name of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">orchestic</span></em> poetry, or poetry accompanied with dancing.
For while all poetry which was necessarily attended
with music was called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">lyric</span></em>, that which was sung to
accompany dances, frequently of large choruses, has
been called the Doric lyric poetry;<a id="noteref_1712" name="noteref_1712" href="#note_1712"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1712</span></span></a> to which appellation
it appears to be justly entitled, as in its various
forms it always partakes more or less of the Doric
dialect. Hence the terms Doric and Choral poetry
may be used as synonymous, as songs for choral dances
were usually composed in the Doric dialect; and
whenever the Doric dialect occurred in regular lyric
odes, these were generally for choral dances.<a id="noteref_1713" name="noteref_1713" href="#note_1713"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1713</span></span></a> Thus,
for instance, Pindar, the master of the Dorian lyric
poetry, composed scolia; which, unlike the poems
sung at feasts, were accompanied with dances and
contained more of the Doric dialect.<a id="noteref_1714" name="noteref_1714" href="#note_1714"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1714</span></span></a> Thus the dithyramb,
so long as it belonged to the Dorian lyric
poetry, was always antistrophic, that is, in a choral
form, or one adapted to dancing; but after being
new-modelled by Crexus, Phrynis, and others, it ceased
to be acted by cyclic choruses, and its dialect at the
same time underwent a total change. Choruses were
sung in the Doric dialect in the midst of the Attic
drama; so peculiarly did the choral dances seem to
belong to the Dorians.<a id="noteref_1715" name="noteref_1715" href="#note_1715"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1715</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page375">[pg 375]</span><a name="Pg375" id="Pg375" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
These facts afford two criterions for ascertaining
the character of the lyric poetry of the Dorians. In
the first place, it always bore the stamp of publicity;
as in the formation of choruses the public was in
some manner taken into consideration: secondly, it
had some religious reference; as choruses ever formed
part of religious worship. The feeling therefore
expressed by this kind of lyric poetry, though it
might more powerfully affect individuals, should nevertheless
be of such a nature as to interest a whole
people; and the subject, even if suggested by other
circumstances, should have a reference to religious
notions, and admit of a mythological treatment.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
10. Thus much concerning the character of lyric
poetry among the Dorians. But if we proceed to
inquire what gave to this species of poetry the characteristic
mark of the people, the circumstances
which first strike the attention will rather surprise than
enlighten us. For, in the first place, it is plain that
no Greek city was wholly without choral poetry; and
that prosodia, pæans, and dithyrambs, as soon as they
obtained a separate existence, spread in a short time
over the whole of Greece. Secondly, among the chief
founders and masters of the Dorian lyric poetry, the
smaller number only were Dorians, the others being
either of Æolian or Ionian descent. Thus Terpander,
the ancient pæan-singer, Arion, the inventor of the
dithyramb, and Pindar, were Æolians; Ibycus of
Rhegium, Bacchylides, and Simonides of Ceos, were
Ionians; and of the more celebrated poets the only
Dorians were Stesichorus of Himera, and Alcman,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page376">[pg 376]</span><a name="Pg376" id="Pg376" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by birth a Laconian, though descended from a Lydian
family. This last fact however may be reconciled
with the view taken above, by the supposition that a
certain <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">national style</span></em> had from an early period been
established in the native country of this choral poetry,
to which the poets of the several cities generally conformed;
while in other places, being more thrown on
their own resources, they were led to cultivate their
talent with greater freedom. Thus the choral poetry
flourished in no part of Greece so much as at Sparta,<a id="noteref_1716" name="noteref_1716" href="#note_1716"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1716</span></span></a>
as is proved by the best authorities, viz. Terpander<a id="noteref_1717" name="noteref_1717" href="#note_1717"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1717</span></span></a> and Pindar.<a id="noteref_1718" name="noteref_1718" href="#note_1718"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1718</span></span></a> But besides the foreign, though
almost naturalized poets, such as Terpander, Thaletas,
Nymphæeus of Cydonia,<a id="noteref_1719" name="noteref_1719" href="#note_1719"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1719</span></span></a>
and Simonides,<a id="noteref_1720" name="noteref_1720" href="#note_1720"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1720</span></span></a> there were
also more native lyric poets at Sparta than in any
other place;<a id="noteref_1721" name="noteref_1721" href="#note_1721"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1721</span></span></a> of whom we know by name, Spendon,<a id="noteref_1722" name="noteref_1722" href="#note_1722"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1722</span></span></a> Dionysodotus,<a id="noteref_1723" name="noteref_1723" href="#note_1723"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1723</span></span></a> Xenodamus,<a id="noteref_1724" name="noteref_1724" href="#note_1724"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1724</span></span></a> and Gitiadas, who sung
the praises of the same deity to whom he built the
brazen house.<a id="noteref_1725" name="noteref_1725" href="#note_1725"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1725</span></span></a> Notwithstanding which, there has
not been preserved a single fragment of Spartan lyric
poetry, with the exception of Alcman's; because, as
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page377">[pg 377]</span><a name="Pg377" id="Pg377" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
we showed above, there was a certain uniformity and
monotony in their productions, such as is perceivable
in the early works of art, which prevented any single
part from being prominent or distinguished. Something
must also be attributed to the effects of a censorship,
either of manners or of literary works; as
the Spartans are said to have banished Archilochus
from their city either on account of his cowardice, or
of the licentiousness of his poems;<a id="noteref_1726" name="noteref_1726" href="#note_1726"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1726</span></span></a> while, on the other
hand, Tyrtæus was held in the greatest honour, as
animating and encouraging their youth.<a id="noteref_1727" name="noteref_1727" href="#note_1727"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1727</span></span></a> The generality
of the use of the lyre at Sparta is proved by
the fondness of the female sex for it.<a id="noteref_1728" name="noteref_1728" href="#note_1728"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1728</span></span></a> And besides
several instances of lyric poetesses at Sparta,<a id="noteref_1729" name="noteref_1729" href="#note_1729"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1729</span></span></a> we
know the names of some at Argos<a id="noteref_1730" name="noteref_1730" href="#note_1730"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1730</span></span></a> and Phlius.<a id="noteref_1731" name="noteref_1731" href="#note_1731"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1731</span></span></a> At
the Isthmus of Corinth women were even allowed to
strive in the musical contests.<a id="noteref_1732" name="noteref_1732" href="#note_1732"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1732</span></span></a> Of the number of
lyric poets known only to their own age and country,
we may form some notion from the circumstance that
Pindar, celebrating a native of Ægina, incidentally
mentions two minstrels of the same family, Timocritus
and Euphanes the Theandridæ.<a id="noteref_1733" name="noteref_1733" href="#note_1733"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1733</span></span></a> Besides those already
named, the following Doric poets are known to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page378">[pg 378]</span><a name="Pg378" id="Pg378" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
us: Lasus of Hermione, a poet and musician, who
had improved the dithyramb after Arion, and the
Æolian style of music before Pindar; Ariphron of
Sicyon, a composer of pæans; Cleobulus of Rhodes,
who was both a philosopher and a lyric poet; and
the peculiar genius of Timocreon, who tuned the
Doric lyre against Simonides and Themistocles, having
been roused against the latter by the unjust conduct
of Athens towards the islands.<a id="noteref_1734" name="noteref_1734" href="#note_1734"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1734</span></span></a> Later poets we shall
pass over.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
11. The above statements merely go to establish
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fact</span></em>, that the choral lyric poetry, chiefly and originally
belonged to the Dorians. In what manner
this fact is to be <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">accounted for</span></em>, what were the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">causes</span></em>
of this phenomenon, can only be explained in a general
history of the lyric poetry of the Greeks, a subject at
once the most attractive and most difficult which
remains for the industry of the present age. In the
absence of such an investigation, I may be permitted
to offer on that question a few remarks, which the
occasion prevents me from supporting with a detailed
body of evidence.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the first place then it will, I believe, be safe to
give up the notion that the lyric was regularly and
gradually developed from epic poetry. The epic
poetry, beginning at a period when the Achæans were
yet in possession of Peloponnesus,<a id="noteref_1735" name="noteref_1735" href="#note_1735"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1735</span></span></a> retaining till the
latest times a peculiar dialect, and continued under
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page379">[pg 379]</span><a name="Pg379" id="Pg379" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
its ancient form by Greeks of all races,<a id="noteref_1736" name="noteref_1736" href="#note_1736"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1736</span></span></a> does not
show any tendency to produce an offspring so unlike
itself; and what could be more different than the recitation
of a single bard and the religious songs of a
chorus? From the time that there were Greeks and
a Greek language there were doubtless songs at processions,
both at festivals and to the temples, as well
as during the sacrifice; and these varying according
to the mode of worship and attributes of the god.
And in none were they so early reduced to rule as in
the worship of Apollo; to which, as has been already
shown,<a id="noteref_1737" name="noteref_1737" href="#note_1737"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1737</span></span></a> the ancient nomes, the pæans,
and hyporchemes, and other varieties of lyric poetry, either
in part or wholly, owed their origin. Now since this
worship was originally Doric, and its chief temples
were always in Doric countries, we can see a reason
why in the ceremonial, that is the choral, poetry, the
Doric dialect should have preponderated. Its form
was, on the whole, originally a Doric variety of the
epic hexameter; which was the rhythm of the ancient
nomes composed by the minstrels Philammon, Olen,
and Chrysothemis.<a id="noteref_1738" name="noteref_1738" href="#note_1738"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1738</span></span></a> Their ancient strains, which
were sung and danced to, must have been very different
from the delivery of the Homeric rhapsodists, a sort
of chaunting recitation; for Terpander is said to have
first set them, as well as the laws of Lycurgus,<a id="noteref_1739" name="noteref_1739" href="#note_1739"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1739</span></span></a> to a
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page380">[pg 380]</span><a name="Pg380" id="Pg380" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
regular tune; whereas these ancient religious hymns
had such tunes from the beginning; while the mode
to which they were set can hardly have been any other
than the Doric. The attempt to vary the rhythm probably
began by breaking the dactylic hexameters into
shorter portions, in order to produce new combinations
of less uniform verses, and thus gave rise to the antistrophic
form of metre.<a id="noteref_1740" name="noteref_1740" href="#note_1740"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1740</span></span></a> A different origin must, however,
as is natural, be assigned to the anapæstic
military songs; nor can we suppose that pæans and
hyporchemes ever followed the laws of hexameters;
the pæonian variety must have been earlier than
Alcman, who made use of Cretic hexameters. Generally
indeed Alcman, however early his age, made use
of a great variety of metres; the reason of which probably
is, that before his time Terpander had mixed
the Greek and Asiatic music; besides which, Alcman
had doubtless, from his Lydian origin, an inclination
to the eastern style of music; for in this a large
portion of his songs, in which the logaœdic metre
prevailed, were evidently composed:<a id="noteref_1741" name="noteref_1741" href="#note_1741"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1741</span></span></a> he was also
acquainted with Phrygian melodies.<a id="noteref_1742" name="noteref_1742" href="#note_1742"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1742</span></span></a> But the diversity
of his metres was only to express the variety
of his muse, which sometimes adored the gods in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page381">[pg 381]</span><a name="Pg381" id="Pg381" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
solemn choruses (in which, when he danced himself,
he implored the sweetly-singing virgins to be the
supports of his age<a id="noteref_1743" name="noteref_1743" href="#note_1743"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1743</span></span></a>), now wrote bridal-hymns and
drinking-songs; a sufficient refutation of the notion
that life at Sparta was one unvaried scene of gloominess
and melancholy; in which town these songs
continued nevertheless to be popular until the time of
Epaminondas.<a id="noteref_1744" name="noteref_1744" href="#note_1744"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1744</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_12" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_12" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
12. If the essence of art consists in investing an
idea of the mind with a sensible and bodily form, and
this in a corresponding and satisfactory manner, we
must certainly ascribe great skill in art to the Dorians,
for (as we have before remarked) they delighted
more in imitation than in creation or action. This
remark applies to the Greeks in general, and particularly
to the Dorians, as distinguished from later
times; hence the attention of that race to the beauty
of form; <span class="tei tei-q">“Give us what is good and what is beautiful”</span>
was the Spartan prayer.<a id="noteref_1745" name="noteref_1745" href="#note_1745"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1745</span></span></a> Whoever had enjoyed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page382">[pg 382]</span><a name="Pg382" id="Pg382" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the benefits of the public education, participated in all
that was beautiful in the city,<a id="noteref_1746" name="noteref_1746" href="#note_1746"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1746</span></span></a> their whole existence
was influenced by a sense of beauty, which was expressed
in the most ancient production of the people—in
their religion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We may here be permitted to annex a few remarks
on the art of sculpture; and we will curtail them the
more, as it does not bear so much upon national manners
as music, which formed a part of the education of
the people, while the former art was consigned to the
care of a few. Although from what we have observed
elsewhere, it would be difficult to describe all in the
ancient sculpture that was peculiar to the Doric nation,
and that originated from them, we may still draw
some conclusions from what has been already stated.
There was in the Doric character a certain healthy
sensibility, and a delight in the unadorned and unveiled
forms of nature. That this very much favoured
and assisted the progress of the above art is obvious;
and that the human form was accurately studied and
understood in the Doric schools of art is shown in
those specimens of their works which have been preserved.
The physical beauty of this race, ennobled
and exposed to view by gymnastic<a id="noteref_1747" name="noteref_1747" href="#note_1747"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1747</span></span></a> and warlike exercises,
gave a right direction to the study of sculpture;
and the prevailing religion, the worship of Apollo, by
the energy of the figure and variety of the attributes
of that god, shows not only the original talent of this
people for sculpture, but it was fitted to lead them by
a succession of compositions to the highest excellence.
On the other hand, we may infer from some of the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page383">[pg 383]</span><a name="Pg383" id="Pg383" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
above remarks, that the Dorians considered the beauty
of art to consist more in proportion, harmony, and
regularity, than in a superabundance of glitter and
ornament; and this is exemplified by the character of
Doric architecture. Lastly, hence arises the composure
and evenness of mind which so greatly distinguished
the Dorians, who anxiously preserved the
usages of their fathers as much in the art of sculpture
as in music.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Although historical tradition does not extend so far
as to prove and verify this view of the subject, still it
agrees with all that is characteristic of the Dorians.
In the first place then, we know that sculpture was
diligently cultivated at an early time in several Doric
cities; first perhaps in Crete, the most ancient abode
of Doric civilisation;<a id="noteref_1748" name="noteref_1748" href="#note_1748"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1748</span></span></a> then in Ægina,<a id="noteref_1749" name="noteref_1749" href="#note_1749"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1749</span></span></a> Sicyon,
Corinth, Argos,<a id="noteref_1750" name="noteref_1750" href="#note_1750"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1750</span></span></a> and Sparta; for that the latter city,
particularly at the time of the Persian war, was distinguished
by its active pursuit of the arts, has been
sufficiently proved in a former part of this
work.<a id="noteref_1751" name="noteref_1751" href="#note_1751"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1751</span></span></a>
Sicyon produced the Apollo of Canachus, of which we
have elsewhere endeavoured to give an idea;<a id="noteref_1752" name="noteref_1752" href="#note_1752"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1752</span></span></a>
and about the same time the Æginetan artists appear to
have produced those groups of heroes, the fragments
of which are the only sure records which we possess
of the peculiarities of that school. For the information
which we receive from Pausanias and others
goes no further than that in Ægina many statues of the
most ancient kind were sculptured, and that a certain
hardness of style was preserved there longer than in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page384">[pg 384]</span><a name="Pg384" id="Pg384" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Attica. The fragments, however, which remain, attest
a liveliness of conception, and a truth of imitation,
which in many points may be called perfect, and
which excite our admiration, and even astonishment.
On the other hand, we may remark in the countenances
of the heroes, who evidently bear a Greek
national physiognomy, though rudely and unpleasingly
conceived, that respect for ancient customs which was
a fundamental principle of the early times. That
this happened at a time when Athens had already cast
off every shackle, is a strong characteristic trait of the
Dorians. These works, however, possess many other
singularities, which cannot be referred to any peculiar
disposition of that race.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc43" id="toc43"></a>
<a name="pdf44" id="pdf44"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VIII.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. History and rhetoric little cultivated by the Dorians. § 2.
Apophthegmatic style of expression used by the Dorians.
§ 3. Apophthegms of the Seven Sages. § 4. Griphus invented
by the Dorians. § 5. Symbolical language of the Pythagorean
philosophy.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. It has been shown in the preceding chapter that
the national and original poetry of the Doric race was
not the epic, but the lyric; which is occupied rather
in expressing inward feelings, than in describing outward
objects. If this predilection may be considered
as natural to the whole race, it will enable us to explain
why history neither originated among, nor was
cultivated by the Dorians. For both its progress and
invention we are indebted to the Ionians, who were
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page385">[pg 385]</span><a name="Pg385" id="Pg385" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
also the first to introduce prose-composition in general.<a id="noteref_1753" name="noteref_1753" href="#note_1753"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1753</span></span></a>
The Dorians, however, did not always retain this incapacity;
for we are told that the Spartans gladly
listened to the sophist Hippias of Elis, speaking of
the families of heroes and men, the settlements by
which the cities had in ancient times been founded,
and of ancient events in general.<a id="noteref_1754" name="noteref_1754" href="#note_1754"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1754</span></span></a> This naturally
suggests the remark, that the Dorians paid more
attention to the events of the past than of the present
time; in which they are greatly opposed to the Ionians,
who from their governments and geographical position
were more thrown into society, and interested themselves
more in the passing affairs of the day. Hence
some of the early writers on mythical history were
Dorians, as Acusilaus for example; but the contemporary
historians were almost exclusively Ionians and
Athenians;<a id="noteref_1755" name="noteref_1755" href="#note_1755"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1755</span></span></a> for Herodotus, who in his early years
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page386">[pg 386]</span><a name="Pg386" id="Pg386" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
had lived for some time at Samos, and after his various
travels wrote his History at Thurii, can hardly be considered
as a genuine Dorian.<a id="noteref_1756" name="noteref_1756" href="#note_1756"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1756</span></span></a> Nor would it be difficult
to account for the entire ignorance of the arts of rhetoric
and logic in the Doric states (for the schools of
rhetoricians and sophists in Sicily are evidently to be
traced to the peculiar character of those islanders),<a id="noteref_1757" name="noteref_1757" href="#note_1757"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1757</span></span></a> or
to see why the perfection of these, both in theory and
practice, as well as that of the regular drama, was left
to the Athenians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" id="Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
2. But instead of the pointed and logical reasoning,
and the fervid declamation of the Athenians, the Doric
race had a peculiar manner of expressing itself, viz.
by apophthegms, and sententious and concise sayings.
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page387">[pg 387]</span><a name="Pg387" id="Pg387" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
The object appears to have been, to convey as much
meaning in as few words as possible, and to allude to,
rather than express, the thoughts of the speaker. A
habit of mind which might fit its possessor for such
a mode of speaking, would best be generated by long
and unbroken <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">silence</span></em>; which was enjoined to his
scholars by Pythagoras, and by Sparta enforced on all
youths during their education:<a id="noteref_1758" name="noteref_1758" href="#note_1758"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1758</span></span></a> it being intended that
their thoughts should gain force and intensity by compression.<a id="noteref_1759" name="noteref_1759" href="#note_1759"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1759</span></span></a> Hence the great brevity of speech,<a id="noteref_1760" name="noteref_1760" href="#note_1760"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1760</span></span></a> which
was the characteristic of all the genuine Dorians,
especially of the Spartans,<a id="noteref_1761" name="noteref_1761" href="#note_1761"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1761</span></span></a> Cretans,<a id="noteref_1762" name="noteref_1762" href="#note_1762"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1762</span></span></a> and Argives,<a id="noteref_1763" name="noteref_1763" href="#note_1763"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1763</span></span></a>
forming a remarkable contrast with the copious and
headlong torrent of eloquence which distinguished the
Athenians. The antiquity of this characteristic of
the Spartans is proved by the fact of Homer's attributing
it to Menelaus,
</p>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">When Atreus' son harangued the list'ning train,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Just was his sense, and his expression plain,</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">His words succinct, yet full, without a fault;</span></div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">He spoke no more than just the thing he ought.</span><a id="noteref_1764" name="noteref_1764" href="#note_1764"><span class="tei tei-noteref" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1764</span></span></a></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In which lines the poet evidently transfers the peculiarity
of the Doric Laconians to the earlier inhabitants
of that country.<a id="noteref_1765" name="noteref_1765" href="#note_1765"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1765</span></span></a> In adopting this mode of expression,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page388">[pg 388]</span><a name="Pg388" id="Pg388" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Dorians may be conceived, in the first place, to
have wished to avoid all ornament of speech, and to
have contented themselves with the simplest manner
of conveying their thoughts; as Stesimbrotus the
Thasian opposes to the adroit and eloquent Athenian
the openness and simplicity of the Peloponnesian, who
was plain and unadorned, but of an honest and guileless
disposition.<a id="noteref_1766" name="noteref_1766" href="#note_1766"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1766</span></span></a> Or, secondly, it was
intended to have double force by the contrast of the richness of
the thought, with the slight expense of words. Probably,
however, both these motives had their weight;
though the latter perhaps predominated. In a dialogue
of Plato,<a id="noteref_1767" name="noteref_1767" href="#note_1767"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1767</span></span></a> Socrates says, half in joke and half
in earnest, that <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of all the philosophical systems in
Greece, that established in Crete and Lacedæmon
was the most ancient and copious, and there the
sophists were most numerous; but they concealed
their skill, and pretended to be ignorant. And
hence, on conversing with the meanest Lacedæmonian,
at first indeed he would appear awkward
in his language, but when he perceived the drift
of the conversation, he would throw in, like a
dexterous lancer, some short and nervous remark,
so as to make the other look no better than a child.
Nor in these cities is such a manner of speaking
confined to the men, but it extends also to women.</span></span>”</span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
That in this concise manner of speaking there was
a kind of wit and epigrammatic point, may be easily
seen from various examples; but it cannot be traced
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page389">[pg 389]</span><a name="Pg389" id="Pg389" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to the principles which we have just laid down.
Sometimes it arises from the simplicity of the Doric
manners, as contrasted with the more polished customs
of other nations; of which kind is the answer of the
Spartan, who, taking a fish to be cooked, and being
asked where the cheese, oil, and vinegar were, replied,
<span class="tei tei-q">“If I had all these things, I should not have bought
a fish.”</span><a id="noteref_1768" name="noteref_1768" href="#note_1768"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1768</span></span></a> Or it is a moral elevation, viewed from
which, things appear in a different light; thus the
saying of Dieneces, that <span class="tei tei-q">“if the Persians darkened
the air with their arrows, they should fight in
the shade.”</span> Sometimes it is an ironical expression
of bitterness and censure, which gains force by being
concealed under a semblance of praise; as in the judgment
of the Laconian on Athens, where every kind
of trade and industry was tolerated, <span class="tei tei-q">“Everything is
beautiful there.”</span><a id="noteref_1769" name="noteref_1769" href="#note_1769"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1769</span></span></a> Or it is the combination of
various ridiculous ideas into one expression, as in the
witty saying of a husband who found his wife, whom
he detested, in the arms of an adulterer; <span class="tei tei-q">“Unhappy
man, who forced you to do this?”</span><a id="noteref_1770" name="noteref_1770" href="#note_1770"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1770</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
At Sparta, however, an energetic, striking, and
figurative mode of speaking must have been generally
in use; which may be perceived in the style of all the
Spartans who are mentioned by Herodotus.<a id="noteref_1771" name="noteref_1771" href="#note_1771"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1771</span></span></a> And
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page390">[pg 390]</span><a name="Pg390" id="Pg390" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
this, I have no doubt, was one of the most ancient
customs of the Doric race. In Crete it had been
retained, according to the testimony of Sosicrates, a
Cretan author, in the town of Phæstus, in which place
the boys were early practised in joking; and the
apophthegms of Phæstus were celebrated over the
whole island.<a id="noteref_1772" name="noteref_1772" href="#note_1772"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1772</span></span></a> In Sparta too this peculiar
mode of expression was implanted in boys; the youths (?f?ß??)
proposing them questions, to which they were to give
ready and pointed answers;<a id="noteref_1773" name="noteref_1773" href="#note_1773"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1773</span></span></a> and they
were taught to impart a peculiar sharpness and also brilliancy to their
sayings.<a id="noteref_1774" name="noteref_1774" href="#note_1774"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1774</span></span></a> Later in life this tendency
was fostered and confirmed by the many occasions on which the public
manners prescribed ridicule as a means of
improvement:<a id="noteref_1775" name="noteref_1775" href="#note_1775"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1775</span></span></a>
at the festival of the Gymnopædia in particular,
full vent seems to have been allowed to wit and
merriment.<a id="noteref_1776" name="noteref_1776" href="#note_1776"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1776</span></span></a> In common life, laughter and ridicule
were not unfrequent at the public tables;<a id="noteref_1777" name="noteref_1777" href="#note_1777"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1777</span></span></a> to be able
to endure ridicule was considered the mark of a Lacedæmonian
spirit; yet any person who took it ill might
ask his antagonist to desist, who was then forced to
comply.<a id="noteref_1778" name="noteref_1778" href="#note_1778"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1778</span></span></a> In early times, similar customs existed in
other places besides Sparta; thus the suitors of Agariste,
in the house of Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon,
contended after the meal in musical skill and conversation,<a id="noteref_1779" name="noteref_1779" href="#note_1779"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1779</span></span></a>
with which we might perhaps compare the
passage in the Hymn to Mercury, where it is said that
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page391">[pg 391]</span><a name="Pg391" id="Pg391" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">youths at table attack one another in mutual
jests</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1780" name="noteref_1780" href="#note_1780"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1780</span></span></a>
and the practice among the ancient Germans, of jesting
with freedom at table, alluded to in a verse of the
Niebelungen Lied.<a id="noteref_1781" name="noteref_1781" href="#note_1781"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1781</span></span></a> But this primitive custom having
been retained longer in Sparta than elsewhere, it struck
all foreigners as a peculiarity, of which the antique
polish was sometimes rather offensive. Still, if we
justly estimate the manners of that city, they do not
deserve the name of needless austerity and strictness;
it was the only Greek state in which a statue was
erected to Laughter:<a id="noteref_1782" name="noteref_1782" href="#note_1782"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1782</span></span></a> in late times even Agesilaus<a id="noteref_1783" name="noteref_1783" href="#note_1783"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1783</span></span></a>
and Cleomenes III.<a id="noteref_1784" name="noteref_1784" href="#note_1784"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1784</span></span></a> amidst all the changes of
their life, cheered their companions with wit and
playfulness.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. This national mode of expression had likewise
a considerable effect on the progress of literature in
Greece. Plato properly calls the Seven Sages, imitators
and scholars of the Lacedæmonian system, and
points out the resemblance between their sayings and
the Laconian method of expression.<a id="noteref_1785" name="noteref_1785" href="#note_1785"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1785</span></span></a> Of these, three,
or, if we reckon both Myson and Periander, four, were
of Doric descent, and Cheilon was a Spartan;<a id="noteref_1786" name="noteref_1786" href="#note_1786"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1786</span></span></a> there
were also perhaps at the same time others of the same
character, as Aristodemus the Argive.<a id="noteref_1787" name="noteref_1787" href="#note_1787"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1787</span></span></a> The sayings attributed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page392">[pg 392]</span><a name="Pg392" id="Pg392" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
to these sages were not so much the discoveries
of particular individuals, as the indications of the general
opinion of their contemporaries. And hence the Pythian
Apollo, directed by the national ideas of the Dorians,
particularly countenanced their philosophers, to
whose sententious mode of expression his own oracles
bore a certain resemblance.<a id="noteref_1788" name="noteref_1788" href="#note_1788"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1788</span></span></a> It appears also that the
Amphictyons caused some of their apophthegms to be
inscribed on the temple of Delphi;<a id="noteref_1789" name="noteref_1789" href="#note_1789"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1789</span></span></a> and the
story of the enumeration of the Seven Sages by the oracle,
although fabulously embellished, is founded on a real
fact.<a id="noteref_1790" name="noteref_1790" href="#note_1790"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1790</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Since in this apophthegmatic and concise style
of speaking the object was not to express the meaning
in a clear and intelligible manner, it was only one
step further altogether to conceal it. Hence the
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">griphus</span></span>
or riddle was invented by the Dorians, and, as
well as the epigram, was much improved by Cleobulus
the Rhodian,<a id="noteref_1791" name="noteref_1791" href="#note_1791"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1791</span></span></a> and his daughter Cleobulina.<a id="noteref_1792" name="noteref_1792" href="#note_1792"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1792</span></span></a> It was
also a favourite amusement with the Spartans,<a id="noteref_1793" name="noteref_1793" href="#note_1793"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1793</span></span></a> and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page393">[pg 393]</span><a name="Pg393" id="Pg393" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the ancient times of Greece was generally a common
pastime.<a id="noteref_1794" name="noteref_1794" href="#note_1794"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1794</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. This leads us to speak of the symbolical maxims
of the Pythagoreans, which might be called riddles, if
they had been proposed as such, and not put in that
form merely to make them more striking and impressive.
So attached indeed do these philosophers appear
to have been to the symbolical method of expression,
that not only their language, but even their actions
acquired a symbolical character.<a id="noteref_1795" name="noteref_1795" href="#note_1795"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1795</span></span></a> The system of Pythagoras
has by modern writers been correctly considered
as the Doric philosophy: yet it is singular that
it should have originated with a native of the Ionic
Samos. It should, however, be remembered, that the
family of Pythagoras, which seems to have lived with
other Samians in the island of Samothrace, among the
Tyrrhenians,<a id="noteref_1796" name="noteref_1796" href="#note_1796"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1796</span></span></a> originally came
from Phlius in Peloponnesus,<a id="noteref_1797" name="noteref_1797" href="#note_1797"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1797</span></span></a>
and always kept up a certain degree of
communication with that city;<a id="noteref_1798" name="noteref_1798" href="#note_1798"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1798</span></span></a> and again, that although
Pythagoras doubtless brought with him to
Croton the form of his philosophy, its subsequent expansion
and growth were in great part owing to the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page394">[pg 394]</span><a name="Pg394" id="Pg394" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
character of the Dorians and Doric Achæans, among
whom he lived. Its connexion with the chief branch of the Doric religion,
the worship of Apollo,<a id="noteref_1799" name="noteref_1799" href="#note_1799"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1799</span></span></a> and his
temple at Delphi,<a id="noteref_1800" name="noteref_1800" href="#note_1800"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1800</span></span></a>
has been already pointed out; and
it has been shown that the political institution of his
league was founded on Doric
principles.<a id="noteref_1801" name="noteref_1801" href="#note_1801"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1801</span></span></a> Other
points of resemblance are the universal education of
the female followers of Pythagoras, such as Theano,
Phintys, and Arignote,<a id="noteref_1802" name="noteref_1802" href="#note_1802"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1802</span></span></a> the employment of music to
appease passion, the public tables, the use of silence
as a means of education, &amp;c. It appears also, that
the philosophers of this school always found a welcome
reception at Sparta, as well as those whose character
was somewhat similar, as the enthusiastic and religious
sages, Abaris,<a id="noteref_1803" name="noteref_1803" href="#note_1803"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1803</span></span></a> Epimenides,<a id="noteref_1804" name="noteref_1804" href="#note_1804"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1804</span></span></a> and Pherecydes;<a id="noteref_1805" name="noteref_1805" href="#note_1805"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1805</span></span></a> Anaximander<a id="noteref_1806" name="noteref_1806" href="#note_1806"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1806</span></span></a>
likewise and Anaximenes<a id="noteref_1807" name="noteref_1807" href="#note_1807"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1807</span></span></a> lived for some
time in that city, and lastly, in the lists of the Pythagorean
philosophers (which are not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">entirely</span></em> devoid of
credit), there are, besides Italian Greeks, generally
Lacedæmonians, Argives, Sicyonians, Phliasians, and
sometimes women of Sparta, Argos, and Phlius.<a id="noteref_1808" name="noteref_1808" href="#note_1808"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1808</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page395">[pg 395]</span><a name="Pg395" id="Pg395" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
And this is a fresh confirmation of the position, which
we have frequently maintained, that up to the time of
the Persian war all mental excellence, so far from
being banished from Sparta, flourished there in the
utmost perfection.
</p>

</div>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc45" id="toc45"></a>
<a name="pdf46" id="pdf46"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IX.</span></h2>

<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
§ 1. Difference between the life of the Dorians and Ionians.
Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians
respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians.
§ 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6.
Character of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians,
Corcyræans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians,
Byzantians, Æginetans, Cyrenæans, Crotoniats, Tarentines,
Messenians, and Delphians.
</span></div>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<a name="Book_IV_Chapter_IX_Section_1" id="Book_IV_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
1. After Anacharsis the Scythian had visited the
different states of Greece, and lived among them all,
he is reported to have said, that <span class="tei tei-q">“all wanted leisure
and tranquillity for wisdom, except the Lacedæmonians,
for that these were the only persons with
whom it was possible to hold a rational conversation.”</span><a id="noteref_1809" name="noteref_1809" href="#note_1809"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1809</span></span></a> The life of all the other Greeks had doubtless
appeared to him as a restless and unquiet existence,
as a constant struggle and effort without any object.
In addition to the love of ease, which belonged to the
original constitution of the Dorians, there was a further
cause for this mode of life, viz. the entire exemption
from necessary labour which the Spartans enjoyed,
their wants being supplied by the dependent and industrious
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page396">[pg 396]</span><a name="Pg396" id="Pg396" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
classes.<a id="noteref_1810" name="noteref_1810" href="#note_1810"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1810</span></span></a> Several writers have dwelt on the
tedium and listlessness of such an existence; but the
Spartans considered an immunity from labour an immunity
from pain, and as constituting entire liberty.<a id="noteref_1811" name="noteref_1811" href="#note_1811"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1811</span></span></a>
But, it may be asked, what was there to occupy the
Spartan men from morning to night?<a id="noteref_1812" name="noteref_1812" href="#note_1812"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1812</span></span></a> In
the first place, the gymnastic, military, and musical exercises;
then the chase, which with men advanced in life was
a substitute for other exercises;<a id="noteref_1813" name="noteref_1813" href="#note_1813"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1813</span></span></a> besides which,
there was the management of public affairs, in which they
might take an active part, together with the religious
ceremonies, sacrifices, and choruses; and much time
was also consumed in the places of public resort, or
??s?a?. Every small community had its
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">lesche</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1814" name="noteref_1814" href="#note_1814"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1814</span></span></a>
and here the old men sat together in winter round the
blazing fire, while the respect for old age gave an
agreeable turn to the conversation. At Athens, too,
these small societies or clubs were once in great vogue;
but a democracy likes a large mass, and hates all divisions;
and accordingly in later times the public
porticoes and open market were generally attended,
where every Athenian appeared once in the day. At
Sparta, the youths were forbidden to enter the market-place;<a id="noteref_1815" name="noteref_1815" href="#note_1815"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1815</span></span></a> as well as the pylæa,<a id="noteref_1816" name="noteref_1816" href="#note_1816"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1816</span></span></a> which was in other
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page397">[pg 397]</span><a name="Pg397" id="Pg397" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Doric towns besides Delphi<a id="noteref_1817" name="noteref_1817" href="#note_1817"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1817</span></span></a> a place for buying and
selling.<a id="noteref_1818" name="noteref_1818" href="#note_1818"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1818</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Having now so fully investigated the manners
and daily occupations of the Dorians, it would be interesting
to know what were their opinions on death,
or on the existence of a future state; but on these
points there is no information to be gleaned from
ancient writers. Nor can much more be said on their
funeral ceremonies, if indeed they had any rites peculiar
and universally belonging to the whole race.
At Tarentum, the dead were, according to an ancient
oracle, called the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">majority</span></em> (?? p?e???e?);<a id="noteref_1819" name="noteref_1819" href="#note_1819"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1819</span></span></a> they were
buried within the walls, each family having in their
house tombstones, with the names of the deceased,
where funeral sacrifices were performed;<a id="noteref_1820" name="noteref_1820" href="#note_1820"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1820</span></span></a> at Sparta, it was doubtless the ancient custom to bury the dead
in the city, and in the neighbourhood of the temples.<a id="noteref_1821" name="noteref_1821" href="#note_1821"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1821</span></span></a>
Monuments, with the names of the dead, were only
erected to those who had fallen in battle,<a id="noteref_1822" name="noteref_1822" href="#note_1822"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1822</span></span></a> and many
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page398">[pg 398]</span><a name="Pg398" id="Pg398" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
other honours were also paid them.<a id="noteref_1823" name="noteref_1823" href="#note_1823"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1823</span></span></a> The sacrifice to
Demeter, on the twelfth day after death, evidently
denotes the reception of the soul in the infernal
regions; the Argives likewise sacrificed on the 30th
day to Hermes, as conductor of the souls of the dead;<a id="noteref_1824" name="noteref_1824" href="#note_1824"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1824</span></span></a>
in the same manner that the Athenians called the dead
??µ?t??a???, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> returned to their mother earth.
There was however a considerable difference between
the Athenian and Doric modes of burying; for the
former laid the body with the head to the west, the
latter, at least the Megarians, to the east.<a id="noteref_1825" name="noteref_1825" href="#note_1825"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1825</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. It now remains for us to collect into one point
of view all that has been said in different parts of this
work on the character of the Doric race, so as to
furnish a complete and accurate idea of their nature
and peculiarities. That this cannot be done in a few
words is evident; but that it can be done <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">at all</span></em>, I
consider equally clear; and by no means agree with
those who deny that a whole nation, like an individual,
can have one character; an error which is perhaps
best refuted by consideration of the different tribes of
Greece. And thus the word <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorian</span></span> conveyed to the
ancient Greeks a clear and definite, though indeed a
complex idea.<a id="noteref_1826" name="noteref_1826" href="#note_1826"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1826</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page399">[pg 399]</span><a name="Pg399" id="Pg399" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The first feature in the character of the Dorians
which we shall notice is one that has been pointed out
in several places,<a id="noteref_1827" name="noteref_1827" href="#note_1827"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1827</span></span></a> viz. their endeavour to
produce uniformity and unity in a numerous body. Every
individual was to remain within those limits which
were prescribed by the regulation of the whole
body.<a id="noteref_1828" name="noteref_1828" href="#note_1828"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1828</span></span></a>
Thus in the Doric form of government no individual
was allowed to strive after personal independence, nor
any class or order to move from its appointed place.
The privileges of the aristocracy, and the subjection
of the inferior orders, were maintained with greater
strictness than in other
tribes,<a id="noteref_1829" name="noteref_1829" href="#note_1829"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1829</span></span></a> and greater importance
was attached to obedience, in whatever form, than to
the assertion of individual freedom. The government,
the army, and the public education, were managed on
a most complicated, but most regular succession and
alternation of commanding and
obeying.<a id="noteref_1830" name="noteref_1830" href="#note_1830"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1830</span></span></a> Every one
was to obey in his own place. All the smaller associations
were also regulated on the same principle:
always we find gradation of power, and never independent
equality.<a id="noteref_1831" name="noteref_1831" href="#note_1831"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1831</span></span></a>
But it was not sufficient that this
system should be complete and perfect within; it was
to be fortified without. The Dorians had little inclination
to admit the customs of others, and a strong
desire to disconnect themselves with foreigners.<a id="noteref_1832" name="noteref_1832" href="#note_1832"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1832</span></span></a>
Hence in later times the blunt and harsh deportment
of those Dorians who most scrupulously adhered to
their national habits.<a id="noteref_1833" name="noteref_1833" href="#note_1833"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1833</span></span></a> This independence and seclusion
would however sometimes be turned into hostility;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page400">[pg 400]</span><a name="Pg400" id="Pg400" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and hence the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">military</span></em> turn of the Dorians, which
may also be traced in the development of the worship
of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1834" name="noteref_1834" href="#note_1834"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1834</span></span></a> A calm and steady courage was the
natural quality of the
Dorian.<a id="noteref_1835" name="noteref_1835" href="#note_1835"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1835</span></span></a> As they were not
ready to receive, neither were they to communicate
outward impressions; and this, neither as individuals,
nor as a body. Hence both in their poetry and prose,
the narrative is often concealed by expressions of
the feeling, and tinged with the colour of the mind.<a id="noteref_1836" name="noteref_1836" href="#note_1836"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1836</span></span></a>
They endeavoured always to condense and concentrate
their thoughts, which was the cause of the great brevity
and obscurity of their
language.<a id="noteref_1837" name="noteref_1837" href="#note_1837"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1837</span></span></a> Their desire
of disconnecting themselves with the things and persons
around them, naturally produced a love for past
times; and hence their great attachment to the usages
and manners of their ancestors, and to ancient institutions.<a id="noteref_1838" name="noteref_1838" href="#note_1838"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1838</span></span></a>
The attention of the Doric race was turned
to the past rather than to the
future.<a id="noteref_1839" name="noteref_1839" href="#note_1839"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1839</span></span></a> And thus it
came to pass that the Dorians preserved most rigidly,
and represented most truly, the customs of the ancient
Greeks.<a id="noteref_1840" name="noteref_1840" href="#note_1840"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1840</span></span></a> Their advances were constant, not sudden;
and all their changes imperceptible. With the desire
to attain uniformity, their love for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">measure</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">proportion</span></em>
was also combined. Their works of art are
distinguished by this attention to singleness of effect,
and everything discordant or useless was pruned off
with an unsparing hand.<a id="noteref_1841" name="noteref_1841" href="#note_1841"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1841</span></span></a> Their moral system
also prescribed the observance of the proper mean;
and it was in this that the temperance (s?f??s???)
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page401">[pg 401]</span><a name="Pg401" id="Pg401" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which so distinguished them
consisted.<a id="noteref_1842" name="noteref_1842" href="#note_1842"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1842</span></span></a> One great
object of the worship of Apollo was to maintain the
even balance of the mind, and to remove everything
that might disquiet the thoughts, rouse the mind to
passion, or dim its purity and brightness.<a id="noteref_1843" name="noteref_1843" href="#note_1843"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1843</span></span></a> The Doric
nature required an equal and regular harmony, and
preserving that character in all its parts.<a id="noteref_1844" name="noteref_1844" href="#note_1844"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1844</span></span></a> Dissonances,
even if they combined into harmony, were
not suited to the taste of that nation. The national
tunes were doubtless not of a soft or pleasing melody;
the general accent of the language had the character
of command or dictation, not of question or entreaty.
The Dorians were contented with themselves,
with the powers to whom they owed their existence
and happiness; and therefore they never complained.
They looked not to future, but to present existence.
To preserve this, and to preserve it in enjoyment,
was their highest object. Everything beyond this
boundary was mist and darkness, and everything
dark they supposed the Deity to hate.<a id="noteref_1845" name="noteref_1845" href="#note_1845"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1845</span></span></a> They lived in themselves, and for themselves.<a id="noteref_1846" name="noteref_1846" href="#note_1846"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1846</span></span></a> Hence man was
the chief and almost only object which attracted their
attention. The same feelings may also be perceived
in their religion, which was always unconnected with
the worship of any natural object, and originated from
their own reflection and conceptions.<a id="noteref_1847" name="noteref_1847" href="#note_1847"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1847</span></span></a> And to the
same source may perhaps be traced their aversion to
mechanical and agricultural
labour.<a id="noteref_1848" name="noteref_1848" href="#note_1848"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1848</span></span></a> In short, the
whole race bears generally the stamp and character of
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">male sex</span></em>; the desire of assistance and connexion,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page402">[pg 402]</span><a name="Pg402" id="Pg402" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of novelty and of curiosity, the characteristics of the
female sex, being directly opposed to the nature of the
Dorians, which bears the mark of independence and
subdued strength.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. This description of the Doric character, to which
many other features might be added, is sufficient for
our present purpose; and will serve to prove that the
worship of Apollo, the ancient constitution of Crete
and that of Lycurgus, the manners, arts, and literature
of the Dorians, were the productions of one and the
same national individual. To what extent this character
was influenced by external circumstances cannot
be ascertained; but though its features were impressed
by nature, they might not in all places have been developed,
and would have been lost without the fostering
assistance of an inland and mountainous region.
The country is to a nation what the body is to the
soul: it may influence it partially, and assist its growth
and increase; but it cannot give strength and impulse,
or imprint that original mark of the Deity which is set
upon our minds.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But outward circumstances, such as locality, form
of government, geographical position, and foreign
intercourse, had in the several states a different effect
on the Doric character, unequally developing its
various features, by confirming some, repressing others,
and some wholly obliterating. We shall thus be enabled
to separate the particular character of each state
from the ideal character of the whole race, and also to
explain their deviations, particularly in a political and
practical point of view.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. The Dorians of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sparta</span></span> were influenced by
their geographical position, which, with the exception
of that of the Arcadians, was more inland than that of
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page403">[pg 403]</span><a name="Pg403" id="Pg403" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
any people in Peloponnesus; as well as by their
supremacy, which they at first asserted with ease and
dignity, and afterwards maintained by the devotion of
all their forces to that one object. The independence
and seclusion so desired by the Dorians were at Sparta
most conspicuous, and thus the original spirit of the
Doric race, and its ancient customs, were most rigidly,
and sometimes even in trifles,<a id="noteref_1849" name="noteref_1849" href="#note_1849"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1849</span></span></a> there preserved;
though it was the mummy rather than the living body
of the ancient institutions. This deterioration, however,
did not manifest itself till later times; for (as we have
more than once remarked) at an early period the mode
of life at Sparta was diversified, cheerful, and by no
means unattractive. At that time Sparta was the
centre and metropolis of Greece. This love of seclusion
took a singular turn in the reserve, and in the
short and sententious mode of expression, practised
by the Laconians. Indeed their silence was carried
to a pitch which exceeded the bounds of intentional
concealment. Even the artfulness of the Spartans is
after the Persian war often mentioned with blame;
and it is said to have been impossible to guess their
intention.<a id="noteref_1850" name="noteref_1850" href="#note_1850"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1850</span></span></a> Sometimes indeed the deception was
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page404">[pg 404]</span><a name="Pg404" id="Pg404" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
founded on patriotic principles, as in the answer of
the ambassador, who being asked in whose name he
came, replied, <span class="tei tei-q">“In the name of the state, if we succeed;
if we fail, in our own.”</span> Demostratus the
son of Phæax said with great truth that the Spartans
were better as members of a state, the Athenians as
members of private society;<a id="noteref_1851" name="noteref_1851" href="#note_1851"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1851</span></span></a> the latter indeed were
more left to their individual care and exertions, whilst
the former were guided by national custom. Hence
when they once deserted this guide, they deviated
not partially, but wholly and widely from the right
path.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Yet the history of the Peloponnesian war and of
the period immediately following, being that part of
the history of Greece which is clearest to our view,
presents several distinguished and genuine Lacedæmonians,
who may be divided into two distinct classes.
Of these the first is marked by a cunning and artful
disposition, combined with great vigour of mind, and
a patriotism sometimes attended with contempt of
other Greeks. Such was
Lysander,<a id="noteref_1852" name="noteref_1852" href="#note_1852"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1852</span></span></a> a powerful revolutionist;
who, concentrating in his own person the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page405">[pg 405]</span><a name="Pg405" id="Pg405" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
efforts of numerous oligarchical clubs and factions,
by the strict consistency of his principles, and by his
art in carrying them into effect, for some time swayed
the destinies of Greece; until Agesilaus, whom he
had himself improvidently raised to the throne, restored
in place of his usurped power the legitimate authority
of the Heraclide dynasty; this doubtless suggested to
Lysander the idea of overthrowing the royal authority,
and helped to bring on that deep melancholy which
preyed upon his strong mind during his latter years.<a id="noteref_1853" name="noteref_1853" href="#note_1853"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1853</span></span></a> Similar in character to Lysander was Dercylidas, a
man of extraordinary practical talent; who by his
artfulness (which, however, was accompanied by uprightness
of mind) obtained the nickname of Sisyphus.<a id="noteref_1854" name="noteref_1854" href="#note_1854"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1854</span></span></a>
But Sparta had at the same time men of
a contrary disposition, in whom, as Plutarch says of
Callicratidas, the simple and genuine Doric manners
of ancient times were alive and in vigour.<a id="noteref_1855" name="noteref_1855" href="#note_1855"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1855</span></span></a> This
Callicratidas had at the very beginning of his career to
contend with his partisans of Lysander, and resolutely
resisted his club or association,<a id="noteref_1856" name="noteref_1856" href="#note_1856"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1856</span></span></a> being also directly
opposed to them in disposition. He deplored the
necessity which compelled him to beg for subsidies
from the Persians; dealt uprightly and honestly with
the allies; disdained all power and authority which
did not emanate from the state; refused to do anything
by private connexions or influence, and showed
himself everywhere humane, magnanimous, and heroic;
in short, he was a faultless hero, unless perhaps we
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page406">[pg 406]</span><a name="Pg406" id="Pg406" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
should blame him for his too hasty self-immolation at
the battle of Arginusæ.<a id="noteref_1857" name="noteref_1857" href="#note_1857"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1857</span></span></a> We can easily
understand how the Greeks of Asia should have admired the
virtues and greatness of the youthful hero, like the
beauty of an heroic statue,<a id="noteref_1858" name="noteref_1858" href="#note_1858"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1858</span></span></a> but were at the
same time more pleased with the proceedings of Lysander, as
being better suited to the times. In Brasidas we
admire chiefly the manner in which the same elevation
of mind was combined with a particular skill in controlling
and availing itself of the circumstances of the
times; but we must hurry on to Pedaritus the son of
Teleutia, who is an instance that all the harmosts of
Sparta did not yield to the many temptations of their
situation.<a id="noteref_1859" name="noteref_1859" href="#note_1859"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1859</span></span></a> But a more singular character was Lichas,
the son of Arcesilaus, of whom we will give a slight
sketch. He was chiefly distinguished by his liberality:
whence by means of great banquets at the
Gymnopædia,<a id="noteref_1860" name="noteref_1860" href="#note_1860"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1860</span></span></a> and by his victories in the chariot race
at Olympia,<a id="noteref_1861" name="noteref_1861" href="#note_1861"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1861</span></span></a> he increased the fame of his city; by his
boldness, which was even shown in his conduct at
Olympia, at a time when the Spartans were excluded
from the contests;<a id="noteref_1862" name="noteref_1862" href="#note_1862"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1862</span></span></a> but which was
still more conspicuous in his truly Spartan declaration to the satrap
Tissaphernes;<a id="noteref_1863" name="noteref_1863" href="#note_1863"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1863</span></span></a> and, lastly, by his policy in
endeavouring to prevent the premature aggression of the Ionians
against the Persians.<a id="noteref_1864" name="noteref_1864" href="#note_1864"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1864</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. The flourishing age of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crete</span></span>, in manners as
well as in power, is anterior to the historical period;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page407">[pg 407]</span><a name="Pg407" id="Pg407" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and the early corruption of her ancient institutions
was accompanied with universal barbarism and degeneracy.
Of her maritime sovereignty of the mythical
age nothing but piracy remained; the different states
were not combined under the supremacy of a single
city; and, even in the reign of Alcamenes, Sparta
attempted to settle the mutual dissensions of those
very cities<a id="noteref_1865" name="noteref_1865" href="#note_1865"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1865</span></span></a> which it had a century before taken
for the models of its own constitution. The Cretans did
not, however, confine their quarrelsome disposition to
domestic feuds; but they began in early times to hire
themselves as mercenaries to foreign states, which was
certainly one cause of the internal corruption that
made this once illustrious island act so ignoble a part
in the history of Greece. If the verse of Epimenides
(cited by St. Paul<a id="noteref_1866" name="noteref_1866" href="#note_1866"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1866</span></span></a>) is genuine, that prophet so early
as about 600 B.C. accused his countrymen of being
habitual liars, evil beasts, and indolent gluttons. Yet
some particular cities (among which we may especially
mention the Spartan town of Lyctus) retained with
their ancient institutions the noble and pure customs
of better times.<a id="noteref_1867" name="noteref_1867" href="#note_1867"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1867</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We have already more than once had occasion to
explain how about the time of the Persian war <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argos</span></span>,
by the changes in its constitution, and the direction of
its policy, succeeded in obliterating almost every trace
of the Doric character:<a id="noteref_1868" name="noteref_1868" href="#note_1868"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1868</span></span></a> but one revolution only led
to another, and none produced a stable and healthy
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page408">[pg 408]</span><a name="Pg408" id="Pg408" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
state of affairs. Argos indeed only adopted the worst
part of the republican institutions of Athens; for their
better parts could not be naturalized in a people of a
race and nature totally different.<a id="noteref_1869" name="noteref_1869" href="#note_1869"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1869</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
But that <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Rhodes</span></span> preserved to the latest period of
Grecian independence many features of the Doric
character we have already
remarked.<a id="noteref_1870" name="noteref_1870" href="#note_1870"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1870</span></span></a> Still this
island had, particularly in the time of Artemisia the
Second, adopted many Asiatic customs; which, when
mixed with those of a Greek origin, formed a peculiar
compound; of which the Rhodian oratory, painting,<a id="noteref_1871" name="noteref_1871" href="#note_1871"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1871</span></span></a>
and sculpture, should be considered as the products.
The latter art had flourished there from ancient times;
but later it took a particular turn towards the colossal,
the imposing, and the grand style. The Laocoon and
the Toro Farnese are in the number of its finest productions.<a id="noteref_1872" name="noteref_1872" href="#note_1872"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1872</span></span></a>
Its manners are described by the saying
that Rhodes was the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">town of wooers</span></span>. There was also
another proverb, that the Rhodians were <span class="tei tei-q">“white Cyrenæans;”</span>
their luxury forming the point of resemblance,
and their colour the difference.<a id="noteref_1873" name="noteref_1873" href="#note_1873"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1873</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The character of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinth</span></span> likewise, in the time of
the Peloponnesian war, was made up of rather discordant
elements; for while there were still considerable
remains of the Doric disposition, and its political conduct
was some time guided by the principles of that
race, there was also, the consequence of its situation
and trade,<a id="noteref_1874" name="noteref_1874" href="#note_1874"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1874</span></span></a> a great bias to splendour and magnificence,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page409">[pg 409]</span><a name="Pg409" id="Pg409" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
which showed itself in the Corinthian order; but
which, when abandoned by the graces and refinements
of luxury, soon degenerated into debauchery and vice.<a id="noteref_1875" name="noteref_1875" href="#note_1875"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1875</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The character of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corcyra</span></span> we have attempted to
delineate above.<a id="noteref_1876" name="noteref_1876" href="#note_1876"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1876</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Syracuse</span></span>, though highly distinguished for its
loyalty and affection to its mother-state, necessarily
deviated widely from the character of Corinth. For
while in the narrow and rocky territory of Corinth
the crops were with difficulty extorted from the soil,<a id="noteref_1877" name="noteref_1877" href="#note_1877"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1877</span></span></a>
in the colony, a large and fertile district, which was
either held by the Syracusans, or was tributary to
them, furnished to an over-peopled city a plentiful
supply of provisions without foreign importation.<a id="noteref_1878" name="noteref_1878" href="#note_1878"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1878</span></span></a>
In addition to this abundance, the early preponderance of
democracy, and still more the levity, cunning, and
address which were natural to the people of Sicily,
tended to modify, or partly to destroy, the original
Doric character. The Syracusans were, according to
Thucydides, among all the adversaries of the Athenians
in the Peloponnesian war, most like them in
their customs and disposition.<a id="noteref_1879" name="noteref_1879" href="#note_1879"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1879</span></span></a> It is ever to be
lamented that such remarkable talents, as showed themselves
among the Syracusans between the 70th and
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page410">[pg 410]</span><a name="Pg410" id="Pg410" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
90th Olympiads, should have been without a regulating
and guiding judgment: their most frequent error
both in the state and army being a want of order<a id="noteref_1880" name="noteref_1880" href="#note_1880"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1880</span></span></a>;
and their knowledge of this defect was the reason why
they so frequently threw themselves blindly into the
arms of single individuals.<a id="noteref_1881" name="noteref_1881" href="#note_1881"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1881</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The vicinity of Corinth had undoubtedly a great
influence on <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sicyon</span></span>; yet that city, though it had a
navy, was nevertheless without any considerable foreign
trade or colonies. The restraints and monotony of
life were undoubtedly less than at Sparta,<a id="noteref_1882" name="noteref_1882" href="#note_1882"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1882</span></span></a>
but there was greater severity of manners than at Corinth. Sicyon
was one of the earliest cradles of the arts and
literature of the Dorians,<a id="noteref_1883" name="noteref_1883" href="#note_1883"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1883</span></span></a> and enjoyed a high
distinction among the cities of Peloponnesus.<a id="noteref_1884" name="noteref_1884" href="#note_1884"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1884</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Phlius</span></span>, having no communication with the sea,
was destitute of all resources except its fertile valley;
but this sufficed to give it considerable importance and
power.<a id="noteref_1885" name="noteref_1885" href="#note_1885"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1885</span></span></a> The loyalty and bravery of its inhabitants<a id="noteref_1886" name="noteref_1886" href="#note_1886"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1886</span></span></a>
deserved the partiality with which Xenophon has
written the most distinguished period of its history.<a id="noteref_1887" name="noteref_1887" href="#note_1887"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1887</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span> was unfortunately hemmed in between
powerful neighbours; and on account of the scanty
produce of its stony and mountainous, though well
cultivated<a id="noteref_1888" name="noteref_1888" href="#note_1888"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1888</span></span></a> land, and the consequent deficiency of provisions,
it was wholly dependent on the Athenian
market, whither the Megarians were accustomed to
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page411">[pg 411]</span><a name="Pg411" id="Pg411" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
carry their manufactures<a id="noteref_1889" name="noteref_1889" href="#note_1889"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1889</span></span></a> and some few raw materials.
The weakness of this state had early an influence on
the manners and morals of the people; the tears and
mirth of the Megarians were turned into ridicule by
their Athenian neighbours,<a id="noteref_1890" name="noteref_1890" href="#note_1890"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1890</span></span></a> who (according to the
saying) would <span class="tei tei-q">“rather be the ram than the son of a
Megarian.”</span> And at last the oracle itself declared
them an insignificant and worthless people.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Nor could the mother-city have derived much assistance
from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Byzantium</span></span>, had there even been a
closer connexion between them than was actually the
case; as this important colony was, for the most part,
in distressed circumstances, and after the introduction
of democracy involved in domestic confusion. We
have reasons to consider the account of the mode of
life at Byzantium above quoted from Theopompus<a id="noteref_1891" name="noteref_1891" href="#note_1891"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1891</span></span></a> as
correct; though that historian is accused of too great
a fondness for censure. Damon likewise relates, that
the Byzantians were so addicted to the pleasures of the
table, that the citizens took up their regular abode in
the numerous public houses of the city, and let their
houses with their wives to strangers. The sound of
the flute put them immediately into a merry movement;
but they fled from that of a trumpet: and a
general had no other means of keeping them on the
ramparts during a close siege, than by causing the
public houses and cook-shops to be removed thither.<a id="noteref_1892" name="noteref_1892" href="#note_1892"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1892</span></span></a>
Byzantium was full of foreign and native merchants,
seamen, and fishermen,<a id="noteref_1893" name="noteref_1893" href="#note_1893"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1893</span></span></a> whom the
excellent wine of that city, supplied by Maronea and other regions,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page412">[pg 412]</span><a name="Pg412" id="Pg412" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
seldom permitted to return sober to their ships.<a id="noteref_1894" name="noteref_1894" href="#note_1894"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1894</span></span></a> The
state of the government may be judged from the reply
of a Byzantine demagogue, who being asked what the
law enjoined, replied, <span class="tei tei-q">“Whatever I please.”</span><a id="noteref_1895" name="noteref_1895" href="#note_1895"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1895</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ægina</span></span>, on the other hand, lost its fame only with
its political existence. Its situation near the great
commercial road, which had taken this course chiefly
in consequence of the danger of doubling the promontory
of Malea, the renown of its mythical history,
and the peculiar vigour of the inhabitants, had carried
their activity to such a height, as to give their
island an importance in the history of Greece which
will ever be remarkable.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Though at Rhodes the amalgamation of the different
nations produced an uniform and consistent
whole, this does not seem to have been the case at
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cyrene</span></span>, which was corrupted by Ægyptian and
Libyan influence. We have only to notice the character
of Pheretime, who from a Doric lady became
an eastern sultana. It is remarkable that another
Doric female, viz. Artemisia (whose father was of
Halicarnassus, her mother of Crete<a id="noteref_1896" name="noteref_1896" href="#note_1896"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1896</span></span></a>), obtained a
similar situation. In the mother-country, however,
there is after the fabulous times hardly any instance
of women being at the head either of Doric or other
cities.<a id="noteref_1897" name="noteref_1897" href="#note_1897"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1897</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
We have already spoken as much as our object
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page413">[pg 413]</span><a name="Pg413" id="Pg413" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
required of the Doric town of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Croton</span></span><a id="noteref_1898" name="noteref_1898" href="#note_1898"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1898</span></span></a> in Italy;
and several times touched on the decay of the Doric
discipline and manners at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tarentum</span></span>. Their climate,
which was very different from that of Greece,<a id="noteref_1899" name="noteref_1899" href="#note_1899"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1899</span></span></a>
and the manners of the native tribes, must have had
a very considerable share in changing the characters
of these two cities; as the Tarentines did not subjugate
only and slaughter the inhabitants (like the
Carbinates), but received them within the limits of
their large city, and gave them the rights of citizenship,
by which means those words which we call
Roman, but which were probably common to all
the Siculians,<a id="noteref_1900" name="noteref_1900" href="#note_1900"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1900</span></span></a> were introduced into the Tarentine
dialect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Messenian</span></span> state, as restored by Epaminondas,
the ancient national manners were (according
to Pausanias<a id="noteref_1901" name="noteref_1901" href="#note_1901"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1901</span></span></a>) still retained; and the dialect remained
up to the time of that author the purest Doric
that was spoken in Peloponnesus. The reason of
this either was, that the Helots who remained in the
country, and doubtless formed the larger part of the
new nation, had obtained the Doric character, or that
the exiles had during their long banishment really
preserved their ancient language, as we know to have
been the case with the Naupactians in more ancient
times.<a id="noteref_1902" name="noteref_1902" href="#note_1902"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1902</span></span></a> This the Messenians, who dwelt
among the Euesperitæ of Libya, might have done, as they resided
among Dorians; but it was less easy for the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page414">[pg 414]</span><a name="Pg414" id="Pg414" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Messenians of Sicily,<a id="noteref_1903" name="noteref_1903" href="#note_1903"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1903</span></span></a> and wholly impossible for
those of Rhegium. In the people of Rhegium in
general there appears to have been little of the Doric
character;<a id="noteref_1904" name="noteref_1904" href="#note_1904"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1904</span></span></a> nor probably in real truth among the
later Messenians, however they might have endeavoured
to bring back the ancient times.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Since we have frequently considered <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Delphi</span></span> as
belonging to the number of the Doric cities, on a
supposition that it was the seat of an ancient Doric
nobility (although the people was chiefly formed of
naturalized slaves of the temple), we have finally to
observe on the character of the Delphians, that their
early degeneracy (which even Æsop is said to have
strongly reproved) is a phenomenon which has frequently
taken place among the people residing in
the immediate neighbourhood of national sanctuaries.
The number and variety of strangers flocking together;
the continual fumes of the altars, from which
the natives were fed without labour or expense;<a id="noteref_1905" name="noteref_1905" href="#note_1905"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1905</span></span></a> the crowds of the market, in which jugglers and
impostors of all kinds earned their subsistence,<a id="noteref_1906" name="noteref_1906" href="#note_1906"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1906</span></span></a> and
the large donatives which Crœsus, with other monarchs
and wealthy men, had distributed among the
Delphians, necessarily produced a lazy, ignorant, superstitious,
and sensual people; and cast a shade over
the few traces of a nobler character, which can be
discovered in the events of earlier times.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page417">[pg 417]</span><a name="Pg417" id="Pg417" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc47" id="toc47"></a>
<a name="pdf48" id="pdf48"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Appendices.</span></h1>

<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc49" id="toc49"></a>
<a name="pdf50" id="pdf50"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Appendix V. On the Doric Dialect.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The ancient grammarians divided the Greek language
into four distinct branches—the Doric, Ionic, Attic, and
Æolic; the latter including all dialects not comprised
under the other three heads, because only one branch of it,
the Lesbian, was the written language of one species of
poetry: and yet this latter division must unquestionably
have contained different species less connected with each
other than with some branches of the other three dialects.
It is, however, pretty well agreed that the several Æolic
dialects together contained more remains of the primitive
Grecian or (if we will so call it) Pelasgic language, than
either the Doric, Ionic, or Attic; and that at the same time
many forms of the latter were preserved with great fidelity
in the Latin tongue; partly because the life of the Italian
husbandmen bore a nearer resemblance to that of the ancient
Greeks than that of the later Greeks themselves, and because
neither their literature, nor any fastidious sense of
euphony and rhythm, induced them to soften and refine
their language. But of the more polished dialects, that of
Homer, though differing in many points, yet in others
doubtless closely resembled the original language, which
must once have been spoken from Thessaly to Peloponnesus,
and was variously metamorphosed in the Doric, Ionic,
and Attic dialects. Thus, for example, the genitive case of
the second declension, in the ancient form, was ???, which
was preserved in the Thessalian dialect,<a id="noteref_1907" name="noteref_1907" href="#note_1907"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1907</span></span></a> perhaps also in
the Bœotian,<a id="noteref_1908" name="noteref_1908" href="#note_1908"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1908</span></span></a> and in Latin I or EI is also perceivable;
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page418">[pg 418]</span><a name="Pg418" id="Pg418" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
whilst in the Doric O and the Attic ?? this vowel was entirely
lost. The nominative of masculines of the first declension
in ? belongs to the Latin, Homeric, Dryopian,
Thessalian, Bœotian, Macedonian, and Elean dialects. In
the Doric it was probably of rare occurrence, and more
accidental.<a id="noteref_1909" name="noteref_1909" href="#note_1909"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1909</span></span></a>
The Æolic dialect, which was spoken in Bœotia,
likewise contains remarkable traces of an ancient Pelasgic
language, and has striking coincidences with the Latin:
thus in the ancient Bœotian inscriptions the dative of the
first declension ends in ??. Gradually, however, it departed
from this language, as the diphthongs ?? and ??,
which anciently were written ?? and ??, were changed
into ? and ?: and thus almost all the vowels and diphthongs
received a new form. On the other hand, we must be
cautious of supposing the Latin to be the ancient form, in
cases where a transmutation of letters has already taken
place. The following is a remarkable example to this effect.
??O, from whence <span class="tei tei-q">“the eye,”</span> ?ppa in the Æolic dialect,<a id="noteref_1910" name="noteref_1910" href="#note_1910"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1910</span></span></a> ?f??? in the Elean,<a id="noteref_1911" name="noteref_1911" href="#note_1911"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1911</span></span></a> ?pt???? in the Spartan. In other dialect,
?????, hence ??ta???? in the Bœotian, in the Latin
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">oculus</span></span>,
where ? and ? bear the same relation to each other as
in the words p?t??e? (Æolic) <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">quatuor</span></span>,
p?µpt??, <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">quintus</span></span>, p??,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">quo</span></span>, p???,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">alicubi</span></span>. Moreover the Latin has a very large
number of words derived from the Campanian and Doric
Greeks, which must be distinguished from the primitive
Greek dialect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. These remarks are merely premised in order to point
out the authorities upon which all investigations into the
form of the most ancient language of the Greeks should be
founded. We have already intimated our dissent from
those who, in opposition to Pausanias,<a id="noteref_1912" name="noteref_1912" href="#note_1912"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1912</span></span></a> suppose the
Doric to have been the native dialect of Peloponnesus, not only
disallowing the claim of the Dorians to its introduction, but
even denying that they were the first to adopt it. This
supposition would leave us without any means of explaining
how the dialect of the Dorians of Peloponnesus agreed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page419">[pg 419]</span><a name="Pg419" id="Pg419" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in so many peculiar idioms with that of their fellow-countrymen
in Crete, the close and general connexion between
the two being of an earlier date than the Doric invasion
of Peloponnesus. The ancient Peloponnesian dialect was
certainly that language which may be recognized in the
Latin and in Homer, many of the peculiarities of which
occur indeed, but many of the most essential are not found,
in the Doric dialect. This latter dialect was, however, very
widely diffused over that peninsula by the preponderance
of the Dorians, being not merely adopted by the Helots
(who even at Naupactus spoke Doric), the Orneatæ,<a id="noteref_1913" name="noteref_1913" href="#note_1913"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1913</span></span></a> the Laconian Periœci, and the Attic inhabitants of
Colonides;<a id="noteref_1914" name="noteref_1914" href="#note_1914"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1914</span></span></a>
but even by the independent Arcadians, who, according to
Strabo, used indeed the Æolic dialect, but were generally
supposed to adopt the Doric (d????e??), as also did Philopœmen.<a id="noteref_1915" name="noteref_1915" href="#note_1915"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1915</span></span></a>
Unfortunately we have little information respecting
the dialect of the Arcadians, our chief guide being the
names of their towns, in which several Dorisms occur; as,
for instance, ?af?a? (from ??fe??), ??s??, ??eµ?sa (??eµ?essa),
and some anomalous forms, such as ?ad???a for
?a?d???a, Te?p??sa for ???f??ssa, Dor. ???f?ssa, ??a?e?t??,
a tribe of Tegea, for ??a?e?t??.<a id="noteref_1916" name="noteref_1916" href="#note_1916"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1916</span></span></a> The
Eleans, on the other hand, spoke nearly pure Doric; which is shown
indeed by their use of the digamma,<a id="noteref_1917" name="noteref_1917" href="#note_1917"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1917</span></span></a> by their broad accent,
and the O in the genitive case; but chiefly by the frequent
use of ?, which, besides the ????, ??? in the well-known
treaty of the Eleans,<a id="noteref_1918" name="noteref_1918" href="#note_1918"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1918</span></span></a> is also
proved by the Elean forms d??a? (for d??a? or d??ast??), ??t??, ?pp?? and similar forms,
whence the Eleans were called ßa?ßa??f????.<a id="noteref_1919" name="noteref_1919" href="#note_1919"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1919</span></span></a> Moreover,
the Apollo T??µ??? of the Eleans was the same as Apollo
T?sµ???, in Attic Greek.<a id="noteref_1920" name="noteref_1920" href="#note_1920"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1920</span></span></a> Eretria was
founded by Eleans in conjunction with other Greeks, whence the frequent
use of the ? in that town;<a id="noteref_1921" name="noteref_1921" href="#note_1921"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1921</span></span></a> and from this city the neighbouring
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page420">[pg 420]</span><a name="Pg420" id="Pg420" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Chalcideans also adopted it;<a id="noteref_1922" name="noteref_1922" href="#note_1922"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1922</span></span></a> whilst among
the Carystians another peculiarity of the Spartan Elean dialect
prevailed, in the change of T into S.<a id="noteref_1923" name="noteref_1923" href="#note_1923"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1923</span></span></a> The Eretrians, however,
received from the Eleans another peculiarity of the
pure Doric, viz. the use of the aspirate in the place of S;
and imparted it to the Oropians, their neighbours, and
sometimes their subjects, on the other side of the
strait.<a id="noteref_1924" name="noteref_1924" href="#note_1924"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1924</span></span></a>
Thus it is evident that the dialect of the Eleans was very
similar, nay, almost akin, to the Spartan. Now it is very
improbable that this strict observance of the Doric dialect
should have been learnt by mere intercourse, since on no
side were they in immediate contact with Dorians. It is
much more probable that the Ætolians, who conquered
Elis, used, from their vicinity to the Dorians, the same dialect:
that they spoke Doric in later times, is proved by the
testimony of ancient authors and monuments
extant;<a id="noteref_1925" name="noteref_1925" href="#note_1925"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1925</span></span></a> and
the same was also the language of the inhabitants of the
ancient Epirus Proper.<a id="noteref_1926" name="noteref_1926" href="#note_1926"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1926</span></span></a> It seems, therefore, that this dialect
was formed in the northern and mountainous districts
of Greece, particularly in the vicinity of mount Pindus,
from whence the Dorians brought it in their migration to the
more southern parts of the country, where they were in consequence
commonly regarded as the race with whom it first
originated.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. To determine with any degree of precision how much
climate and the nature of the soil contributed to the formation
of this dialect, would be a matter of extreme difficulty;
although the comparison of the corresponding dialects of
different languages with the various localities in which each
was formed may lead to several interesting observations.
There can be no doubt that a mountain life is favourable to
the formation of the pure, broad, and long vowels, such as
? and O; as also that a residence in the lowlands and on
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page421">[pg 421]</span><a name="Pg421" id="Pg421" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the coast produces rather modifications of the long
vowels<a id="noteref_1927" name="noteref_1927" href="#note_1927"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1927</span></span></a>
and short syllables. It should, however, be borne in mind,
that the influence of these causes upon language was in full
operation at one period only, when the organs generally
evinced greater pliancy in adapting themselves to the various
peculiarities of situation. In later times, Doric was
spoken in maritime towns, as low German is now in mountains
and highlands. We must likewise remember, that not
only the country, but also the people, bore a distinct national
character, the influence of which upon their language
must have been full as great as of the former. The hypothesis
that the ancient dialects were determined more by internal
than external influence, more by the nature of the
men than the influence of place, is confirmed by a remarkable
passage of Jamblichus,<a id="noteref_1928" name="noteref_1928" href="#note_1928"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1928</span></span></a> who had probably
derived this sentiment from the schools of the early Pythagoreans:
he pronounces the Doric dialect to be the most ancient and
best, comparing it, on account of the sounding vowels with
which it abounded, to the enharmonic style of music, as he
does the Ionic and Æolic dialects to the chromatic style.
The only meaning of this remark can be, that the long
vowels ? and O were pronounced in as clear and marked
a manner (particularly when, as was often the case, they
were circumflexed) as a bar separated by a double bar in
the tetrachord strung to the enharmonic pitch, so much
used for music of the Doric style.<a id="noteref_1929" name="noteref_1929" href="#note_1929"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1929</span></span></a> Otherwise a manly character
is always attributed to the Doric dialect:<a id="noteref_1930" name="noteref_1930" href="#note_1930"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1930</span></span></a> its fitness
for solemn occasions and simple expression is shown by the
literary remains which have come down to us.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. It cannot be expected that we should here enter into
a minute examination of all the peculiarities of the Doric
dialect: the following brief remarks will, it is hoped, be received
as an attempt rather to set forth the most remarkable
features of the spoken language, than to explain the niceties
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page422">[pg 422]</span><a name="Pg422" id="Pg422" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
of the polished style used in writing and poetry. The frequent
use of ? prevailed indeed partially in the ancient
dialect, and in most cases the use of ? originated in the
Ionic, which in this respect bore nearly the same relation
to the ancient Greek as the English language does to the
German.<a id="noteref_1931" name="noteref_1931" href="#note_1931"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1931</span></span></a> The broad pronunciation (p?ate?asµ??) of the
Dorians frequently, however, exceeded that of the ancient
language, as may be seen from the Latin. Thus fa???,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">fagus</span></span>—f?µa,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">fama</span></span>—µ????,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">malum</span></span>—?????,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">terras</span></span> (genit.)
?????, (<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">caduceus</span></span>), and the like, are clearly
the genuine ancient forms. On the other hand, the change from ? to ?
in the temporal augment existed in the most ancient Greek,
as is evident from <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ago</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">egi</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">????</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">capio</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">cepi</span></span>, &amp;c. The Doric
dialect, however, here also used ? in the place of ?. I am
not aware whether another change very nearly coinciding
with the latter has ever been noticed, viz. the frequent use
of the short ? for ?, especially in the enclitics, as ?? (which
however is long) for ?e or ??, a form common to all the
Dorians, and in the same manner ?a for ?e,<a id="noteref_1932" name="noteref_1932" href="#note_1932"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1932</span></span></a> ?a for the
correlative te in t??a, p??a, ??a in Sophron, Theocritus, and
others, to which corresponds ?a in p??s?a, ???p?s?a (Alcman),
?µp??s?a, ????a.<a id="noteref_1933" name="noteref_1933" href="#note_1933"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1933</span></span></a> The same change is also observable
in ?te??? for ?te???, t??f? for t??p?,<a id="noteref_1934" name="noteref_1934" href="#note_1934"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1934</span></span></a> ??taµ??<a id="noteref_1935" name="noteref_1935" href="#note_1935"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1935</span></span></a> for ??teµ??,
t???, pa?a?t???, in the Cretan dialect,<a id="noteref_1936" name="noteref_1936" href="#note_1936"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1936</span></span></a> t?µ?? in the
Heraclean Tables and elsewhere, s??a???, f?as??, in Pindar;
and innumerable examples of a similar kind. ?, either as
a contraction of ??, or a lengthening of ?, occurs in many
instances in the place of ?? in the other dialects (the reverse
took place among the Bœotians), as in p???, p????, µ???,<a id="noteref_1937" name="noteref_1937" href="#note_1937"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1937</span></span></a>
?????, ?????? (Alcman), ??sµ??, ?at????? (Theocritus, and
the Byzantine Decree in Demosthenes<a id="noteref_1938" name="noteref_1938" href="#note_1938"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1938</span></span></a>), d??a?
for de??a? in
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page423">[pg 423]</span><a name="Pg423" id="Pg423" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the treaty of the Latians in Crete,<a id="noteref_1939" name="noteref_1939" href="#note_1939"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1939</span></span></a>
???e? in Cretan, and also used by Alcman, ????? or t???? in Alcman and others;
pep?????, ?p????? Theocritus and the Heraclean tables:
and thus in contractions from ???, ? has frequently preponderated
over ?, as in the pure Doric form ????,<a id="noteref_1940" name="noteref_1940" href="#note_1940"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1940</span></span></a>
? ?a?d?a pad? Sophron;<a id="noteref_1941" name="noteref_1941" href="#note_1941"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1941</span></span></a> although it must also be allowed that the
diphthong ?? was contracted into ?, as in ???, &amp;c. ??a?
for ??a?,<a id="noteref_1942" name="noteref_1942" href="#note_1942"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1942</span></span></a> and ????? for ????ae in a Laconian inscription in
Leake's Morea, vol. III. Inscript. n. 71.:<a id="noteref_1943" name="noteref_1943" href="#note_1943"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1943</span></span></a> to which instances
we should probably add the following cases of crasis, ???, ??p?,
???. The reverse of this, which we find in the words pe? in
Sophron,<a id="noteref_1944" name="noteref_1944" href="#note_1944"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1944</span></span></a> and ?pe? in a Corcyrean inscription<a id="noteref_1945" name="noteref_1945" href="#note_1945"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1945</span></span></a> for p? and ?p?,
is a remarkable variety. The Dorians, consistently with their
love for the pure and long ?, were equally partial to the O.
This letter frequently forms the original sound, as in the accusative
case ???e???, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Argivos</span></span>; and hence the abbreviated
form ?e?? for ?e?? in Cretan and Coan<a id="noteref_1946" name="noteref_1946" href="#note_1946"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1946</span></span></a> inscriptions, and in
Theocritus, was probably formed by an elision of the characteristic
vowel, as desp?t?? in the first declension. We
frequently also find use made of the vowel O as a prolongation
of ?, instead of the common form ??, produced by
the elision of consonants: thus in the form of the participle
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page424">[pg 424]</span><a name="Pg424" id="Pg424" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
feminine in ?sa, used in Crete and Peloponnesus, and also
in the Heraclean Tables, whilst the softer form in ??sa,
where ?? was also derived from ??t (as in the third person
plural ?a???s??, and in the masculine participle t??a??), was
perhaps peculiar to Sicily. ? also, when followed by ?,
overpowers the latter letter, and is changed into O, as for
instance in ?????ssa (a mountain near Phlius), ??t???, ?p???
for ?p??e?, Laconian forms in Aristophanes, paµ????, and
similar words in the Heraclean Tables; though whether this
is the case when the ? precedes the ? is doubtful, for in
e?????s? and similar forms in Cretan inscriptions, it is ?O,
not ??, which is contracted into O. In this case ?? is
generally contracted into ??, or it is changed into ??, as
?O into ?O; thus µ????µe?, ?????f?????te? in the Lysistrata
of Aristophanes (according to the old reading), ?pa????, ?µ??µe?a
ib., a??????? for ???????? in the Laconian inscription
in Leake, No. 71. with which compare ?µµe??? in the oath
of the Latians, p?a???µe? in the decree of the Istionians, and
paµ???? in the Heraclean Tables.<a id="noteref_1947" name="noteref_1947" href="#note_1947"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1947</span></span></a> In the above cases
there is no reason for assuming any other changes, than from
?? into ?? and ?O into ?O, as the Dorians appear to have
been very unwilling to tolerate ? with ?; the short ?, however,
before the lengthened ? must have been particularly
suited to their ears. The long ? in ???µ??, ?t?e?da,
???s??a?, p??t?? was without doubt a thick sound between
? and ?, for which there was no distinct character. The
Spartan dialect frequently has ?? for ? (which change
regularly occurs in the Bœotian dialect), as d?f???a for ??f??a
(Hesychius in v.), f???? for f?s??? (Valck. ad Adoniaz,
p. 276.), µ??s?dd? for µ????? (ibid. p. 279.), f??a??? (vol. I.
p. 384. note f.), µ????? for µ???? (Koen p. 343.), ?aµp?????,
a species of olive-tree (in Hesychius), derived, I believe,
from ??µpt?? ????, ?????a for ????a (Hesych. in v.); ??d?a??e?,
pe???a?a??e? according to Hesych. for ?d?a??e?, t????
for s? (Hesych.), ?pess??a for ?pes?? in the letter of Hippocrates
(compare Coray ad Plut. Alcib. 28.). ?? for ?
is only found in ???????, according to Photius.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page425">[pg 425]</span><a name="Pg425" id="Pg425" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
5. The consonants in the Doric dialect were in some
cases so brought together as to give the words a roughness
which was avoided in other dialects, and consequently it possessed
more of that ancient fulness of consonants which was
preserved with greater fidelity in the Latin language than in
the Greek; partly from the neglect of that law, which was
so constantly observed by all the dialects of the Greek, that
every word should end either with a vowel or semi-vowel.
The Doric has at least the ancient form of the participle
t????? (Lat. <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">ns</span></span>, in ancient Gothic
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ants</span></span>), which is quoted as
a Cretan and Argive form;<a id="noteref_1948" name="noteref_1948" href="#note_1948"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1948</span></span></a> and the preposition ??? for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in</span></em>
with the accusative (<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">into</span></em>), which in other dialects was changed
into e??; but in the Doric it became, by the omission of the
final S, ?? in the sense of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">into</span></em>, as in
Crete and in Pindar,<a id="noteref_1949" name="noteref_1949" href="#note_1949"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1949</span></span></a>
although Cretan inscriptions of considerable antiquity have
e??, which appears to have been the usual Laconian form.
Thus also the Cretans and Argives formed the future in
sp??s?, merely throwing out d, as a t is properly omitted in
t?????.<a id="noteref_1950" name="noteref_1950" href="#note_1950"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1950</span></span></a> The Rhegians adopted the same usage from the
Messenians.<a id="noteref_1951" name="noteref_1951" href="#note_1951"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1951</span></span></a> It is clear that the organs of the ancient Doric
race were better fitted for this rough pronunciation than the
more delicate ones of the other Greeks, who even changed
the Roman <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Hortensius</span></span> into ??t?s???. The same
remark may be applied to the word µ??a?? in Alcman (fragm. 66.),
and some similar forms.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Another more striking characteristic of the Doric dialect
is the aversion to S, the s?? ??ßda???; hence the Doric lyric
poets, Lasus and others, wrote poems without that letter;
a practice in direct contradiction with the partiality shown
by the Ionians for that sound. To this principle may be
traced various other peculiarities: first, the interchange of S
and ?, which, however, is on the whole merely a relic of
the original dialect, as in the adjectives ???a?t??? and
p???t???,<a id="noteref_1952" name="noteref_1952" href="#note_1952"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1952</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page426">[pg 426]</span><a name="Pg426" id="Pg426" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in t? or t??, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">tu</span></span>, in t?ssa?e?,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">quatuor</span></span>, in the third persons
d?d?t?, fat?, which still retain this form in Sanscrit (while
in the Latin and German languages T is always the last
letter of this third person). Also in the name of Neptune
the Doric was doubtless the original form, having the same
root as p??t??, p?taµ??; the original form was ??t?da? (in
Epicharmus and Sophron<a id="noteref_1953" name="noteref_1953" href="#note_1953"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1953</span></span></a>), and the
Megarian in Aristophanes says ??te?da?; so also the Corinthians; and hence
their colony ??te?da?a,<a id="noteref_1954" name="noteref_1954" href="#note_1954"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1954</span></span></a> ??te?d?? (from ??te?d???) was the
Spartan and the Rhodian form.<a id="noteref_1955" name="noteref_1955" href="#note_1955"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1955</span></span></a> It is singular that in some
cases the Dorians also used S for ?, as s?te? for t?te?,<a id="noteref_1956" name="noteref_1956" href="#note_1956"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1956</span></span></a>
corresponding to which we find s?µe??? in Pindar, Theocritus,
and the Tarentine dialect (a word, according to Hesychius,
synonymous with ???); the s? for t? of the Megarians,
and this latter for t??a is the same change.<a id="noteref_1957" name="noteref_1957" href="#note_1957"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1957</span></span></a> It was
this aversion to S, noticed above, which led the Spartans in
the double consonants S?, S?, S?, to reject the S and
double the other consonant; hence the Laconian forms
?t?tta? for ?t?st??, ?tt?? for ?? t??, ?µp?tta? for
?µf?st??,<a id="noteref_1958" name="noteref_1958" href="#note_1958"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1958</span></span></a>
????? for ?s???.<a id="noteref_1959" name="noteref_1959" href="#note_1959"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1959</span></span></a> Valckenær lays down the following rule:
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">literam</span></span> S <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacones
in sequentem consonantem non liquidam
mutant</span></span>;”</span> and of this change he finds traces in the Tarentine
dialect, to which we may add, that Hecate, according
to Hesychius, was there called ?f?att??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ?f?ast??. The
most interesting example of this change in the Spartan
dialect is the form ?ttas? for ???st??? (derived from ?????S?),
in which word more than three Laconisms are discernible.
With this point is immediately connected the
change of ?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> S? into ??, for instance in verbs in ??,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">Laconice</span></span>—dd?, many instances of which occur in the
Lysistrata and Acharneans of Aristophanes. There is no
evidence of the same change occurring in verbs whose
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page427">[pg 427]</span><a name="Pg427" id="Pg427" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
characteristic is G; although the Dorians were induced by
analogy and a partiality to the letter ? to introduce the
termination ??, where the characteristic letter was not G but
?, which is evident by the formation of the substantive ?a??ppa???
(as should be read in Hesychius for ?a??pta???),
de??????ta?, &amp;c.<a id="noteref_1960" name="noteref_1960" href="#note_1960"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1960</span></span></a> Even in the Laconian dialect, however,
the soft sound of S? is used instead of ??, as ???sde?, µe??sd?µe???,
t??pesda in Alcman, and in the pretended apophthegm
of Lycurgus, ?? pt???? µ???te ?a? µ? µ?sd? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>
µe???) ?te??? ?at??? ???? ?t?µe?.<a id="noteref_1961" name="noteref_1961" href="#note_1961"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1961</span></span></a> It would however be erroneous
to suppose, with regard to the mode in which this
transition was effected, that the sound of ?, when already
formed, passed into ?? or S?. The ancient dialect appears
to have had a separate ?, pronounced with a peculiar
compression of the mouth; the Dorians in several cases,
agreeing with the Ionians, added the S, and formed either
?, where the sounds were more combined, or S?. In
other cases the Dorians merely gave additional force to the
?. With the Æolians there was scarce any distinction between
the harsh and the common ?, as in ?e?? for ?e??,
d???? for ????? &amp;c.; in the same manner ?e?? in the Latin
became <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Deus</span></span>,
???a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">radix</span></em>,
??? <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">odor</span></em>,<a id="noteref_1962" name="noteref_1962" href="#note_1962"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1962</span></span></a> and hence the long ?
was wanting in that language; but the peculiarity of the
original sounds of this consonant is evident from the circumstance
that the Latins substituted for it I; for example
in <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">jugum</span></span> from ?????,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">major</span></span> from µe????, &amp;c.; in like manner
the Æolic dialect interchanged d?a and ?a, ?a???, ?a?d?a.<a id="noteref_1963" name="noteref_1963" href="#note_1963"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1963</span></span></a>
The change of the last letters of verbs ending in -ss?
into -?? in the Tarentine dialect, instead of tt? like the
other Dorians, as ????? for ???ss?, is quite peculiar to that
town.<a id="noteref_1964" name="noteref_1964" href="#note_1964"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1964</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page428">[pg 428]</span><a name="Pg428" id="Pg428" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
6. Another mode of avoiding the sound of S was to omit
it altogether. This suppression was made at an early date
in the third person plural, which consequently retained a
nearer resemblance to the original form in the Doric than
in the Ionico-Attic dialect, in which the preservation of S
soon caused the ?? to be dropped. Examples of this, as
pe????t?, ?p?d?d??t?, ?e???a?t?, a?????t?
(<span lang="sa" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="sa"><span style="font-style: italic">bhavanti</span></span>, in Sanscrit,
corresponding to the ancient high German
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ant</span></span>; the Bœotians
wrote -????, -a???) are found in all the Doric inscriptions;
yet Alcman uses the termination -??s? as well as the
ancient form. Sometimes this elision of s lengthened the
preceding vowel, as in ???ef??e?a Lacon. for ?e?sef??e?a,
according to Hesychius, with which we may compare p????
for p??d?? in the Cretan dialect (ibid.); also p?e??e?ta?, p?e???st??,
p?e????a in Cretan inscriptions for p?esße?t??, &amp;c.;
the Argives also used G for ? in p???e??. (See Hesychius.)
Concerning the omission of S before F, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, f?? for sf??,
in the Laconic dialect, see Koen p. 254.; the Syracusans
changed the place of the S, and converted SF?? into FS??,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ???. This aversion to S also appeared in the substitution
of the aspirate for this consonant, in which change the pure
Doric dialect is directly at variance with the Latin, in which the
aspirate was often replaced by S, for example, ???,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sal</span></span>, ?µ?, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">semi</span></span>,
????, sylva,<a id="noteref_1965" name="noteref_1965" href="#note_1965"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1965</span></span></a> &amp;c. The Laconians, on the other hand, used
µ??, instead of µ?sa, and on the same principle µ????,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">music</span></span>, as also in the participles ??e??, ????p??,
&amp;c, to which we may add ??µa?? for ??µ?s??, as in Aristophanes;
also p?????, p??, ß??? for ?s??,<a id="noteref_1966" name="noteref_1966" href="#note_1966"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1966</span></span></a> ß???a for ß??s?a;<a id="noteref_1967" name="noteref_1967" href="#note_1967"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1967</span></span></a> the
same usage also prevailed among the Argives, as we learn
from Dercyllus, among the Eretrians, who borrowed it from
the Eleans, and also among the Pamphylians; with whom
several Argive and Rhodian peculiarities of dialect appear
to have been preserved.<a id="noteref_1968" name="noteref_1968" href="#note_1968"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1968</span></span></a> Lastly, with this aversion to S is
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page429">[pg 429]</span><a name="Pg429" id="Pg429" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
connected the rhotacismus, which we have already observed
in the Spartan and Elean dialect, and of which the interpreters
of the decree against
Timotheus,<a id="noteref_1969" name="noteref_1969" href="#note_1969"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1969</span></span></a> particularly Casaubon,
have collected many examples. Of these I will
only cite ?p??e?ast??, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the mocker</span></em>; ?a???a?,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">an ape</span></em> (Hesych.
in vv. comp. Boeckh Exp. Pind. Pyth. II. p. 251); ????a?t??,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">an ass-driver</span></em> (Pollux VII. 13. 56.); s????, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a palm-branch</span></em>
(Hesych.); t??, t??, (ib. and in the Elean Rhetra),
pa?a??? (Aristoph. Lys. 988.), s??? ?e??, p?? p???, ????? ?????,
ß?µß?? <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a kind of flute</span></em> (Hesych. in vv.). Whether in the
oblique cases S could always be changed into ? is uncertain,
since, besides the Elean Rhetra, no genuine monument, and
only a few and obscure glosses, afford any information on
the point. However, ?µ? ????? for ?p? ????? (according to
Koen's conjecture ad Gregor. p. 283.) is an instance, as also
the Cretan t??? for s?? (Hesych.), where the pronoun is declined,
as ?µ???, ?µ???, ?µe?? in Epicharmus.<a id="noteref_1970" name="noteref_1970" href="#note_1970"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1970</span></span></a> We may observe
that generally the Latin is in this respect very different
from the pure Doric; though it resembles it in some words.
Thus the Laconian ??t?? is the Latin
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">actor</span></span>,
and in <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">gubernator</span></span>
we see the Doric form ??ße??at??, and so in other
instances.<a id="noteref_1971" name="noteref_1971" href="#note_1971"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1971</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
7. Notwithstanding this <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">fuga sibili</span></span>—this aversion
to the S—to which almost all the changes mentioned in the last
two sections may be traced—yet the Doric dialects always
retained in the first person plural the final S from the ancient
language (as is proved by the Latin
-<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">mus</span></span>);<a id="noteref_1972" name="noteref_1972" href="#note_1972"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1972</span></span></a> and Laconians,
Megarians, and Doric Sicilians said ???µe?, ?p????µe?,
&amp;c. It does not appear that in the Doric dialect any
original consonant passed into S, except T; and this change
probably arose from a desire to soften the harsh sound of
the aspirate. Instances of this Laconism in Alcman (?s??a?,
?s??e, s???e?, sa?ass?µ?d??sa?), in the Lysistrata (??se,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page430">[pg 430]</span><a name="Pg430" id="Pg430" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
??s?, s??e??, µ??s?dde??, &amp;c.), and the grammarians (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>
s???ase?de?, ?asa?????, for ?a?a???s??, according to Koen, ?asa?e?e??,
according to Valckenær) are well known, and particularly
se??? ????; comp. Valckenær, p. 277, sqq. who has
treated this point with great ability. Also in Hesychius,
s?µß??ade?, ?pe?µa?e? (for s?µß???e?) we should probably
write s?µß??ase? (otherwise Hemsterhuis), and ?ase?at?sa?,
?a??sa?, ibid. is from ???a, ??a, ???ed?a, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sella</span></span>; whence
??at??e??, ?a?e?at??e??, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sedere facio</span></span>. In this respect
the colonists of Sparta at Tarentum did not follow the idiom of their
mother city; as they said ???a???e??, not s??a???e??, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to
beg</span></em>:<a id="noteref_1973" name="noteref_1973" href="#note_1973"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1973</span></span></a> the Rhodians also retained the original T in ?????ß? (Strabo
XIII. p. 613. Eustath. ad Il. a. 34.): in Cretan this change
only occurs in se??a? for ?e??a? in Hesychius, and in s??? in
the treaty of the Olontians: for Corinth may be cited S?s?f??
for Te?s?f??, according to Phavorinus, p. 403. Dindorf;
for Sicyon perhaps se????, ????st???, Hesych. and also st?a?
for ???a?, Schol. Apoll. R.h. II. 1172. That the Eleans
were acquainted with this variety has been shown above.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
8. In general the Dorians had less inclination to aspirated
consonants than the other tribes of Greece, and therefore in
many respects their dialect remained nearer to the primitive
language. Thus the Lacedæmonians and Cretans said ?µp?
for ?µf? (Koen ad Greg. p. 344), the latter in the derivative
?µp?t??, the former in ?µp?sa?, (above, p. <a href="#Pg332" class="tei tei-ref">332</a>, note f.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“orthography,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“For instance, ???SO.”</span>]) in
?µp?tta? (p. <a href="#Pg035" class="tei tei-ref">35</a>, note a.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“?µp?tta?e?,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“I. q. ?µf?st??te?.”</span>]) ?µp?????? in Hesychius; ?µfa?µ???,
d??e??a, Hesych. <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">utrinque aptata</span></span>, makes an exception.
So also the Thessalians called the river ?µf????s??, ?µß????s??
(Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 51); and the same, according
to the general rule (vol. I. p. 3, note g.), must be Macedonian
and Latin. Some instances of ? for ? in the Cretan,
Laconian, and Sicilian dialect, see in Koen p. 340, sqq.;
Pindar's d??es?a? is probably also Doric, as well as in the
Heraclean Tables. According to Hesychius in e?p???t??,
the Dorians called the baskets in which the ??????ta? were
carried ??ßa???a, where ??ß? is ????, and the termination
-???a is probably formed from ???, unless (as is probable)
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page431">[pg 431]</span><a name="Pg431" id="Pg431" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
we should correct -???a here and in the word ??ß?????,
where Deinolochus (the Sicilian) is quoted as authority.
(Compare Suidas in de?ß?st??.) The aspirate by itself is
absent from the words ????µa?,<a id="noteref_1974" name="noteref_1974" href="#note_1974"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1974</span></span></a> ???s?????? and the names
????, ???sa?d???, ???s?p????, and ???s??a?? (Ion. ???s??e??);
originally perhaps all these names had the digamma,
as ?a???, a general <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacon.</span></span> in Hesychius. The
aspirate was also neglected by the Lacedæmonians in the
pronoun ?µ??, ?µ??;<a id="noteref_1975" name="noteref_1975" href="#note_1975"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1975</span></span></a> as well as
by the Cretans, as is evident from the words ???????, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> p??t?
?µ?, in an inscription
(Chishull, p. 115. 10.), and by the Dorians. In the
word ????? likewise the lene breathing is Doric, as is shown
by ?p????e?? in Thucyd. V. 77: and the Syracusan name
?p????? (Demetrius pe?? ??µ??e?a?, § 157. Eustath. ad Il.
e?. p. 571. Rom.). On the other hand the digamma was
retained nearly as much among the Lacedæmonians and
other Dorians, as by most of the Æolians; among the Dorians,
however, it generally assumed the form of ?. See
Etymol. M. p. 308. 26. Gudian. p. 104. 12. I will only
cite a few examples. The Laconian word for <span class="tei tei-q">“splendour”</span>
was ß??a, ???a (Hesychius), <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ???, whence by the prefix
a, signifying an union or number, the word ?ße???? (??????S)
was formed, literally <span class="tei tei-q">“a collection or mass of brightness;”</span>
the Cretan and Pamphylian name for the sun
(Hesychius; compare Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in ??ßa???).<a id="noteref_1976" name="noteref_1976" href="#note_1976"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1976</span></span></a>
The Greek or Æolic word for the <span class="tei tei-q">“ear”</span> was a?a?,
in Latin <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">auris</span></span>, in
Doric ??a? (like ?app?ta? for ?atapa?t??),
whence the Laconian word ???ß?d?a (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ?????t?a)
???t?a, in Hesychius. In ?at???s?, ????s?µa?, Doric according
to Photius, the digamma is lost, as well as in the
Tarentine contraction ?ta, Hesychius. From the root
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page432">[pg 432]</span><a name="Pg432" id="Pg432" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
????O, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to burn</span></span>, are derived the Laconian forms d?ße?,
?a?eta? (vulg. ????ta?, otherwise Hemsterhuis), ??d?ß?,
??a??e; d?ße???, da??? in Hesychius; also t?? d????? in Alcman,
fragm. 76. ed. Welcker. In Crete also we find the
forms ?ß?d?? for ??d??, ßa?????t?? for ??????t??, ßa??a for
a??a or ??? (Hesychius and Koen ad Greg. p. 251.); according
to the same grammarian the Cretans called their
shields ?a?ßa?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">lævæ</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the left</span></span>; thus by a reverse analogy
the Greeks said pa?? ?sp?da for <span class="tei tei-q">“to the left.”</span> The
Laconian word for <span class="tei tei-q">“the dawn,”</span> was ??OS (also retained
in µ????ß??, ????f??, Hesych. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> µ?s?-????), among the
other Greeks ?OS: and as from the latter form the name
of the east-wind e???? was derived (answering to ??f????, ??
?? ??f?? p?e?), so from the Doric ???? came the word a??a,
which had in this dialect the peculiar sense of <span class="tei tei-q">“morning;”</span>
hence ??a??? p???, ???te?, and ?ß?, ?????e?, Hesychius.
At Argos the digamma occurs in ?ßea for ?? (<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ova</span></span>) Hesych.;
at Hermione a double digamma in ße?d?? for ?d??, ??a?µa,
Etymol. M. p. 195. 52.; at Syracuse in ?ßas?? for ?as??,
which was also a Laconian form, ib. p. 308. 26. Hesych.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
9. If we except the changes of the vowels, semivowels,
and aspirates, there are not many others peculiar to the
Doric dialect, since the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">mediæ</span></span>
and <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">tenues</span></span> were seldom inverted,
and not often letters which are not cognate. It is
worthy of remark that the Dorians frequently changed both
? and G into ?, the former in d??t??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">good</span></span>, compared with
ß??t???, and ?de??? for ?ße???;<a id="noteref_1977" name="noteref_1977" href="#note_1977"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1977</span></span></a> the latter in d? for ??, d????
for ?????, d?f???a for ??f??a in Laconian, de???? for ??????
in Ætolian, which likewise was preserved in the Latin
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">dulcis</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1978" name="noteref_1978" href="#note_1978"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1978</span></span></a>
I should also remark that p?da for µet? is pure Doric,
as is proved by Alcman ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. the Laconian
word p?de??a, ?te???, in Hesychius, ped??????? for
µ?t????? in an Argive inscription (Boeckh. No. 14.), and the
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page433">[pg 433]</span><a name="Pg433" id="Pg433" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Corcyræan inscription in Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 70. (as it
appears.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Doric dialect is also marked by a strong tendency to
the omission of letters both in composition and flexion. In
composition the prepositions ?at?, ???, p?t? become monosyllables
by the suppression of the last vowel: and even
with the first syllable short in ?aßa????, Alcman. fragm. 34.
??pet??, Pindar. Olymp. VIII. 48. compare Hesychius in
??ß??µa and ??ßas?. The Venus ?µß??????a of Sparta
(Pausan. III. 18. 1.) has been already explained from ??aß???e??
t? ???a?, as also ?e?? ?app?ta? (ib. III. 22. 1.) as
?e?? ?atapa?t??. ?????, ???e?de, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">Laconice</span></span> in Hesychius,
shortened by apocope from ?????s?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ?at??e???, as ?µß?
for ?µß?s? in Aristoph. Lys. 1303. In conjugation the Dorians
frequently shortened the ancient longer forms by apocope,
and not, like the other cases, by contraction; as in the
infinitives d?µe? for d?µeµa?, e?µe? or ?µe? for ?µµe???, &amp;c. the
uncontracted form being seldom used, as ?µe?a? Aristoph.
Ach. 775., ??e??µe?a?, Thucyd. V. 77., or the contracted, as
s???????a? in Sophron. ap. Etym. M. p. 717, ext. and in
Alcman. fragm. 23, Welcker is probably right in changing
?a???a? into ?a???a?. Also the shortened third persons of
the aorists, d?????? in the Heraclean Tables, ?d?? (Corp. Inscript.
No. 1511.), ????e? (ib. No. 29.), d?e???e? in the decree
of the Oaxians, d?e????? in that of the Istronians; as well as
the infinitives in e? and the second persons in e?, for e?? and
e??, and many other similar changes. The forms e?µe??, ?e???e??
are not merely Agrigentine; the former also occurs in
an inscription (probably of Rhodes) in Chandler, p. 14.
No. 38: the Sicilian adverbs t?, t??t? (t??t? ??µe?a Sophron.
fragm. 34. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 347.) for p??e?, t??t??e?,
also come under this head. Ammonius adds p?? for
p?se and p?? for p??e.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
10. With regard to the differences of syntax, we may
remark that the article was much used by the Dorians; as
is evident from several passages in the Spartan choruses in
the Lysistrata of Aristophanes.<a id="noteref_1979" name="noteref_1979" href="#note_1979"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1979</span></span></a> It may be also observed
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page434">[pg 434]</span><a name="Pg434" id="Pg434" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that the article occurs very frequently in all the early monuments
of Doric nations;<a id="noteref_1980" name="noteref_1980" href="#note_1980"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1980</span></span></a> and that in the Doric poetry,
particularly of Alcman, it was first introduced into the literature
of Greece: the earlier language having been quite
destitute of it. Hence perhaps it may be inferred that it
was the Dorians who introduced the general use of the
article; which would afford some idea of the changes which
the Greek language experienced in consequence of the revolution
caused by the Doric invasion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Every dialect has peculiar words; but it is remarkable
when these are radical forms, expressing very common
ideas, and when they are quite foreign to the other dialects
of the same language. This at least is true of the Laconian
word ????, ?????, ??a???, <span class="tei tei-q">“good”</span> (Aristoph. Lys. 90,
1157. Hesychius in ??a?a, where Heinsius would without
reason omit the a, Theocrit. VII. 4.), of ????, <span class="tei tei-q">“large”</span>
(Etymol. M. p. 396. 29.), which words stand quite isolated
in the common language: also ???, <span class="tei tei-q">“to wish”</span> (Koen. p. 252.
Maittaire p. 278.), and µ??, <span class="tei tei-q">“I think,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“I seek,”</span> are pure
Doric forms; the latter a Laconian and Sicilian word, see
Toup Emend, in Suid. vol. I. p. 462. Meineke Euphorion.
p. 162.<a id="noteref_1981" name="noteref_1981" href="#note_1981"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1981</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
11. As yet we have considered the Doric dialect in general,
as spoken by the whole race, only marking out the
Laconian as its purest variety; we will now annex a brief
list of those shades of difference which can be perceived in
the language of the several states. The broad peculiarities
of the Doric dialect of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Laconia</span></em> are partly known from the
remains of Alcman (who however avoided in his poetry
such harsh forms as µ?? for µ?sa, ??p?? for ??p?sa or
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page435">[pg 435]</span><a name="Pg435" id="Pg435" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
??p??sa, and never uses S for ?, &amp;c.); and more fully from
the Spartans in the Lysistrata. On comparing these with
the Spartan and Argive treaty in Thucydides V. 77., there
is indeed a general agreement; yet in this document the
contractions ??a?????ta?, pe?t????ta?t?, d???, p??e? (but p???es?
and a?t?p???e?), also ?????? and d????es?a?, together with ??
in the accusative of the substantives, but ??? of the adjectives,
can hardly be considered as pure Doric; nor is
there any instance of the change of S into the aspirate, and
S for T only in the word s??. With regard to the indiscriminate
use of O and ?? our copies of Thucydides are not
much authority: for these two sounds were not distinguished
in the writing of the time, being both expressed by
?; and it is probable that some forms have been modified
either by Thucydides or his copyists, or both. On the
whole, however, it is probable that the popular dialect of
Peloponnesus, which is preserved in all its harshness in
the famous treaty of the Eleans, was about the time of the
Peloponnesian war softened down in public documents
and treaties. Thus in a Lacedæmonian inscription of later
date, we still find the ancient forms state?a?, a????a???, a??????,
???at?, da????? ??ta?at???, from a restoration, but also
??????? da?[?????], Corp. Inscript. No. 1511. In the Spartan
decree preserved by Plutarch in his Life of Lysander c. 14.,
we should probably write, ta?ta ?? d???te? t?? e????a?
????te, ? ??? ?????S ?a? t?? f???da? ????te?. pe?? t??
?a?? t? p???e?? ?????? t? ??????? d?????, ta?ta p???ete, as
has been partly emended by Haitinger Act. Monac. vol. III.
p. 311. In the time of Pyrrhus much of the ancient peculiarity
of the dialect was still in existence, although in the
following saying all the forms are not those of the ancient
Laconian language, a? µ?? ?ss? t? ?e ?e??, ??d?? µ? p???µe?,
?? ???, ?d??e?µe?; a? d? ?????p??, ?seta? ?a? te? ?????? ?????,
Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26. The remains of it in the decrees of
the Eleutherolacones and Spartans in the time of the emperors
are less considerable. That the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Messenians</span></em> retained
the ancient idiom, from ancient recollections, or perhaps from
affectation, was remarked above, p. <a href="#Pg414" class="tei tei-ref">414</a>, note 
c.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Messenians of Sicily,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“The coins.”</span>] The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Argive</span></em>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page436">[pg 436]</span><a name="Pg436" id="Pg436" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
dialect has been more than once observed to agree with the
Cretan, a correspondence which may be even traced in unimportant
particulars; thus the name of the Argive ßa??a???da?
(above, p. <a href="#Pg355" class="tei tei-ref">355</a>. note n
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]), was derived from ?????,
which Hermonax ap. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 512. calls a Cretan,
and Hesychius a Laconian word. The grammarians
likewise particularly remark that in the Argive dialect ? was
frequently changed into ?, as in µ??t?? for µ??t?? (Argive
and Cretan, Maittaire p. 255), a???, ???at?? (Etymol. M.
p. 402, 2.) fae???? (see Boeckh Not. crit. ad Pind. Olymp. I.
6.); the Sicilians in many cases made the contrary change—the
Rhegini, however, the same as the Argives (Etymol. M.
p. 135, 45. Gud. 73, 44.); which peculiarity they had evidently
borrowed from the Messenians. Dercyllus wrote in
the ancient Argive dialect; see Etymol. M. p. 391, 20.
above, p. <a href="#Pg385" class="tei tei-ref">385</a>, note c.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Ionians and Athenians,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“This is only true.”</span>] The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cretan</span></em> has a singularity which
does not appear to have been observed in any other dialect
of Greece, viz. of changing ? before a consonant and after e
or a into ? (analogous to the French forms
<span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style="font-style: italic">aumóne</span></span>,
<span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style="font-style: italic">haubergeon</span></span>,
&amp;c. from the German <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">Almosen</span></span>,
<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">Halsberge</span></span>, &amp;c.);
thus a?s?? for ??s??, a?µa for ??µa, likewise a?????a, a??a?;
?e??es?a? and e??e?? for ????es?a? and ???e??, according to Hesychius,
Koen. p. 354. The Ætolian word de???? also shows
the same formation, as it comes from the ancient root d?????,
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">dulcis</span></span>. There is an analogous change in the
Cretan forms ??a?s?? from ???a?s??, and ?e???ta?, p?pp?? (Hesych.)
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> for ?????ta? from ?????, and directly the reverse of that
observed above in the termination of the participles t?????, &amp;c.
where the Cretans retained the ancient form t?????, which
other Greeks softened into t??e??, &amp;c. The Cretan ß??t??? for
ß??t??? is paralleled by the Sicilian forms ????? and f??tat??.
The words peculiar to the Cretan town Polyrrhenia,
such as s??t?? <span class="tei tei-q">“a crane,”</span> ?µa??a <span class="tei tei-q">“a partridge,”</span> ??µßa <span class="tei tei-q">“a
crow,”</span> (see also Hesychius in ???a and ??tta) are probably
remains of an ancient Cydonian language, having no
affinity with the Greek. See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. p. 146,
note b. In the Cretan inscriptions of the beginning of the
second century before Christ, the ancient dialect is still preserved
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page437">[pg 437]</span><a name="Pg437" id="Pg437" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in some words, but not regularly and constantly;
peculiarities such as a?s?? no longer appear: and if they
were found in a writer named Cypselas, he must have been
of a much earlier date (Joann. Gramm. ad calc. H. Steph.
Thes. Gr. p. 13.). Some peculiarities of the Doric dialect
of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Corinth</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Sicyon</span></em> have been noticed above; in general,
however, we know little of these dialects; but of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Megarian</span></em>
we are better informed by means of the Acharneans
of Aristophanes, and this probably gives a tolerably correct
notion of the Doric of Peloponnesus, except Sparta.
The Dryopians of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Hermione</span></em> also spoke Doric; at least an
Hermionean inscription contains such Dorisms as ?p?daµ??t?,
p?tt?? p????, t??? d? ?a??a? d?µe? st??a?, Boeckh No. 1193.
and see others cited vol. I. p. 399, note y. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Rhodians</span></em>
still spoke Doric in the time of Tiberius (Sueton. Tiber.
56.), and indeed, as Aristides de Conc. boasts, in great
purity (see Meurs. Rhod. II. 3.). Inscriptions of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cos</span></em> (in
Spon), <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Calymna</span></em> (Chandler. Inscript. p. 21. No. 58.), <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Astypalæa</span></em>,
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Anaphæ</span></em> (in Villoison's papers) are written in a
Doric style, common in such monuments. The same was
also adopted by the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetans</span></em> after their re-establishment;
see the inscription in Æginetica, p. 136, and the remarks
on it in p. 160. Among the inscriptions of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Corcyra</span></em>, collected
by Mustoxidi, a series might be arranged according
to the greater and less traces of the Doric dialect; the large
one in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 400. contains
several peculiarities, as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> the imperative d??t?. In a
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Theræan</span></em> inscription, containing the will of a certain Epicteta
(Boeckh, No. 2448.), several pure Dorisms occur, as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>
the accusative plural in ??, the infinitives ??a???, ??e?,
(Eustathius ad Od. t?. p. 706. 49. quotes ???e? for ???e?? as
Theræan); at the same time several peculiar forms, such as
?st??e?a, s??a?a???e?a; and upon the whole there is little
archaic in the language. But the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Byzantine</span></em> dialect was in
the time of Philip, as we know from the decree in Demosthenes,
rich in Dorisms: not so many occur in the more
recent inscription in Chandler Inscript. App. p. 95. No. 10.
How much of the language of the surrounding nations had
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page438">[pg 438]</span><a name="Pg438" id="Pg438" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
been introduced into the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cyrenæan</span></em> dialect cannot be determined:
according to Hesychius ß????? was the Cyrenæan
word for <span class="tei tei-q">“ass;”</span> which resembles the Spanish word
<span lang="es" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="es"><span style="font-style: italic">borrico</span></span>;
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">both</span></em> probably were derived from Africans. All that we
know of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Tarentine</span></em> dialect appears to have been taken
from the Phlyaces of Rhinthon, who lived in the time of
Ptolemy the First; although very different from the ancient
Laconian dialect, it has many peculiarities:<a id="noteref_1982" name="noteref_1982" href="#note_1982"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1982</span></span></a> but besides the
vulgar language of Tarentum there was also spoken a
polished (Attic) dialect, which was alone used in public
transactions. See Dionys. Hal. Exc. p. 2239. ed. Reiske.
With regard to the exchange of words with the neighbouring
Italian nations (above, p. <a href="#Pg413" class="tei tei-ref">413</a>, note z
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“the Siculians,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> besides.”</span>]), it is sometimes
doubtful which party borrowed from the other. Thus
Alcman uses p??t?? for <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">puls</span></span>; are we to suppose that this
word was so early brought over from Italy? ????a??? is
used for <span class="tei tei-q">“prison”</span> by Sophron, for <span class="tei tei-q">“stall”</span> by Rhinthon: it
is the same word as the Latin <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">carcer</span></span>; but
possibly <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">both</span></em> are
derived from the Laconian word ??????a in Alcman. That
the Italian <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Heracleans</span></em> should have preserved the ancient
language and writing to the fifth century after the building
of Rome so faithfully as the famous Heraclean Tables
show us, is very remarkable. At <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Syracuse</span></em> the dialect was
nearly the same as that in which Epicharmus and Sophron
wrote: the laws of Diocles too were probably drawn up in
this dialect, but the circumstance of their requiring an interpreter
in the time of Timoleon is a proof of the rapid preponderance
of the Attic language in this city (<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9. § 7</a>.). The language of Sophron is also nearer to the common
dialect, and less strictly Doric than that spoken in
Peloponnesus in his time; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, he always says t??? and not
t??. On the spreading of the Doric dialect in Sicily see
Castelli Proleg. p. 25. We have not as yet touched on the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Delphic</span></em> dialect, the strong Doric character of which is proved
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page439">[pg 439]</span><a name="Pg439" id="Pg439" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
by an inscription (Boeckh No. 1690.) in which ?de??? and
t?t??e? occur, and still more, as I believe, by a monument of
Olymp. 100. 1, which has futures such as ???e??? &amp;c., the
infinitives ?p?????e?, f??e?, and ??e?, a??a for ???, p??tess?,
?e??µ?aµ??ess?, d?a??t???, ?p???sµ?s??t?, ?? for ??
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">adverbialiter</span></span>,
?att??, ???a?t???, p?µp??t?, p?tt?? (Boeckh No. 1688.).
Besides this, all the prose oracles given at Delphi were
doubtless written in Doric; as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> that in Demosth. in
Mid. p. 531, and in Macart. p. 1072, that in Thuc. V. 16.
(—??????? e????? e????e??, is, according to the scholiast, a
Laconian expression), and the oracle quoted in vol. I. p. 199.
note p, p?? t? ?aß?? ?a? p?? t? ?a????? ?a? p?? t? ????s?? (here
the sense requires ?sfa???? ??e??, ???t??, ?e?e??...) ????a
te ?e???s?a?, which, however, was probably written in hexameters,
since the epic oracles sometimes show traces of
Dorisms (Herod. IV. 155, 157; compare that given to
the Lacedæmonians, ? f??????µat?a &amp;c.). Plutarch (Pyth.
Orac. 24. p. 289.) quotes from ancient oracles the expression
p????a?? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> p??????, as the Delphians themselves were
called, vol. I. p. 254. note b), ??e??a? for
??d?a?,<a id="noteref_1983" name="noteref_1983" href="#note_1983"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1983</span></span></a> ??eµp?ta? for
p?t?µ???; likewise ??ata?p??? (Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII.
114.) is probably from an oracle: from the Dorisms of the
vulgar dialect we have G???da? for the treasure of Gyges,
Herod. I. 14, a half-adjective form in -a?, which occurs
frequently in Doric, and ??µa for ??µ?, <span class="tei tei-q">“love,”</span> Plutarch
Amator, 23. The name of the month ??s??? (ap. Plutarch
Quæst. Gr. 9. and in Delphian inscriptions) was derived
by some from F?s???, as being a spring-month; it is, however,
far more probable that this sacred oracular month received
its name from Pytho, as ??????. In that case the
change of ? into s corresponds with the Laconian dialect;
but that of p into ß is peculiar to the Delphians, among
whom, according to Plutarch, it also occurred in ß????? for
p?????, and other words. A newly discovered honorary
decree of Delphi (Ross, Inscript. Græc. ined. Fasc. I. No.
57.) points to a closer affinity of the Delphian and Ætolian
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page440">[pg 440]</span><a name="Pg440" id="Pg440" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
dialects. We find in it the datives ???????, ??t???a???t???,
and therefore the same metaplasm of declination as among
the Ætolians, to whom the grammarians attribute such
forms as ?e???t???, pa??µ?t???. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Phoceans</span></em> appear from
the inscriptions to have spoken an Æolic dialect, nearly
akin to the Doric. A remarkable peculiarity, which occurs
in inscriptions both of Steiris and Daulis, in the territory
of the Phoceans, is that the radical vowel of t???µ? and
??µ? remains unlengthened in the active and passive perfect;
as in ??ate???a?t?, ??ate?eµ?????, ?feµ??a for ??ate?e??as?,
??ate?e?µ?????, ?fe?µ???.
</p>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page441">[pg 441]</span><a name="Pg441" id="Pg441" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
<a name="toc51" id="toc51"></a>
<a name="pdf52" id="pdf52"></a>
<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Appendix VI. Chronological Tables.</span></h2>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. An attempt to ascertain the precise date of mythical
events would at the present time be considered unreasonable,
nor would it be better to arrange them according to
generations. It must however be allowed that the mutual
dependence of events recorded by mythology can be proved,
and by this means, to a certain degree, their succession may
be satisfactorily traced. We shall give a specimen from the
work before us.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Dorians in Hestiæotis. Worship of Apollo at Tempe
b. I. ch. 1. b. II. ch. 1.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Dorians at war with the Lapithæ. Taking of
Œchalia, b. I. ch. 1. § 7. b. II. ch. 2. § 1.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Dorians in Crete. Worship of Apollo at Cnosus,
b. I. ch. 1. § 9. b. II. ch. 1. § 5.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Teucrian Pelagones (Encheleans) in the north of Thessaly,
b. I. ch. 1. § 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Dorians at the foot of Œta and Parnassus. Worship of
Apollo at Lycorea and Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. b. II. ch. 1.
§ 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Dorians in alliance with the Trachinians and Ætolians,
b. I. ch. 2. § 5.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Taking of Ephyra in Thesprotia. Origin of the Geryonia,
b. II. ch. 2. § 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
War with the Dryopians and transportation of this nation
to Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. § 4. b. II. ch. 3. § 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cretan sovereignty of the sea; Cretans in Crisa, Lycia
and the Troad, b. II. ch. 1. § 6. ch. 2. § 2, 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Worship of Apollo in Bœotia; origin of the Theban traditions
respecting Hercules, b. II. ch. 3. § 2. ch. 2. § 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Introduction of the mythology of Hercules into Attica by
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page442">[pg 442]</span><a name="Pg442" id="Pg442" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Ionians. Institution of the Pythian Theoriæ, b. II. ch.
3. § 14.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cretans in Megara and Attica. Connection of the religious
worship of Athens with that of Crete, Delos, and
Naxos, ibid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cretan fortress of Miletus in Caria; temples at Didymi
and Claros, ibid. § 6.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Union of the Dorians and Ætolians, b. I. ch. 3. § 9.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thessalians and Thesprotians in Pelasgic Argos, Orchomenos,
p. 476.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The expelled Magnetes become subjects of the Pythian
Apollo, b. II. ch. 3. § 4.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Bœotians found a new Arne in Bœotia, Orchomenos,
ubi sup.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cadmean Ephyræans and Ægidæ in Athens and Amyclæ,
ibid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Partial emigration of the Dorians from the Tetrapolis,
b. I. ch. 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Emigration of the Ænianes from the Inachus to the district
of Œeta, b. I. ch. 2. § 6.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. In reckoning from the migration of the Heraclidæ downwards,
we follow the Alexandrine chronology, of which it
should be observed, that our materials only enable us to restore
it to its original state, not to examine its correctness.
That it was chiefly founded upon original records and monuments
preserved in Peloponnesus, which gave even the years
of the kings, has been shown above, b. I. ch. 7. § 3. The
dates which Syncellus has preserved from Eusebius, Eusebius
from Diodorus, and Diodorus from Apollodorus, could
not have been calculated merely by generations; and
Larcher's criticism and rejection of the Alexandrine Chronologists
may perhaps be found as groundless as they are
presumptuous.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[Transcriber's Note: Entries beginning with a number are the year in
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span>.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1104. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus, 80
years after the fall of Troy,<a id="noteref_1984" name="noteref_1984" href="#note_1984"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1984</span></span></a> 328 years before
the first Olympiad.<a id="noteref_1985" name="noteref_1985" href="#note_1985"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1985</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page443">[pg 443]</span><a name="Pg443" id="Pg443" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Temenus in Argos, Aristodemus in Sparta,
Cresphontes in Messenia, Oxylus the Ætolian
in Elis, Cypselus at Basilis. Resistance of the
Achæans in Amyclæ. The Nelidæ go from
Pylos to Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Birth of Eurysthenes and Procles, and death of
Aristodemus king of Sparta. Theras protector
of the twin-brothers.<a id="noteref_1986" name="noteref_1986" href="#note_1986"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1986</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1074. 30. Eurysthenes and Procles governors of Sparta.
Aletes reduces Corinth.<a id="noteref_1987" name="noteref_1987" href="#note_1987"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1987</span></span></a> Ceisus the son of
Temenus reigns at Argos, Phalces at Sicyon,
Agæus at Trœzen (b. I. ch. 5. § 4.), Deiphontes
at Epidaurus, Triacon in Ægina, Thersander
at Cleonæ (b. I. ch. 5. § 4. b. III. ch. 6. § 10.),
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page444">[pg 444]</span><a name="Pg444" id="Pg444" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
Laias the Cypselid, in Arcadia. Pityreus the
Ionian goes from Epidaurus to Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1072. 32. Theras colonises Thera with Minyæ and Ægidæ
from the district of Amyclæ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Corinthian Dorians conquer Megara.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Æpytus, son of Cresphontes, re-established in
Messenia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1051. 53. The Thessalian Magnetes found Magnesia in
Asia Minor.<a id="noteref_1988" name="noteref_1988" href="#note_1988"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1988</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Advance of the Dorians in the direction of Attica.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Medon, son of Ceisus, at Argos, b. III. ch. 6.
§ 10. Althæmenes, son of Ceisus, goes to Crete.
Amyclæan Laconians settle in Melos and Gortyna.
Migration of the Argives and Epidaurians
to Rhodes and Cos, of the Trœzenians to
Halicarnassus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1040. 60. Migration of the Ionians to Asia. Procles, son
of Pityreus of Epidaurus, goes to Samos with
carvers in wood from Ægina.<a id="noteref_1989" name="noteref_1989" href="#note_1989"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1989</span></span></a> The Phliasians,
driven out by Rhegnidas the son of Phalces,
withdraw to Samos and Clazomenæ, b. I. ch. 5.
§ 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1038. 68. Ixion king of Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1033. 71. Soüs, the Proclid, at Sparta.<a id="noteref_1990" name="noteref_1990" href="#note_1990"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1990</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1032. 72. Agis the Eurysthenid.<a id="noteref_1991" name="noteref_1991" href="#note_1991"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1991</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Achæans from Laconia colonise Patræ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1031. 73. Echestratus the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1006. 100*.<a id="noteref_1992" name="noteref_1992" href="#note_1992"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1992</span></span></a> Eurypon the Proclid. Echestratus and Eurypon
subdue Cynuria, b. I. ch. 7. § 15.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page445">[pg 445]</span><a name="Pg445" id="Pg445" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1000. 106. Agelas at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
996. 108. Labotas the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
978. 126. Prytanis the Eurypontid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
963. 143. Prumnis at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
959. 145. Doryssus the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
929. 175. Polydectes (Eunomus) the Eurypontid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Megara separates itself from Corinth, b. I. ch. 5.
§ 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
930. 174. Agesilaus the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
926. 178. Bacchis at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
924. 180*. Pompus the Cypselid in Arcadia supports the
commerce of the Æginetans.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
917. 187. Rhodes enjoys the sovereignty of the sea (Eusebius).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
891. 213. Agelas at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
886. 218. Archelaus the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
884. 220. Polydectes dies. Birth of Charilaus. Lycurgus
regent.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lycurgus, in conjunction with Iphitus the Elean
and Cleosthenes, the son of Cleonicus of Pisa,
arranges the Olympic games.<a id="noteref_1993" name="noteref_1993" href="#note_1993"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1993</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lycurgus gives laws to Sparta.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
861. 243. Eudemus at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
854. 250. Charilaus, the Eurypontid, king of Sparta. In
this office he with Archelaus conquers Ægys
(b. I. ch. 5. § 18.), lays waste the territory of
Argos (ib. ch. 7. § 14.), and is defeated by the
Tegeates (ib. § 12.). Polymestor, the Cypselid,
in Arcadia.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page446">[pg 446]</span><a name="Pg446" id="Pg446" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
836. 268. Aristomedes at Corinth.<a id="noteref_1994" name="noteref_1994" href="#note_1994"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1994</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
826. 278. Teleclus the Agid. He conquers Amyclæ, Pharis,
and Geronthræ, b. I. ch. 5. § 13, and destroys
Nedon, ib. ch. 7. § 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
824. 280. [Nicander the Eurypontid, according to Eusebius.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
810. 294. Nicander the Eurypontid (according to Sosibius<a id="noteref_1995" name="noteref_1995" href="#note_1995"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1995</span></span></a>).
He ravages the territory of Argos, in
alliance with Asine, ib. § 14.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
801. 303. Agemon the Bacchiad.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
786. 318. Alcamenes the Agid. He conquers
Helos<a id="noteref_1996" name="noteref_1996" href="#note_1996"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1996</span></span></a> and
defeats the Argives. Charmides, the son of
Euthys, is sent to quiet the troubles of Crete.
[Theopompus the Eurysthenid, according to
Eusebius.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
785. 319. Alexander at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
776. 328. Corœbus obtains the prize at the Olympic games
at the full moon (according to the original institution),
on the 13th or 14th day of the first
Olympic month (Apollonius), if the Ennaëteris
began with this Olympiad; of the second month
(Parthenius), if the Olympiad fell in the middle
of the period. The month began with the new
moon after the summer solstice, on the 8th of
July (according to De Lalande, see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">l'Art de vérifier
les Dates</span></span>, tom. III. p. 170.) 776. B.C. the
distribution of the prizes therefore took place
the 21st or 22nd of July.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Reckoning according to Olympiads.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[Transcriber's Note: Entries begining with two numbers are, first, the year in
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span>, then the Olympiad.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
776. 1. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Corœbus of Elis.</span></span>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page447">[pg 447]</span><a name="Pg447" id="Pg447" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
774. 3. Metapontum founded by Achæans and Crissæans
according to Eusebius, book II. ch. 3. § 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Eratus, king of Argos, expels the Asinæans from
their town, b. I. ch. 7, § 14. above, p. <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>. note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Persian war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 149.”</span>]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
772. 2. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Antimachus of Elis.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Theopompus the Eurypontid according to Sosibius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
768. 3. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Androcles of Messenia.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cinæthon the epic poet of Laconia flourishes, according
to Eusebius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Pheidon, prince of Argos, attempts to conquer
Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
764. 4. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Polychares of Messenia.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Telestas at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
760. 5. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æschines of Elis.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The Chalcidians erect an altar to Apollo Archegetas
in Sicily (b. II. ch. 3. § 7.) and, together
with some Naxians, found Naxos.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Archias at Corinth founds Syracuse,<a id="noteref_1997" name="noteref_1997" href="#note_1997"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1997</span></span></a> Chersicrates
Corcyra (b. I. ch. 6. § 8.). Eumelus, also
a Bacchiad, who composed an ode (p??s?d???) for
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page448">[pg 448]</span><a name="Pg448" id="Pg448" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Messenians, to be sung at the procession to
Delos, and had contended at the Ithomæa, lives
with Archias at Syracuse. Phintas the Æpytid
reigns in Messenia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Ephors in Sparta (Euseb.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Croton founded by Myscellus (the Heraclid) and
some Achæans, and Locri shortly after (according
to Strabo, with whom Pausanias nearly agrees with
respect to time).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
756. 6. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Œbotas of Dyme.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The Chalcidians found Leontini. Lamis the
Megarian lands and founds Trotilus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
752. 7. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Daicles the Messenian</span></span>, the first conqueror in the
???? stefa??t??, b. IV. ch. 5. § 5.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Death of Alcamenes,<a id="noteref_1998" name="noteref_1998" href="#note_1998"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1998</span></span></a> succeeded by Polydorus
the Agid. Polydorus and Theopompus limit the
power of the popular assembly, b. III. ch. 5. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Automenes at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
748. 8. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anticles the Messenian.</span></span> Pheidon the Argive president
of the games with the Pisatans. Metal
wares and silver coins at Ægina.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Yearly Prytanes at Corinth.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
744. 9. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Xenocles the Messenian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The Androclidæ, banished from Messenia, fly to
Sparta. Euphaes, son of Antiochus, the Æpytid,
king of Messenia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Beginning of the first Messenian war, according
to Pausanias and Eusebius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
740. 10. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dotadas the Messenian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. [Death of Theopompus the Eurypontid,<a id="noteref_1999" name="noteref_1999" href="#note_1999"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1999</span></span></a> according
to Eusebius.]
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page449">[pg 449]</span><a name="Pg449" id="Pg449" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
736. 11. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Leochares the Messenian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
732. 12. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Oxythemis of Coronea.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
728. 13. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Diocles of Corinth</span></span>, the favourite of Philolaus the
Bacchiad, legislator of Thebes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Hyblean Megara founded, vol. I. p. 135. note r.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
724. 14. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dasmon of Corinth.</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hypenus of Pisa</span></span> the first
conqueror in the d?a????.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The Spartans reduce Ithome, and finish the first
Messenian war. The Dryopes build a new Asine,
the Androclidæ receive Hyamia from Sparta.
Messenians at Rhegium, b. I. ch. 7. § 11.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
720. 15. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orsippus of Megara</span></span> is the first who runs naked in
the stadium, and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Acanthus the Lacedæmonian</span></span> in
the d?a????, see above, p. <a href="#Pg272" class="tei tei-ref">272</a>. note a.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“naked to the goal,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to Plato.”</span>]</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
War of Megara against Corinth, b. I. ch. 5. § 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The war between the Spartans and Argives respecting
the possession of Cynuria breaks out
afresh, b. I. ch. 7. § 16.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
716. 16. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythagoras the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Gela founded by Rhodians and Cretans.<a id="noteref_2000" name="noteref_2000" href="#note_2000"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2000</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Theopompus dies (Euseb.), succeeded by Zeuxidamus
the Eurypontid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
712. 17. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Polus of Epidaurus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Megara founded by Astacus (according to Memnon;
Olymp. 17. 3. according to Hieron. Scal.;
Olymp. 18. 2. Cod. Arm.), b. I. ch. 6. § 9.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Croton founded according to Dion. Halicar.
and Eusebius, Cod. Arm. (Olymp. 18. 1. according
to Euseb. Cod. Arm. Olymp. 19. 2. according
to Scaliger.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Polydorus killed by Polemarchus;<a id="noteref_2001" name="noteref_2001" href="#note_2001"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2001</span></span></a> succeeded by
Eurycrates the Agid.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page450">[pg 450]</span><a name="Pg450" id="Pg450" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
708. 18. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tellis of Sicyon.</span></span> Eurybatus, the Laconian, first
conqueror in the wrestling match: Lampis the
Laconian in the Pentathlon.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The Partheniæ at Tarentum, Eusebius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. * Ameinocles, the Corinthian, builds the Samian
triremes (Thucyd.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
704. 19. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Menon of Megara.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
700. 20. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Atheradas of Laconia.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
696. 21. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pantacles of Athens.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
692. 22. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pantacles</span></span> a second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
688. 23. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Icarius of Hyperesia.</span></span> Onomastus of Smyrna the
first conqueror in the pugilistic contest.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Acræ and Enna founded from Syracuse.<a id="noteref_2002" name="noteref_2002" href="#note_2002"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2002</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. [Commencement of the second Messenian war,
according to Pausanias; but, according to Corsini,
Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 37. this date should be altered
to Olymp. 24. 4.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Anaxander the Agid, Anaxidamus the Eurypontid,
kings of Sparta.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
684. 24. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cleoptolemus the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Locri founded, according to Eusebius (Ol. 26.
4. Cod. Arm.) above, b. I. ch. 6. § 12.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
680. 25. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Thalpis the Laconian.</span></span> Pagondas of Thebes the
first conqueror in the chariot race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
676. 26. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Callisthenes the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Pisatans render themselves independent of Elis
(Strabo).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Megara founds Chalcedon, b. I. ch. 6. § 9.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The musical contests at the Carnea are first introduced
(Africanus and Sosibius, above, p. <a href="#Pg324" class="tei tei-ref">324</a>.
note e
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“commencing with Terpander,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to the important.”</span>]),
and Terpander is victorious as a harp-player.
The same musician is four times victorious
in the musical contests at Pytho, at that
time still celebrated every nine years; from about
Olymp. 27. to Olymp. 33. Doric, Phrygian, and
Lydian styles of music.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page451">[pg 451]</span><a name="Pg451" id="Pg451" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Orthagoras, tyrant of Sicyon.<a id="noteref_2003" name="noteref_2003" href="#note_2003"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2003</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
672. 27. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eurybates of Athens.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Victory of the Argives over the Spartans at Hysiæ,
b. I. ch. 7. § 16.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Megalostrata, b. IV. ch. 7. § 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
668. 28. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chionis the Laconian</span></span> (Corsini Fast. Hell. II. 1.
pag. 44.). The Pisatans preside at the games,
whilst Elis is at war with Dyme (Euseb.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Syracuse founds Casmenæ.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
End of the second Messenian war, according to
Pausanias. Aristomenes goes to Damagetus the
Eratid, prince of Ialysus; the Lacedæmonians
give Mothone to the expelled Nauplians. Damocratidas
king of Argos (above, p. <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>. note g
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Persian war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 149.”</span>]).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Gymnopædia at Sparta (Euseb.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Sea-fight between the Corinthians and
Corcyræans.<a id="noteref_2004" name="noteref_2004" href="#note_2004"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2004</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
664. 29. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chionis</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
660. 30. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chionis</span></span> for the third time. [The Pisatans, according
to Eusebius, celebrate this and the twenty-two
following Olympiads.]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Zaleucus legislator of Locri (Euseb.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Phigalia captured by Sparta, b. I. ch. 7. § 12.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Byzantium founded from Megara, b. I. ch. 6.
§ 9.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cypselus expels the Bacchiadæ from Corinth,<a id="noteref_2005" name="noteref_2005" href="#note_2005"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2005</span></span></a> and
becomes king.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Second Messenian war (b. I. ch. 7. § 10.). Pantaleon,
tyrant of Pisa, Aristocrates of Trapezus,
king of Orchomenus (vol. I. p. 185 note t). Tyrtæus
of Aphidna at Sparta.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page452">[pg 452]</span><a name="Pg452" id="Pg452" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
656. 31. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chionis</span></span> for the fourth time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
652. 32. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cratinus the Megarian</span></span>, (above, p.
<a href="#Pg272" class="tei tei-ref">272</a>. note a
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“naked to the goal,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to Plato.”</span>]).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Himera founded by Chalcidians and Syracusans
(Diod. XIII. 62.).
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Eurycratidas (Eurycrates II.) the Agid, Archidamus
the Eurypontid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
648. 33. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gyges the Laconian.</span></span> Lygdamis of Syracuse is
the first conqueror in the Pancratium, Crauxidas
the Crannonian victorious ????t?. Myron, son of
Andreas, tyrant of Sicyon, in the quadriga, b. I.
ch. 8. § 2.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Terpander's musical legislation at Sparta.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
644. 34. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stomas of Athens.</span></span> Pantaleon, son of Omphalion,
tyrant of Pisa, president of the games, b. I. ch. 7.
§ 11.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
640. 35. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sphærus the Laconian.</span></span> Cylon of Athens victorious
in the d?a????.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Beginning of the second Messenian war according
to Diodorus and Eusebius. Compare Justin,
cited vol. I. p. 161. note o.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Theræans found the first settlement in Libya
on the island of Platea. Orchomenos, p. 344.
Chionis, the conqueror at Olympia, among the
adventurers.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Procles tyrant of Epidaurus, Aristodemus king of
Orchomenus, vol. I. p. 185. note s.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
636. 36. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phrynon of Athens.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
632. 37. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eurycleidas the Laconian.</span></span> Hipposthenes the Laconian
first conqueror in the boys' wrestling match,
Polyneites of Elis in the stadium as a boy.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Founding of Cyrene. Reign of Battus I.
Peisander, the epic poet of Rhodes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
628. 38. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Olynthus the Laconian.</span></span> Eutelidas the Laconian
victorious in the boys' pentathlon.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Pammilus of Megara on the Isthmus, with some
Sicilian Megarians, founds Selinus, b. I. ch. 6.
§ 10. (Olymp. 32. 2. according to Diodorus.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Periander, tyrant of Corinth, vol. I. p. 185. note s.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page453">[pg 453]</span><a name="Pg453" id="Pg453" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Corinthians and Corcyræans found Epidamnus,
b. I. ch. 6. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Gorgus, son of Cypselus, tyrant of Ambracia, ibid.
b. III. ch. 9. § 6.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Thaletas, the Elyrian musician, in Sparta, b. IV.
ch. 6. § 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
624. 79. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Rhipsolcus the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Camarina founded by the Syracusans.<a id="noteref_2006" name="noteref_2006" href="#note_2006"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2006</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
620. 40. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Olyntheus the Laconian</span></span>, for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, b. I. ch. 8. § 4.
Arion of Methymna, in Peloponnesus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
616. 41. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cleondas of Thebes.</span></span> Philotas of Sybaris, first conqueror
in the boxing match of the boys.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
612. 42. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lycotas the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Cylon, son-in-law of Theagenes, aims at the tyranny
of Athens, Corsini Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 64.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Alcman, lyric poet at Sparta, above, p. <a href="#Pg328" class="tei tei-ref">328</a>. note q.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“earlier than Polymnestus,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Polymnestus wrote.”</span>]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
608. 43. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cleon of Epidaurus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Phrynon of Athens, the conqueror at Olympia,
and Pittacus of Mytilene, contend for the possession
of Sigeum. (Euseb.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Periander decides the subject of dispute, vol. I. p.
191. note s.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The inhabitants of Gela found Agrigentum.<a id="noteref_2007" name="noteref_2007" href="#note_2007"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2007</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
604. 44. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gelon the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Agasicles, the Eurypontid, at Sparta.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Solon conquers Salamis from the Megarians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
600. 45. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anticrates of Epidaurus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, at war with Argos,
vol. I. p. 179. note k.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pheidon II. king of Argos, above, p. <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>. note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Persian war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 149.”</span>]
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
596. 46. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chrysamaxus the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Megarians reconquer Salamis and Nisæa, b. I.
ch. 8. § 8.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page454">[pg 454]</span><a name="Pg454" id="Pg454" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Epimenides in Athens, according to Diogenes
Laertius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Leon the Agid at Sparta unsuccessful in a war
against Tegea.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
592. 47. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eurycles the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. The Amphictyons under Eurylochus the Aleuad,
and Cleisthenes of Sicyon, conquer Cirrha, and
institute prizes for the gymnastic contest at Pytho.
Gylidas Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi, b. I. ch. 8.
§ 2.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Nebrus and Chrysus the Asclepiadæ of Cos.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Sacadas, the Argive flute-player, victorious in this
and the two following Pythian games. Hierax,
also an Argive flute-player, probably his contemporary,
b. IV. ch. 6. § 8. Second epoch of music
at Sparta, b. IV. ch. 6. § 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Arcesilaus I. king of Cyrene.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
588. 48. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Glaucias of Croton.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Death of Periander, b. I. ch. 8. § 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Damophon, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, makes
war upon Elis.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
584. 49. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lycinus of Croton.</span></span> Cleisthenes of Sicyon victorious
in the chariot race; he invites the suitors of
his daughter Agariste.<a id="noteref_2008" name="noteref_2008" href="#note_2008"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2008</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Megacles, son of Alcmæon, marries Agariste.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Second Pythian games, first ???? stefa??t??.
Diodorus Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi. Cleisthenes
victorious with the quadriga.<a id="noteref_2009" name="noteref_2009" href="#note_2009"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2009</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page455">[pg 455]</span><a name="Pg455" id="Pg455" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Cypselidæ expelled from Corinth, b. I. ch. 8.
§ 3.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Restoration of the Isthmian games, according to
Solinus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Lacedes king of Argos, b. III. ch. 6. § 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
580. 50. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Epitelidas the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lipara peopled from Cnidos, b. I. ch. 6.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Periander, tyrant of Ambracia, banished, b. III.
ch. 9. § 6.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Conquest of Orneæ by Argos, b. I. ch. 7. ad fin.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pyrrhus, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, at war
with Elis. The victorious Eleans destroy Pisa,
Scillus, Macistus, Dyspontium, and extend their
dominion towards Triphylia.<a id="noteref_2010" name="noteref_2010" href="#note_2010"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2010</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Dipœnus and Scyllis the Cretan descendants of
Dædalus, in Peloponnesus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleobulus, son of Evagoras, a Heraclide, governor
of Lindus, a lyric poet and seer.<a id="noteref_2011" name="noteref_2011" href="#note_2011"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2011</span></span></a> Riddles of
Cleobulina, b. IV. ch. 8. § 4.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
576. 51. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eratosthenes of Croton.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Pythocritus of Sicyon victorious in flute-playing
at this and the five following Pythiads, b. IV. ch.
6. § 5.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page456">[pg 456]</span><a name="Pg456" id="Pg456" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The family of the tyrants banished from Sicyon,
b. I. ch. 8. § 2.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Battus II. king of Cyrene. Enlargement of the
Cyrenæan territory.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Susarion of Tripodiscus, a comic poet in the Attic
Icaria. (Marm. Par.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
572. 52. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Agis of Elis.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
568. 53. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Agnon of Peparethus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Argos conquers Nemea, and celebrates the first
winter festival of the Nemean games noticed by
chronologists.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Eugammon, the epic poet, in Cyrene. (Euseb.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Phalaris of Astypalæa, tyrant of Agrigentum,
(Euseb. Hieron; Olymp. 52. 3. Cod. Arm.) b.
III. ch. 9. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Stesichorus, the lyric poet of Himera flourishes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
564. 54. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hippostratus of Croton.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Æsop of Cotyæ, pursuant to the sentence of the
court of the temple at Delphi, is precipitated from
the Phædriadian rocks of Hyampeia. (Suidas.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Anaxandridas the Agid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
560. 55. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hippostratus</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Death of Stesichorus, Euseb. according to Suidas,
Olymp. 56.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Meltas, son of Lacedes, king of Argos, deposed.
The family of the Heraclides expires,<a id="noteref_2012" name="noteref_2012" href="#note_2012"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2012</span></span></a> and Ægon,
of another family, obtains the royal dignity, b. III.
ch. 6. § 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
556. 56. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phœdrus of Pharsalus.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Cheilon Ephor at Lacedæmon, (above, p. <a href="#Pg115" class="tei tei-ref">115</a>.
note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“and Xenophon,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“De Rep. Lac. 8. 3.”</span>])
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Camarina destroyed by the Syracusans.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
552. 57. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ladromus the Laconian.</span></span>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page457">[pg 457]</span><a name="Pg457" id="Pg457" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Phalaris overthrown by Telemachus the Emmenide.
Orchomenos, p. 338.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Alcmanes becomes king of Agrigentum.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ariston the Eurypontid.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
548. 58. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Diognetus of Croton.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. The temple at Pytho burnt, (Pausan. Euseb.)
The Amphictyons appoint the Alcmæonidæ to
rebuild it: Spintharus the Corinthian is the
architect.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Spartans find the bones of Orestes, (Solinus I.
90.) and defeat the Tegeates, b. I. ch. 7. § 12.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Battle of the 300 at Thyrea.<a id="noteref_2013" name="noteref_2013" href="#note_2013"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2013</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
544. 59. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Archilochus of Corcyra.</span></span> Praxidamas of Ægina
conquers in the boxing match, and dedicates the
first statue of a wrestler at Olympia. The Æginetan
school of brass-founders begins to flourish
(Callon); contemporary we find the Spartan artists
Dorycleidas, Dontas, Chartas, Syadras, Gitiadas,
&amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
540. 60. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Apellæus of Elis.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Victory of the Megarians and Argives over
Corinth.<a id="noteref_2014" name="noteref_2014" href="#note_2014"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2014</span></span></a> vol. I. p. 98, note h.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pythagoras at Croton. Aristocleia, Pythian priestess.
Leo tyrant of Phlius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
536. 61. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Agatharchus of Corcyra.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
532. 62. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eryxias of Chalcis.</span></span> Milo of Croton victorious in
wrestling, perhaps the first of his six victories.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
528. 63. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Parmenides of Camarina.</span></span> (This town was however
at this time in ruins.)
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page458">[pg 458]</span><a name="Pg458" id="Pg458" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Naval expedition of the Peloponnesians against Polycrates
of Samos, b. I. ch. 8. § 5.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
524. 64. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Evander the Thessalian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleomenes the Agid. Dorieus goes to Libya. The
great victory of Cleomenes over Argos, (according
to Pausanias, see b. I. ch. 8. § 6; but comp. b. III.
ch. 4. § 2.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
520. 65. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Acochas</span></span> (read <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anochus</span></span>)
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">of Tarentum</span></span>. Demaretus
of Heræa the first conqueror as a heavy-armed
runner (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hoplitodromeus</span></span>); Eutelidas and Chrysothemis
the Argives make statues of him and his
son Theopompus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Cleomenes refers the Platæans to Athens, (vol. I.
p. 190, note b, B. I. ch. 9. § 5.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The Æginetans colonize Cydonia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Dorieus goes to Sicily, and founds Heraclea, but
falls in a battle against the Carthaginians and
Egestæans. Euryleon of Sparta succeeds Peithagoras
on the throne of Selinus.<a id="noteref_2015" name="noteref_2015" href="#note_2015"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2015</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* The ancient constitution of Sicyon restored, b. I.
ch. 8. § 5.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
516. 66. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ischyrus of Himera.</span></span> Cleosthenes of Epidamnus
conquers in the chariot race. Ageladas of Argos
makes a statue of the latter and Anochus, victorious
in Olymp. 65.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Aristophylidas tyrant of Tarentum, b. I. ch. 8.
§ 15.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
512. 67. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phanas of Pellene.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Pretended maritime sovereignty of the Lacedæmonians.
Eusebius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Cleomenes expels the Peisistratidæ from Athens.
(Thuc. VI. 59.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lygdamis of Naxos is deposed at the same time,
b. I. ch. 8. § 5.<a id="noteref_2016" name="noteref_2016" href="#note_2016"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2016</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page459">[pg 459]</span><a name="Pg459" id="Pg459" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Crotoniats under Milo defeat the Sybarites,
and destroy Sybaris.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Dissension at Croton respecting the division of the
territory.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Demaratus the Eurypontid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
508. 68. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ischomachus of Croton.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Cleomenes expels Cleisthenes and supports the
aristocracy of Athens; Isagoras archon. Insurrection
at Athens, and recall of Cleisthenes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Third expedition of Cleomenes against Athens;
dispute with Demaratus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Cleandrus tyrant at Gela, b. III. ch. 9. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
League of Ægina and Thebes against Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
504. 69. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ischomachus</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Ionia revolts.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Overthrow of the Pythagorean league, b. III. ch. 9.
§ 15.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleinias tyrant of Croton. Dion. Hal. Exc. p. 2358.
ed. Reiske.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
500. 70. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nicias of Opus.</span></span> Thersias the Thessalian the first
conqueror with the ?p???.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Pratinas of Phlius, a satyric poet at Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Death of Pythagoras, according to Eusebius.
Cod. Arm.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Conquest of Miletus (according to Petavius,
Olymp. 71. 2.; according to Corsini), compare
Thucyd. IV. 102. with Herod. V. 126.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Hippocrates tyrant of Gela, b. III. ch. 9. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The Samians, at the invitation of Anaxilaus, tyrant
of Rhegium, conquer Zancle. Sythes of
Zancle goes to Persia, and receives the sovereignty
of Cos from the king, vol. I. p. 187. note a. b. III.
ch. 9. § 2.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Byzantians found Mesambria.<a id="noteref_2017" name="noteref_2017" href="#note_2017"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2017</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lasus of Hermione flourishes as a lyric poet.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
496. 71. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tisicrates of Croton.</span></span> Patæcus of Dyme first conquers
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page460">[pg 460]</span><a name="Pg460" id="Pg460" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
in the ???p?; the elder Empedocles, son
of Exænetus of Agrigentum, ????t?.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The Æginetans give earth and water to Darius.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* The Geomori expelled from Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9.
§ 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, subdues Zancle, and
changes its name to Messana.<a id="noteref_2018" name="noteref_2018" href="#note_2018"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2018</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
492. 72. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tisicrates of Croton</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. * Hippocrates of Gela defeats the Syracusans on
the river Helorus, and restores Camarina.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleomenes, king of Sparta, at Ægina.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Leotychidas king in the room of Demaratus; Cleomenes
with him in Ægina a second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Gelon, tyrant of Gela.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleomenes banished from Sparta; returns, and
dies raving mad; succeeded by Leonidas.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Demaratus goes, after the Gymnopædia, in the beginning
of summer, to Persia.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
War between Ægina and Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Battle of Marathon.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Spartans arrive at Athens on the 19th of
Metageitnion (Carneius), immediately after the
battle.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Panyasis of Rhodes, the epic poet. (Euseb.)<a id="noteref_2019" name="noteref_2019" href="#note_2019"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2019</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
488. 73. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Astylus of Croton.</span></span> Gelon victorious in the chariot
race: Hieron ????t?.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Theron tyrant of Agrigentum.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Gelon takes Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9. § 7.<a id="noteref_2020" name="noteref_2020" href="#note_2020"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2020</span></span></a>
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page461">[pg 461]</span><a name="Pg461" id="Pg461" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Cadmus, son of Sythes, tyrant of Cos, returns to
Messana, accompanied by Epicharmus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, takes Cos, and
reigns at Halicarnassus, Nisyrus, and Calydna.<a id="noteref_2021" name="noteref_2021" href="#note_2021"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2021</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Canachus, brass-founder of Sicyon, flourishes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
484. 74. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Astylus as a Syracusan.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Herodotus born, according to Pamphila.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Gelon destroys Camarina, Herod. VII. 156. Schol.
Pind. Ol. V. 19.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Gelon conquers Megara, (vol. I. p. 135 note r.)
and strengthens Syracuse with the population of
the ruined cities. On this occasion Epicharmus,
who had formerly lived at Megara, appears to
have come to Syracuse.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Theognis, the elegiac poet, still composes at an advanced
age.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. From the beginning of the year to summer,
Xerxes' march from Sardis to Thermopylæ. Formation
of a Grecian confederacy. Embassy of
the Greeks to Gelon. (See Appendix IV.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
480. 75. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Astylus as a Syracusan</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Battle of Thermopylæ at the same time with the
Olympic festival.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pleistarchus the Agid, Cleombrotus his p??d????.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
After the Carnean festival, the Spartans, with the
rest of the Peloponnesians, encamp at the Isthmus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Battle of Salamis on the 20th of Boëdromion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Gelon and Theron defeat the Carthaginians on the
Himeras.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Cleombrotus leads the army back from the Isthmus
after the eclipse of the sun (2d Octob.), and dies
not long after, Herod. IX. 10.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pausanias succeeds as regent, and with Euryanax<a id="noteref_2022" name="noteref_2022" href="#note_2022"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2022</span></span></a>
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page462">[pg 462]</span><a name="Pg462" id="Pg462" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
the Agid advances to meet Mardonius in the
month Thargelion or Scirophorion.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Battles of Platæa and Mycale (in Metageitnion<a id="noteref_2023" name="noteref_2023" href="#note_2023"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2023</span></span></a>).
Pausanias's Greek confederacy. Surrender
of Thebes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Chrysis priestess of Juno at Argos.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Hieron at Syracuse.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Pausanias in the north of Greece.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Hieron defends Locri against Anaxilaus, b. IV.
ch. 7. § 4.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pausanias, on his return, brings the bones of Leonidas
to Sparta.<a id="noteref_2024" name="noteref_2024" href="#note_2024"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2024</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Timocreon of Rhodes a lyric and comic poet.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
476. 76. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Scamander of Mytilene.</span></span> Theron victorious in the
chariot race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Death of Anaxilaus. Pausanias commander of
the Greeks in Cyprus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Great victory of the Iapygians over Tarentum,
b. III. ch. 9. § 15.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Victory of Hieron over the Etruscans at Cuma,
and at the Pythian games in the chariot race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Pausanias takes Byzantium.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Death of Theron. Thrasydæus expelled from
Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
472. 77. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dates of Argos.</span></span> Hieron victorious ????t?.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The population of Elis collected into one town.
Diodor. XI. 54. Strabo VIII. 336. B. III. ch. 4.
§ 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The allies in Asia refuse to follow Pausanias, according
to Dodwell's Ann. Thucyd.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Expedition of Leotychidas against the Aleuadæ.
Dorcis commander of the Spartans in Asia. Assessment
of Aristides.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page463">[pg 463]</span><a name="Pg463" id="Pg463" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Leotychidas goes into exile at Tegea, vol. I, p.
189. note i. p. 207. note l. Archidamus the Eurypontid.<a id="noteref_2025" name="noteref_2025" href="#note_2025"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2025</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Spartans determine to send no more commanders
into Asia. Pausanias goes in his own
trireme to Byzantium, and there meditates treason.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
War in Peloponnesus between Sparta and the Arcadians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Epicharmus the comic poet flourishes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
468. 78. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Parmenides of Poseidonia.</span></span> Hieron victorious in
the chariot race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Pausanias dies in the temple of Minerva Chalciœcus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Death of Hieron.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Arcesilaus IV. of Cyrene conquers in the chariot
race of Pytho.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thrasybulus expelled from Syracuse. Democracy
established there, b. III. ch. 9. § 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* The ???? ?a???????.<a id="noteref_2026" name="noteref_2026" href="#note_2026"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2026</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Earthquake at Sparta; revolt of the Messenian
helots.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Lygdamis, son of Pisindelis, uncle of Artemisia, tyrant
of Halicarnassus, kills Panyasis. Herodotus
leaves his native town.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Onatas, the head of the Æginetan school of sculpture,
flourishes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
464. 79. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Xenophon of Corinth.</span></span> Diagoras of Rhodes in the
boxing match.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Battle of Ithome, and siege of the fortress, to
which the Spartans summon the allies.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Argives destroy Mycenæ, and other adjacent
places, b. I. ch. 8. § 7.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page464">[pg 464]</span><a name="Pg464" id="Pg464" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Re-establishment of the ancient government in the
towns of Sicily, b. III. ch. 9. § 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. After the termination of the Thasian war
(Thuc. I. 101. Plutarch Cimon. 14.) Cimon leads
Athenian auxiliaries to Sparta; which however
are soon dismissed; on which Athens dissolves
the alliance with Sparta, and forms one with
Argos.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The Geloans restore Camarina. (Diodorus.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* Megara withdraws from the Peloponnesian alliance,
and joins that of Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pleistarchus dies about this time. Pleistoanax the
Agid; Nicomedes his p??d????.<a id="noteref_2027" name="noteref_2027" href="#note_2027"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2027</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
460. 80. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Torymbas the Thessalian.</span></span> Arcesilaus of Cyrene in
the chariot race.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. Sparta undertakes an expedition against Phocis
in behalf of the Doric Tetrapolis.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the spring, war of Athens with the maritime
powers of Peloponnesus. Battles at Haliæ and
Cecryphalea.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In Munychion. The Pythian games. Aristomenes
of Ægina victorious.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Pindar's eighth Pythian ode may be referred to this
time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Æginetans are defeated by the Athenians, and
Ægina besieged.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Peloponnesians attempt to relieve the island,
and encounter the Athenians in the Megarid.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. League of the Spartans on their return with
Thebes.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Victory of the Spartans and Thebans over the
Athenians and Argives at Tanagra.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Four months' truce between Sparta and Athens.
</p>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page465">[pg 465]</span><a name="Pg465" id="Pg465" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Expedition of Myronides (sixty days after the battle
of Tanagra) and victory at Coronea.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Ægina surrenders in the spring, after a siege of
nine months.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The race of the princes of Cyrene becomes extinct
after the 80th Olympiad, b. III. ch. 9. § 13.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
456. 81. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Polymnastus of Cyrene.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Expedition of Tolmides against the coasts of
Peloponnesus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. Ithome surrenders; treaty between Sparta and
the Arcadians; Messenians at Naupactus.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Proceedings of Pericles in the Crisæan gulph.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* 3. Petalismus established at Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9.
§ 7.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
552. 82. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lycus the Thessalian.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thirty years' truce between Sparta and Argos
(Thuc. V. 14.); five years' truce with Athens.<a id="noteref_2028" name="noteref_2028" href="#note_2028"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2028</span></span></a>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. The Lacedæmonians restore the independence of
Delphi; the Athenians again reduce it under the
yoke of the Phocians.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
448. 83. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crison of Himera.</span></span>
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
3. The Megarians throw off their dependence upon
Athens, and defeat the Athenians at Nisæa, b. III.
ch. 9. § 10.<a id="noteref_2029" name="noteref_2029" href="#note_2029"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2029</span></span></a> Pleistonax invades Attica, but retreats
without any reason.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The elder Andocides and nine other ambassadors
from Athens at Sparta.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Thirty years' truce between Athens and Sparta in
the winter of this year. Colony of the allied
Greeks at Thurii.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Pleistonax leaves Sparta. He is succeeded by
his son Pausanias, still an infant, and Cleomenes
is appointed regent.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
444. 84. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crison</span></span> for the second time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
* The younger Empedocles, grandson of the elder,
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page466">[pg 466]</span><a name="Pg466" id="Pg466" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
and son of Meton, presides over the state of Agrigentum,
b. III. ch. 9. § 8.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lygdamis, tyrant of Halicarnassus, overthrown by
Herodotus and the Samians, Suidas.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
440. 85. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crison</span></span> for the third time.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
436. 86. Theopompus the Thessalian.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Epidamnus applies to Corinth for assistance
against its banished citizens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2. The Corinthians defeated by the Corcyræans.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
2/3 and 3/4 Preparations of Corinth. Defensive league
of Corcyra with Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
4. Cleandridas exiled from Sparta, founds Heraclea
with Tarentines, b. III. ch. 10. § 11.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Second sea-fight between Corinth and Corcyra.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Defection of Potidæa from the alliance of Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
432. 87. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sophron of Ambracia.</span></span> Dorieus, son of Diagoras,
victorious in the Pancration.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
1. Ænesias Ephor Eponymus at Sparta, Sthenelaidas
one of the others.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Lacedæmon with its confederates determines upon
war with Athens.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
In the beginning of the spring the Thebans attempt
to surprise Platæa.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
The Peloponnesians before Œnoë.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Brasidas Ephor. The Peloponnesians (in the
middle of June) invade the territory of Eleusis
and the Thriasian plain.
</p>

</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page467">[pg 467]</span><a name="Pg467" id="Pg467" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<a name="toc53" id="toc53"></a>
<a name="pdf54" id="pdf54"></a>
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Index.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
When the Roman numeral is omitted the first volume is meant.
</p>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Abdera, 244</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Abia, nurse of Glenus, 58</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Acanthus of Lacedæmon, ii. 272</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Achæans, 12.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">retire to the coast of the Peloponnese and Attica, 71</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Achæan Phratria at Sparta, 52</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Achaia described, 80</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Acosmia, ii. 136</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Acrisius, 397</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Acte, 90</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Acyphas, 40. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Admetus, 224. 327</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Adonis, 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æacidæ, 20</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ægidæ, 102. 362</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ægys, 104</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ægimius of Hesiod, 31. ii. 12</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ægina, constitution, ii. 150</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">money, ii. 222</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 412</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æginetan drachma, ii. 109</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ægoneia, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æneas, 242.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">founder of Rome, 243</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ænianes, 48. 278</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æolis, ii. 65</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æpytus, 110, 111</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æpytidæ, ib.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Æsculapius, 297. 328. 407</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">worship of, 114</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ætolians, 234.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">connected with the Eleans, 68</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Agæus, 90</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Agrigentum, constitution of, ii. 168</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??t??, 5. ii. 301</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Alcæeus, 285</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Alcestis, 414</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Alcman, date of, ii. 328. ii. 380</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aletes, 94</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????e?a, 343</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aletiadæ, 96</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aleuadæ, 121</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???a, ii. 88</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Almopia, 458. 469</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Alpenus, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Alpheus, 74. 379</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Althamenes, 98</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Altis, 271</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amazons, 390</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ambracia, constitution of, ii. 158</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ambracian bay, 7</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ametor, ii. 381</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amnisus, 227</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amphanæa, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amphicæa, 38</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amphictyonic league, 279</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amphilochus, 125</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amphipolus, 394. ii. 166</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µp?tta?e?, ii. 35</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Amyclæ, 101</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anactorium, 130</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anaphe, 116</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anaxilas, 164</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Andania, religious ceremonies of, restored by Epaminondas, 111</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Angites, 453</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Antæus, 442</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Anthes, 118</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Antiphemus, 122</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Antiphus, 419</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Apaturia, festival of, 91</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?pe??a?t?sµ??, 341</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aphamiotæ, ii. 51</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aphidnæ, 167. 431</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?p?????, 312</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aphrodite, 322. 405</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page468">[pg 468]</span><a name="Pg468" id="Pg468" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Apollo, etymology of the name, 311</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">????e??, 310. 363</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">???s???, 307</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">??e???a???, 307</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?p?t??pa???, 308</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Belvidere, 368</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Calamis, 366</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Canachus, ibid. ii. 383</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Citharœdus, 368</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?e??t??, 302</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">de?at?f????, 247</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Delphinius, 227. 245</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">??e?e??, 309</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?p????????, 307</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">???s???, 248</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Erythibius, 238. 299</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Gryneus, 247</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?at???, 308</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?a??e???, 360</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">??sse??, 361</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?ata?ß?s???, 307</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?es????????, 263</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?ep?t?µ????, 248</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">???µ???, 308</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of the Lycæum, 368</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Lycius, 240. 313</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Malloeis, 248</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?apa???, ibid.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?e?µ?????, 299</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Nomius, 295</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Onatas, 366</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">pasp?????, 240</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">pat????, 257. 263</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Philesius, 245</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">p??st?t??, 308</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">p??stat?????, ibid.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Pythaëus, 93. 267</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Sµ???e???, 240. 298</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Thyrxeus, 238</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Apollonia, 131. in Crete, 227. 283</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 160</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Apophthegms, ii. 386</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Arcadia, 75</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Arcadians, 197</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Architecture, Doric, style of, ii. 269</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Areopagus, 340</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ares, 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Arethusa, 380</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Argos, colonies, 112</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 145</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">courts of justice, ii. 229</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">history, 169. 172. 175. 190. 197</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii. 111</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 54</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tribes, ii. 76</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 407</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 435, 436</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???e???, a name of the Helots, ii. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Argolis described, 78</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Argura, 26</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Arion, ii. 372. ii. 375</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ariphron, ii. 378</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristæus, 295</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristeas, 290</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristocrates, 165</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristodemus, 99. ii. 443</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristomachus, 65</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aristomenes, 157. 165. 168</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Artemis, 374</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Ætolian, 374</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Arcadian, 376</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Attic, 383</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Doric, 372</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Ephesian, 389</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Leucophrynè, 392</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Orthia, 383</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">p?taµ?a, 380</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Pergæan, 393</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Sipylus, 392</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Asine, 46</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Asopus, 89</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Aspendus, 124</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Astæus, 133</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Asteria, 321</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Astypalæa, 116. ii. 177</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Athamanes, 7</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Athenè ?pt???t??, 397</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">???d?????, ibid.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">????a, ibid.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Atintanes, 457</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Atrax, 26. 29</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Attica, 256</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Axius, 451</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Azorum, 23. 25. 30</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Babyca, ii. 90</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bacchiadæ, ii. 138. ii. 451</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?a????, 10</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Barnus, 453</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Baths of Lacedæmon, ii. 283</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bermius, 453.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bessi, 10</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bibasis, ii. 345</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bidiæi, ii. 131. ii. 228</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page469">[pg 469]</span><a name="Pg469" id="Pg469" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bisaltia, 454</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Black broth of Sparta, ii. 285</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Blæsus, ii. 369</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bœotia, 262</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bœum, 39. 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bottiais, 455</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???a?, ii. 310</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Branchidæ. 246</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Brasidas, 218. ii. 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Brass, pound of, unit of the Italian money system, ii. 224</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bryallicha, ii. 346</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Brygians, 8. 481</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Buagi, ii. 131</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bucolic poetry, ii. 350</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Busiris, 442</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Bulis, 49</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Byzantium, 133. 250</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 62</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 174</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 411</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 437</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cadmus, 255</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Cos, 187</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cænidæ, 97</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Callicratidas, ii. 405</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Callisto, 377</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Calydna, 114. 116</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Camarina, 129</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???a??a, ii. 292</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carmanor, 228. 234. 350</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carnean games, list of conquerors at, 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carnus, 66</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carpathus, 116. 120</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carphæa, 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Caryatides, ii. 348</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Carystus, 47</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Casmene, 129</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?ast?????, ii. 341</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Casus, 120</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ceadas, 157</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Celts, 2</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Centaurs, 417</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cephalus, 251</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cephisus, 38</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cercopes, 422. 447</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ceronia, 139</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ceyx, 59. 416</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chalcedon, 133. 250</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chalcidians, 278</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chalcis in Ætolia, 130</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chaonians, 6</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Charadra, 39</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Charinus, ii. 361</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Charites, 407</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Charondas, laws of, ii. 230. 234. 241</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??t??, ii. 274. ii. 277</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??a??a, ii. 277</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chlamys, 478</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chones, 6</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Choral poetry, ii. 374</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????t??, ii. 22</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chorus, ii. 262. 334</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chronology and history, early materials for, 142</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chryse, 386</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Chrysothemis, 228. 350. 355. ii. 379</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cimon, treaty of, 205</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cinadon, ii. 232</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cinæthon, 156</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cirrha, 272. 276</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Claros, 246</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??e????, ii. 302</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 178</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cleobulus, ii. 378</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cleodæus, 65</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cleonæ, 79. 90</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cleosthenes, 153. ii. 445</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??????, ii. 32</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Clytiadæ, 272</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cnacion, ii. 90</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cnidos, 137</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 177</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cnosus, 493. ii. 137</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Comedy, ii. 354</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">introduction of at Athens, ii. 355</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Sicilian, ii. 356</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Community of property in Sparta, ii. 197</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of husbands, ii. 201</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Congress of the Greeks, 203</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Conquest of the Peloponnese, 85</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Contoporia, 79</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Corcyra, 130</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page470">[pg 470]</span><a name="Pg470" id="Pg470" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Corcyra, Black, 138</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Corybas, 229</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Corinth, history, 94, 95. 181</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">colonies, 127</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 58</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii. 112</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">courtesans, ii. 300</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 408</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">prytanes, ii. 138</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 150. ii. 155</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cos, 114. 120</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cosmus, ii. 2</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Craugallidæ, 47. 276</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cresphontes, 70</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crestonica, 454</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crete, character, ii. 406</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Cosmi, ii. 134</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Doric migration to, 34</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">later migrations, 36</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">education, ii. 311</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">gerusia, ii. 98</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">laws, ii. 237</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">music, ii. 333</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">princes, ii. 113</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">public assembly, ii. 92</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 50</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 436</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crissa, or Cirrha, 230. 281</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crissæans, 47</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crœsus, 347</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Crotona, 140. 281. 286. 439</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 184</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 413</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cryassa, 116</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cultivation, proofs of in the Peloponnese, 81</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">carried on by the conquered races, 83</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Curetes, 229</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Curium, 124</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cyclopian hall, 87</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cycnus, 225. 414</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cynosura, ii. 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cynuria, 171. 174. 190</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cyphus, 28. 31</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cypselus, 97. 181</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cyrene, 136. 283</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 178</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ephors, ii. 114</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tribes, 62</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, 412</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, 438</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Cytinium, 40. 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Damastes, 291</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?aµ?s?a, ii. 251</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Daphne, 302</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Daphnephorus, 223</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Decelea, 431</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deianira, 68. 416</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?e??????ta?, ii. 348</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deimalea, ii. 348</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deipnias, 224</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deiphontes, 90. 119</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delians, 207</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delos, 229. 287. 320. 343</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delphi, temple of, 225. 231</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 274. 372. 188</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii. 114. ii. 138</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">laws, ii. 237</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 414</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 439</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delphine, 324</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Delphinia, 262</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Demeter, 398</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Cabirian worship of at Andania, 111</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Syracusan, 401</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Triopian, 115</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?????a, 402</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">worship of, ii. 339</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Demiurgi, ii. 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Democracy, ii. 9</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??µ??, ii. 8</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dercylidas, ii. 405</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deucalion, 20</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Deuriopus, 459</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dexamenus, 417</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Diagoridæ, 119</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dionysus, 403</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dioscuri, tombs of, 103. 408</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dipæa, battle of, 207</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dipodia, ii. 345</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dirges, 354</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dithyramb, 405</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dium, 24</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Doberus, 460</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dodona, 6. 28</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">d??a?a, 408</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Doliche, 23. 25</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dorians, migration of to different parts of the north of Greece, 36</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">to the Peloponnese, 58</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">to Crete, 34. 493</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">probable number at the invasion, 84</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">jocularity of, ii. 370</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Doric constitution, ii. 11</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">epic poets, ii. 378</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, 417</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Doridas, 96</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dorieus, 141. ii. 151</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page471">[pg 471]</span><a name="Pg471" id="Pg471" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Doris, or Doric Tetrapolis, 38. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dorium, 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dorus, 43. 490</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dowry of Spartan women, ii. 204</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Drymea, 38</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dryope, 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dryopians, 45. 93</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Dymanes, ii. 76</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?ßd?µa?, 338</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Echemus, 63</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Edessa, 479</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Edonians, 465</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????, derivation of, ii. 30</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eilythyia, 262</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eion, 46</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">e?sp???a?, ii. 300</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????t??, 201</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eleusinia, 402</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eleutherolacones, ii. 19</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Elis, hollow, 80. 202</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">periœci of, ii. 57. ii. 74</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">gerusia of, ii. 99</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????, 319</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Elymea, 457</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Elyrus, 228</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Emathia, 473. 479</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µßat?????, ii. 342</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Empelori, ii. 131</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µf??????, ii. 243</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Encheleans, 7. 37</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???a?t??, 329. 341. 429</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???aet????, 261. 337. 429. ii. 103</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Enomoty, ii. 245</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???a? of Hesiod, 58. 491</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eordians, 459. 468. 482</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?pe??a?ta?, ii. 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ephetæ, 340</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ephors, ii. 114</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ephyra, when changed to Corinth, 96</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">in Thesprotia, 96. 121. 317. 419</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epicharmus, ii. 356. ii. 358. 360-363</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epidamnus, 131. ii. 217</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 159</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epidaurus, 79. 91</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 149</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings of, ii. 113</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves of, ii. 57</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epidemiurgi of Corinth, ii. 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epigenes of Sicyon, ii. 371</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epimenides, 355. ii. 394</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epirus, 6. 477.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Epitadeus, law of, ii. 202</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Equals, ?µ????, ii. 84</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eratidæ, 113</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Erigon, 451</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Erineus, 40. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eros, 407</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????t??, ii. 35. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Erysichthon, 400</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Erytheia, 420</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?st??p?µ??, ii. 199</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Euæchme, 58</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eumelus, 129. 156</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eurotas, 76. 81</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">plain of, 76</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Euryanax, ii. 461</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eurysthenes and Procles, 100. 107. 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eurystheus, 59</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tomb of, 61</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Eurytus, 411.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Expiations, 332. 342</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Families, preservation of, in Sparta, ii. 198</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Fate, 330. 345</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Flute, 351</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gagæ, 122</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gargettus, 60</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gela, 122. ii. 168</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Geography of the Peloponnese, 73</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Geomori of Samos, ii. 7</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">G??a???, 358</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gergis, 242</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gerusia in Doric states, ii. 93. ii. 156. ii. 228</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Geryoneus, 420</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Glaucus, 111</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Goat, a symbol of Alollo, 325</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gomphi, 27</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gonnocondylum, 22</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gonnus, 22, 23</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gortyna, 136. 227</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Government, ancient notion of, ii. 1</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page472">[pg 472]</span><a name="Pg472" id="Pg472" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gryneum, 280</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gylippus, 218</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gymnastic exercises, ii. 313</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Gymnesii, 191. ii. 54</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hair, Spartan mode of wearing the, ii. 281</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Haliacmon, 452</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Halicarnassus, 115</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">by whom colonized, 115. 118</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Harma, 259</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Harmosyni, ii. 131</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hecatæus of Abdera, 293</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hecatus, 268</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Heiresses, Athenian and Spartan laws respecting, ii. 205</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Helice, 71</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hellen, 20. 490</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hellenes, 11. 20. 471</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Helos, 100</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Helots, ii. 29</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dress of, ii. 37</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">indecent dances of, ii. 39</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">military service of, ii. 34</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">number of, ii. 44</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">rent of, ii. 31</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">treatment of, ii. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hephæstus, 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Heraclea on the Pontus, 49. 140</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 116</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">public offices, ii. 120</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 62</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Heraclea Sciritis, constitution, ii. 183</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ephors, ii. 115</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 438</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Heraclidæ, whether Dorians or not, 54</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">defeated at Tegea, 63</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">their final expedition, 65. ii. 443</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hercules, account of in Homer, 51</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">??e???a???, 445</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">costume, 434</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?p??t????, 445</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">?????p???, ibid.</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">labours, 433</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">fabulous right to the Peloponnese, 51. 275. 410</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">purification of, 436</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Sandon, 440</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">servitude of, 414. 429</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">subdues the Dryopians, 46</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Here, 395</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hermes, 307. 311</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hermione, 46. 193</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 437</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Herodotus, ii. 385</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Heroic age, constitution of, ii. 6</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hexapolis, Doric, 115</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hieromnamon, ii. 173</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hierapytna, 398</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??a??t?a??d?a, ii. 368</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µ?t???, ii. 274</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Himera, 129</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hippodamus of Miletus, ii. 266</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hippotes, 66. 94</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Historians, Doric, ii. 385</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Homer, dialect of, ii. 378</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µ??ap??, ii. 199</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?µ?s?p???, ibid.</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Horæo-castro, 22</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Horus, 300</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hyacinthus, worship of, 139. 360</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hyamia, 163</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hybla, 135</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hydra of Lerna, 434</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hylas, 361. 441</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hylleans, 13. 53. ii. 76</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hyllus, 53. 59</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">at Thebes, 62</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slain by Echemus, 63. 413</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hyperboreans, 230. 262. 271. 284. 298. 323. 329. 337. 373</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Hyporchema, 357. ii. 337</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iambists, choruses of, ii. 339</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iamidæ, 128. 272. 380</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iasians, 118</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ichnæ, 455</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???, ii. 310</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Illyrian Athamanes, 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Illyrians, 471</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Inachus, 79</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Inalienability of land, ii. 208</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Inferiors, ?p?µe???e?, ii. 84</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iolaus, 57</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ion, 258. 264</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Euripides, 265</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ione, 124</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ionians, 256</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">degeneracy of, ii. 5</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iphigenia, 383</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Iphitus, 153. 155. 270. 413</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">quoit of, 143</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????, ii. 309</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page473">[pg 473]</span><a name="Pg473" id="Pg473" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ismenium, 254</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Isthmius, 111</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ithome, siege of, 209</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?a?s?a, 4. 479</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?at?????, ii. 38</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????d??e?, 350. 365</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????a, 349</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????? ?a?eda?µ??, explained, 76. 104</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????p?de?, ii. 57</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???????e?a, 343</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??????f????, ii. 54</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??eµßa??ast??, 358</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">???pte?a, ii. 240</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??????d????, ii. 27</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????????, ii. 61. 161</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?????, 478</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lacius, 125</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lacmon, 452</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Laconia, 75</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">divided into six provinces, 106</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">domestic economy, ii. 213</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">money, ii. 214</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 434</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Laomedon, 241</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lapathus, 24. 139</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lapithæ, 29</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Larissa, 22. 25</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Phriconis, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lasus, ii. 378</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Latin language, 17</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Laurel, 343</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?e????a, 396</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Leogoras, 275</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lepreum, 202</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lesche, ii. 396</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Letters, considered as Phœnician symbols, 143</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Leucadia, constitution, ii. 159</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Leucatas, 251</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lichas, ii. 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lilæa, 39. 44</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Limnæ, ii. 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Linus, 353. 427</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lipara, 137</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lochus, ii. 246</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Locri, 140. ii. 238</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Logographi, 56</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??µßa?, 382</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Long walls, 215</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Leucæ, 247</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lycia, 236</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lycorea, 49. 233</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lyctus,227</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lycurgus, 146. 152. 270. ii. 12</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lydia, kings of, 441</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lydias or Ludias, 451</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lyncestis, 458</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lyre, ii. 377</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Lysander, ii. 219. 404</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Macaria, 60</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">valley of, 78</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Macedon, 172</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Macedonians, 2</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">their dialect, 3. 485</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">not Dorians, 37</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">but Illyrians, 479</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">their customs, 482</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">religion, 483</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Macedonis, 455</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Maceta, 474</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Magnesians, 276</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Malians, 47</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mallus, 124. 126</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mantinea, battle of, ii. 244</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Manufactures of Lacoma, ii. 25</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Marsyas, 351</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Medea, 396</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Megara, 97</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">one of five hamlets, 99</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">colonies, 132</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">comedy, ii. 354</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">comic poets, ibid</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 171</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">history, 186. 194. 212. 249</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii. 113</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 437</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Melampodidæ, 272</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Melcart, 443</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Melia, 79</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Melos, 136</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 178</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mesambria, 134</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mesoa, ii. 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Messenia divided into six provinces, 106</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">history, 108</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii. 113</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 413</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 435</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Messenian wars, 156</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">third war, 208</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Messenians, 209</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Metapontum, 281. 286</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page474">[pg 474]</span><a name="Pg474" id="Pg474" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Meteora, 26</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Miletus, 244</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Military games, ii. 313</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">at Crete, ii. 320</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Minos, 35</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Minyans, 12</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????a, ii. 51</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Molycreium, 127</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mora, ii. 248</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mopsium, 25</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mopsuestia, 124. 126</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mopsuerene, 124. 126</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mopsus, 125</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">µ????e?, ii. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Music, Doric, ii. 323</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Musical contests, ii. 338</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mycenæ, 79</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Myceneans, 192</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mygdonia, 454</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mygdonians, 8</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Mylasa, 116</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Myndus, ibid</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Myron, 154. 178</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Myscellus, 140</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Myson, ii. 26</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Narcissus, 353</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Naupactia, 156</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Naupactus, 65</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nemea, 79. 433</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">lion, ibid</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?e?daµ?de??, ii. 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?e??a?a, ii. 307</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nisyrus, 120</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nome, ii. 337</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nomophylaces, ii. 131</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Nomus, 355</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??µ??, <span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-style: italic">numus</span></span>, ii. 224</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Noricum, 117. 138</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Oba, ii. 78. 249</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Œchalia, 28</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">taking of, 411</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">situation, 412</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Œnöe, 258</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Œnophyta, battle of, 211</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Œta, mount, 41</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Œtæans, 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Olen, ii. 379</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Olympic games, list of victors at, 143. 270. 436. ii. 315</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?p??, 373</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Orestæ, 458</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Orneatæ, 92. 176. ii. 55</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">????, 150</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Orsippus of Megara, ii. 272</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Oxylus, 68. 71</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pæan, the god, 308</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">the song, 309. 325. 370</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pæonia, 459</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pæonians, 471, 472</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pagasæ, 224</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">pa?de?ast?a, ii. 300</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Crete, ii. 302</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Sparta, ii. 300</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">pa?d???µ??, ii. 310</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Palm tree of Delos, 303. 322</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pamphyli, ii. 76</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pantaleon, 165</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Panthus, 241</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Parauæa, 457</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">?a??e??a?, ii. 294</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Paroria, 457</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Patara, 237</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Patronomi, ii. 132</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pausanias, 204. 489</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pedaritus, ii. 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pelagonia, 460</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pelagonian Tripolis, 25</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pelasgi, 6. 7. 15. 36. 220</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pelinna, 26, 27</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pella, 452. 455</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Peloponnese, division of, 70</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Peloponnesian league, 196</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Peloria, festival of, 27</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Perinthus, 135</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Penestæ, ii. 65</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Penthelidæ, 72</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Perdiccas, 463</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Periatider, 182. ii. 158. ii. 222. ii. 276</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Periœci of Laconia, ii. 18</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">pe?f??ee?, 288</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Persian war, 497</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Petalism, ii. 163</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">p?tas??, 478</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Petra, 24</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phaëthon, 301</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phæstus, 89. 227</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phalanna, 25</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phalanthus, 139</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phalces, 89</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phallophori, 404. ii. 352</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page475">[pg 475]</span><a name="Pg475" id="Pg475" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pharcedon, 26</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pharis, 104</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phaselis, 122</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">fe?d?t?a, ii. 288</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pheidon, 172. 464</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phidippus, 120. 419</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Philammon, 356. ii. 377</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phlegyans, 234</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phlegyas, 234. 297</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phlius, 79. 89</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution of, ii. 170</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">its satiric drama, ii. 373</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 410</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phocis, plain of, 38</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phœbus, 312</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">f??ß??e??, ibid</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phormis, ii. 357</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">f??a???, 384. ii. 326. 491</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phricium, 422</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phrygians, 8. 480</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">their language, 9</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Phthiotis, 20. 490</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">??ta?a, ii. 48</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Plautus, ii. 362</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">p????, ii. 71</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Polybœa, 361</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Polycaon son of Butes, 58</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Polycrates, 189</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Polydorus, ii. 449</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">p??pa?, ii. 256</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Poseidon, 258. 402</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Potidæa, 132</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pratinas of Phlius, ii. 373</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Praxilla, 405</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Priestesses of Here at Argos, catalogue of, 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">p??ß?????, 206</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Procles, 186</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Procris, 251</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">p??st?t?? t?? d?µ??, ii. 147</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Prytanes of Lacedæmon, 145</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Athens, ii. 140</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Psammetichus, 185</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Purification, 264. 370</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pydna, 456</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pylæa, ii. 396</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pylos, Nelean, 104</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Nestorian, 82. 435</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Triphylian, 81</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pyrrhic dance, ii. 342</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pythagoras, league of, ii. 182. ii. 316. ii. 393</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">philosophy of, ii. 186</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">government of, ii. 184. 193</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pythiad, ii. 454</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pythian strain, 325</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pythians, ii. 15</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Pythium, 24. 258</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Registers, public, of Lacedæmon, 144</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rents of the Helots, ii. 31</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhacius, 247</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhadamanthus, 427</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhegium, 164. 278</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhetoric of Sparta, ii. 386</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhetra, 148</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Agis, ii. 47</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Lycurgus, ii. 86</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Theopompus and Polydorus, ii. 87. 118</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhianus, 158</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhinthon, ii. 368</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhipæan mountains, 291</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhodes, colonies, 122</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 151</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">Prytanes of, ii. 139</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 408</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 437</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhodia, 126</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Rhoduntia, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Riddles, ii. 392</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sacadas of Argos, ii. 328. 338</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sacred road of Apollo, 223</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sacred slaves, 274. 392. 405</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sagalassus, 139</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Salamis, 194</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sarpedon, 237</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sciras, ii. 369</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sciritæ, ii. 253</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sculpture, Doric, ii. 382</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Scythians, 288</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Selge, 138</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Selinus, 136. 406</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Selymbria, 134</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sibyls, ii. 346</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sicyon, constitution, ii. 169</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">history, 177</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">music, ii. 330</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">tribes, ii. 58</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 583</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 410</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">s?de??a?, ii. 309</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">s??ta??sµ??, ii. 149</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Slavery, kinds of, ii. 36</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page476">[pg 476]</span><a name="Pg476" id="Pg476" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Socrates the poet, ii. 335</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Soli, 122. 125</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Solium, 130</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Solygius, hill of, 95</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sopatrus, ii. 369</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sophron, mimes of, ii. 364-7</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Soüs, 108. 147</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sovereignty, Doric, ii. 100</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Sparta, once an inconsiderable town, 102</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">colonies, 136</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">courts of justice, ii. 228</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">education, ii. 307</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ephors, ii. 114</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">gerusia, ii. 94. ii. 236</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">infantry, ii. 253</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">kings, ii.100</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">succession, ii. 105</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">king's house, ii. 266</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">military system, ii. 242</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">marriage, ii. 292</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">public assembly, ii. 88</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">stealing, ii. 319</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">taxes, ii. 221</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Spartans number of, ii. 203</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character of, ii. 402</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Spartan brevity of speech, ii. 387</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">sfa??e??, ii. 309</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Steµµat?a?a, festival of, 66</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Stenyclarus, battle of, 208</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Stesichorus, ii. 375</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Strymon, 453</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Stymphæa, 457</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Styra, 47</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Subject classes, dress of, ii. 73</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Syme, 137</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Synedrion, during the Persian war, 498</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Synnada, 117</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Syracuse, 128. 380</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii. 409</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 161</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">slaves, ii. 61</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">date of foundation, ii. 447</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Syssitia of Sparta, ii. 210. ii. 283</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">of Crete, ii. 211. ii. 286</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tænarum, 248</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Taleclus, 101</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Talthybiadæ, ii. 28</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tarentum, 139. 164. 439</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">constitution, ii. 181</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">princes, ii. 113</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">character, ii, 413</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">dialect, ii. 438</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tarrha, 228</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tarsus, 124</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tauria, 386</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Taygetus, mount, 77</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tegea, 207. 269</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tegyra, 254</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Teichius, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Telesilla, 381. ii. 377</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Telliadæ, 272</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Temenus, 88</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Temenidæ, 463</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tempe, 21. 30. 222. 290</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tenea, 239</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tenedos, ibid</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tenure of land in Laconia, ii. 196</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Terpander, ii. 376</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tetrapolis, why spared by the Spartans, 61. 430</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Teucrians, 11</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Teutamus, 35</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thaletas, 350. 359. ii. 14. ii. 328</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thapsus, 136</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Theagenes, 92</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tea??d???a, 280</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thebes, 254</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Themistocles, 206</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Theoclus, 157</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Theopompus, 162. ii. 448</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thera, 136</div>
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 2.00em">ephors, ii. 115</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Therapne, 103</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Te??p??, ii. 35</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Theseus, 229. 257. 262. 263</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thessalians, 4. ii. 64</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thirty tyrants of Athens, u. 98</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thoricus, 250</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thrace, 244</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Thracians, 10. 470. 484</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tilphossa, 253</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Timocracy, ii. 8</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Timotheus, Spartan decree concerning, ii. 330</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tiresias, 255. 343</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tiryns, 192</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tisamenus, 69</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Titacidæ, 431</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tityrus, ii. 351</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tityus, 254. 329</div>
</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page477">[pg 477]</span><a name="Pg477" id="Pg477" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tlepolemus, 119, 120</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tolmides, 212</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Trachis, 42</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tragedy, 404. ii. 371</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Treasury of Atreus, ii. 267</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Triacon, 91</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tricca, 26</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">t??????e?, 33, 34</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">t???f?a?µ??, oracle respecting, 68</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Triopian promontory, 115</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Triopium, 279</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tripod, robbery of by Hercules, 426</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tripolis and Tetrapolis, Doric, 43</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Trœzen, 91. 118. 248</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Trogilus, 136</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">t??ß?, 404</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tyndaridæ, 431</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Typhaon, 320</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Tyrtæus, 156. 160. 164. 166. ii. 15. 198</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Vases, illustrating ancient comedies, ii. 359-361</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Vejovis, 307</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Ver sacrum, 276</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">War, how carried on by the Dorians in the conquest of the Peloponnese, 85</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Wise men of Greece, ii. 39</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Wolf, symbol of Apollo, 264. 314</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Writing, art of, when introduced into Greece, 143</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Xanthus, 237. 313</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Xenelasia, ii. 4</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Xenodamus, 359</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Xerxes, 300</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Xuthus, 258</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Zaleucus, laws of, ii. 227. ii. 231. ii. 236. ii. 239</div>
</div>

<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">Zeus, of the Dorians, 318. 394</div>
</div>

</div>

<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page479">[pg 479]</span><a name="Pg479" id="Pg479" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Additions And Corrections.</span></h1>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Vol. I.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 19. l. 18. In the explanation of Melia, the ash has been confounded
with the alder. It seems that the ash, which probably
reached a greater height than any other tree in Greece, is used in
this genealogy, as in Hesiod Theog. 187, for the force of vegetation
generally.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 80. l. 11. It may be objected that the countries in which
commerce and manufactures have flourished most, have not possessed
mines of the precious metals. This remark is true of
modern Europe; but in Greece the copper of Chalcis appears to
be connected with the Chalcidean trade and colonies, and the gold
of Thasos with the maritime pursuits of the Thasians and their large
navy before the time of Cimon. The silver of Laurion likewise
contributed to the industry and foreign commerce of Attica. The
prosperity of the maritime cities of Asia Minor was at least assisted
by the gold mines in Lydia; as may be seen in the very ancient
golden staters (partly made of electron, which according to Soph.
Ant. 1025 came from Sardis) of Phocæa, Lampsacus, Clazomenæ,
&amp;c.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 82. l. 2. It now appears to me that Leake, Morea, vol. III.
ch. 30. is right in considering the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contoporia</span></span> as a footpath over
the hills, which required the use of long sticks or poles. The
road in the valley between the rocks bore the name of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tretos</span></span>.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 127. l. 25. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> all its colonies <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> all its early colonies.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 209. notes, col. 2. l. 10. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> Platæon <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> Platæan.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 212. notes, col. 2. l. 10. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> e??????, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> e??????.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 252 note t add—The emendation of Dobree, Adv. vol. I.
p. 599. of ??asta? for ?e?e?? is not needed, since it is proved that the
leap from the Leucadian rock was originally a religious rite.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 384. note c add—The identification of Artemis with the moon
is earlier than that of Apollo with the sun (B. II. ch. 5. § 5.)
The former occurs not only in Æschyl. Xant. fr. 158. ed. Dindorf,
but is also manifest in the worship of the Munychian and
Brauronian Artemis. The name ????p?a designates her shining
countenance or orb; and a cake surrounded with lights, called for
<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page480">[pg 480]</span><a name="Pg480" id="Pg480" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
that reason ?µf?f?? or ?µf?f??, was offered to the goddess on the
16th of Munychion, because the moon was full on that day. See
Callim. fr. 417. ed. Bentl. Eratosth. ap. Steph. Byz. in ????p?a,
Hesych. in ?????pa?da, Apollod. fr. p. 402. Heyne.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 390. note r add—I cannot approve of Lobeck's emendation of
??µ?? for ??a???? in Etymol. Mag. et Gud. in ?????e??? (Aglaoph.
vol. II. p. 1166); since the mythical system there alluded to is
very different from that of the ordinary Greek mythology.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 475. note o. In the passage of Constantinus, read ?a? t??
???ste?a? d?. ???ste?a is used by Appian, quoted in the following
note.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Vol. II.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 5. notes col. 1. l. 8. after the parenthesis add: with Cimon
(Plut. Cim. 14.)
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 8. note p <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> Zeeob <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> Zenob.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 131. l. 15. It does not appear that the Spartan nomophylaces
were guardians of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">written</span></em> laws. The Athenian and Olympian
nomophylaces were not obviously connected with the written legislation.
By nomophylaces in Greece were generally understood
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">guardians of manners</span></em>. See p. 240. note s.
</p>

<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
P. 132. l. 7. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for</span></em> nomophylaces <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">read</span></em> nomothetæ.
</p>

</div>

<hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-back" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
  <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
    <a name="toc55" id="toc55"></a>
    <a name="pdf56" id="pdf56"></a>
    <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1>
    <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes"><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href="#noteref_1">1.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href="#noteref_2">2.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 65. Concerning
the expression ??sµ??, with regard
to the constitution of
Sparta, see also Clearchus ap.
Athen. XV. p. 681 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href="#noteref_3">3.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 16. 5. See
above, vol. I. p. 69, note g.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href="#noteref_4">4.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, of the Pythagorean philosophy. See
below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_16" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 16</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href="#noteref_5">5.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 11. cf. I. 70.
71. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href="#noteref_6">6.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Protag. p. 342 C.
Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plutarch.
Inst. Lac. p. 252. and
particularly Isocrat. Busir. p.
225 A. The Spartans were ??d?µ?tat??,
according to Thucyd.
I. 70. See below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href="#noteref_7">7.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From Thucyd. I. 144. compared
with Plutarch's Life of
Agis, it may be seen that the
?e???as?a was only practised
against tribes of different usages,
particularly Athenians and
Ionians. See Valer. Max.
II. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gymnopædia
(Plut. Ages. 29. cf.
Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem.
Socrat. I. 2. 61.) and other
festivals, Sparta was full of foreigners,
Cragius de Rep. Lac.
III. p. 213. Poets, such as
Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphæus
of Cydonia, Theognis (who
celebrates his hospitable reception
in the ???a?? ?st?, v.
785.); philosophers, such as
Pherecydes and Anaximander
and Anacharsis the Scythian,
were willingly admitted; other
classes of persons were excluded.
Thus there were regulations
concerning persons, and
the time of admitting foreigners:
and hence the earlier
writers, such as Thucydides,
Xenophon, and Aristotle, always
speak of ?e???as?a? in the
plural number. (Compare Plut.
Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut.
Lyc. 27. who refers to Thuc.
II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013.
and the Scholiast (from Theopompus),
and Schol. Pac. 622.
Suid. in d?e??????e??? and ?e???ate??,
who, as usual, has copied
from the Scholiast to Aristophanes,
that the Xenelasia
was introduced p?t? S?????S
?e??µ????, for which we should
clearly write S???????S.
Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp.
de la Nauze Mem. de l'Acad.
des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159.
It may be added that the numerous ?e??a? and p???e??a?, the
hospitable connexions of states
and individuals, served to alleviate
the harshness of the institution.
Thus the Lacedæmonians
were connected with the
Pisistratidæ (vol. I. p. 188,
note c), and with the family of
Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39);
Endius with Clinias, the father
of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6);
king Archidamus with Pericles
(ib. II. 13); Xenias the Elean
with king Agis, the son of
Archidamus, and the state
of Sparta. (Paus. III. 8. 2.)
See <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 6. § 7</a>, and
vol. I. p. 209, n. z. The exchange
of names, occasioned by p???e??a?,
might be made the subject
of a distinct investigation.
See the note last cited, and
Paus. III. 6. 41. Moreover the
Spartans sometimes gave freedom
from custom duties, and
the privilege of occupying a seat
of honour at the games at
Sparta, to strangers, even of
Athenian race; for example, to
the Deceleans, according to
Herod. IX. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href="#noteref_8">8.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">p. 100. ed. Frank.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href="#noteref_9">9.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Naeke's Chœrilus, p.
74.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href="#noteref_10">10.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel.
Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes,
Etym. in ?se??a??e?? and ??e????.
Concerning the effeminacy
of the Codridæ, see Heraclid.
Pont. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href="#noteref_11">11.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???st??, ???ste??, ??a?te?,
ßas??e??, ?p???at???te?, ????a????te?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href="#noteref_12">12.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the Gerontes, see below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 1-4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href="#noteref_13">13.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">We should particularly observe
the assembly in the second
book of the Odyssey, in
which, however, Mentor (v.
239.) wishes to bring about a
declaration of the people not
strictly constitutional. But that
the Homeric ????? independently
exercised the rights of
government, I cannot allow to
Platner, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Notione Juris apud
Homerum</span></span>, p. 108. and Tittmann
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Griechischen Staatsverfassungen</span></span>,
p. 63. It was a species of
Wittenagemote, in which none
but the thanes had the right of
voting, as among the Saxons in
England. The people composed
a <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">concio</span></span>, but
no <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">comitia</span></span>. My
opinion more nearly coincides
with that of Wachsmuth, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Jus
Gentium apud Græcos</span></span>, p. 18,
sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href="#noteref_14">14.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>,
p. 133.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href="#noteref_15">15.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???µata ???µat? ????, Pindar.
Isth. II. 11. See Dissen
Explic. p. 493. Alcæus ap.
Schol. et Zeeob. Prov.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href="#noteref_16">16.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 190.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href="#noteref_17">17.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. 7,
10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href="#noteref_18">18.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hüllmann, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Staatsrecht</span></span>,
p. 103.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href="#noteref_19">19.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The
emendation ????t?? is confirmed
by the comparison of Athenæus
XII. p. 524 A.B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href="#noteref_20">20.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href="#noteref_21">21.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.
Panætius of Leontini was a
demagogue in a previously oligarchical
state, of which the constitution was similar to that
of the Hippobotæ. See Polyænus
V. 47.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href="#noteref_22">22.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 43.—Pindar
(Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three
constitutions, Tyranny, Dominion
of the unrestrained Multitude,
and Government of the
Wise.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href="#noteref_23">23.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href="#noteref_24">24.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3.
6. with Schneider's notes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href="#noteref_25">25.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href="#noteref_26">26.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4.
According to Livy XXXVIII.
34. 700 years up to 190 B.C.
Cicero pro Flacco 26. also
reckons 700 years, but to a
different period.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href="#noteref_27">27.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href="#noteref_28">28.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Schiller severely censures
this lawgiver, for having
so selfishly for ever destined his
people to that course, which appeared
to his own narrow and
prejudiced mind to be the best.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href="#noteref_29">29.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Te?dµ?t? s?? ??e??e??? ????d??
st??µa? ????? ?? ??µ???
??t?ss?; ??????t? d? ?aµf????
?a? µ?? ??a??e?d?? ???????
???a?? ?p? ?a???t?? ?a???te?
a?e? µ??e?? te?µ??s?? ?? ????µ???
???????. Pyth. I. 61. see
Boeckh's Explic.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href="#noteref_30">30.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Comp. Timol. 2.
Dion. 53. ?a??????? s??µa—??sµe??.
He was himself a citizen
of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17.
49.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href="#noteref_31">31.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yet Herodotus cannot
have been acquainted with his work,
since he considered himself as
the first writer on the subject,
Herod. VI. 55.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href="#noteref_32">32.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 366. On
the other hand, Ephorus is probably
alluded to by Heraclides
Ponticus 2. when he says t??
?a?eda?µ????? p???te?a? ????S
???????? p??s?pt??s? p?sa?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href="#noteref_33">33.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10.
3. also calls the kings of Sparta
before Lycurgus <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tyrants</span></em>. On
the other hand, Strabo VIII.
p. 365. states, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the conquerors
of Laconia were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">from
the beginning</span></em> a nation subject
to legal and moral restraints;
but when they had intrusted
the regulation of their government
to Lycurgus, they so far
excelled all others, that alone
among the Greeks they ruled by
land and sea.”</span> That this is
the meaning of the passage, is
proved by the word ?a? in the
clause ?a? ?at? ????? µ?? ?s?f??????.
Isocrates de Pace, p.
178 C. also contradicts indirectly
the supposed anarchy of
the Spartans. But in Panath.
p. 270 A. he follows Thucydides
I. 18. stas??sa? fas?? a?t???
?? t? ??e???? ????ß???te?
?? ??d??a? ?????? t??
???????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href="#noteref_34">34.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 7 § 3, 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href="#noteref_35">35.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 65
Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Plut. Lycurg.
31. Nicol. Damasc. p. 449.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href="#noteref_36">36.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp.
b. II. ch. 2. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href="#noteref_37">37.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Aristot. Pol.
II. 7. 1. The meaning of this
writer appears to be, that the
Dorians had received these laws
from the early inhabitants, as
the Periœci had retained them
most truly; but from the account
given in the text, we must reject
that idea.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href="#noteref_38">38.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Leg. III.
p. 685.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href="#noteref_39">39.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This statement
appears more correct than of Gortyna or Cnosus.
Comp. Meursius, Creta,
IV. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href="#noteref_40">40.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot.
Pol. II. 8. 5. Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog.
Laërt. I. 38. Plut. Lyc. 3.
Philos. cum princ. 4. p. 88.
Pausan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de
Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de
Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir.
adv. Math. p. 68 B. Suid. vol.
II. p. 163. Compare b. II.
ch. 8. § 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href="#noteref_41">41.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5.
According to whom Lycurgus
asked the god, e? ???? ?a? ?µe????
e?? t? Sp??t?—doubtless a
regular formula. This coincides
with the dictum of the
Pythian priestess in Plut. Quæst.
Rom. 28. p. 329.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href="#noteref_42">42.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
5. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href="#noteref_43">43.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 7. § 4. Later historians,
from a mistaken explanation,
suppose that the
whole correspondence was a delusion,
or a fraud of Lycurgus,
Polyæn. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href="#noteref_44">44.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Called in the
Lacedæmonian dialect ???????, Photius in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href="#noteref_45">45.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That this could not always
be said of the ?e?p??p??, may be
seen from Theognis, v. 783.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href="#noteref_46">46.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This, I infer, nearly agreeing
with Cragius, from Cicero
de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI.
57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href="#noteref_47">47.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Timæus
Lex. Plat. in v. ?????ta?
???????st??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href="#noteref_48">48.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æginetica, p. 135.
Compare Dissen Expl. Pind.
Nem. III. p. 376. In the Thearion
at Trœzen there were expiatory
sacrifices, book II. ch. 2.
§ 8. In Thasos they were
called Te????, Inscript. ap.
Choiseul. Gouff. Voyage pittoresque,
I. 2. p. 156. Here
also they were in connexion with
the temple of the Pythian
Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href="#noteref_49">49.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thuc. I. 84. Plat. Alcib.
I. c. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href="#noteref_50">50.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 2. 5. Engel
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Rep.
mil. Spart.</span></span>, a Göttingen prize
Essay for 1790., where Cossacks,
Spartans, and Cretans
are classed together. Compare
Heyne <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Spartan. Rep.</span></span> Comment.
Götting. tom. IX. p. 8.
It appears, indeed, from Aristotle
Pol. VII. 14 (13) to have
been the opinion of the writers
who treated of the constitution
of Sparta during the predominance
of that state, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the
Lacedæmonians owed their external
dominion to their constitution,
according to which they
had been trained to dangers and
exertions from their youth (?t?
d?? t? ?e??µ??s?a? p??? t???
???d????? p????? ?????.)”</span> But
the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intended</span></em> effect of these institutions
cannot be safely inferred
from their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">actual</span></em> consequences.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href="#noteref_51">51.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href="#noteref_52">52.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 3. 3. s???????s??
?????S?ST?? p???
t??? ?????a? t?? ???. Pausanias,
however, very frequently
makes use of this expression,
and often perhaps without any
historical ground.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href="#noteref_53">53.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Why I take no further notice
of the account of Ephorus
is explained in book I. ch 5.
§ 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href="#noteref_54">54.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 22. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href="#noteref_55">55.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with
Schweighæuser's note, Liv.
XXXIV. 29. XXXVIII. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href="#noteref_56">56.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">a?t???µ??, Pausan. III. 21. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href="#noteref_57">57.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The
other six were at the time of
Pausanias either again comprised
in Messenia, as Pharæ,
which Augustus had annexed
to Laconia, Paus. IV. 30. 2.
after it had at an earlier period
been separated with Thuria and
Abea from Messenia, Polyb.
XXV, 1. 1, or they had fallen
to decay, and were then uninhabited,
as Pephnos, Helos,
Cyphanta, and Leucæ. Whether
Abea was included by
Augustus in Laconia is doubtful,
but it is probable from the
situation of the place. This,
with the other five mentioned
above, would therefore make
the number twenty-four complete.
As proofs of the late
independence of these towns
we may mention decrees of
Abea, Geronthræ, Gytheium,
Œtylus, and Tænarus (Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307,
1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392,
1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394).
There are also inscriptions of
the Eleutherolacones jointly,
t? ?????? t?? ??e??e???a?????
(ib. 1389). Likewise, according
to Eckhel, there are genuine
coins, belonging to this and the
Roman period, of Asine, Asopus,
Bœæ, Gytheium, and Las;
those of Taletum and Cythera
are doubtful.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href="#noteref_58">58.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta
must, however, have retained
some outlet to the sea. The
Lacedæmonian coast is also
called the territory of the Periœci
in Thucyd. III. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href="#noteref_59">59.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 101. The
T?????ta? of Thuria, near Calamæ.
Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment,
p. 87.) proposes ???a?? for ???a??
in Theognis v. 1216.
Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href="#noteref_60">60.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Androtion ap. Steph. Byz.
in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href="#noteref_61">61.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also in ??t???a. They
are also mentioned by Strabo,
VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad Il.
B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg.
418). They had not however
any connexion with the Hecatombæa;
for Argos had the
same festival.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href="#noteref_62">62.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch. 7. § 16.
Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls
Anthana a Lacedæmonian city.
See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 46, note q,
p. 185. note v. Siebelis ad
Pausan. II. 38. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href="#noteref_63">63.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 5. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href="#noteref_64">64.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Manso, Sparta, vol. I.
p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89.
That even the Lacedæmonian
p????? did not comprise the
Periœci, is shown, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, by Polybius
IV. 34. 7, where it rejects
the alliance of the Ætolians,
chiefly on account of the
fear that they would ??a?d?ap?d??es?a?
t??? ?e????????. The
name ?a?eda?µ?????, which signifies
all, Periœci and Spartans,
and frequently the former, as
the early inhabitants, in opposition
to the latter, is no more a
proof of political equality than
the appellation Tessa??? of the
freedom of the Penestæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href="#noteref_65">65.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????t??, as the Lacedæmonians
are often called, is probably
identical with pe???????,
Ælian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare
????t?de? ????a?, in Hesychius.
?? ?p? t?? ???a? in Athen. XV.
p. 674 A. from Sosibius are opposed
t??? ?? t?? ?????? pa?s??
(those educated in Sparta), and
see Casaubon's note. The education
of the Periœci was therefore
entirely different from that
of the Spartans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_66" name="note_66" href="#noteref_66">66.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A.
speaking of the Lacedæmonians
having compelled the Periœci
?at? ??d?a s?µpa?at?ttes?a?
sf?s?? a?t???, confounds the
Periœci with the Helots, as also
in what follows.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_67" name="note_67" href="#noteref_67">67.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In later times
very different proportions occur, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, a very
small number of Spartans in
the army, when the city stood
in need of its own citizens, and
could not send them to a distance,
or from other causes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_68" name="note_68" href="#noteref_68">68.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 234.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_69" name="note_69" href="#noteref_69">69.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">No <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">disobedience</span></em> of
the Periœci can be inferred from
Thucyd. IV. 8. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Some</span></em> Periœci
deserted to Epaminondas, Xenoph.
Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23.
Xenophon expresses himself
more strongly, Hellen. VII. 2.
2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_70" name="note_70" href="#noteref_70">70.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_71" name="note_71" href="#noteref_71">71.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 53. cf. VII. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_72" name="note_72" href="#noteref_72">72.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plin. H. N. IX. 36,
60. 21, 8. 36, 5. Comp. Meurs.
Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscherlisch
ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_73" name="note_73" href="#noteref_73">73.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Lyc. 4. Ælian, V.
H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damascenus,
and others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_74" name="note_74" href="#noteref_74">74.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de
Rep. II. 4. <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Corinthum pervertit
aliquando—hic error ac dissipatio
civium, quod mercandi
cupiditate et navigandi, et
agrorum et armorum cultum
reliquerant</span></span>. Compare Hüllmann
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Staatsrecht</span></span>, p. 128.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_75" name="note_75" href="#noteref_75">75.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_76" name="note_76" href="#noteref_76">76.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This follows from Xenoph.
Rep. Lac. II. 2. ?a? ?ppe?s? ?a?
?p??ta??, ?pe?ta d? ?a? t??? ?e???t???a??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_77" name="note_77" href="#noteref_77">77.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Critias ?a?ed. p???t. ap.
Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plutarch,
Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI.
46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph.
Cyrop. I. 2. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_78" name="note_78" href="#noteref_78">78.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen.
V. 198 D. 199 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_79" name="note_79" href="#noteref_79">79.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????? ???a??a, Hesych. in
????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_80" name="note_80" href="#noteref_80">80.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_81" name="note_81" href="#noteref_81">81.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meurs. II. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_82" name="note_82" href="#noteref_82">82.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theoph. Hist. Plant. III.
17. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_83" name="note_83" href="#noteref_83">83.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz.
in ?a?ed. and from him Eustath.
II. p. 294, 5. Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_84" name="note_84" href="#noteref_84">84.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653
B. Moser in Creuzer's Init.
Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Compare
also Liban. Or. p. 87. e
cod. August. ed. Reiske.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_85" name="note_85" href="#noteref_85">85.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7.
Plin. H. N. VII. 56. ????? ?a??????
Pollux, I. 10, 137. concerning
which see Phot. and
Suid. in v., who refer to Xen.
Anab. IV. 8. 25. ???e???d???, I.
10, 149. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ferrei annuli</span></span>, Plin.
XXXIII. 4. µ?st??e?, Steph.
Eust. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_86" name="note_86" href="#noteref_86">86.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol.
Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215
C. Steph. ubi sup. Hesych. in
?µ???a?de? ?a?????? ?p?d?µata,
cf. in ?????s????. Compare
the shoes of the Amyclæan
priestesses upon the monument
of Amyclæ in Walpole's Memoirs,
p. 454. Lacedæmonian
men's shoes (?p?a?) are often
mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph.
Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and
Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux,
VII. 22, 80. cf. Meurs. I. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_87" name="note_87" href="#noteref_87">87.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?????e? ??pep??? Epig. ap.
Suid. in ?a?????a?. Athen. V.
198. XI. 483 C. Compare
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book IV. ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_88" name="note_88" href="#noteref_88">88.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">These mines are not indeed
anywhere expressly mentioned,
but we must infer their existence
from the number of iron
fabrics, and the cheapness of
iron. See below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 9</a>.
and book I. ch. 4. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_89" name="note_89" href="#noteref_89">89.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The stone quarries upon
mount Taygetus were, however,
according to Strabo VIII. p.
367, first opened by the Romans.
Compare Xenoph. ubi
sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100.
Interp. Juven. XI. 173. Meurs.
II. 18. Pliny also mentions
Lacedæmonian <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">cotes</span></span> and
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">smaragdi</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_90" name="note_90" href="#noteref_90">90.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Thiersch, Ueber
die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung
II. p. 51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_91" name="note_91" href="#noteref_91">91.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">My opinion is, that in the
oracle (Diog. Laërt. I. 106.
Comp. Casaubon and Menage)
?te??? was the correct reading,
for which ??ta??? was long ago
substituted from ignorance.—The
point was doubted at an
early period in antiquity; even
Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears
not to consider Myson as a Lacedæmonian.
See also Diod. de
Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Paus. X.
24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p.
299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in ???
and ?t?a. There is a story in
Plutarch, Quæst. Rom. 84, of
Myson making in winter a fork
for tossing the corn, and, when
Chilon wondered at it, of his
justifying himself by an apposite answer; where Myson is
opposed, as a Periœcian farmer,
to the noble Spartan.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_92" name="note_92" href="#noteref_92">92.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 22. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_93" name="note_93" href="#noteref_93">93.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In a very rhetorical passage,
Panathen. p. 270 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_94" name="note_94" href="#noteref_94">94.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 53. 54. Hesych.
in ??????d????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_95" name="note_95" href="#noteref_95">95.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso,
Sparta, vol. II. p. 516. It does
not indeed follow that this Periœcus
had authority over Lacedæmonians;
but Sparta must
have sent him out as a commander
to the Chians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_96" name="note_96" href="#noteref_96">96.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 60.
?? ?at? ?aµp??f????? (in the ????e?
???????, comp. Faber Agonist.
II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung,
vol. II. p. 359.) ?p?t???µe???
????? sf?a? pa?a??????s??
???? ?at? t? p?t??a ?p?te????s?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_97" name="note_97" href="#noteref_97">97.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 134.
t??s?? a? ???????a? a? ?? Sp??t?? p?sa?
???a? d?d??ta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_98" name="note_98" href="#noteref_98">98.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Te??????e? ????? t? ?p?
?a???ß??? pa?? ????T?????S.
Hesych. Perhaps ??e??e??????s?.
Hemsterhuis supposes
that Eleutherna in Crete
is alluded to. The common
name of the herald in Sparta
was ???sa?. See Valck. ad
Adoniaz. p. 379.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_99" name="note_99" href="#noteref_99">99.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 12. 6, 7. III.
23. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_100" name="note_100" href="#noteref_100">100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_101" name="note_101" href="#noteref_101">101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 137.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_102" name="note_102" href="#noteref_102">102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 60. Concerning the
???p???? see Agatharch. ap.
Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizonius
ad Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_103" name="note_103" href="#noteref_103">103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Athen. II. 39 C.
with IV. 173 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_104" name="note_104" href="#noteref_104">104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Periœci also took part
in the colonies of Sparta, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>,
of Heraclea Trachinia, where
they probably belonged to the
p?????; Thuc. III. 92, 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_105" name="note_105" href="#noteref_105">105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the condition
of the Helots, see, besides the
more well-known books, Caperonnier,
Mém. de l'Acad. des
Inscript. tom. XXIII. p. 271.
Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst.
1730.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_106" name="note_106" href="#noteref_106">106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII.
p. 365, according to Valckenær's
emendation, Theopompus
ap. Athen. VI. p. 272.
Even Hellanicus in Harpocration
uses the word e???te?e??
p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.;
it is, however, uncertain whether
the etymology there given
is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph.
Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_107" name="note_107" href="#noteref_107">107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This derivation was known
in ancient times, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Schol.
Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apostol.
VII. 62. ????te? ?? ??
a??µa??t?? d?????. So also
?µ?? comes from daµ?? (???O).
For the dµ?e?, of whom
there were large numbers (µ??a
µ?????, Od. XVII. 422. XIX.
78.) in the house of every
prince (I. 397. VII. 225. Il.
XIX. 333.), and who chiefly
cultivated the land, cannot
have been bought slaves (for
the single examples to the contrary
are rather exceptions), as
this would suppose a very extensive
traffic in slaves; nor
could they have been persons
taken accidentally in expeditions
of plunder and war, as in
that case there could not have
been so large a number in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">every</span></em>
house; but they are probably
persons who were taken at the
original conquest of the soil.
The passage, Od. I. 298. ???
µ?? ???ssat? may be variously
applied.—Concerning the etymology
of ?????, compare Lennep,
Etymol. p. 257.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_108" name="note_108" href="#noteref_108">108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_109" name="note_109" href="#noteref_109">109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch. 4. § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_110" name="note_110" href="#noteref_110">110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365.
So also Pausanias III. 20. 6.
calls the Helots d????? t??
??????. Comp. Herod. VI. 70.
where the ?e??p??te? are
Helots.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_111" name="note_111" href="#noteref_111">111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ubi sup. <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Ilotæ
sunt jam inde antiquitus castellani,
agreste genus</span></span>. Liv.
XXXIV. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_112" name="note_112" href="#noteref_112">112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255.
where µ?s??sa? is an inaccurate
expression.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_113" name="note_113" href="#noteref_113">113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch.
4. § 3. comp. particularly Polyb. V. 19.—Hesiod
the poet of the Helots,
according to the saying of the
Spartan.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_114" name="note_114" href="#noteref_114">114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_115" name="note_115" href="#noteref_115">115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Cleomen. 23.
Manso, vol. I. p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_116" name="note_116" href="#noteref_116">116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 8. seventy for
the master, twelve for the mistress
of the house: compare ib.
24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_117" name="note_117" href="#noteref_117">117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
?spe? ???? µe?????? ???es? te???µe???,<br />
desp?s????s? f????te? ??a??a??? ?p? ??????<br />
?µ?s? p??, ?ss?? ?a?p?? ?????a f??e?.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Fragm. 6. Gaisford. The passage
is given in prose by Ælian
V. II. VI. 1.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_118" name="note_118" href="#noteref_118">118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of the two lines of
Tyrtæus afterwards cited by Pausanias,
desp?ta? ??µ????te?,
?µ?? ?????? te ?a? a?t??, e?t?
t??? ????µ??? µ???a ????? ?a??t??,
it may be observed, that this
duty of lamenting the king is
attributed to the Periœci as well
as the Helots in Herod. VI. 58.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_119" name="note_119" href="#noteref_119">119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh's Public Economy
of Athens, vol. I. p. 109.
eighty-two is about the fifth of
four hundred. In Athens the
??te?, pe??ta?, paid a sixth of
the produce to the Eupatridæ.
(This is without a doubt the
corrupt supposition.) See Plutarch,
Solon. 13. comp. Hemsterh.
ad Hesych. in ?p?µ??t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_120" name="note_120" href="#noteref_120">120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. IV. 141 D. from
Molpis on the Lacedæmonian
state.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_121" name="note_121" href="#noteref_121">121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sphærus, ibid. p. 141 C.
Compare also Myron ap. Athen.
XIV. p. 657. pa?ad??te?
a?t??? t?? ???a? ?ta?a? ??????
?? a?t??? ????s??s?? ?e?,
and Hesychius, ?aße???? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>
G???G?S, ?e?????) ?????
µ?s??t?? (which must be understood
as in the passage quoted
above, p. <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>, note h.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“very early period,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plut. Instit. Lac.”</span>]) ?????e?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_122" name="note_122" href="#noteref_122">122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the time of Xenophon,
however, Spartans resided upon
the ??????; see Hell. III. 3. 5.
In the time of Aristotle (Polit.
II. 2. 11.) individuals had already
begun to attend to agriculture;
Maxim. Tyr. Diss.
XIII. p. 139, calls the Spartans
and Cretans in general
?e?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_123" name="note_123" href="#noteref_123">123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Comp. Num. 2.
Nepos, Paus. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_124" name="note_124" href="#noteref_124">124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3. Arist.
Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Inst. Lac.
p. 252.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_125" name="note_125" href="#noteref_125">125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Thuc.
VII. 19. with IV. 80. and V. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_126" name="note_126" href="#noteref_126">126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod.
IX. 10. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_127" name="note_127" href="#noteref_127">127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 28. Thuc. III.
8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_128" name="note_128" href="#noteref_128">128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. q. ?µf?st??te? Hesych.
in v. cf. Voss. Valcken. Adoniaz,
p. 289.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_129" name="note_129" href="#noteref_129">129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 229. compare
the passages quoted by Sturz.
Lex. Xenoph. in Te??p??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_130" name="note_130" href="#noteref_130">130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Te?ap?? d????? ?p??f????
d???? ?at? t?? ???t?? ???tta?.
Eustath. ad Il. p. 1240, 32. Bas.
ad Dion. Perieg. 533. Eustathius
frequently mentions this
peculiarity of the Cretan idiom,
and the names of slaves in general;
also the Glossary in Iriarte,
Reg. Bibl. Matritensis cod.
Gr. p. I. p. 146, states that the
expression ?e??p?? for d?????
is Cretan.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_131" name="note_131" href="#noteref_131">131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. p. 271 F, from Myron.
These are the persons of
whom Xenophon says (Hell. IV.
5. 14.) t??t??? ????e??? t???
?pasp?st?? ??aµ????? ?p?f??e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_132" name="note_132" href="#noteref_132">132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 80, 81. cf. 75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_133" name="note_133" href="#noteref_133">133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. VII. 1. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_134" name="note_134" href="#noteref_134">134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Timæus ap. Polyb. XII. 6.
7. frag. 17. p. 224. ed. Goetter.
Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p.
265. compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p.
242.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_135" name="note_135" href="#noteref_135">135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The wives and children
of Helots are often mentioned,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> in Thucyd. I. 103. At
Athens the marriage of slaves
was an uncommon event, and is
usually found among the ?????
??????te?. It was cheaper to purchase
than to bring up slaves.
(See Hume on the Populousness
of Ancient Nations, Works, vol.
III. p. 431-440. See p. 438,
on the marriages of the Helots.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_136" name="note_136" href="#noteref_136">136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Heraclides
Ponticus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_137" name="note_137" href="#noteref_137">137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Welcker Alcman,
Fragm. p. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_138" name="note_138" href="#noteref_138">138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657 D.
The ???? is also probably signified
as belonging to the dress
of the Helots, in the account of
the signal for conspiracy given
by Antiochus of Phalanthus
(Strab. VI. p. 278), although
other writers (Æneas Poliorc.
II.) mention a p???? in its stead.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_139" name="note_139" href="#noteref_139">139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???? ?????, Sophocl. Inachus
ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av.
1203. Valcken. ad Theocrit.
Adoniaz. p. 345. the same as
the p???? ????? in Polyæn. IV.
14. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">galerus Arcadicus</span></span>, Stat.
Theb. IV. 299. VII. 39. ????
????t?a as the country-dress,
Hesychius. The Arcadians went
into the fields in goats' and
sheep-skins, Pausan. IV. 11. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_140" name="note_140" href="#noteref_140">140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XXIV. 230.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_141" name="note_141" href="#noteref_141">141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux, VII. 4. 68. Compare
Hesychius, Moeris, and Suidas
in ?at?????. Theopompus and
Menæchmus ?? t??? S??????a????
ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. (cf.
Schweigh.) call the ?at??a??f????
Sicyonian bondsmen. Comp.
Ruhnken. ad Tim. p. 212.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_142" name="note_142" href="#noteref_142">142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157. cf.
Palmer. Exercit. p. 506.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_143" name="note_143" href="#noteref_143">143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 53. Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_144" name="note_144" href="#noteref_144">144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De rep. Ath. I. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_145" name="note_145" href="#noteref_145">145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycurg. 28. and elsewhere.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_146" name="note_146" href="#noteref_146">146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Duris ap.
Plutarch. Ages. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_147" name="note_147" href="#noteref_147">147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theopomp. ap. Athen. XIV,
p. 657 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_148" name="note_148" href="#noteref_148">148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_149" name="note_149" href="#noteref_149">149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">µ???? f??t???? ????µa, Pollux,
IV. 14. 101.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_150" name="note_150" href="#noteref_150">150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. c. 28. Comp.
Num. I. Concerning the Crypteia,
see Manso, vol. I. part 2.
p. 141. Heyne, Comment. Gotting.
vol. IX. p. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_151" name="note_151" href="#noteref_151">151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Panathen. p. 271 A. See
above, p. <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref">22</a>. note q.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“troops of the line,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_152" name="note_152" href="#noteref_152">152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 28.
Heraclid. Pont. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_153" name="note_153" href="#noteref_153">153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. p. 633 C. Justin says of
the same thing, III. 3. <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">pueros
puberes non in forum, sed in
agrum deduci præcepit, ut
primos annos non in luxuria,
sed in opere et laboribus agerent,—neque
prius in urbem
redire quam viri facti essent</span></span>.
The same, with a few deviations,
is stated in Schol. Plat.
Leg. I. p. 225. Ruhn.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_154" name="note_154" href="#noteref_154">154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. p. 763 B. Compare
Barthélemy, Anacharsis, tom.
IV. p. 461.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_155" name="note_155" href="#noteref_155">155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Damoteles a Spartan, ?p?
t?? ???pte?a? teta?µ????, Plut.
Cleomen. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_156" name="note_156" href="#noteref_156">156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_157" name="note_157" href="#noteref_157">157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. VI. p. 776. cited by
Athen. VI. p. 264. Comp. Plutarch,
Lycurg. 28. See Philological
Museum, vol. II. p. 68.
note 40. Critias the Athenian
also said, with more wit than
truth, that in Sparta the free
were most free (cf. Diogen. Prov.
IV. 87. Apostol. VIII. 12.);
and that the slaves were most
slaves, ap. Liban. Or. XXIV.
vol. II. p. 85. Reisk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_158" name="note_158" href="#noteref_158">158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 118. V. 14, 23. Cf.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_159" name="note_159" href="#noteref_159">159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although it is denied by
Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVI. p.
448 B. Compare Manso I. 2.
p. 153. and I. 1. p. 234.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_160" name="note_160" href="#noteref_160">160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_161" name="note_161" href="#noteref_161">161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh's Economy of
Athens, vol. I. p. 349. transl.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_162" name="note_162" href="#noteref_162">162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 34. cf. IV. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_163" name="note_163" href="#noteref_163">163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII.
58. d??ata? d? t? ?e?daµ?de?
??e??e??? ?d? e??a?.
The opposite is daµ?se?? (Steph.
???O???S) d?µ?ta? ? ?? ??te?e??
pa?? ?a?eda?µ??????, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_164" name="note_164" href="#noteref_164">164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cf. Plut. Ages. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_165" name="note_165" href="#noteref_165">165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. 271 E. Schol.
Aristoph. Plut. 279. Harpocration,
Hesychius. The derivation
from the town Mothone
is like that of the name of the
Helots from Helos. The ???f?µ??
became Spartans from
aliens by education, Xenoph.
Hell. V. 3. 9. To these the
confused account in Plut. Lacon.
Inst. p. 252. probably
refers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_166" name="note_166" href="#noteref_166">166.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Athenæus they are called
free, in reference to their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">future</span></em>,
not their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">past</span></em> condition. See
Hemsterhuis ap Lennep. Etymol.
vol. I. p. 575.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_167" name="note_167" href="#noteref_167">167.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. ubi sup. Ælian, V.
H. XII. 43. Two s??t??f?? or
µ??a?e? of Cleomenes III. in
Plut. Cleom. 8. These were,
like Lysander, Heraclide Mothaces.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_168" name="note_168" href="#noteref_168">168.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D.
where the comparison with the
?at??a??f???? does not appear
to have sufficient ground. See
Casaub. ad Athen. VI. 20. Interp.
Hesych. in v. ??e??a?ta?.
Diodorus, Exc. Vat. VII.—X.
n. 12., calls the Parthenians
who had been sent under Phalanthus
to Tarentum, sometimes
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Epeunacti</span></span>, sometimes
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Parthenians</span></span>.
Since they are considered
as young men (for Phalanthus
has an ??ast?? named
Agathiadas), they appear to have
been, not Helots who had begotten
children with Spartan
women, but the male offspring
of such unions. As the term is
used by Theopompus, these
would be called the sons of
Epeunacti. Hesychius likewise
makes the ?pe??a?t?? equivalent
to the pa??e??a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_169" name="note_169" href="#noteref_169">169.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the epitaph in
Herod. VII. 228. 4000 men
were buried at Thermopylæ,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, 300 Spartans, 700 Thespian
Hoplitæ, and 3000 ?????,
of whom 2100 were perhaps
Helots. See below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_170" name="note_170" href="#noteref_170">170.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_171" name="note_171" href="#noteref_171">171.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. VI. 45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_172" name="note_172" href="#noteref_172">172.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the most
probable statement in Plut. Lyc. 8,
viz., that Lycurgus made 4500
lots, and Polydorus the same
number.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_173" name="note_173" href="#noteref_173">173.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Alcib. I. p. 122 D.
Tyrtæus ap. Schol. p. 78.
Ruhnk. and ad Leg. I. p. 220.
See book I. ch. 4. § 3. The
valley of the Pamisus in many
places gives a return of thirty
times the seed, and is sown
twice in the year. Sibthorp in
Walpole's Memoirs, p. 60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_174" name="note_174" href="#noteref_174">174.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 24. 2. t?? µ??
????? p??? t?? ?s??a??? a?t??
d?e????a???. Cf. III. 20. 6. Zenob.
III. 39. Apostol. VII. 33.
d????te??? ?ess?????: cf. Etymol.
in ????te?. Etym. Gudian.
p. 167, 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_175" name="note_175" href="#noteref_175">175.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 100. p?e?st?? d?
t?? ????t?? ??????t? ?? t??
pa?a??? ?ess????? t?te d???????t??
?p??????. Plutarch, Cimon,
16. Lyc. 28, and Diodorus
XI. 53, sqq. incorrectly distinguish
the Helots from the
Messenians. Compare book I.
ch. 9. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_176" name="note_176" href="#noteref_176">176.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Xen. Hell. VII.
2. 2. with VI. 5. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_177" name="note_177" href="#noteref_177">177.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. VII. 10. 1. cf. IV.
32. 1, and Manso's Excursus
on the restoration of Messenia,
vol. III. part 2. p. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_178" name="note_178" href="#noteref_178">178.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Agis. 8. The word
?a??a? is perhaps corrupt.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_179" name="note_179" href="#noteref_179">179.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_180" name="note_180" href="#noteref_180">180.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 8. ?? ????tata
t?? pe???????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_181" name="note_181" href="#noteref_181">181.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_182" name="note_182" href="#noteref_182">182.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?p? ????, ?? t???
???????. Compare above, p. <a href="#Pg034" class="tei tei-ref">34</a>. note s.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“a few days,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“In the time of Xenophon.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_183" name="note_183" href="#noteref_183">183.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. ?es?a t?p??
?a???????. F??? ?a??????.
Hesychius, ????s???a f??? ?a??????.
Herodian pe?? µ?? ???e??
p. 13. 23. Dindorf. t?
????s???a ?p? t? ?a??????
f???. Cf. Schol. Callim. Dian.
94. Hesych. ? ??t??? f???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_184" name="note_184" href="#noteref_184">184.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 16. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_185" name="note_185" href="#noteref_185">185.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh, Corp.
Inscript. No. 1338.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_186" name="note_186" href="#noteref_186">186.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh, ibid. No. 1347,
where it is written ??? F???S
????S????O?. Concerning
which see Boeckh, p.
609. In Inscript. 1241. a d?aßet??
??µ?a??? (perhaps d?????t??
??µ?at??) occurs. See
Boeckh, ib. p. 611.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_187" name="note_187" href="#noteref_187">187.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thrasybulus also (Epigr.
Plut. Apophth, Lac. p. 242.
Anthol. Palat. VII. 229.) was
evidently a Spartan, brought
back to Pitana, and so also is
Archias, the Pitanatan, in Herod.
III. 55. See Strabo, V. p.
250.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_188" name="note_188" href="#noteref_188">188.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suid. Fragm. 2. Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_189" name="note_189" href="#noteref_189">189.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IX. 35. At the same time,
Heraclides Ponticus says of Alcman
merely, ??e??e????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_190" name="note_190" href="#noteref_190">190.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar. Olymp. VI. 28.
Eurip. Troad. 1116. ?e???a??
??ta??t?? in Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_191" name="note_191" href="#noteref_191">191.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in ??ta??t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_192" name="note_192" href="#noteref_192">192.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 53. Thuc. I.
20. does not admit its existence.
But Caracalla, in imitation of
antiquity, composed a ?????
??ta??t?? of Spartans, Herodian.
IV. 8. The Tarentines
(who retained the memory of
the mother-city more in their
names of places than in their
customs) had a division of their
army which was called Pitanates;
the pe??p???? ??ta??ta?
are mentioned upon a coin of
Tarentum: Millingen's Ancient
Coins, pl. 1. n. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_193" name="note_193" href="#noteref_193">193.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 55.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_194" name="note_194" href="#noteref_194">194.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyæn. II. 1. 14. cf.
Plut. Ages. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_195" name="note_195" href="#noteref_195">195.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 14. 2.—Œnus
was situated in the vicinity according
to Athen. I. p. 31 C.
and this also was near the city,
Plut. Lyc. 6. See the map of
Peloponnesus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_196" name="note_196" href="#noteref_196">196.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also according to Plut. de
Exil. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_197" name="note_197" href="#noteref_197">197.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. p. 363 A. Doubtless
the marshy grounds upon the
Eurotas, which in this part frequently
overflowed its banks.
Compare book I. ch. 4. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_198" name="note_198" href="#noteref_198">198.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 364 A. comp. Tzschucke,
p. 184.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_199" name="note_199" href="#noteref_199">199.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 20. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_200" name="note_200" href="#noteref_200">200.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 10. Pitana is called a
??µ? in Schol. Thucyd. I. 20.
and Limnæ is called the ??µ?a???
?????? in Pausan. III.
16. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_201" name="note_201" href="#noteref_201">201.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 6. 3. Concerning the slaves
of Crete, see Manso, Sparta, vol.
I. part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur
la Législation de Crète, p. 373.
has confused the whole subject.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_202" name="note_202" href="#noteref_202">202.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Similarly the Lacedæmonians,
according to Cicero de
Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac.
Apophth. p. 179, 201.) said proverbially,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">suos omnes agros, quos
spiculo possent attingere</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_203" name="note_203" href="#noteref_203">203.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. p. 263 E. Hesychius,
Eustath. ad Il. XV. p.
1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim.
p. 283. Concerning ?faµ?a or
?f?µ?a, see Schneider's Lexicon
in ?faµ??ta?. Hoeck's Kreta,
vol. III. p. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_204" name="note_204" href="#noteref_204">204.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XV. p. 701. Etym.
Magn. in pe??sta?, Photius in
??a??ta? and pe??sta?. Lex. seguer.
I. p. 292. emended by
Meineke Euphor. p. 142.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_205" name="note_205" href="#noteref_205">205.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_206" name="note_206" href="#noteref_206">206.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">So also in Strab.
XII. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves
of the Heracleotes served upon
the same conditions as ? ???a
s???d?? ???te?e?. Comp. Hermon
ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B.
where Eustathius ad II. XV. p.
1024. Rom. µ??ta? ?? ???e?e??
????ta? (those born in the country
as opposed to purchased
slaves) appears to have preserved
the right reading. cf.
ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych.
vol. II. p. 611. Pollux III. 8.
23. ??a??ta? ?a? µ???ta?. Steph.
Byz. (from the same source as
Pollux) ??t?? d? p??t?? ????sa?t?
?e??p??s?? ?? ?a?eda?µ?????
t??? e???s? ?a? ???e???
t??? ??µ??s???? ?a? S???????? t???
??????f????? ?a? ?ta???ta? t???
?e?as????, ?a? ???te? dµ??ta??.
Write µ???ta?? in the more extensive
signification of the word.
In the same manner Eustath.
ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has
been already corrected by Meineke
ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_207" name="note_207" href="#noteref_207">207.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot, Polit. II. 7. 3. ?p?
p??t?? t?? ?????µ???? ?a?p??
te ?a? ß?s??µ?t?? ?? t?? d?µ?s???
?a? f???? ??? f????s?? ??
pe???????, t?ta?ta? µ????, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>
<span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Of all the products of the soil
and all the cattle</span></em> which come
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">from the public lands, a part
is appointed</span></em>.”</span> The arrangement
of the words is not more
careless than in other passages.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_208" name="note_208" href="#noteref_208">208.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_209" name="note_209" href="#noteref_209">209.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_210" name="note_210" href="#noteref_210">210.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At the Hermæa, however,
the slaves feasted in public, and
they were waited on by their
masters, as at Trœzen in the
month Geræstion; Carystius ap.
Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI.
p. 263 F. In Sparta, during
the Hyacinthia, the masters invited
the slaves to be their
guests, Polycrates ap. Athen.
IV. p. 139 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_211" name="note_211" href="#noteref_211">211.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_212" name="note_212" href="#noteref_212">212.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 8. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_213" name="note_213" href="#noteref_213">213.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius, Pollux
and Stephanus as before.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_214" name="note_214" href="#noteref_214">214.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_215" name="note_215" href="#noteref_215">215.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 148. In this passage
the battle, contrary to the calculation
before given (book I.
ch. 8. § 6.) upon the authority
of Pausanias, is brought down to
the time immediately preceding
the Persian war, as is evident
not only from the word ?e?st?,
but also from the circumstance
that the Argives desired a thirty
years' peace, to enable the children
of the persons who had
been slain to arrive at manhood.
From this, then, it follows that
the Gymnesii, expelled from
Argos, did not obtain possession
of Tiryns till <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">after</span></em> the Persian
war (for that they were not there
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">during</span></em> this war may be inferred
from Herod. IX. 28.), and the
final victory over them would
then coincide with the conquest
of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7).
If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19.
had been accurately (?a? ????)
fulfilled, the battle must fall in
Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but
no calculation can be founded
on this datum.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_216" name="note_216" href="#noteref_216">216.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same argument applies
here as in the case of the slaves
who made themselves masters
of Volsinii. See Niebuhr's Roman
History, vol. I. p. 101. sq.
ed. 2. English Transl.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_217" name="note_217" href="#noteref_217">217.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The liberation of Argive
slaves is alluded to in a passage
of Hesychius in ??e??e??? ?d??:
?? ???e? ?p? t?? S??a?e?a?
(perhaps F?S?????S, cf. Callim.
Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion
Fragm. 19. Meineke) p????s?
?????? ??e??e???µe??? t?? ???et??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_218" name="note_218" href="#noteref_218">218.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_219" name="note_219" href="#noteref_219">219.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 7. § 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_220" name="note_220" href="#noteref_220">220.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Not the Gymnesii. See
vol. I. p. 191, note p.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_221" name="note_221" href="#noteref_221">221.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf.
286 A. I am also of opinion that
Pausanias was in error when (II.
19.) he states that the Argives
had from an early period been
distinguished for their love of
equality and freedom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_222" name="note_222" href="#noteref_222">222.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thuc. V. 67,
72. Diod. XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15.
Pausan. II. 20. 1. where the
leader of the 1000 ????de? is
called Bryas, and particularly
Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp.
Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the
remarks of Tittmann, p. 602.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_223" name="note_223" href="#noteref_223">223.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Elean ?e??????? may
serve for a comparison. This
was the name of all the territory
which the Eleans had conquered
in addition to their original
land, the ????? ????.
(Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III.
2. 23.) It was, however, divided
into tribes, which increased
or diminished with the
loss or accession of territory.
The number of the Hellanodicæ
was arranged according to that
of the tribes. The ancient territory
of the Eleans, ????? ????,
included four tribes; Pisatis was
divided into an equal number;
and if the whole of Triphylia
obeyed the Eleans, four more
were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.)
Compare Aristodemus of Elis in
Harpocration in v. ???a??d????,
Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For
further details see a paper by
the author in Welcker's and
Naeke's Rheinisches Museum,
vol. II. p. 167.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_224" name="note_224" href="#noteref_224">224.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. I.
Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_225" name="note_225" href="#noteref_225">225.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_226" name="note_226" href="#noteref_226">226.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???ta ??t?, Photius in v.
Suidas (in Schott's Prov. XI.
64.) Apostol. XV. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_227" name="note_227" href="#noteref_227">227.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius.
According to Isaac Vossius ????f????. The
Corinthian ????, Herod. IV.
180. was perhaps at an early
period the peculiar dress of this
class. See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_228" name="note_228" href="#noteref_228">228.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus the harbour Lechæum
was a place of refuge for maltreated
slaves as well as Munychia,
Hesych. in ???a???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_229" name="note_229" href="#noteref_229">229.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in ????, Pollux
ubi sup. Etym. Gud. p. 165.
53. where ??te?, ??µ??te? (for
??µ??s???), pe??sta?, pe??ta?
(erroneously for ??a??ta?),
??????f????, and ?a????????? are
classed together.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_230" name="note_230" href="#noteref_230">230.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref">38</a>, note o.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“lining  of fur,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Pollux, VII. 4. 68.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_231" name="note_231" href="#noteref_231">231.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 68. where, however,
it is difficult to believe
that this fourth tribe was not
established until after the time
of Cleisthenes. The tribe which
in Sicyon was called ????a?e??
was perhaps in Phlius known
by the title of ?????f???, the
mythical name of the daughter
of Sicyon, and the mother or
wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63.
12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_232" name="note_232" href="#noteref_232">232.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The able
historian Thirlwall thinks it more probable that
Cleisthenes united the three
Doric tribes in a single tribe,
and that the Hyatæ, Oneatæ,
and Chœreatæ, were the three
country tribes, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">tribus rusticæ</span></span>,
which Cleisthenes had admitted
into the dominant community.
But a measure of this kind appears
to be unexampled in the
history of the Greek constitutions,
and could hardly have
been confounded by Herodotus
with a mere change of names.
It may be here mentioned that
the temple of Zeus <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the Enumerator</span></span>,
in Sicyon, was referred to
the establishment of the tribes,
Bekker's Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p.
790. S???????? ?at? f???? ?a?t???
t??a?te? ?a? ????µ?sa?te?
???? St?????? ?e??? ?d??sa?t?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_233" name="note_233" href="#noteref_233">233.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, concerning the
?????d?s?a of Cnidos, Diodor.
V. 53. That the lots were even
apportioned in the mother-country
may be seen from what
occurred at the founding of Syracuse,
book I. ch. 6. § 7. Compare
the account of the colonization
of Epidamnus, Thucyd.
I. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_234" name="note_234" href="#noteref_234">234.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, was the case
in the Corinthian Apollonia,
Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol.
IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 337.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_235" name="note_235" href="#noteref_235">235.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. VI. 17. of the
cities of Sicily, ?????? te ???
??µµ??t??? p???a?d???s??, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_236" name="note_236" href="#noteref_236">236.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The clearest
instance, although not of a Doric city, is
in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leontini
had created a large number
of new citizens, who, partly
forming the popular party,
pressed for a redivision of the
lands (??adasµ??). Upon this,
the nobles entirely expelled the
commons. See below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9.
§ 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_237" name="note_237" href="#noteref_237">237.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 155. Aristot.
Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot. in v.
Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388.
35. Marmor. Par. l. 52. Hesychius
??µ????—? ?? ?p? t??
???e??? t?µ?µ?t?? (<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">à censu
agrorum</span></span>) t? ????? d??p??te?.
???e??? ?t?µ?t??, the correction
of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex.
in v. ?e?µ????, is not needed.
The expression ?p? t?µ?µ?t??
???e??, d????e??, &amp;c., occurs. See
Wesseling ad Diod. XVIII. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_238" name="note_238" href="#noteref_238">238.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol.
II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas,
and Phavorinus in ?a?????????,
Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob.
IV. 54. ?a????????? ?? S??a???sa??
??????sa? ?? ?pe?se????te?
G?O?????S, as it should be
written (see below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 7</a>.),
Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588.
Eustathius ad Il. p. 295. Rom.
??????????? d? ?? ???t?, ?a??a?d????
d? ?? ??a??e?? t? ???t???
?a? ???tta? ?? S??a???sa??
should be written ??????????? d?
?? S??a???sa??—??????????
?? ???t?. Dionysius ubi
sup. calls them pe??ta?. ?a?????????
seems to be a mere corruption
of foreigners, who tried
to make a Greek word of it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_239" name="note_239" href="#noteref_239">239.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Phylarch, ap. Athen. VI.
p. 271 C. The µ?s??t?? were
called p???????? in Byzantium,
according to Pollux VII. 29.
132.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_240" name="note_240" href="#noteref_240">240.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. XII. p. 542 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_241" name="note_241" href="#noteref_241">241.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Euphorion (Fragm. 73.
Mein.) and Callistratus ? ???st?f??e???
ap. Athen. VI. p.
263 D. E. Hesychius in d???f????.
The masters are called
by Euphorion ??a?te?, according
to the Homeric idiom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_242" name="note_242" href="#noteref_242">242.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7.
where the Periœci of Heraclea,
who served in the fleet,
are probably the Mariandyni.
In this passage Heraclea Pontica
is meant, whereas in V. 4.
2. (µet? t?? ?p????sµ?? e????)
Heraclea Trachinia is evidently
intended—compare Schlosser;
and the same town is probably
signified in the other passages.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_243" name="note_243" href="#noteref_243">243.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref">60</a>, note l.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“strictly so called,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“This, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, was the case.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_244" name="note_244" href="#noteref_244">244.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The oracle in Herod. IV.
159.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
?? d? ?e? ?? ??ß?a? p?????at?? ?ste??? ????
??? ??ada??µ??a?, µet? ?? p??? faµ? µe??se??.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
Compare ?ste?e?? t?? ?????d?s?a?,
Diod. V. 53.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_245" name="note_245" href="#noteref_245">245.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 161. The most
probable explanation of this
passage seems to be that given
in the text, viz., that Demonax
left to the first conquerors the
possession of their subjects, and
did not divide them equally
among the new colonists; and
this is approved by Thrige,
Res Cyrenensium, p. 148. Niebuhr,
however, History of Rome,
vol. I. note 708. ed. 2, understands
it to mean that the Periœci
were the original subjects
of the Theræans in their island,
who in the colony stood on an
equal footing with their former
masters: an equality which is
not necessarily implied by an
union in the same tribe.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_246" name="note_246" href="#noteref_246">246.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the Achæans,
Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII.
34. Of the Magnetes and others,
Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Philipp.
II. p. 71. Olynth. II. p. 20.
Concerning the Perrhæbi, Thuc.
IV. 78. Strab. IX. p. 440.—Compare
Orchomenos, p. 252.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_247" name="note_247" href="#noteref_247">247.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tittmann. Amphictyonen
bund, p. 35. see particularly
Herod. VII. 132.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_248" name="note_248" href="#noteref_248">248.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 7. where
the pe??????? must not be confounded
with the Penestæ; see
Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V.
5. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_249" name="note_249" href="#noteref_249">249.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Thucyd.
IV. 78.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_250" name="note_250" href="#noteref_250">250.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 176.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_251" name="note_251" href="#noteref_251">251.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There were also Penestæ
among the Macedonians, according
to Eustathius ad Dionys.
Perieg. 533. But with
those mentioned in Livy XLIII.
20. sqq. we have here no concern.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_252" name="note_252" href="#noteref_252">252.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p.
264 B. cf. Eustath. Il. XIII.
p. 954, 38. Rom. Phot. Lex. in
v. pe??sta?, where read, ?p? t??
?p? ??µ???? ?? ????? ???????t??
????t?? (see Orchomenos,
p. 378.) as in Suidas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_253" name="note_253" href="#noteref_253">253.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. p. 265 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_254" name="note_254" href="#noteref_254">254.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Aristot. Pol.
II. 6. 3. the Penestæ revolted
from the Thessalians when the
latter were waging war with
the Achæans, Perrhæbians, and
Magnetes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_255" name="note_255" href="#noteref_255">255.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archem. ubi sup. Strab.
XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954.
Photius, ?p? t? µ?te pa?e?? t?
???a??µe???, µ?te ??ß?????a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_256" name="note_256" href="#noteref_256">256.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux III. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_257" name="note_257" href="#noteref_257">257.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theopompus ap. Schol.
Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot.
Pol. II. 2. 13. Staphylus pe??
?etta??? ap. Harpocrat. Ammonius,
Photius, Hesychius,
Etym. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_258" name="note_258" href="#noteref_258">258.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 2. In
Eustathius ad Il. II. p. 295, Photius
(ubi sup.), and Hesychius,
they are called ?? µ? ???? d?????,
a very obscure expression.
The explanation of another
writer, ??e??e??? µ?s?? d???e???te?,
is entirely false.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_259" name="note_259" href="#noteref_259">259.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Euripid. Phrix. ap.
Athen. p. 264 C. ??t??? pe??st??
(hence Hesychius pe??sta? ??t?e??)
?µ?? ???a??? d?µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_260" name="note_260" href="#noteref_260">260.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the Tessa???? of Philocrates
(e? ???s?a) ap. Athen. p.
264 A. Staphylus ubi sup. Photius,
in pe??sta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_261" name="note_261" href="#noteref_261">261.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see
Meineke Comment. Miscell. I.
p. 53.) But when Theocritus
says that <span class="tei tei-q">“they received provision
for a month measured
out,”</span> he evidently confounds
them with common slaves.—Menon
brought 200 Penestæ
of his own to the Athenians,
Pseudo-Demosth, pe?? s??t??.
p. 113. 6. or 300, according
to the speech in Aristocrat, p.
687. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_262" name="note_262" href="#noteref_262">262.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych.
in pe??st??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_263" name="note_263" href="#noteref_263">263.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Timæus in V.
pe?est????, Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_264" name="note_264" href="#noteref_264">264.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archemachus and Eustathius
as above—although the
name is evidently derived from
p????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_265" name="note_265" href="#noteref_265">265.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth. in Aristocrat, p.
687. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_266" name="note_266" href="#noteref_266">266.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Vesp.
1263.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_267" name="note_267" href="#noteref_267">267.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">All three together in Aristot.
Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc.
IV. 78. At the time of Alexander
of Pheræ it is probable
that there were tyrants in Thessaly
who had risen from demagogues,
and were therefore hostile
to the Aleuadæ, Diodor.
XVI. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_268" name="note_268" href="#noteref_268">268.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The statement
of Aristotle ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397.
concerning an ancient expulsion
of the Barbarians from Arcadia,
was merely made for the purpose
of explaining the name
???s??????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_269" name="note_269" href="#noteref_269">269.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Athen. VI. p. 271 D.
and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon
reads ??d?a???? and ??d?a???
for ???ad???? and ???a???. See
Clinton Fast. Hellen. vol. II.
p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wachsmuth,
Hellenische Alterthumskunde,
vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. ult.
The Greek name for the Arcadians
is not ????d??? but
???ade?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_270" name="note_270" href="#noteref_270">270.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_271" name="note_271" href="#noteref_271">271.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>. What
connexion there was between
this measure and the union of
Megara with four hamlets (book
I. ch. 5. § 10.) I have not been
able to satisfy myself.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_272" name="note_272" href="#noteref_272">272.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This enables us to reconcile
Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI.
4. 18. ?? t?? ??µ??—???st???at??µe???,
and VI. 5. 3.) with
Ephorus ap. Strab, VIII. p. 337.
Harpocration in v. ?a?t?????
d?????sµ??, and Isocrat. pe?? e??????
in Harpocration. Cf. Diod.
XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6.
Pausan. VIII. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_273" name="note_273" href="#noteref_273">273.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Therefore before Caryæ fell
under the power of Lacedæmon;
for it is evident that the Arcadian
Caryæ, close to Laconia,
and belonging to the territory of
Tegea, and the Lacedæmonian
Caryæ, are the same place. Photius
in v. t?? ?a??a? ????d??
??sa? ?pet?µ???t? ?a?eda?µ?????.
Compare Meineke Euphorion,
p. 96. That this had
taken place before the second
Messenian war, I can hardly
believe from the narrative in
Pausan. IV. 16. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_274" name="note_274" href="#noteref_274">274.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1.
Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337.
and Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_275" name="note_275" href="#noteref_275">275.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Homer calls it the
<span class="tei tei-q">“fertile demus,”</span> p???a d?µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_276" name="note_276" href="#noteref_276">276.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XXIV. 414. ?at? pt????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_277" name="note_277" href="#noteref_277">277.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XI. 187.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_278" name="note_278" href="#noteref_278">278.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 18. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_279" name="note_279" href="#noteref_279">279.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to
Steph. Byz. in v. the district was originally
called ??µ?, and the city
St??t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_280" name="note_280" href="#noteref_280">280.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. ubi sup. cf.
VIII. p. 386. ?? µ?? ??? ???e? ??µ?d??
????? (the cities were unwalled,
Thuc. III. 33.), ?? d? ??a??? p??e??
??t?sa?. Concerning the
s??????sµ?? of Patræ, Dyme and
Ægium. See Strabo VIII. p.
337.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_281" name="note_281" href="#noteref_281">281.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??pat??da? ?? a?t? t? ?st?
??????te?, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257.
Etym. M. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_282" name="note_282" href="#noteref_282">282.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??da???a??? d?µ?s ??
?ste? Hesychius. Schol. Plat. Symp.
p. 43. Ruhnken.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_283" name="note_283" href="#noteref_283">283.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??da???a??? ??d????
????a???, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_284" name="note_284" href="#noteref_284">284.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. I. p. 626 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_285" name="note_285" href="#noteref_285">285.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Homer there is no trace
of a d?µ?? as a political power
opposed to another. The passage
in Il. II. 546., in which
the d?µ?? of Athens is mentioned,
is as late at least as the age
of Solon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_286" name="note_286" href="#noteref_286">286.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 948. Thus Æschyl.
Suppl. 375. concerning the monarch,
s? t?? p????, s? d? t?
d?µ???, p??ta??? ????t?? ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_287" name="note_287" href="#noteref_287">287.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly
such passages as that in Chishull's Ant.
Asiat. p. 113. S?ß??t??? ? p????
?a? ?? ??sµ?? ????? t? ß????
?a? t? daµ? ?a??e??, p. 137.
???a???ta? ?? ??sµ?? ?a? ? p????
?a???? t? p??e? ?a? t? daµ?.
Sometimes, however, especially
in inscriptions of late date,
d?µ?? also occurs, as in Pococke
IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should
be restored nearly as follows:
a?a?? t???. ed??e t? ß???? ?a?
t? daµ? ??e?s?e?ea.... S???pea.
??t????? ?a? ??a??????
S?s??e?e?? ?e??p???ta? p???e???
?µe? a?t?? ?a? e????a, ?pa??e?
de a?t??? ?a? ?s?p???te?a? ?a?
?a? ?a? ????a? e??t?s?? ?a? ate?e?a?,
&amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_288" name="note_288" href="#noteref_288">288.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Rhetra
cited below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 8</a>. The citizens of Sparta
were called daµ?de?? (above,
p. <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref">43</a>, note n
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Neodamodes,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“VIII. 58.”</span>]); ?e?daµ?de??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-q">“new <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Spartans</span></em>,”</span> answers to
the Syracusan ?e?p???ta?, Diod.
XIV. 7. daµ?s?a, the train of
the king in war; below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12.
§ 5</a>. A measure ratified by the
community was called daµ?s??t??;
below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 11</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_289" name="note_289" href="#noteref_289">289.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Ch.
3. § 3</a>. On Periander,
see Diog. Laërt. I. 98. from
Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus
Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5.
on the Pisistratidæ, above p. <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref">38</a>,
note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“very same measure,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157.”</span>]
Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf.
Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav.
Concerning Gelo, Plutarch.
Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty,
Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Cephallenian
tyrant, Heraclid.
Pont. 31. See in general
Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the
excellent note of Meier de bonis
damnat. p. 185.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_290" name="note_290" href="#noteref_290">290.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also Diod. XIV. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_291" name="note_291" href="#noteref_291">291.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. IV. 73. 6. ??
p???te??µe???—??
?p? t?? ???a? ?at??????te?.
Oxylus also, according
to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incorporated
a number of hamlets
with the city.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_292" name="note_292" href="#noteref_292">292.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where
the p???t?? ??et? is restricted to
those ?s?? t?? ????? e?s?? ?fe?µ????
t?? ??a??a???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_293" name="note_293" href="#noteref_293">293.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The instances of
admission of foreigners to the rights of
Spartan citizens (of which
some are very uncertain), collected
by Tittmann, p. 641. prove
nothing against Herodotus, IX.
35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII.
p. 364. speaks of the reception
of aliens as <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Periœci</span></span>. Concerning
the strictness of the Megarians
as to this point, see Plutarch,
de Monarchia 2. p. 204.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_294" name="note_294" href="#noteref_294">294.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron
(ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains
it from the Tripolis near mount
Parnassus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_295" name="note_295" href="#noteref_295">295.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 68. cf. Steph.
Byz. in ???e??, ??µ??. Hemsterh. ad
Aristoph. Plut. 385.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_296" name="note_296" href="#noteref_296">296.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. I. 61. V. 71. and in
the fragment of the ?s?µ?????a?,
????? te ?a? ????µ??? ????e??
st?at??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_297" name="note_297" href="#noteref_297">297.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth.
I. 121.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_298" name="note_298" href="#noteref_298">298.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius ??µ? ?? Sp??t?
f??? ?a? t?p??, which is not indeed
a decisive testimony.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_299" name="note_299" href="#noteref_299">299.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 68. All the three tribes
occur in Argive inscriptions of
late date; see Boeckh ad Inscript.
1123. the ??µf???? however
are introduced on conjecture.
????? ?p? ???e?a? µ???
t?? ??µf??, Callimachus ap.
Steph. in ???e??, unless it
should be written ???a?a?, or
some such word. See Introduction,
§ 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_300" name="note_300" href="#noteref_300">300.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p.
269.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_301" name="note_301" href="#noteref_301">301.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar, ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_302" name="note_302" href="#noteref_302">302.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in ????e?. Compare
Æginetica, p. 140.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_303" name="note_303" href="#noteref_303">303.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung,
vol. II. p. 404.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_304" name="note_304" href="#noteref_304">304.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gruter p. 401. Castelli Inscript.
Sic. p. 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_305" name="note_305" href="#noteref_305">305.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. II. 668. book I. ch. 6.
§ 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_306" name="note_306" href="#noteref_306">306.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp.
Inscript. No. 1073. and see his Explic. ad
Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_307" name="note_307" href="#noteref_307">307.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Charaxap. Steph. in ???e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_308" name="note_308" href="#noteref_308">308.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 6. § 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_309" name="note_309" href="#noteref_309">309.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, pp. 40. and
140. note x. Steph. Byz. ??µ??, f????
???????, ?sa? d? t?e??, ???e??
?a? ??µf???? ?a? ??µ??e?,
?? ??a??????, ?a? p??set??? ?
??????a, ?? ?f???? ?: which
passage should be understood
thus: <span class="tei tei-q">“There were originally
three tribes, Hylleans,
Pamphylians, and Dymanes,
which go back to the time
of Hercules; and to these
the Hyrnathian tribe was
afterwards added,”</span> viz., at
Argos, where it occurs in inscriptions,
Boeckh Corp. Inscript.
No. 1130, 1131. The
name is obscure, and particularly
its connexion with the
heroine Hyrnetho, the daughter
of Temenus. See Paus. II. 26.
Steph. Byz. in  ????????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_310" name="note_310" href="#noteref_310">310.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. p. 140.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_311" name="note_311" href="#noteref_311">311.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a>, note c.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“dwelt in the city,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“???ta ??t?.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_312" name="note_312" href="#noteref_312">312.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Orchomenos,
p. 329. Tribes with patronymic terminations
occur, however, elsewhere,
as in the great Tenian
inscription in the British Museum
the tribes of the Heraclidæ,
the Thestiadæ, and these,
together with several others
also, as divisions of the country.
The name of the Heraclidæ in
the Ionian island of Tenos is
not easily accounted for; on the
presence of Hercules there, see,
however, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I.
1304. from the ????a?? of Ænesidemus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_313" name="note_313" href="#noteref_313">313.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from
Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Orchomenos,
p. 328. Hesychius
incorrectly interprets ?ß?t?? as
f???t??. The name ?ß? was retained
till the Roman time,
Boeckh Inscript. No. 1272,
1273, 1274.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_314" name="note_314" href="#noteref_314">314.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ???? of the mechanics
and peasants in Athens often
had a patronymic name from
their occupations. Compare
Buttmann on the meaning of
the word phratria, in the Berlin
Transactions for 1818 19. p. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_315" name="note_315" href="#noteref_315">315.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The five divisions of the city
are the four ??µa?, Pitana, Mesoa,
Cynosura, and Limnæ (see
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 7</a>); and, fifthly,
the p???? itself, the hill on
which the temple of Athene
Chalciœcus stood.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_316" name="note_316" href="#noteref_316">316.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius and Etym. in
????da?, where, however, Laconia
is put for Sparta. Probably
in Pitana. See Pausanias III.
14. 2. where ?? ???ad?? has
been correctly edited by Bekker,
after Heeringa and Porson.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_317" name="note_317" href="#noteref_317">317.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_318" name="note_318" href="#noteref_318">318.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_319" name="note_319" href="#noteref_319">319.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Solon. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_320" name="note_320" href="#noteref_320">320.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_321" name="note_321" href="#noteref_321">321.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Sigean inscription
in Clarke's Travels, vol. II. sect.
1. p. 162. Compare Walpole's
Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom.
14. In Byzantium also there
were <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">patrias</span></span>, probably the same
as <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">phratrias</span></span>, as Pseud-Aristot.
Œcon. II. 2. 3. mentions pat???t???
???µata in that town.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_322" name="note_322" href="#noteref_322">322.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Ignarra
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Phratriis.</span></span>
Comp. Buttmann, p. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_323" name="note_323" href="#noteref_323">323.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælius Dionysius ap.
Eustath. Il. II. p. 363. Orus ap.
Etym. Mag. Buttmann indeed
denies the truth of this remark,
but it must not be given up
hastily. For, in the first place,
the Ionic festival ?pat????a is
manifestly an union of the p?t?a?,
yet it is always represented
as a festival of the phratrias;
and secondly, in the Thasian
decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2.
p. 156. it is permitted to newly-created
citizens to be admitted
into a p?t??; but we never find
that new citizens were elected
into ancient ????. It is also
confirmed by the words in the
Tenian Inscription from Choiseul's
collection (in the Louvre,
No. 566.), ?a? [e??] f???? ?a?
f?at??a? p??s??? [?as?] a? [??
?? ß?????ta?], and the same
in the inscription quoted in
p. <a href="#Pg081" class="tei tei-ref">81</a>. note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Asiatic colonies,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See the Sigean inscription.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_324" name="note_324" href="#noteref_324">324.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The names of the larger
division or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tribe</span></em> were the same
at Sparta and Athens, viz., f???;
but the Spartan ?ß? corresponded
with the Athenian
f?at??a, the Doric p?t?a with
the Athenian ?????. See Schneider's
Lexicon in v. p?t?a,
Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Pind.
Nem. IV. 77. and Dissen Expl.
Nem. VIII. p. 450. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>,
p. 139.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_325" name="note_325" href="#noteref_325">325.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_326" name="note_326" href="#noteref_326">326.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux VIII. 111.
Hesych. in ?t????ast??. But in Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. No. 101. t??a???
is a division of a borough. See
Boeckh, vol. I. p. 900.—Whether
the t??a??de? of Epicharmus
(Hesych. in S?????f???)
are families, is uncertain.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_327" name="note_327" href="#noteref_327">327.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps the persons ?p?
??????, whom Leonidas wished
to send back from Thermopylæ
(Plut. Herod. Mal. 52.), were
the only surviving members of
their families.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_328" name="note_328" href="#noteref_328">328.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yet they had not any essential
privilege in Sparta, Plut.
Lys. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_329" name="note_329" href="#noteref_329">329.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? p??t?? ??d?e? Thucyd.
IV. 108. V. 15. ???st?? Plut. Lys.
30. The ?a??? ???a??? in Aristot.
Poll. II. 9. are in general
persons of distinction; there
may undoubtedly have been persons
of this description among
the Periœci (Xen. Hell. V. 3.
9.), but in this passage of Aristotle
these do not come into
consideration.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_330" name="note_330" href="#noteref_330">330.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_331" name="note_331" href="#noteref_331">331.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Laced. 10. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_332" name="note_332" href="#noteref_332">332.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf.
Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this
it is probable, that in Xenophon
Spa?t??ta? is used in a limited
sense for ?µ????. cf. Schneider.
ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_333" name="note_333" href="#noteref_333">333.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Laced. 13. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_334" name="note_334" href="#noteref_334">334.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Anab. IV. 6. 14.
Xenophon, who imitates the Lacedæmonian
spirit in so many different manners
in the Cyropædia, here also
mentions ?µ???? and ?µ?t?µ??, I.
5. 5. II. 1, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_335" name="note_335" href="#noteref_335">335.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf.
33. and see <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">B. IV. ch. 5. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_336" name="note_336" href="#noteref_336">336.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. according
to the reading µ? µet??e??
a?t??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, t?? p???te?a?.
See <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B. IV. ch. 3. § 3</a>. Concerning
the grounds of the distinction
of the Equals, see C. F.
Hermann De Conditione atque
Origine eorum qui Homoei
apud Laced. appellati sunt.
1832.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_337" name="note_337" href="#noteref_337">337.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, note u.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“education of an Equal,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Anab. IV. 6. 14.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_338" name="note_338" href="#noteref_338">338.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle says,
probably without any reference to the
more definite expression, that
the Parthenians were ?? t??
?µ????, Polit. V. 6. 1. See also
Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231,
238. vol. III. part 1. p. 217.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_339" name="note_339" href="#noteref_339">339.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch. 7. § 4.
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_340" name="note_340" href="#noteref_340">340.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch.
Lycurg. 6. ???? ???a???? ?a? ?????? ???a??a?
?e??? ?d??s?µe???, f????
f????a?ta ?a? ?ß?? ?ß??a?ta
t??????ta, ?e???s?a? s?? ???a??ta??
?atast?sa?ta, ??a? ??
??a? ?pe????e?? µeta?? ?aß??a?
te ?a? ??a??????, ??t??
e?sf??e?? te ?a? ?f?stas?a?.
d?µ? d? ????a? ?µe? ?a? ???t??.
?pe????e?? means <span class="tei tei-q">“to summon
the people to an assembly,”</span>
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">in concionem vocare</span></span>.”</span> See
Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad
Theocrit. Adon. p. 209. Lennep
Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch
evidently derives the word from
?p?????, <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Apollo</span></span>. The words
??a? ?? ??a? are nearly inexplicable,
and Mazochi's alteration,
Tab. Herac. vol. I. p. 149, ?ß??
(or ?ß??) does not much diminish
the difficulty. The best
explanation of ??a? ?? ??a?
seems to be, <span class="tei tei-q">“one month after
another,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> monthly. Towards
the end, ????a? ?µe?
seems to be the best reading;
one MS. has ????a??µ??. Valckenaer, ib. p. 291. proposes d?µ?
d? ?????? ?µe?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_341" name="note_341" href="#noteref_341">341.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. a? d? s?????? ?
d?µ?? ????t?, t??? p?esß??e??a? ?a?
???a??ta? ?p?stat??as ?µe?.
Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit
ger. Resp. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_342" name="note_342" href="#noteref_342">342.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For
e??e?a?? ??t?a??, which
is read both in Plutarch and
Diodorus, Frank, p. 173. 199,
corrects e??e?a?? ???µa??, and
explains it to mean the proposal
made <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to</span></em> the people. But
both the context and syntax require,
not that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to</span></em> which they
answer, but that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">which</span></em> they answer;
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, they simply approve
or reject the proposed law. Both
??µ?? and ??t?a are used for a
decree in its imperfect stage
(below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 11</a>. Plutarch
Agis 8.); nor is ??t?a applied
only to the laws of Lycurgus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_343" name="note_343" href="#noteref_343">343.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6.
Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VII—X.
3. p. 3. Mai. Instead of the
two first verses Diodorus has
?? ??? ??????t???? ??a? ???e????
?p????? ???s???µ?? ????
p????? ?? ?d?t??, but these do
not connect with what follows
so well as those in Plutarch. In
the fifth line Plutarch has p?esß?ta?,
Diodorus p?esß??e?e??:
which is the word in the law
cited in the last note but one.
The last verse, which agrees with
the final sentence of the original
rhetra, is preserved in Diodorus,
who has three more.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_344" name="note_344" href="#noteref_344">344.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_345" name="note_345" href="#noteref_345">345.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth. de
Corona, p. 255.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_346" name="note_346" href="#noteref_346">346.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Castelli Inscript. Sic. p.
79, 84. Gruter, p. 401.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_347" name="note_347" href="#noteref_347">347.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dodwell's Travels, vol. II.
p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung,
vol. II. p. 403. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_348" name="note_348" href="#noteref_348">348.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???a ?at????t?? (compare
Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 291.)
Tab. Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed.
Mazoc. cf. Iud. p. 281.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_349" name="note_349" href="#noteref_349">349.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_350" name="note_350" href="#noteref_350">350.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_351" name="note_351" href="#noteref_351">351.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius. The Athenian
???a?a is the same word. Compare
below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 2</a>. and,
in general, Dorville ad Charit.
p. 70. Taylor ad Demosth. p.
227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Lysist.
93. s??a????? is the word
used by the Lacedæm. woman
for to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">convene</span></em>, to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">assemble</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_352" name="note_352" href="#noteref_352">352.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bekker Anecd. p. 210.
?????s?a is however the word
always used in the Inscriptions
published by Chishull.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_353" name="note_353" href="#noteref_353">353.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The e?????
???????? in Thucyd. I. 67. transacts business
with the ??µµ????, as the
?????s?a or ???????? in Xen.
Hell. V. 2. Il. VI. 3. 3. Compare
Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV.
17. Morus Ind. Xenoph. and
Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. ?????s?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_354" name="note_354" href="#noteref_354">354.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?s???t?? in Syracuse occurs
in Hesychius. The same
grammarian has, ??e????te?? ??a??es??
p??e?s?a? pa?? ??d????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_355" name="note_355" href="#noteref_355">355.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_356" name="note_356" href="#noteref_356">356.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Tittmann, p. 100. supposes,
who also states that by
?????t?? and ?????s?a (which
are evidently synonyms) the
small assembly is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">often</span></em> (but
query when?) meant, as t???
are mentioned instead, Xen.
Hell. II. 2. 23.—Thus in an
?????s?a in Thuc. VI. 88. the
ephors and t??? are alone mentioned
as deliberating. Thus
in Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 2. Cleombrotus
sends from the army to
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ask</span></em> the t??? in Sparta, and the
?????s?a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">answers</span></em>. The peace
after the battle of Ægospotamos
was concluded by the ?????s?a
and the confederate assembly at
Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19.
sqq.; and yet in the document
in Plut. Lys. 14. the t??? alone
are <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">named</span></em>. In innumerable
instances the t??? do what on
other occasions the whole p????
performs, Xen. V. 3. 23, 25.
see below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 5</a>,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>. The
simple solution of this difficulty
is, according to my view, given
in <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">§ 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_357" name="note_357" href="#noteref_357">357.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 25. cf. Liban.
Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420.
?ß??te? also were prohibited
from filling any public situation
out of the country, Thucyd. IV.
132. The Parthenians, according
to Justin. III. 4. quit their
country at the age of thirty, because
their civic rights begin at
that time. See also Clinton F.
II. vol. II. p. 386.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_358" name="note_358" href="#noteref_358">358.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol.
Lycoph. 550. The strict meaning
is the <span class="tei tei-q">“Saffron river.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_359" name="note_359" href="#noteref_359">359.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_360" name="note_360" href="#noteref_360">360.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Not till late times
in the Scias. Paus. III. 12. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_361" name="note_361" href="#noteref_361">361.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Thucyd.
I. 67. where it should be observed that e????ta
does not refer to time.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_362" name="note_362" href="#noteref_362">362.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_363" name="note_363" href="#noteref_363">363.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII 149. ?? p?e??e?.
Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ????????
e????? or t? p????? V. 77. d??e?
t? ?????s??; cf. VI. 88. Xen.
Hell. IV. 6. 3. ?d??e t???
?f????? ?a? t? ?????s??; cf. VI. 88.
Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ?d??e t???
?f????? ?a? t? ?????s?? a?a??a???
e??a? st?ate?es?a?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_364" name="note_364" href="#noteref_364">364.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 26. Justin. III.
3, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_365" name="note_365" href="#noteref_365">365.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A litigation generally preceded
(Herod. VI. 65. Plut.
Agid. 11.), and after its termination
the people passed their
decree, Plut. cf. Xen. Hell. III.
3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_366" name="note_366" href="#noteref_366">366.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Tittmann,
p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_367" name="note_367" href="#noteref_367">367.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_368" name="note_368" href="#noteref_368">368.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Libanius ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_369" name="note_369" href="#noteref_369">369.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell,
III. 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_370" name="note_370" href="#noteref_370">370.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 67. and
frequently.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_371" name="note_371" href="#noteref_371">371.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The story in
Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac.
Apophth. p. 239. præc. Reip.
4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A.
XVIII. 3. that the people once
wishing to accede to the opinion
of an immoral person, a councillor
proposed that if it was
brought forward by a man of
blameless character it should
then pass, proves nothing, as
the account is entirely unconnected,
and we do not know by
what right the original proposer
had spoken. The same story is
alluded to by Isiodorus Pelus.
Epist. III. 232. Lysandir (Plutarch.
25.) probably spoke in
a public capacity.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_372" name="note_372" href="#noteref_372">372.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref">89</a>. note t.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“magistrates alone,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“As Tittman.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_373" name="note_373" href="#noteref_373">373.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">daµ?s??t??,
ded???µasµ????, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_374" name="note_374" href="#noteref_374">374.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_375" name="note_375" href="#noteref_375">375.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. ????a
d? ??de??? ?st??, ???? ? s??ep???f?sa?
t? d??a?ta t??? ?????s?
?a? t??? ??sµ???, which must be
taken <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">cum grano salis</span></span>. Aristotle
II. 8. says that the ?te?a?
p???te?a?, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Crete and Sparta,
differed from Carthage in this
respect, that in them only the
magistrates spoke, while in the
latter state any person could
come forward and oppose the
public officers; but he makes
no difference between Sparta
and Crete. See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_376" name="note_376" href="#noteref_376">376.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Lacedæmonians and
Cretans used, according to Hesychius,
the form ?e????a (the
same grammarian has, however,
?e??a also), where Valckenaer
appears rightly to read ?e???a
(Epist. ad Roever. p. 323. ad
Adoniaz. p. 271. Küster ad
Hesych. p. 822.), which by a
more guttural sound of the aspirate
is called ?e????a in Aristoph.
Lys. 980, probably the
correct form. Ge???t?a is the
office of a geron, in Xen. Rep.
Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus
Damascenus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_377" name="note_377" href="#noteref_377">377.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 148. In the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cretan</span></em> states, ?e???s?a was the
common form (see also the inscription
in Montfaucon Diar.
Ital. p. 74.) as well as ß????
(ß??? Koen ad Gregor. p. 639.)
according to Arist. Pol. II. 7. 3.
and late inscriptions; the members
of which are called ?????te?
by Aristotle and Strabo X.
p. 484. In Cos ß???? occurs
in the time of the emperors,
Villoison Mém. de l'Acad. des
Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325.
Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51.
as well as ?e???s?a, Spon., n.
57, 58.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_378" name="note_378" href="#noteref_378">378.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This appellation may be
perceived in the ?e???s??? ?????,
Il. XXII. 119, ?????te? ß???e?ta?,
Il. VI. 113.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_379" name="note_379" href="#noteref_379">379.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Who were also of the number
of the gerontes, Od. XXI.
21. see above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_380" name="note_380" href="#noteref_380">380.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which is beautifully
expressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch.
Lyc. 21. An seni sit ger. Resp.
10. ???a ß???a? ?e???t??, ?a?
???? ??d??? ???ste???t?? a??µa?,
?a? ????? ?a? µ??sa ?a? ???a?a.
(Fragm. p. 663. Boeckh).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_381" name="note_381" href="#noteref_381">381.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 26. cf. Xenoph.
de Rep. Lac. 10. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_382" name="note_382" href="#noteref_382">382.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin.
p. 489. cf. Xenoph. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_383" name="note_383" href="#noteref_383">383.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which was also
testified by the presents made by the
king, Plut. Ages. 4. the double
portion at the syssitia, Plut.
Lyc. 26. Concerning the public
repasts of Homeric gerontes,
see Il. IV. 344. IX. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_384" name="note_384" href="#noteref_384">384.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?µ????, ?a??? ?a?a???, see
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_385" name="note_385" href="#noteref_385">385.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch.
Lyc. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI.
45. 5. Some late inscriptions
indeed mention persons who
had three and four times filled
the office of geron (Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261. and
1320.); but in that age the
whole institution had been
changed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_386" name="note_386" href="#noteref_386">386.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_387" name="note_387" href="#noteref_387">387.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_388" name="note_388" href="#noteref_388">388.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 5. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_389" name="note_389" href="#noteref_389">389.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For what follows compare
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6.
Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_390" name="note_390" href="#noteref_390">390.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A.
calls it t?? ?at? ???a? s?f???a
d??aµ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_391" name="note_391" href="#noteref_391">391.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato has perhaps treated
this question better than any
other ancient writer, ibid. VII.
p. 793.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_392" name="note_392" href="#noteref_392">392.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Agid. 11. t???
?????ta?, ??? t? ???t?? ?? ??
t? p??ß???e?e??. Comp. Demosth.
in Leptin. p. 489. 20. desp?t??
?st? t?? p?????. Æschin.
in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion.
Hal. Archæol. II. 14. ? ?e???s?a
p?? e??e t?? ?????? t? ???t??.
Paus. III. 11. 2. Cic. de
Senect. 6. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">amplissimus magistratus</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_393" name="note_393" href="#noteref_393">393.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2.
Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut.
Lyc. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 197.
see below, ch. 7. § 11.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_394" name="note_394" href="#noteref_394">394.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Arbitri et magistri
disciplinæ publicæ</span></span>, Gell. N. A.
XVIII. 3. Æschin. ubi sup.
Hence s?f??s??? was in particular
required of them.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_395" name="note_395" href="#noteref_395">395.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That the parallel between
the Thirty at Athens and the
Spartan gerusia fails in many
points, has been justly remarked
in the Philological Museum,
vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia
must have served as a model
for the establishment of this
body, since there is nothing
similar in the Athenian institutions.
The oligarchical faction
in Athens, after the battle of
Ægospotamos, and before the
surrender of the city to Lysander,
had also procured the
election of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">five ephors</span></em>. See
Lysias cout. Eratosth. § 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_396" name="note_396" href="#noteref_396">396.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p.
484. (p. 171. Marx.); above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 11</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_397" name="note_397" href="#noteref_397">397.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It
acted also without doubt in a
judicial capacity.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_398" name="note_398" href="#noteref_398">398.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo, ?? t?? t?? ??sµ??
????? ????µ???? ?a? t? ???a
d???µ?? ?????µe???. Cf. Aristot.
Pol. II. 7. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_399" name="note_399" href="#noteref_399">399.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_400" name="note_400" href="#noteref_400">400.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg094" class="tei tei-ref">94</a>,
note b.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“peace and war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 148.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_401" name="note_401" href="#noteref_401">401.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot.
Pol. V. 5. 8. These
remains of the ancient oligarchy
at Elis were deprived by
Phormio of a part of their power,
as Ephialtes weakened the Areopagus
at Athens, according to
Plutarch Reip. gerend. Præcept.
10. vol. XII. p 155.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_402" name="note_402" href="#noteref_402">402.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plutarch
Præc. Reip. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_403" name="note_403" href="#noteref_403">403.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ?e?a? ?e???s?a?, for example,
of Eleusis in later times,
we have here no concern with;
yet we may notice the following
monument, as belonging to the
Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript.
No. 1395). ? ?e?? ??p?s?a
(Boeckh conjectures ?e??s?a)
G. ??????? ?paf??de?t?? ???ete?sa?ta
(difficult of explanation)
t? ?q? ?t?? (according to
Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II.
p. 66. from the liberation of
Greece by Flamininus) ?a? d??ta
???st? ?????t? ??µ?? d?????a
d??a, &amp;c. Perhaps this ?e?? ?e??s?a
is the ???µp?a?? ß????
of the Eleans. See Pausan. V.
6. 4. VI. 3. 3. Perizon. ad Æl.
V. H. X. 1. See b. I. ch. 7. § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_404" name="note_404" href="#noteref_404">404.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 3</a>. Platner
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Notione Juris</span></span>, p. 90.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_405" name="note_405" href="#noteref_405">405.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V.
9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archæol.
V. 74. says that the Spartan
monarchy was ?p? ??t??? t?s??
d??????µe???, as Thucydides calls
the Homeric, I. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_406" name="note_406" href="#noteref_406">406.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15.
cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. seµ??t??a ?
?at? ?????p?? taf?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_407" name="note_407" href="#noteref_407">407.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Herod. VI.
50. for ten days after the king's
death there was no assembly
of the people or officers of state
(????? or ???a??es??); and the
nomination of the new king did
not take place until this period
had expired; the regularity of
which public mourning may be
inferred from the expression a?
?µ??a? in Xenoph. Hell. III. 3.
1. [where L. Dindorf ingeniously
reads ?pe? d? ?s????sa?
a? ?µ??a? ?a? ?de? ßas???a ?a??stas?a?
for ?s e???esa? a? ?µ.
pa??????, comparing Photius
and Suidas ?s?????a? ?µ??a?
?????s?? ?p? ?a??t? t????, ????
µ? ?e??? ???? ?s?a? ??µ?????a?.]
Heraclides Ponticus, has, however,
only three days.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_408" name="note_408" href="#noteref_408">408.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 58. ?? p?s?? de?
?a?eda?µ???? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, ?a???????,
as in VII. 220, &amp;c.) ?????
Spa?t??t??? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in addition to the
Spartans</span></span>) ????µ? t?? pe???????
(a fixed number of Periœci;
the dative depending on
de?; otherwise Werfer Act.
Monac. vol. II. p. 241.) ??a??ast???
?? t? ??d?? ???a?. t??t??
?? ?a? t?? e???t?? (see
above, p. <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>, note o.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“entire produce of the land,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Of the two lines of Tyrtæus.”</span>]) ?a? a?t??
Spa?t??t???, &amp;c. Compare the
oracle in VII. 220. pe???se?
ßas??? f??µe??? ?a?eda?µ????
?????, <span class="tei tei-q">“the furthest boundaries
of Lacedæmon.”</span> The µ?a??es?a?
was the more imposing, as
it was strictly interdicted in
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">private</span></em> mourning, Plut. Inst.
Lac. p. 252. The generality
of this mourning for princes of
the Heraclidæ in early times is
rendered probable by the fact
noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note g.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_409" name="note_409" href="#noteref_409">409.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The e?d??a were probably
preserved; for they could not
have been meant merely to
represent the corpse, since the
body of the king was almost
always brought home even from
a great distance, as in the case
of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was
to the e?d???? that the prohibition
of Agesilaus referred, µ?te
p?ast?? µ?te µ?µ???? t??a
p???sas?a? a?t?? e????a. Plutarch
Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth.
p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_410" name="note_410" href="#noteref_410">410.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the public sacrifices
of the king, see Xen.
Hell. III. 3. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_411" name="note_411" href="#noteref_411">411.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_412" name="note_412" href="#noteref_412">412.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor
at the first departure (Xenoph.
Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
12. § 5</a>.); then on the boundary
d?aßat???a to Zeus and Athene.
(ibid. cf. Polyæn. I. 10.); also
d?aßat???a on other occasions,
Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the
parallel with Agamemnon is remarkably
striking.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_413" name="note_413" href="#noteref_413">413.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_414" name="note_414" href="#noteref_414">414.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Agis 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_415" name="note_415" href="#noteref_415">415.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which point is more fully
discussed by Hoeck, Kreta,
vol. I. p. 245.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_416" name="note_416" href="#noteref_416">416.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is a d??? Plut. Agis 11.
?e???? Herod. VI. 66. with the
preceding ?at?µ?s?a of the accuser
VI. 65. which is followed
by a decree in the name of the
whole community (p???? Xen.
Hell. III. 3. 3. ?? ?a?eda?µ?????
Herod. V. 42.) See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
5. § 9</a>. Cleonymus also was
not declared to have a worse
claim than Areus, by a free selection,
founded on comparative
merit (as it appears from Plutarch.
Pyrrh. 26.) but the gerusia
merely declared at the ?µf?sß?t?s??,
that he, as the younger
son, came after the heir of the
elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_417" name="note_417" href="#noteref_417">417.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Herod. V. 42.
VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III.
3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_418" name="note_418" href="#noteref_418">418.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Lycurgus of Charilaus,
Nicomedes of Pleistoanax.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_419" name="note_419" href="#noteref_419">419.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Demaratus was succeeded
by Leutychides, whose
right to the throne went back
to the eighth ancestor of Theopompus,
if with Palmerius we
correct Herod. VIII. 131. according
to Pausanias' genealogy
of the Kings.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_420" name="note_420" href="#noteref_420">420.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Pyrrh.
5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_421" name="note_421" href="#noteref_421">421.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from
whom Nicolaus Damascenus
?a?ed. See an allusion to the
oath of the Ephors in Julian.
Or. I. p. 14 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_422" name="note_422" href="#noteref_422">422.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 20. who contradicts
the statement of other historians;
but probably refers to
Hellanicus (see above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1.
§ 7</a>.) rather than Herodotus,
whose work he could scarcely
have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.)
however appears to me to have
followed the opinion generally
received in Greece, of the two
votes of each king, although the
expression is not quite clear.
The notion of the Scholiast to
Thucydides, adopted by Larcher,
that each king had only one
vote, though it had the force of
two, is ridiculous. The ?e???s?a
was ?s???f?? t? µ???sta with
the kings, according to Plat.
Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus
is followed by Lucian Harm. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_423" name="note_423" href="#noteref_423">423.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_424" name="note_424" href="#noteref_424">424.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod, ubi sup. d????e?? d?
µ?????? t??? ßas???a? t?s?de
µ???a. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth.
Agesil. p. 187.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_425" name="note_425" href="#noteref_425">425.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_426" name="note_426" href="#noteref_426">426.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lysias in Evand. p. 176.
22. Pollux. VIII. 89.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_427" name="note_427" href="#noteref_427">427.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot.
Pol. II. 6. 20.—An
example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5.
4. Agesil. 2. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_428" name="note_428" href="#noteref_428">428.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 57. ?a? p???e?????
?p?de?????a? t??t??s? p??s?e?s?a?
t??? ?? ?????s? t??
ast??. In other places the
proxeni were appointed by the
states whose proxeni they were:
for example, a Theban was
proxenus of the Athenians at
Thebes: but in Sparta, as the
connexion with foreign nations
was more restricted, a state,
which wished to have a proxenus
there, was forced to apply to the
king to nominate one. This
appears to be the meaning of
the above passage of Herodotus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_429" name="note_429" href="#noteref_429">429.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. III, 9. 2. cf.
III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p.
31 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_430" name="note_430" href="#noteref_430">430.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 56. who must
not be understood to refer to the
declaration of war, Xen. Rep.
Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs
in Thucyd. VIII. 5. ? ???
???? ... ???? t?? µe?? ?a?t?? d??aµ??,
?????? ?? ?a? ?p?st???e??
e? p?? t??a ?ß???et? st?at???,
?a? ???a?e??e??, ?a? ???µata
p??sse??. cf. V. 60. d?? t??
??µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_431" name="note_431" href="#noteref_431">431.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3.
24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was
however permitted to the king
to send ambassadors, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, to
mediate, according to Xen.
Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do
not perceive the necessity of
changing a? into ??; µ??t??
marks the opposition to the
preceding purely military duties
of the king.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_432" name="note_432" href="#noteref_432">432.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 75. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Both</span></em> kings
were rarely out of Sparta, Xen.
Hell. V. 3. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_433" name="note_433" href="#noteref_433">433.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 63, where the
words ?? pa???t? do not prove
that they passed the law for
only one campaign. See Manso,
Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 231.
vol. II. p. 378. note k. Concerning
the Thirty about the
king's person, see below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12.
§ 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_434" name="note_434" href="#noteref_434">434.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_435" name="note_435" href="#noteref_435">435.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XI. 184. Il. XII. 312.
cf. IX. 578. Pind. Olymp.
XIII. 60. ßa??? ??????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_436" name="note_436" href="#noteref_436">436.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is called d?µ?a p??e??
in Il. XVII. 250. (cf. s?te?µe???
t? d?µ?s?a Herod. VI. 57.) In
Crete foreigners were fed d?µ??e?,
Od. XIX. 197. cf. Æschyl.
Suppl. 964. and Platner,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ubi sup.</span></span> p. 100. The passage
in Od. XI. 184. should be thus
rendered. <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Telemachus enjoys
in quiet the royal lands, and
feasts on the banquets, which
it is proper that a man of judicial
dignity should eat, for
all invite him.</span></span>”</span> Concerning
the last words, see p. <a href="#Pg110" class="tei tei-ref">110</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_437" name="note_437" href="#noteref_437">437.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Laced. 15. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_438" name="note_438" href="#noteref_438">438.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123
A. ?? ?a?eda?µ????? is equivalent
to pe???????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_439" name="note_439" href="#noteref_439">439.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucydid. V. 63. [An
Æginetan drachma contains on
an average ninety-five English
grains of pure silver (see Knight
Proleg. Hom. § 56.), according
to which its value would be
about fourteen pence in our
money.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_440" name="note_440" href="#noteref_440">440.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Ag. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_441" name="note_441" href="#noteref_441">441.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alc. I. 38. p. 122 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_442" name="note_442" href="#noteref_442">442.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Herod. VI.
57. (where the word de?p??? also
refers to the s?ss?t?a) with
Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted
by Schol. Od. IV. 65. In Crete
the cosmus on duty (? ?????)
had four portions, Heracl. Pont.
3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_443" name="note_443" href="#noteref_443">443.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. ubi sup. According
to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and
Plut. Ages. 17. the king sent
to whom he pleased a share of
his sacrifices. According to
Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he
also had a little pig out of every
brood for sacrificing.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_444" name="note_444" href="#noteref_444">444.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See p. <a href="#Pg109" class="tei tei-ref">109</a>. note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“expense of the community,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“This is called d?µ?a p??e??.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_445" name="note_445" href="#noteref_445">445.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI.
57. ?? ??s??? t?? (not a private individual,
but a person appointed by the
public) d?µ?te?? p????ta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_446" name="note_446" href="#noteref_446">446.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_447" name="note_447" href="#noteref_447">447.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Phylarchus in
Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are
the µ???sta? ???e?? in Plat. Alcib.
I. 39. p. 123 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_448" name="note_448" href="#noteref_448">448.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch
Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100.
note o.) Hell. V. 3. 20. comp.
Nepos. Ages. 7. The ß????ta
in Pausanias III. 12. 3. are of
a different nature.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_449" name="note_449" href="#noteref_449">449.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Manso shows, vol. III.
2. p. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_450" name="note_450" href="#noteref_450">450.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. According
to the same writer (15.
2.) three ?µ???? provided in war
for all the necessities of the
king, who are considered by
Raoul-Rochette, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Deux Lettres
sur l'authenticité des Inscriptions
de Fourmont</span></span>, 1819. p. 136.
as a part of the six ?µpas??te?
in a (spurious) inscription of
Fourmont's (?µpas??te? in Hesychius),
Boeckh Corp. Inscript.
No. 68. The point is by no
means clear.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_451" name="note_451" href="#noteref_451">451.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 149. Aristot.
Pol. V. 8, 4. See Æginetica,
p. 52. Plutarch Lycurg. 7.
(comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.)
states generally that the power
of the kings at Argos and Messene
had been at first too extensive,
and that by the violence
of the governors, and disobedience
of the governed, it was
at last destroyed, without mentioning
any time. The words
of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.)
? ßas??e?a ?t?? t?pa???a t??
???e?a? ?t? fµ?. (comp. Eusebius,
Malelas and Cedrenus),
cannot be referred to this: he
reckons this number of years
from Inachus to Pelops (160-705
Euseb.).—I may be permitted
in this note to subjoin
the best arrangement of the
Argive kings which the scanty
accounts of antiquity seem to
furnish. 1. Heraclidæ. Temenus,
the father of Ceisus, the
father of Medon (What Pausanias
II. 19. 2. says of the
limitations imposed upon this
king, must be judged of from
what has been seen above, p.
<a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>. note x
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Thus Isocrates,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Panathen. p. 270.”</span>]; according to the
Pseudo-Platonic Epistle VIII.
p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos
and Messene were about the
time of Lycurgus tyrants).
Then about four kings are
wanting after the d??at?? ?p?
??µ???? of Ephorus, Æginet. p.
60. After the beginning of the
Olympiads Eratus (Paus. II. 36.
5. IV. 8. 1.) who was probably
succeeded immediately by Phidon,
the son of Aristodamidas
(according to Satyrus and Diodorus,
Æginetica, p. 61.), before
and about the 8th Olympiad.
At a later period Damocratidas,
about the 30th Olympiad
(Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf. 24. 2.
This date is too low, according
to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190;
but not according to my date
for the Messenian wars, nor
according to that of Pausanias.)
Phido II. confounded by Herod.
VI. 127. with the earlier king
of the same name (Æginetica,
p. 60.) father of ?a??d?? (in
Ionic ?e???d??, as in Herodotus,)
who wooed the daughter
of Cleisthenes (about Olymp.
45. 600 B. C), and when king
made himself despised by his
effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap.
ex hoste util. p. 278. where
?a??d?? should be corrected.)
His son Meltas (???ta? t??
?a??d??, as should be written)
was deposed by the people, according
to Pausan. II. 19. 2.;
but according to Plutarch. Alex.
M. virt. 8. p. 269. the family
of the Heraclidæ expired. He
was succeeded, according to
Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth.
Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by Ægon,
of another family, about Olymp.
55. 560 B.C. and it was probably
the descendants of this king,
who still reigned in Argos at
the time of the Persian war.
According to Schol. Pind. Olymp.
VI. 152. Archinus was a king
of Argos; but he was a tyrant,
Polyæn. III. 8. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_452" name="note_452" href="#noteref_452">452.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See vol. I. p. 90. note n.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_453" name="note_453" href="#noteref_453">453.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?p? ßas????? ?as??da, or
?as??da, according to Boeckh,
Corp. Inscript. No. 1052. of
about the time of Alexander.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_454" name="note_454" href="#noteref_454">454.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. I. ch. 6. § 1. and
ch. 7. § 11.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_455" name="note_455" href="#noteref_455">455.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 6. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_456" name="note_456" href="#noteref_456">456.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. § 7, 8. According to
several writers, Pollis was one
of the kings of Syracuse, who
by others is called an Argive,
from whom the ?????? ????? is
derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pollux
VI. 2. 16. from Aristotle,
Ælian, V. H. XII. 31. In the
Etymologist, the correct reading
is probably ?p? ?????d?? t??
S?????S??? t???????: compare
Mazocchi Tab. Heracl.
p. 202.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_457" name="note_457" href="#noteref_457">457.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 7. § 11. A king
named Aristophilidas in Herod.
III. 136.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_458" name="note_458" href="#noteref_458">458.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. c. 7. § 3. and the passage
of Aristides quoted there
in § 1. In Halicarnassus an
Antheus is mentioned as of a
royal family (Parthen. 14.),
probably one of the Antheadæ;
see ib. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_459" name="note_459" href="#noteref_459">459.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 5. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_460" name="note_460" href="#noteref_460">460.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 154.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_461" name="note_461" href="#noteref_461">461.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. I. ch. 6. § 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_462" name="note_462" href="#noteref_462">462.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch.
Quæst. Græc. 12. p. 383.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_463" name="note_463" href="#noteref_463">463.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic.
de Leg. III. 7. de Rep. II. 33.
Plutarch. Lyc. 7, 29. ad princ.
I. p. 90. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV.
4. Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare
Manso, vol. I. p. 243.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_464" name="note_464" href="#noteref_464">464.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_465" name="note_465" href="#noteref_465">465.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">They are ?p???µ?? in the
Theræan <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Testamentum Epictetæ</span></span>;
?p? ?f???? t?? s?? f??ß?t??e?.
Boeckh. Corp. Inscript.
Gr. No. 2448.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_466" name="note_466" href="#noteref_466">466.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. IV. 4. 2. 31. In the
cities of the Eleutherolacones,
there were also ephors, as at
Geronthræ in the decree in
Boeckh. Inscript. 1334. and at
Tænarum, ib. No. 1321, 1322;
and in the time of Gordian, ?
p???? t?? ?e?t????? <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Œtylus,
the ??t??a of Ptolemy, now
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Vitulo</span></span>, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus
(ap. Reines. p. 335.) is probably
incorrect in stating that the
inscription was found <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in Pylo
Messeniaca</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_467" name="note_467" href="#noteref_467">467.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In which city an ephor is as
?p???µ?? of the p???? in the
Heraclean Tables.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_468" name="note_468" href="#noteref_468">468.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_469" name="note_469" href="#noteref_469">469.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Rep. Lac. 8.
3. So also Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo-Plat.
Epist. 8. p. 354 B. Suidas
in ?????????, also Satyrus
ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. According
to others, it was introduced
by Cheilon, who, according
to Pamphila and Sosicrates,
was ephorus ?p???µ?? in Olymp.
56. 1. 556 B.C. (according to
Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 557
B.C.) Compare Manso, vol.
III. 2. p. 332. The passage of
Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. (68) creates
no difficulty according to the
reading of Casaubon; ?????e
d? ?f???? ?at? t?? pe?t???st??
p?µpt?? ???µp??da. ?aµf???
d? f?s? ?at? t?? ??t??. ?a? p??t??
?f???? ?e??s?a? ?p? ????d?µ??
(Olymp. 56. 1.), ?? f?s?
S?s????t??. ?a? p??t?? e?s???sat?
?f????? t??? ßas??e?s? pa?a?e????µa?;
S?t???? d? ?????????.
The first p??t?? refers
to the office of the ephor eponymus;
and hence appears to
have originated the mistake
which is contained in the words
?a? p??t?? e?s???sat?, &amp;c., viz.,
that Chilon first introduced the
practice of associating ephors
with the kings. Manso, ubi
sup., has taken the same view
of the passage.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_470" name="note_470" href="#noteref_470">470.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cic. de Leg. and de
Rep. ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_471" name="note_471" href="#noteref_471">471.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare
Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1.
Engl. Transl. with whose opinions
on the ephors, as well as
on the government of Sparta in
general, the views taken in this
work generally disagree.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_472" name="note_472" href="#noteref_472">472.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. III. 1. 7. according
to which passage the ephors
allotted themselves to different
branches of the d??a? t??
s?µß??a???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_473" name="note_473" href="#noteref_473">473.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Plutarch. Lac.
Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandridas.
???t??t?? d? t???? a?t??,
d?? t? t?? pe?? t?? ?a??t?? d??a?
p?e??s?? ?µ??a?? ?? ?????te? ??????s?,
and p. 207. Eurycratidas—p???µ????
t????, d?? t?
pe?? t? t?? s?µß??a??? d??a?a
???st?? ?µ??a? ??????s?? ?? ?f????.
Here, however, d??a? ?p?
s?µß???? appear to be meant,
as the answer shows; which is
doubtless a mistake.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_474" name="note_474" href="#noteref_474">474.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 4. III.
1. 7. says, as it appears to me,
most clearly, that while in Carthage
a certain board or court
of public officers decided all
law-suits, in Sparta the public
officers indeed alone acted as
judges, but decided only those
cases which belonged to their
respective departments. Cf. Justin.
III. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_475" name="note_475" href="#noteref_475">475.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the Etymol.
Gudian. ?f???? are ?? t? t??
p??e?? ???a ?p?s?ept?µe???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_476" name="note_476" href="#noteref_476">476.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cf. Herod. I.
153.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_477" name="note_477" href="#noteref_477">477.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_478" name="note_478" href="#noteref_478">478.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg101" class="tei tei-ref">101</a>. note i.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“ten days,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to Herod. VI. 50.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_479" name="note_479" href="#noteref_479">479.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. III. 3. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_480" name="note_480" href="#noteref_480">480.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. II. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_481" name="note_481" href="#noteref_481">481.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4.
where some contradictory statements
are also noticed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_482" name="note_482" href="#noteref_482">482.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sparta also frequently appointed
five judges for extraordinary
cases, as for example,
concerning the possession of
Salamis, the fate of the Platæans,
Thucyd. III. 52. The
same number were also appointed
by the Iasians to decide
the lawsuits of the Calymnians,
Chandl. Inscript. p. 21.
LVIII.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_483" name="note_483" href="#noteref_483">483.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. 5.
§ 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_484" name="note_484" href="#noteref_484">484.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14,
15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_485" name="note_485" href="#noteref_485">485.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">µ?deµ?a? ?????t??, Aristot.
Pol. IV. 7. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_486" name="note_486" href="#noteref_486">486.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls
the power of the ephors ?????
t?? ?????t??. Without an
election, however, Chilon could
not have attained the ephoralty,
nor his brother have been able
to complain that he was postponed.
Diog. Laërt. ubi sup.
The nomination by the kings
(Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p.
197.) is an error.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_487" name="note_487" href="#noteref_487">487.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_488" name="note_488" href="#noteref_488">488.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_489" name="note_489" href="#noteref_489">489.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???se?? µe????? ??????,
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_490" name="note_490" href="#noteref_490">490.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. II.
6. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_491" name="note_491" href="#noteref_491">491.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare
Aristot. Ret. III. 18. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_492" name="note_492" href="#noteref_492">492.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_493" name="note_493" href="#noteref_493">493.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 82.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_494" name="note_494" href="#noteref_494">494.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Ages. I. 36. Plutarch.
Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni
sit ger. Resp. 27. Præc. Reip.
ger. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_495" name="note_495" href="#noteref_495">495.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Cleom. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_496" name="note_496" href="#noteref_496">496.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. ?????ta
?????? e???a? te ?a? pe??
t?? ????? e?? ????a ?atast?sa?.
cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in
reference to the king, Thucyd. I.
131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) probably
adds the words <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">cuivis
ephoro</span></span>”</span> ex suo. Libanius
Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is incorrect
in stating that the ephors
had power to imprison the king,
and put him to death (d?sa? ?a?
?ta?e??). Thus the ephors only
seized and detained Pausanias;
the sentence was passed by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the
Spartans</span></em> (?? Spa?t??ta?), <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>,
the court of justice, concerning
which see the next note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_497" name="note_497" href="#noteref_497">497.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???ast????? s??a?a???te?,
Herod. VI. 85. See particularly
Pausan. III. 5. 3. and
Plutarch Agis 19. Less accurately,
Apophth. p. 195.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_498" name="note_498" href="#noteref_498">498.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_499" name="note_499" href="#noteref_499">499.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Ag. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_500" name="note_500" href="#noteref_500">500.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_501" name="note_501" href="#noteref_501">501.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. ??a?at???
?p? t?? ?? t? Sp??t? te???
?? ?pe????, where t? t???
must signify this supreme court.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_502" name="note_502" href="#noteref_502">502.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?p???? ?a??t??, Xen. Hell.
V. 4. 24. The ephors did not
seize Cinadon till after a secret
conference with the gerusia;
his punishment was probably
fixed by the supreme court;—see
Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. Polyæan.
II. 14. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_503" name="note_503" href="#noteref_503">503.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is apparently affirmed
(in addition to Libanius quoted
in p. <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>. n. l.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“life or death,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.”</span>]) by Plutarch.
Periol. 22. Lysand. 19. and Lac.
Apophth. p. 209; but it can be
only inaccuracy of expression.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_504" name="note_504" href="#noteref_504">504.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Erot. 5.
p. 77. where a very fabulous story is
related of an event, which is
reported to have taken place
before the earthquake in the
78th Olympiad. In Polybius
V. 91. 2. the ephors are represented
as recalling banished persons.
Concerning the punishment
of exile at Sparta, see
below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_505" name="note_505" href="#noteref_505">505.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cf.
Polyæn. II. 26. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_506" name="note_506" href="#noteref_506">506.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Ages. 2. 5. cf. de
Am. Frat. 9. p. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_507" name="note_507" href="#noteref_507">507.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theophrast. ap.
Plutarch. Ages. 2. de Educ. Puer. 2.
Otherwise Heraclides Lembus
ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_508" name="note_508" href="#noteref_508">508.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For this reason the ephors
compelled Anaxandridas to
marry two wives, Herod. V.
39-41., and watched the wives
of the kings, Plat. Alcib. I. 36.
p. 121 B. See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6.
§ 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_509" name="note_509" href="#noteref_509">509.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lys. 19. They
decided in the case of Gylippus,
according to Posidonius ap.
Athen. VI. p. 234 A. as taµ?a?
of the state, as they appear to
have been from notes i and k,
p. <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a>.
[Transcriber's Note: Footnote <span class="tei tei-q">“i”</span> is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“the plunder,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xerod. IX. 76.”</span>, and footnote <span class="tei tei-q">“k”</span> is the footnote to
<span class="tei tei-q">“public treasury,”</span> starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch. Lys. 16.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_510" name="note_510" href="#noteref_510">510.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At least according to Schol.
Thucyd. I. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_511" name="note_511" href="#noteref_511">511.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p.
254.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_512" name="note_512" href="#noteref_512">512.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 3. 6.
Ælian. V. H. III. 10. XIV. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_513" name="note_513" href="#noteref_513">513.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 16. Plut.
Ages. 29. the history of Timotheus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_514" name="note_514" href="#noteref_514">514.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_515" name="note_515" href="#noteref_515">515.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pol. II. 6. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_516" name="note_516" href="#noteref_516">516.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Ag. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_517" name="note_517" href="#noteref_517">517.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 87.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_518" name="note_518" href="#noteref_518">518.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Ag. 5. ??t?a?
???a?e.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_519" name="note_519" href="#noteref_519">519.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. III. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_520" name="note_520" href="#noteref_520">520.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. II. 2. 13, 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_521" name="note_521" href="#noteref_521">521.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 148. Plut.
Lac. Apophth. p. 214.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_522" name="note_522" href="#noteref_522">522.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, for example, Herod.
IX. 8. Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17.
III. 1. 1. Polyb. IV. 34. 5.
Thuc. I. 90. ???a? and t??? are
generally mentioned.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_523" name="note_523" href="#noteref_523">523.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_524" name="note_524" href="#noteref_524">524.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Thuc. V.
36. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. 2. 9.
That in these cases they always
recurred to the public assembly
is evident, Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23.
IV. 6. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_525" name="note_525" href="#noteref_525">525.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 19. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_526" name="note_526" href="#noteref_526">526.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 88.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_527" name="note_527" href="#noteref_527">527.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. II. 4. 29. ?a?sa??a?
pe?sa? t?? ?f???? t?e??
????e? f??????. cf. III. 2. 25.
IV. 2. 9. V. 4. 19. Plut. Lys.
20. Thuc. VIII. 12. See also
Anab. II. 6. 2. Hell. V. 1. 1.
where they grant permission to
privateer.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_528" name="note_528" href="#noteref_528">528.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 7. 10. Plut.
Arist. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_529" name="note_529" href="#noteref_529">529.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???????tt??s? t? ?t?, Xen.
Rep. Lac. 11. 2. f?????? ?fa????
µe??? t?? tetta?????ta ?f?
?ß??, Hell. VI. 4. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_530" name="note_530" href="#noteref_530">530.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, authorized by the
state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3.
shows.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_531" name="note_531" href="#noteref_531">531.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. III.
2. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_532" name="note_532" href="#noteref_532">532.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell.
VI. 4. 3. p?µ?a?
p??? t??? ?f????? ???ta t? ???
p??e??. Hence they were especially
?? ?????, t? ????? t???,
Sturz Lex. Xenoph. vol. III.
p. 254. Compare Plutarch.
Lys. 14. Cleom. 8. and the
spurious letters of Brasidas
and Lysander in Lac. Apophth.
pp. 203, 227.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_533" name="note_533" href="#noteref_533">533.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 2. 6. Plut.
Pericl. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_534" name="note_534" href="#noteref_534">534.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 131. Plut. Lys.
19. Agesilaus was recalled, according
to Xenophon Hell. IV.
2, 3. by <span class="tei tei-q">“the state,”</span> Ages. 1.
36. by t? ????? t???, according
to Plutarch Ages. 15. by the
ephors.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_535" name="note_535" href="#noteref_535">535.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_536" name="note_536" href="#noteref_536">536.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lys. 20. Xen. Ages.
1. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_537" name="note_537" href="#noteref_537">537.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? pe??pate?te, the command to the army at Decelea,
Ælian. V. H. II. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_538" name="note_538" href="#noteref_538">538.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is seen most clearly
from Thucyd. VI. 88, where the
ephors and t??? send ambassadors,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, wish to persuade the
public assembly to do this, and
from Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17-19.
VI. 4. 2. 3. Compare p. <a href="#Pg089" class="tei tei-ref">89</a>.
note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“magistrates alone,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“As Tittman.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_539" name="note_539" href="#noteref_539">539.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 76. Xen. Rep.
Lac. 13. 5. Hell. II. 4. 35, 36.
cf. Thuc. IV. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_540" name="note_540" href="#noteref_540">540.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 76.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_541" name="note_541" href="#noteref_541">541.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lys. 16. Diod.
XIII. 106.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_542" name="note_542" href="#noteref_542">542.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. ?f????
t?? pat????? p???te?a? pa????e??a?.
Thus the t??? guarantee
their independence to whatever
allies Brasidas could gain
over, Thuc. IV. 86, 88.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_543" name="note_543" href="#noteref_543">543.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_544" name="note_544" href="#noteref_544">544.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">t?? p???te?a? t? ???pt??,
Thucyd. V. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_545" name="note_545" href="#noteref_545">545.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Polit.
II. 6. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_546" name="note_546" href="#noteref_546">546.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Cleom.
10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_547" name="note_547" href="#noteref_547">547.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dodwell de Cyc. Diss.
VIII. 5. p. 320. Manso, vol. II. p. 379.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_548" name="note_548" href="#noteref_548">548.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which also explains the
affair with the Aulonitæ in Xen.
Hell. III. 3. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_549" name="note_549" href="#noteref_549">549.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Plutarch.
Cleom. 9. de sera Num. Vind. 4. p.
222. ?e??es?a? t?? µ?sta?a ?a?
p??s??e?? t??? ??µ???. Concerning
the Laconian word µ?sta?,
see Hesychius and Valcken. ad
Adoniaz. p. 288.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_550" name="note_550" href="#noteref_550">550.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 11. 2.
Plutarch. Cleom. 8. Ag. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_551" name="note_551" href="#noteref_551">551.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch Lac. Apophth.
p. 237. Comp. Ælian. V. H.
II. 15. This building therefore
corresponds to the Prytaneum
at Athens, in which the civil
laws (????e?) were kept, and
ambassadors entertained, together
with certain distinguished
citizens: indeed the prytanes
of Athens themselves, as being
presidents of the public assembly,
have some similarity to the
ephors. See also Proclus ad
Hesiod. Op. et Di. 722.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_552" name="note_552" href="#noteref_552">552.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Cleom.
8, 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_553" name="note_553" href="#noteref_553">553.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 9. Cic. de Div.
I. 43, 96. Compare Manso,
vol. III. 1. p. 261. Siebelis ad
Pausan. III. 26. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_554" name="note_554" href="#noteref_554">554.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 6</a>.—The
ephors also had certain duties
to perform at the sacrifices of
Athene Chalciœcus, Polyb. IV.
35. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_555" name="note_555" href="#noteref_555">555.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??e?µ??? d?a?ta, II. 6. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_556" name="note_556" href="#noteref_556">556.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which Pausanias had once
wished to effect, Aristot. Pol. V.
1. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_557" name="note_557" href="#noteref_557">557.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the comparison of Philo
de Provid. 2. p. 80. Aucher.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_558" name="note_558" href="#noteref_558">558.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare also the Scholiast,
and Ducker ad Thucyd. I. 58.
Sturz Lex. Xen. IV. p. 276.
?? ???a?, t? ???e?a is the same,
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 800. In
the army ?? ?? t??e? are the officers
down to the Pentecoster,
Xen. Hell. III. 5. 22, 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_559" name="note_559" href="#noteref_559">559.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 11. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_560" name="note_560" href="#noteref_560">560.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A p??sß?? ??µ?f??????
in recent inscriptions, Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1363, 1364.
So also a p??sß?? ß?d??? in No.
1364. (hence ß?de?? pe?? t?? in
inscriptions of late date), and
there were six bidei <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">inclusively</span></em>
of this one, as the inscription
last quoted, and another of Fourmont's,
prove. See above, p.
<a href="#Pg094" class="tei tei-ref">94</a>. note b.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“peace and war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 148.”</span>]
Why I pass over Fourmont's pretended ancient
inscriptions it is needless to say.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_561" name="note_561" href="#noteref_561">561.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_562" name="note_562" href="#noteref_562">562.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in v. In
later times also ???????µ??, in the inscription No. 1364. Hesychius's
translation d?µa???? does not
even explain the name of the
?e??a?ta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_563" name="note_563" href="#noteref_563">563.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ages. 30. Lac.
Apophth. p. 189.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_564" name="note_564" href="#noteref_564">564.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_565" name="note_565" href="#noteref_565">565.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Corsini
Not. Græc. Diss. V. p. 95.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_566" name="note_566" href="#noteref_566">566.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh No. 1364; compare
Boeckh p. 611.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_567" name="note_567" href="#noteref_567">567.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Since the first appearance
of this work, Boeckh, in his
Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. 605,
has shown that the pat????µ??
obtained indeed the power of
the gerusia; but that the latter
body still possessed an honorary
dignity, comp. ib. p. 610. He
further proves, p. 606, that the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">first patronomus</span></em> was the ?p???µ??
of the state; and that the
expression ?p? t?? de??a, in the
lists of magistrates, refers to
him. The regular number of
the nomophylaces, according to
Boeckh's references to Fourmont's
Inscriptions, p. 609, was
also five. There was however
sometimes a sixth. The bidiæi
are called in the inscriptions
ß?de??, or ß?d???; this, according
to Boeckh's ingenious explanation,
is the Laconian form of
?d???, ??d???, and signifies witnesses
and judges among the
youth. Compare the ?st?? Hom.
II. XVIII. 801. XXIII. 486.
and concerning the ?d??? in ancient
laws, see Ælius Dionysius
quoted by Enstathius on the
first passage.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_568" name="note_568" href="#noteref_568">568.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 7.
3.—ap. Strab. X. p. 482 A—de Rep. II. 33.
Van Dale de Ephoris et Cosmis
in his Dissert. Antiquar.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_569" name="note_569" href="#noteref_569">569.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II.
7. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_570" name="note_570" href="#noteref_570">570.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_571" name="note_571" href="#noteref_571">571.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?d??e t??? ??sµ??? ?a? t?
p??e?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_572" name="note_572" href="#noteref_572">572.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Treaty between the Hierapytnii
and Priansii in Chishull's
Ant. Asiat. pag. 130. p?e????a
(p?e??e?a, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">legatio</span></span>) d? ? ?? ??e?a?
??? p?????, pa?e???t?? ??
??sµ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_573" name="note_573" href="#noteref_573">573.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121.
t?? d? ??sµ?? d?µe? ??t???af??
t?de t? ?af?sµat?? sf?a??sa?ta?
t? daµ?s?? sf?a??d? ?p???µ?sa?
???d?t? ?a? ?e?e??e?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_574" name="note_574" href="#noteref_574">574.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As it appears from the treaty
of the Hierapytnians, p. 130.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_575" name="note_575" href="#noteref_575">575.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 484
B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_576" name="note_576" href="#noteref_576">576.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_577" name="note_577" href="#noteref_577">577.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Treaty of the Hierapytnians,
p. 130. A different regulation
in that of the Latians
and Olontians, p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_578" name="note_578" href="#noteref_578">578.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vid. ibid. p. 130.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_579" name="note_579" href="#noteref_579">579.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Decree of the Istronians
and Sybritians, p. 113, 114. ??
??sµ??—?pa?a??a???t?? ?p?d?d?µe?
t??? ????ta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_580" name="note_580" href="#noteref_580">580.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. p. 131. The Hierapytnians
and Priansians had for
a time had <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">no commercium juris
dandi repetendique</span></span> (?????d?????);
in this treaty it is agreed
that the cosmi of the year shall
bring before a court appointed
by both cities those lawsuits
which had been interrupted by
the want of a common tribunal;
that they shall carry them
through during the term of
their office, and give sureties
for this in a month after the
conclusion of the treaty. Then
follow similar stipulations for
the future.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_581" name="note_581" href="#noteref_581">581.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the treaty of the Hierapytnians,
p. 131, it is permitted
that a ??af? t?µ?t?, according
to the Athenian custom, should
be instituted against the cosmus;
in the decree of the Sybritians
(p. 114.), however, the
cosmi are guaranteed for a particular
exercise of their power,
to be ???µ??? ?a? ???p?d????
p?sa? ?aµ?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_582" name="note_582" href="#noteref_582">582.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_583" name="note_583" href="#noteref_583">583.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lyctian Inscript. Gruter.
p. 194. 15. ?? s?? t??? ??sµ??
frequently occurs. Cf. Polyb.
XXIII. 15. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_584" name="note_584" href="#noteref_584">584.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This sense is required by
the context in Aristot. Pol. II.
7. 7; so that after the words
t?? d??at??, t???? should be
restored, and the passage be
written thus: p??t?? d? fa???tat??
t? t?? ???sµ?a?, ?? s???st?s?
p???????, ?ta? µ? d??a?
ß?????ta? d???a?, t?? d??at??
t????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_585" name="note_585" href="#noteref_585">585.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 46. 4. From the context
it is plain that the senate
was at that time chosen annually
in Crete.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_586" name="note_586" href="#noteref_586">586.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Similarly Tittmann, p. 413.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_587" name="note_587" href="#noteref_587">587.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo, p. 481 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_588" name="note_588" href="#noteref_588">588.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Herod. V. 92. Pausan.
II. 4. See book I. ch. 8. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_589" name="note_589" href="#noteref_589">589.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the great inscription,
earlier than the Roman times,
in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung,
vol. II. p. 403, in which Aristomenes
the prytanis, the son
of Aristolaidas, a Hyllean, is
mentioned, whose head occurs
on a coin in connexion with
the head of Hercules. Another
inscription in the same book
also mentions four prytanes together.
At that time, however,
the government was democratic,
since the ???a was also a court
of justice, p. 406.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_590" name="note_590" href="#noteref_590">590.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas: ?????
p??t??e?? ? ?????te? ?a?eda?µ?????. It is
also used for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">king</span></span> by Pindar
and Æschylus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_591" name="note_591" href="#noteref_591">591.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??a??e?d??
p??ta?e???t??, Paus. X. 2. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_592" name="note_592" href="#noteref_592">592.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. II. ch. 1. § 8. Compare
the history in Aristot. Pol.
V. 3. 3. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger.
52. p. 200. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_593" name="note_593" href="#noteref_593">593.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dissen's Commentary
and my note to Pindar Nem.
XI. 4. where now I agree with
Boeckh, that the ?ta???? compose
the ß????, over which the
p??ta??? presides.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_594" name="note_594" href="#noteref_594">594.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This I infer from Polyb.
XXVII. 6. 2. St?at??????? p??ta?e???t??
t?? de?t??a? ??µ????.
Comp. Paulsen de Rhodo, p. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_595" name="note_595" href="#noteref_595">595.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Polyb. XV.
23. 3. XVI. 15. 8. XXIII. 3.
10. XXIX. 4. 4. XXIX. 5. 6.
???? µ???sta a?t????t??, Appian.
Bell. Civ. IV. 66. Comp.
Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 17. p.
173. Liv. XLII. 45. Poseidonius
the historian was prytanis at
Rhodes, Strabo VII. p. 316.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_596" name="note_596" href="#noteref_596">596.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XXIX. 4. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_597" name="note_597" href="#noteref_597">597.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polybius and Appius ubi
sup. mention d?µa?????; the
former writer had also explained
the t??p?? t?? d?µ?????a?,
but the passage is lost.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_598" name="note_598" href="#noteref_598">598.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIV. p. 652. See
below, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_599" name="note_599" href="#noteref_599">599.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
Ubbo Emmius de Rep.
Rhod.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_600" name="note_600" href="#noteref_600">600.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ad Pind. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_601" name="note_601" href="#noteref_601">601.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.—The
prytanes of Cyzicus were on
the other hand democratic.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_602" name="note_602" href="#noteref_602">602.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius ??????—????t?
d? a?t? µ????? ? ?? ?? p??ta???.
Compare with this the sacrifice
in the Peace of Aristophanes.
The prytanis in the city of Crotona,
sacred to Apollo, went
every seventh day about the
altars, Athen, XII. p. 522 C.
Concerning the care of the prytanes
for the ????? ?st?a, see
Aristot. Pol. VI. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_603" name="note_603" href="#noteref_603">603.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
particularly Andoc. de Myst. p. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_604" name="note_604" href="#noteref_604">604.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh's Economy of
Athens, vol. II. p. 64.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_605" name="note_605" href="#noteref_605">605.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. vol. I. p. 232. where
the nature of this office was
first explained. The Areopagites
also probably received
their ???a? through these officers.
Comp. Hesych. and
Photius in ???a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_606" name="note_606" href="#noteref_606">606.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Solon ap. Plut. 19.
?? p??ta?e??? ?atad??as???te?
?p? t?? ßas?????.—They also
sat together in the royal porch,
probably also as a court of justice.
Pollux VIII. 111, 120.
Hesych. in F???ßas??e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_607" name="note_607" href="#noteref_607">607.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_608" name="note_608" href="#noteref_608">608.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book II. ch. 8. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_609" name="note_609" href="#noteref_609">609.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh in several places,
Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_610" name="note_610" href="#noteref_610">610.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 71. Compare Schoemann
de Comitiis, p. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_611" name="note_611" href="#noteref_611">611.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B.C.
mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf.
Æginetica, p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_612" name="note_612" href="#noteref_612">612.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Quæst. Græc.
I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_613" name="note_613" href="#noteref_613">613.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A very numerous
synedrion in the Prytaneum at the time of
Cassander, Diod. XIX. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_614" name="note_614" href="#noteref_614">614.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æl. Dionys. ap. Eustath.
ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom.
Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_615" name="note_615" href="#noteref_615">615.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence
Philip (ap. Demosth.
de Corona, p. 280.) writes to
the demiurgi and synedri of the
Peloponnesians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_616" name="note_616" href="#noteref_616">616.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_617" name="note_617" href="#noteref_617">617.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No.
1193. and see Boeckh, pp. 11.
and 594.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_618" name="note_618" href="#noteref_618">618.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv.
XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30.
and Drakenborch's note, Plut.
Arat. 43. ??????G?? in a
Dymæan inscription, ib. 1543.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_619" name="note_619" href="#noteref_619">619.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45.
Zonaras in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_620" name="note_620" href="#noteref_620">620.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. Aristot. Pol. III.
1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_621" name="note_621" href="#noteref_621">621.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 56. with the
Scholia. Compare Suidas in d?µ???????.
?p?d?µ??????? are <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">upper
demiurgi</span></em>, as the ?p?st?at???? in
Egypt, in the time of the Ptolemies,
were upper or superior
st?at????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_622" name="note_622" href="#noteref_622">622.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As in Mantinea,
Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3. 6. They were different
from the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">regular</span></em> t???, Thuc. V.
47. In early times the daµ??????a?
were of considerable duration,
Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Compare
Æginetica, p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_623" name="note_623" href="#noteref_623">623.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_624" name="note_624" href="#noteref_624">624.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 10</a>. The notions
of the ancients, on the
subject of the Argive kings,
seem very vague and doubtful.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_625" name="note_625" href="#noteref_625">625.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 8. § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_626" name="note_626" href="#noteref_626">626.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XII.
75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_627" name="note_627" href="#noteref_627">627.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
particularly Thucyd. V.
29. 41. 44.—t? p????? ???f?sat?
(404 B.C.). Demosth.
de Rhod. Libert, p. 197.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_628" name="note_628" href="#noteref_628">628.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 27, 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_629" name="note_629" href="#noteref_629">629.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the passages quoted
above, p. <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>. note y.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“great civil power,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See Thuc. V. 67.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_630" name="note_630" href="#noteref_630">630.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle Pol. II. 3. 5. calls
them t??? ?????µ???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_631" name="note_631" href="#noteref_631">631.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII.
80. Thuc. V. 81. t?? ?? ???e?
d?µ?? ?at???sa?, ?a? ????a???a
?at?st?. Cf. 76.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_632" name="note_632" href="#noteref_632">632.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In July of 417 B.C. Thuc.
V. 82. Diod. XII. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_633" name="note_633" href="#noteref_633">633.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XII.
81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_634" name="note_634" href="#noteref_634">634.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 61. Diod.
XIII. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_635" name="note_635" href="#noteref_635">635.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">C. 11.—p??ta?, ??ta?
??at??, the emendation of Casaubon,
who wishes to introduce
the word ??at?st??; does not
agree with what follows. Perhaps
there were at that time ten
tribes at Argos, as in Athens,
and the ?????? ????de? are here
meant: but even then it would
be difficult to fix the time of
this event.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_636" name="note_636" href="#noteref_636">636.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare
Plut. Alcib. 14.
Nicostratus, who according to
Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p.
252 A. was p??st?t?? t?? p??e??
at the time of Artaxerxes
Ochus, was probably an officer
of this description. Compare
what was said on the demiurgi,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_637" name="note_637" href="#noteref_637">637.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_638" name="note_638" href="#noteref_638">638.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XV. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_639" name="note_639" href="#noteref_639">639.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XV. 57, 58.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_640" name="note_640" href="#noteref_640">640.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch (Præc. Reip. ger.
17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all.
He is followed by Helladius
Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov.
Thesaur. Gr. vol. X.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_641" name="note_641" href="#noteref_641">641.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. ubi sup.
compare also Dionys. Hal. Archæol. Rom.
VII. 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_642" name="note_642" href="#noteref_642">642.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 20. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_643" name="note_643" href="#noteref_643">643.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. ad Philipp. p. 92
C. D. Even however after this
time <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">principes</span></span> occur, Liv.
XXXII. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_644" name="note_644" href="#noteref_644">644.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol.
Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus
in ?st?a???da. Compare Paradys
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Ostracismo</span></span> in the Classical
Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_645" name="note_645" href="#noteref_645">645.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristid. II. p. 388.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_646" name="note_646" href="#noteref_646">646.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_647" name="note_647" href="#noteref_647">647.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???e?a f??? ap. Diogenian.
II. 79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eustath.
ad Il. ß?. p. 286 Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_648" name="note_648" href="#noteref_648">648.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero Brut. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_649" name="note_649" href="#noteref_649">649.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">Ch.
5. § 1</a>. <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_650" name="note_650" href="#noteref_650">650.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See vol. I. p. 187 note a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_651" name="note_651" href="#noteref_651">651.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_652" name="note_652" href="#noteref_652">652.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 4.
2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_653" name="note_653" href="#noteref_653">653.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P.
<a href="#Pg094" class="tei tei-ref">94</a>. note b.
and p. <a href="#Pg140" class="tei tei-ref">140</a>.
note m.
[Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to <span class="tei tei-q">“peace and war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 148.,”</span> and to <span class="tei tei-q">“sacrifices of the prytanis,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Hesychius ??????.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_654" name="note_654" href="#noteref_654">654.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax
was one of the ancestors of Diagoras
of the ????? ??at?d??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_655" name="note_655" href="#noteref_655">655.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare what Timocreon
the Rhodian said in Olymp.
75. 4. 477 B.C. concerning
the proceedings of Themistocles
in this and in other islands,
Plut. Them. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_656" name="note_656" href="#noteref_656">656.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh's masterly explanation
of this ode at the end.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_657" name="note_657" href="#noteref_657">657.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thucyd. VIII.
35, 84. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19.
Diod. XIII. 38, 43. Pausan.
VI. 7. 2. The correctness of
what Androtion relates in this
passage is very doubtful.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_658" name="note_658" href="#noteref_658">658.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VII. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_659" name="note_659" href="#noteref_659">659.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VIII.
44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_660" name="note_660" href="#noteref_660">660.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V.
5. 4. These three passages apparently
refer to the same event;
which (if this is the case) must
have taken place at the time to
which I have in the text referred
it; for in the middle one
the popular party is said to have
been defeated by the nobles,
p?? t?? ?pa?ast?se??, which
cannot signify <span class="tei tei-q">“before the revolution,”</span>
a meaning which
neither the words nor the context
will admit; but <span class="tei tei-q">“before the
congregation of the inhabitants
of the three small towns to the
city of Rhodes,”</span> the ???stas??
?p? µ?a? ??d??. Goettling
indeed (ad. l.) is of opinion,
that the two first passages cannot refer to the same event,
since in the first the constitution
of Rhodes is stated to have
perished through f?ß??, in the
latter through ?ataf????s??.
But the same example might
have been strictly applicable to
both; the ?????µ?? dreaded the
disturbances of the demagogues,
and at the same time
despised the irregular proceedings
of the people, and therefore
overthrew the democracy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_661" name="note_661" href="#noteref_661">661.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIII. 75. See also
Boeckh, Public Economy of
Athens, vol. II. p. 155.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_662" name="note_662" href="#noteref_662">662.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIV. 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_663" name="note_663" href="#noteref_663">663.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20-22.
Diod. XIV. 97.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_664" name="note_664" href="#noteref_664">664.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the speech concerning
the freedom of the Rhodians,
cf. pe?? S??t??e??, p. 194. The
oligarchy of Hegesilochus (Theopompus
ap. Athen. X. p. 444.)
perhaps belongs to this period.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_665" name="note_665" href="#noteref_665">665.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">If I correctly understand de
Repub. III. 35. cf. I. 31. and
the traces of the later constitution
in Aristid. Rhod. Conc. II.
p. 385. and Dio Chrysost. Orat.
31. passim.—With the passage
in Cicero compare particularly
Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who
states, that in Rhodes rich and
poor sat together in judgment
on both important and unimportant
affairs. Tacitus also in
Dial, de Cl. Orat. 40. represents
the Rhodian constitution as
democratic.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_666" name="note_666" href="#noteref_666">666.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. XIV. p.
653 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_667" name="note_667" href="#noteref_667">667.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.—The
supposed letter of Cleobulus to
Solon, in which he says that
Lindus daµ???ate? (Diog, Laërt.
I. 93. Suidas in ??e?ß?????)
evidently cannot be used for the
constitutional history of Rhodes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_668" name="note_668" href="#noteref_668">668.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Olymp. XIII. 2. ?????
?µe??? ?st???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_669" name="note_669" href="#noteref_669">669.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">early</span></em> times a close
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">friendship</span></em> existed between Corinth
and Athens, Herod. V.
75. 95. Thuc. I. 40, 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_670" name="note_670" href="#noteref_670">670.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3.
sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_671" name="note_671" href="#noteref_671">671.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 4. 6. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_672" name="note_672" href="#noteref_672">672.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly VII. 4. 6.
The refugees from Corinth to
Argos in Olymp. 101. 2. 375
B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus
XV. 40.) were therefore democrats.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_673" name="note_673" href="#noteref_673">673.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Dion. 53. No
conclusion can be drawn from the
word d?µ???at?a in Plutarch.
Timol. 50. for it is there used
only to signify the contrary of
t??a????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_674" name="note_674" href="#noteref_674">674.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XVI. 65, 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_675" name="note_675" href="#noteref_675">675.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. V. 5. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_676" name="note_676" href="#noteref_676">676.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. III. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_677" name="note_677" href="#noteref_677">677.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dionys. Halic.
Archæol. Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII. 48.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_678" name="note_678" href="#noteref_678">678.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. III. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_679" name="note_679" href="#noteref_679">679.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For a ß???e?t?? could hope,
by virtue of his office, to persuade
the people to an alliance
with Athens, Thuc. III. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_680" name="note_680" href="#noteref_680">680.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. III.
70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_681" name="note_681" href="#noteref_681">681.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46.
Æneas Poliorc. 11. Diodorus
XII. 57. however says only,
t??? d?µa???e?? e????ta? ?a?
µ???sta t?? p?????? p???stas?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_682" name="note_682" href="#noteref_682">682.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2.
Proverb. Metric. p. 569. Schott.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_683" name="note_683" href="#noteref_683">683.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the ??efa?t??a?
??pa? of the Corcyræan whips,
see Aristoph. ap. Hesych. in
?e????a?a µ?st??, Schol. Aristoph.
Av. 1463. Zenob. IV.
49.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_684" name="note_684" href="#noteref_684">684.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Olymp. 92. 3.
410 B.C. Diod. XIII. 48. and in Olymp.
101. 3. 374 B.C. Diod. XV. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_685" name="note_685" href="#noteref_685">685.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æneas Poliorc. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_686" name="note_686" href="#noteref_686">686.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See p. <a href="#Pg138" class="tei tei-ref">138</a>. note y.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“democratic age,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See the great inscription.”</span>] Perhaps
five prytanes in the inscription
in Mustoxidi, Illustr. Corciresi,
tom. II. p. 87. [?aµ]??e??? ????ta
p??ta?e?sa? ?a? ?? s??a????
[?aµ]?? ????ta ??eta?da? ...
?[?ea]???? ?e??t?? ...
?..??? ?e???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_687" name="note_687" href="#noteref_687">687.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The inscription quoted
above, p. <a href="#Pg138" class="tei tei-ref">138</a>. note y.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_688" name="note_688" href="#noteref_688">688.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???d???? and p??ß????? also
occur in another inscription, not
written in the Doric dialect, in
Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 92. n. 43.,
in which an ?µf?p???? (as in
Syracuse) is also mentioned.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_689" name="note_689" href="#noteref_689">689.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If Periander was the son of
Gorgus, and the latter (according
to Anton. Lib.) the brother
of Cypselus, Neanthes of Cyzicus
(ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 98.)
was correct in stating that the
two Perianders were ??e????.
Yet the hypothesis adopted in
b. I. ch. 6. § 8. has its reasons.
According to that, the genealogy
would be
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
[Transcriber's Note: The graph shows Cypselus the father of one Periander,
and Gorgue (Gorgias) the father of another Periander.]
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
and then also Psammetichus
might be considered as son of
the same Gorgias (Gordias),
without supposing the oracle
in Herodotus V. 92 to be false.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_690" name="note_690" href="#noteref_690">690.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 9. Plut.
Erot. 23. p. 60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_691" name="note_691" href="#noteref_691">691.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. The
Spartans also assisted in overthrowing
the tyranny, b. I. ch.
9. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_692" name="note_692" href="#noteref_692">692.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. According
to Anton. Liber. 4. a
tyrant Phalæcus also reigned at
Ambracia, against whom an insurrection
was caused by an
oracle of Apollo, whom the
Ambraciots considered as the
author of their e???µ?a. This
Phalæcus (as is evident from
the passage quoted) is called
Phayilus by Ælian. de Nat.
Animal XII. 40. Compare the
MSS. of Ovid's Ibis, 502.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_693" name="note_693" href="#noteref_693">693.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_694" name="note_694" href="#noteref_694">694.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_695" name="note_695" href="#noteref_695">695.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This I conceive to
be the meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1.
6. according to the reading of
Victorius, ???a?a is only a
different form of ???a?a. See
above, p. <a href="#Pg088" class="tei tei-ref">88</a>. note n.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“the Epidamnians,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.”</span>] The occasion
of the revolution is perhaps
related in V. 3. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_696" name="note_696" href="#noteref_696">696.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the clause ????? ? e?? ??
?? (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me,
that the word ?st??, in III. 11.
1. and the context, require the
omission of ??. [This conjecture
has since been confirmed
by the best manuscript of the
Politics. See Goettling's edition,
p. 391.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_697" name="note_697" href="#noteref_697">697.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. XIII. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_698" name="note_698" href="#noteref_698">698.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol.
II. 4. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_699" name="note_699" href="#noteref_699">699.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_700" name="note_700" href="#noteref_700">700.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VII. p. 316 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_701" name="note_701" href="#noteref_701">701.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. cf.
Herod. IX. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_702" name="note_702" href="#noteref_702">702.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_703" name="note_703" href="#noteref_703">703.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? S??a???sa?? t?? Ge?µ????
?ate???t?? t?? ????? are
the words of the Parian Marble,
Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_704" name="note_704" href="#noteref_704">704.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
above, p. <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref">113</a>. note m.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Syracuse and Corcyra,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ib. § 7, 8.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_705" name="note_705" href="#noteref_705">705.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Ch.
4. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_706" name="note_706" href="#noteref_706">706.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also Plutarch. Præc.
Reip. 32. p. 201. In the account
of the confiscation of
Agathocles' property (Diod.
Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.) the geomori
appear as the supreme
court of justice.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_707" name="note_707" href="#noteref_707">707.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_708" name="note_708" href="#noteref_708">708.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 155. Dion.
Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zenobius,
quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref">61</a>. note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“from the Greek,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Hesychius.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_709" name="note_709" href="#noteref_709">709.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is stated by Aristot.
Pol. V. 2. 6. The story in
Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 1. Plut.
Præc. Reip. ubi sup. refers to
the dissolution of the ancient
hereditary aristocracy, which
Plutarch calls ???st?? p???te?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_710" name="note_710" href="#noteref_710">710.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod, ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_711" name="note_711" href="#noteref_711">711.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 26. Ælian. V. H.
XIII. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_712" name="note_712" href="#noteref_712">712.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth.
Leptin. p. 506, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_713" name="note_713" href="#noteref_713">713.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pol. V. 3. 6. Compare,
however, V. 10. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_714" name="note_714" href="#noteref_714">714.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 156. Diod.
XI. 25. The reason why there
was so great a number of foreign
mercenaries in Sicily, is,
that the native Sicilians would
not serve as hired troops (Hesychius
and Apostolius in S??e???
st?at. Toup in Suid. vol.
II. p. 614); the tyrants were
therefore compelled to hire <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">Condottieri</span></span>,
as for instance Phormis
the Mænalian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_715" name="note_715" href="#noteref_715">715.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 72, 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_716" name="note_716" href="#noteref_716">716.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot.
Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the p???t???af?a
and the ??adasµ??,
Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller
de Situ Syracusarum, 3. p. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_717" name="note_717" href="#noteref_717">717.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? ?a???stat??
Diod. XI. 87. Compare the ?a??e?te? in
Plutarch Phocion. 29. Dion. 28.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. I. 4. 2. I. 5.
4. IV. 8. 10. Concerning the
Petalismus, see, besides Diodorus,
Hesychius in v. Rivinus in
Schlaeger's Dissert. 1774. vol.
I. p. 107.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_718" name="note_718" href="#noteref_718">718.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">What sycophants
were in a democracy, were the ?ta???sta?
and p?ta????de? in the tyranny
of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol.
V. 9. 3. comp. the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">vetus interpres</span></span>
ap. Schneider.), and of the
Dionysii (Plut. Dion, de Curios.
16. p. 147. who supposed that
the latter were men). Compare
vol. I. p. 183. note n.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_719" name="note_719" href="#noteref_719">719.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the mutilated Scholia
to Hermogenes in Reiske's Orators,
vol. VIII. p. 196. together
with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut.
XII. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_720" name="note_720" href="#noteref_720">720.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Siculi acuti</span></span>,
Cic. Verrin. III. 8. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">acuta gens et controversa natura</span></span>,
Brut. XII. 46. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dicaces</span></span>,
Verr. IV. 43. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">faceti</span></span>, Orat. II.
54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_721" name="note_721" href="#noteref_721">721.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 82. probably from
Philistus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_722" name="note_722" href="#noteref_722">722.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. 72
sq. Diod. XV. 19. 95.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_723" name="note_723" href="#noteref_723">723.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_724" name="note_724" href="#noteref_724">724.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod.
XIII. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_725" name="note_725" href="#noteref_725">725.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hermocrates, of an aristocratic
disposition, filled a public
office.—The ?e?te??? in
Thucyd. VI. 38. cannot, from
the context, be generally the
young men of the city; they
must be a party of youthful
aristocrats, who were peculiarly
hostile to the people, and, according
to the statement of
Athenagoras, wished to take advantage
of the fear of a war and
the blockade of Syracuse, for
the purpose of regaining their
lost privileges. In this sense
?? te d???µe??? ?a? ?? ???? are
combined in VI. 39. [See Arnold's
History of Rome, vol. I.
p. 332, note 29.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_726" name="note_726" href="#noteref_726">726.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diodorus XIII. 19, 55.
calls him a demagogue.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_727" name="note_727" href="#noteref_727">727.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod.
XIII. 35. The d?µ???????te?
cast lots merely for the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">succession</span></em>
in which they were to address
the people, Plut. Reg.
Apophth. p. 89, 90. The generals
were still chosen from
among the d??at?tat??, Diod.
XIII. 91.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_728" name="note_728" href="#noteref_728">728.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIII. 33, 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_729" name="note_729" href="#noteref_729">729.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. ubi sup. p. 92.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_730" name="note_730" href="#noteref_730">730.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5. V. 8.
4. Diod. XIII. 96.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_731" name="note_731" href="#noteref_731">731.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIII. 94. cf.
Polyæn. V. 2. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_732" name="note_732" href="#noteref_732">732.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIV. 45, 64, 70. See
several passages in Pseud-Aristot.
Œcon. II. 2. 20. The assemblies
summoned by Dion,
for example, against Dionysius
the Second (Diod. XVI. 10, 17,
20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.), must
not be considered as in any way
connected with the tyranny.
Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies
that Syracuse in the reign of
Dionysius was a <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">Respublica</span></span> at
all.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_733" name="note_733" href="#noteref_733">733.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Dion. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_734" name="note_734" href="#noteref_734">734.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. 53. s??µa—???st???at?a?
???? t?? ?p?stat??sa? ?a?
ß?aße???sa? t? µ???sta. See
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_735" name="note_735" href="#noteref_735">735.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XVI. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_736" name="note_736" href="#noteref_736">736.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Timol.
37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_737" name="note_737" href="#noteref_737">737.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XVI. 81. with
Wesseling's note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2.
51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_738" name="note_738" href="#noteref_738">738.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_739" name="note_739" href="#noteref_739">739.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIX. 3-5. <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">After</span></em>
a democracy of this kind, and
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> the time of Agathocles,
the state was legally governed
by a synedrion of 600 of the
most distinguished persons (?a???stat??),
XIX. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_740" name="note_740" href="#noteref_740">740.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIX. 4. 6-9. He
also sometimes convened public
assemblies, when it pleased him
to play the d?µ?t????. Diod.
XX. 63, 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_741" name="note_741" href="#noteref_741">741.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Otherwise it must have
been newly appointed by election or
lot at the death of Hieronymus,
of which Livy XXIV. 22 says
not a word. The <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">seniores</span></span> (c.
24.) are probably members of
this senate; a ?e???s?a also
probably existed at that time,
which occurs in a late inscription
in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V.
5. p. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_742" name="note_742" href="#noteref_742">742.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXIV. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_743" name="note_743" href="#noteref_743">743.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hesychius, Suidas, and
Zenobius in ?pp????? p??a?;
on this tablet were entered t?
t?? ?ta?t???t?? ???µata. In
Diod. XIV. 64. ?ppe?? appears
to be the name of the class of
knights.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_744" name="note_744" href="#noteref_744">744.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Gela Cleander was tyrant,
after a period of oligarchy
(Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.), from
505 to 498 B.C. (Herod. VII.
157. Dion. Hal. VII. 1. Pausan.
VI. 9.); then his brother
Hippocrates 498-491 B.C.
Gelon in 491 B.C. At Agrigentum
there was a timocracy
(Arist. Pol. V. 8. 4.), then Phalaris
555-548 B.C. according
to Eusebius and Bentley, then
Alcmanes and Alcander (Heracl.
Pont. 36.), Theron 488-473
B.C. according to Boeckh,
and Thrasydæus, who was expelled
in the same year.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_745" name="note_745" href="#noteref_745">745.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 53. ??µ?s?µe???
t?? d?µ???at?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_746" name="note_746" href="#noteref_746">746.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Diogen. Laërt. VIII.
66. Timæus Fragm. 2. ed. Goeller.
Sturz Empedocles, p. 108.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_747" name="note_747" href="#noteref_747">747.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63.
The words, ?ste ?? µ???? ??
t?? p???s??? ???? ?a? t?? t?
d?µ?t??? f??????t??, do not
present any difficulty.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_748" name="note_748" href="#noteref_748">748.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_749" name="note_749" href="#noteref_749">749.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gruter, p. 401. Castelli,
p. 79, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_750" name="note_750" href="#noteref_750">750.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???asµa ??ta? d?µ????
?a??e??? ??????t?? ???????. See
above concerning Rhodes, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">§ 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_751" name="note_751" href="#noteref_751">751.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Hierothytes was the
pa?ap??st?ta? of the ß???? (???????S???? ??S should be
written).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_752" name="note_752" href="#noteref_752">752.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Verr. I. 4. 23, 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_753" name="note_753" href="#noteref_753">753.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the
?e??p???? see Boissonade in the Classical
Journal, vol. XVII. p. 396.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_754" name="note_754" href="#noteref_754">754.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329.
Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello,
p. 84. cf. ibid. p. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_755" name="note_755" href="#noteref_755">755.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????a? ???asµa (vulg. ???asµata)
de?te?a? ??aµ???? ?a??e???
t??a?ad?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_756" name="note_756" href="#noteref_756">756.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?d??e t? ???? ?a?a ?a? t?
ß????, as the sense requires us
to read with Castello.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_757" name="note_757" href="#noteref_757">757.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also the Calymnian decree
(Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.)
ed??e t? ß???? ?a? t? daµ?
???µa p??stata?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_758" name="note_758" href="#noteref_758">758.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 8. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_759" name="note_759" href="#noteref_759">759.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, de sera Num.
Vind. 7. p. 231.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_760" name="note_760" href="#noteref_760">760.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_761" name="note_761" href="#noteref_761">761.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_762" name="note_762" href="#noteref_762">762.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_763" name="note_763" href="#noteref_763">763.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???at?? ?a? ?????? ???st???at?a,
Plutarch. Arat. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_764" name="note_764" href="#noteref_764">764.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some members of the oligarchical
party of Argos also
fled to Phlius, Thucyd. V. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_765" name="note_765" href="#noteref_765">765.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq.
V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq.
Fifty persons of each party
made a plan for a new constitution.
Hell. V. 3. 25. The
refugees residing at Argos, in
375 B.C. were manifestly democrats,
the same as in Xen.
Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_766" name="note_766" href="#noteref_766">766.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18.
?e?a?e?? Tea????—??ßa???te?,
?????? ?????? ?s?f????sa?
?at? t?? p???te?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_767" name="note_767" href="#noteref_767">767.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
3. § 3</a>. It
appears to me nearly certain
that the passage refers to Megara
near Corinth.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_768" name="note_768" href="#noteref_768">768.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 4</a>.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4.
§ 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_769" name="note_769" href="#noteref_769">769.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker.
[See generally on the aristocratical
tendency of the poetry of
Theognis, and the constitution
of Megara, Welcker, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prolegomena
ad Theognin</span></span>, pp. x-xli.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_770" name="note_770" href="#noteref_770">770.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4.
3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that
Theognis (v. 677.) speaks of
this period, ???µata d? ??p????s?
ß??, ??sµ?? d? ?p????e?,
and in the whole political allegory
of the passage. This was
the time of the violence done
to the Peloponnesian theori,
Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_771" name="note_771" href="#noteref_771">771.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851.
Phavorinus in ?st?a???da.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_772" name="note_772" href="#noteref_772">772.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.
IV. 12. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_773" name="note_773" href="#noteref_773">773.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 114. cf.
103.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_774" name="note_774" href="#noteref_774">774.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 66, 74.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_775" name="note_775" href="#noteref_775">775.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. ubi sup. et
V. 31. In this aristocratic period the
p??ß????? were magistrates of
high authority in Megara, Aristoph.
Acharn. 755.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_776" name="note_776" href="#noteref_776">776.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XV. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_777" name="note_777" href="#noteref_777">777.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">pe?? pa?ap?esße?a?, pp.
435, 436.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_778" name="note_778" href="#noteref_778">778.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref">113</a>,
note i.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“very late period,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“?p? ßas????? ?as??da.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_779" name="note_779" href="#noteref_779">779.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8.
4. p. 319, where indeed the expression
is very indefinite.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_780" name="note_780" href="#noteref_780">780.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Corona, p. 255. and in
another decree in Polyb. IV.
52. 4. They also occur in coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_781" name="note_781" href="#noteref_781">781.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Caylus, Recueil, II. pl.
55. in the king's library at Paris.
It is the same which Corsini
F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered
as Delphian. It decrees a crown
to a ??eµ?? ß?????, and the
eight persons whose names are
subscribed are probably senators.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_782" name="note_782" href="#noteref_782">782.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 250, note l.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_783" name="note_783" href="#noteref_783">783.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides other writers,
Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p.
304.—Of the hieromnemons
Letronne has treated at full
length, Mém. de l'Acad. des
Inscriptions, tom. VI. p. 221,
but without remarking that,
besides Delphi, they are peculiar
to Megara and its colonies,</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_784" name="note_784" href="#noteref_784">784.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At least if Dineus (Dinæus)
was king, see book I. ch. 6.
§ 9; this Dineus is, however,
called by Hesychius Milesius,
§ 20, only general of the Byzantians,
and t?p????? of Chalcedon.
He appears, nevertheless,
to be an historical personage.
Concerning the bondslaves, see
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4, § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_785" name="note_785" href="#noteref_785">785.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hesychius
Milesius, ???? t?? t?? ???a?t???
???st???at?a? ?d??at?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_786" name="note_786" href="#noteref_786">786.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27.
What the Thirty in Diodorus
XIV. 12. are, whom Clearchus
put to death after the magistrates,
we are entirely ignorant,
since the right explanation
or emendation of the word
????t??? is still a desideratum.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_787" name="note_787" href="#noteref_787">787.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol.
V. 2. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_788" name="note_788" href="#noteref_788">788.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theopompus ap. Athen.
XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon.
23. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 724.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_789" name="note_789" href="#noteref_789">789.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II.
2. 3. The transit duties levied
at the Bosporus are well known,
Boeckh's Economy of Athens,
vol. II. p. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_790" name="note_790" href="#noteref_790">790.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A decree of the senate before
it had received the sanction
of the people was also called
??t?a in Sparta; see above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_791" name="note_791" href="#noteref_791">791.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It occurs on coins. See
Heyne Comment. rec. Gotting.
vol. I. p. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_792" name="note_792" href="#noteref_792">792.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_793" name="note_793" href="#noteref_793">793.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chandler. Inscript. App.
12. p. 94.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_794" name="note_794" href="#noteref_794">794.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad
calc. Polyb.) ??s?? a?t??? t????
f???? ?a? tett???? ??at?st???.
There must evidently have been
more than <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">four</span></em> hundreds to
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">three</span></em> tribes, as Casaubon remarks. Perhaps we should
read tett???? ?a? e???s? ??at?st???,
or with Goettling (Hermes,
vol. XXV. p. 155.) tett????
?? ???st? ??at?st???.
Casaubon's emendation of tett??a???ta
for tett???? is not
admissible, as forty is not divisible
by three without a remainder.
The event probably
took place before the 104th
Olympiad, 364 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_795" name="note_795" href="#noteref_795">795.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book I. ch. 6. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_796" name="note_796" href="#noteref_796">796.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_797" name="note_797" href="#noteref_797">797.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_798" name="note_798" href="#noteref_798">798.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is evident from the
context of the passage in Justin.
XVI. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_799" name="note_799" href="#noteref_799">799.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare with Justin Æneas
Poliorc. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_800" name="note_800" href="#noteref_800">800.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Polyænus II.
30. 2. Clearchus caused the
whole senate of 300 to be put
to death, which is here represented
as a standing body.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_801" name="note_801" href="#noteref_801">801.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of the Megarian
colony <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Astypalæa</span></span> have inscriptions
in tolerable preservation, but not
until the last times of independence,
when the constitution became
similar to that of Athens.
An inscription, already quoted
in vol. I. p. 116, note y, begins
ed??e t? ß???? ?a? t?
daµ? f?? ... e?e?? epestate?
???µa p??[ta???? epe?]d? ???es??a?
????a?e?e?? a?[?e?e??]
a???a??µ?? epeµe???? t?? daµ??
µeta pasa? f???t?µ?a?, &amp;c. Another
contains s?????a? between
the d?µ?? t?? ?st?pa?a???? and
the d?µ?? t?? ??µa???; in this
also we read, ed??e t? d?µ?
??????da? ????e?? epestate?
p??ta???? [???µa]. See Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483,
2485.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_802" name="note_802" href="#noteref_802">802.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">All this is stated in Plutarch.
Qu. Gr. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_803" name="note_803" href="#noteref_803">803.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 5.
3, 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_804" name="note_804" href="#noteref_804">804.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The former by Hermippus
ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 88. and
Plutarch, in Colot. 32. p. 194.
The latter by Theodoretus
Græc. Aff. IX. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_805" name="note_805" href="#noteref_805">805.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_806" name="note_806" href="#noteref_806">806.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6, § 10</a>, and
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7, § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_807" name="note_807" href="#noteref_807">807.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?eµ??ea in the Homeric
sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf.
Diod. Exc. 8. vol. II. p. 551.
Wesseling. ?? t?? p???????
???ea in Herodotus, IV. 162.
which Arcesilaus wished to regain,
refers to the revenues, as
well as to the privileges of which
the kings had been deprived.
Compare Thrige, Res Cyrenensium,
p. 154. note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_808" name="note_808" href="#noteref_808">808.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. vol. II. p. 550. Wess.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_809" name="note_809" href="#noteref_809">809.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 165.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_810" name="note_810" href="#noteref_810">810.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Explic. ad Pind.
Pyth. IV. p. 266.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_811" name="note_811" href="#noteref_811">811.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. IV. 263. according to
Boeckh's explanation.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_812" name="note_812" href="#noteref_812">812.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heracl. Pont. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_813" name="note_813" href="#noteref_813">813.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 11. says,
that the founders of the democracy
at Cyrene established
other and more tribes; which
statement must be referred to
this time; for that by the t??
d?µ?? ?a??st??te? Demonax is
not meant, is evident from the
circumstance that this person
only instituted three tribes, and
therefore could hardly have increased
their number. See
Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, pp.
103-192.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_814" name="note_814" href="#noteref_814">814.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also concerning the contest
between a democratic and
aristocratic party in Olymp.
95. I. 400 B.C. Diod. XIV. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_815" name="note_815" href="#noteref_815">815.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lucull. 2.—Concerning
the ephors of Cyrene see
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_816" name="note_816" href="#noteref_816">816.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. 6.
§ 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_817" name="note_817" href="#noteref_817">817.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these see above,
page <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref">52</a>. note f.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“noticed above,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“So also ib Strab.”</span>] From these
Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of
robbers, called pe??d????, proceeded,
according to Plato Leg.
VI. p. 777. Cf. Athen. VI.
p. 267.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_818" name="note_818" href="#noteref_818">818.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne
Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_819" name="note_819" href="#noteref_819">819.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. VI. 3.
5. ?? ?a?a?t????, ????? p?????te? t?
?t?µata t??? ?p????? ?p? t??
???s??, e????? pa?as?e?????s?
t? p?????. ?t? d? t?? ?????
p?sa? ?p???sa? d?tt??, t?? µ??
a??et??, t?? d? ?????t??; t?? µ??
?????t??, ?p?? ? d?µ?? a?t??
µet???, t?? d? a??et??, ??a p???te???ta?
ß??t???. These institutions
can only be referred to
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this</span></em> period, for the present tense
pa?as?e?????s? shows their existence
when the author was
writing; ?p???sa? refers only to
the time of the institution, and
the words ??a µet??? again prove
their actual existence.—As to
the interpretation of the words
????? p?????te? t? ?t?µata ?p?
t?? ???s??, it is known that at
Rome, when the <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">ager publicus</span></span>
was divided among the plebeians,
it was either given them by assignation
as absolute property
(<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">mancipium</span></span>,
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">dominium</span></span>), in
which case it ceased to be <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">publicus</span></span>;
or it was held by <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">possessiones</span></span>,
in early times by the
patricians, who only occupied it
with an usufructuary right, while
the land remained <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">publicus</span></span>, was
not marked out with limits, and
could be at any time reclaimed
by the state (See Niebuhr's
Roman History, vol. II. p. 363.
sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. compare
vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.).
The occupation of the public
lands of Tarentum was probably
allowed to the poor on similar
conditions. As to the d?tta?
p??e?? t?? ?????, Aristotle seems
to mean, that if, for example,
there had been two agoranomi,
four strategi, &amp;c. they then made
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">four</span></em> agoranomi, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eight</span></em> strategi,
&amp;c.: of whom two and four
were chosen by lot, two and
four by election.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_820" name="note_820" href="#noteref_820">820.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VI. p. 280.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_821" name="note_821" href="#noteref_821">821.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which would also
be proved by the Fragment of Archytas
concerning the Spartan constitution
(Stobæus Serm. 41.
Orelli Opusc. Moral. vol. II.
p. 254.), <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">if</span></em> it were genuine.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_822" name="note_822" href="#noteref_822">822.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laërt. VIII. 79. six
times, according to Ælian. V. H.
VII. 14. cf. III. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_823" name="note_823" href="#noteref_823">823.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoxenus
ap. Diog. L. VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Pythag.
§ 197. Hesych. Miles. in
Vit. Archyt.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_824" name="note_824" href="#noteref_824">824.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. p. 280. Demosth.
???t. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ.
lib 10. p. 28. Præc. ger. Reip.
28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl.
Gr. ed. Harles. vol. II. p. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_825" name="note_825" href="#noteref_825">825.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the ?s???e?a
and ?ß??? of the Tarentines, see
particularly Dionys. Hal. ed.
Mai. XVII. 5, 7.—A ß????
at Tarentum, whose p??ß???e?µa
was necessary for a declaration
of war, in Livy VIII. 27. A
public assembly deciding concerning
peace and war, Diod.
XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13.
Cheirotonia of this assembly,
Plut., Qu. Gr. 42. from
Theophrastus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_826" name="note_826" href="#noteref_826">826.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg088" class="tei tei-ref">88</a>. note l.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“and Heraclea,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“???a ?at????t??.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_827" name="note_827" href="#noteref_827">827.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. I. ch.
6. § 12. and b. II. ch. 12. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_828" name="note_828" href="#noteref_828">828.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33.
15. p. 255, 257. Cf. Porph. Pythag.
21. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_829" name="note_829" href="#noteref_829">829.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 3 § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_830" name="note_830" href="#noteref_830">830.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45.
and Dicæarchus ap. Porphyr.
18. who calls the members ?????te?.
Perhaps the s?????t??
in Diod. XII. 9. is the same.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_831" name="note_831" href="#noteref_831">831.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Valer. Max. VIII. 15.
ext. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_832" name="note_832" href="#noteref_832">832.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg140" class="tei tei-ref">140</a>, note m.
[Transcriber's Note: These is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“sacrifices of the prytanis,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Hesychius ??????.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_833" name="note_833" href="#noteref_833">833.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_834" name="note_834" href="#noteref_834">834.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_835" name="note_835" href="#noteref_835">835.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jamblich. 35. p. 260.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_836" name="note_836" href="#noteref_836">836.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. I. ch. 6. § 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_837" name="note_837" href="#noteref_837">837.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laërt. VIII. 3. See
Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p.
254, 261. Justin. XX. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_838" name="note_838" href="#noteref_838">838.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_839" name="note_839" href="#noteref_839">839.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The elucidation of this fact
is without doubt the work of
Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaften,
vol. III. ch. 3. The
reason why Plato, de Rep. X.
p. 600, represents Pythagoras
as one who had been a master
of education not in a public
but a private capacity, is, that
the Pythagorean discipline and
mode of living, the ß??? ?p?
st??µ?, was only kept up as a
private institution, while the
public regulations of Pythagoras
had long fallen into oblivion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_840" name="note_840" href="#noteref_840">840.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollonius ap. Jamblich.
35. p. 255.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_841" name="note_841" href="#noteref_841">841.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. p. 257. cf.
260.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_842" name="note_842" href="#noteref_842">842.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jambl. 35. p. 262.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_843" name="note_843" href="#noteref_843">843.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35.
p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul.
Acad. II. p. 178.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_844" name="note_844" href="#noteref_844">844.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 41. 5. and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">passim</span></span>.
Pausan. V. 7. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_845" name="note_845" href="#noteref_845">845.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_846" name="note_846" href="#noteref_846">846.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. VII. 1. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_847" name="note_847" href="#noteref_847">847.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, for example, Plutarch.
Philopœmen. 7, 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_848" name="note_848" href="#noteref_848">848.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXIV. 2, 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_849" name="note_849" href="#noteref_849">849.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_850" name="note_850" href="#noteref_850">850.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 10</a>. From
the passage quoted it is seen
that even in Plutarch's time a
ßas??e??, in name at least, existed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_851" name="note_851" href="#noteref_851">851.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, ch. 8. § 8.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_852" name="note_852" href="#noteref_852">852.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp. Inscript.
Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705.
The Delphian archons Gylidas
and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3.
590 B.C. and 49. 3. 582 B.C.
(Argument. Schol. Pind. Pyth.)
were, however, perhaps, prytanes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_853" name="note_853" href="#noteref_853">853.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. No. 1693.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_854" name="note_854" href="#noteref_854">854.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_855" name="note_855" href="#noteref_855">855.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??st??? ?a? ???st???at???
p???te?a, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg.
et Num. 2. According
to Plutarch de Monarchia 2.
p. 205. the government of
Sparta was an ???st???at???
????a???a ?a? a????ast??. Isocrates
Nicod. p. 31. D. says
of the Lacedæmonians, ?????
µ?? ????a????µe???, pe?? d? t??
p??eµ?? ßas??e??µe???. Comp.
Cragius I. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_856" name="note_856" href="#noteref_856">856.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A.
Crete also was free from
tyranny, according to Plato
Leg. IV. p. 711.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_857" name="note_857" href="#noteref_857">857.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates Areopag. p. 152
A. says that the Lacedæmonians
were ?????sta p???te??µe???,
because they were µ???sta
d?µ???at??µe???. Plat. Leg.
IV. p. 712 D. Aristot.
Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6.
4, 5. and compare Cicero de
Rep. II. 23. who states that the
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">respublica Lacedæmoniorum</span></span>
was <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">mixta</span></span>, but not
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">temperata</span></span>;
and on the other side the pretended
Archytas in Stob. Serm.
41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_858" name="note_858" href="#noteref_858">858.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The king in the Doric constitution
was said to honour
the people, d?µ?? ?e?a??e??,
Pind. Pyth. I. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_859" name="note_859" href="#noteref_859">859.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Cretan constitution
also, according to Plato (ubi
sup.), united every form of
government.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_860" name="note_860" href="#noteref_860">860.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">To this, and not to conquests,
the expression of Simonides,
daµas?µß??t?? Sp??ta,
refers, according to Plutarch
Agesil. 1. Compare Polyb. IV.
22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Præc.
Ger. Reip. 20, 21. p. 181, 182.
Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the
verses of Ion the tragic poet
in Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem
p. 69 A. and a Spartan
inscription of late date, Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. ?
p???? M. Aur. ?f??de?s???—t??
?? t??? pat????? ???????e????
??es?? e?????a? ?a? pe??a???a?
?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_861" name="note_861" href="#noteref_861">861.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29,
30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_862" name="note_862" href="#noteref_862">862.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare the Platonic Socrates,
Criton. 14. Protag. p.
342 C. Repub. VIII. p. 544 C.
with the Socrates of Xenophon,
Mem. III. 5. 15. and what Antisthenes
says in Plut. Lyc. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_863" name="note_863" href="#noteref_863">863.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Leocr. p. 166. 5. The
words of Æschines, ???? ?? ?a?eda?µ?????
(in Timarch. 25.
32.), are merely a ridiculous
imitation of Cimon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_864" name="note_864" href="#noteref_864">864.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polybius IV. 81. 12. also
calls the Spartan constitution
?a???st? p???te?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_865" name="note_865" href="#noteref_865">865.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As, for example, the ignorant
de Pauw, who was preceded
among the ancients in
an attempt to decry Sparta by
Polycrates (probably the orator),
Heyne de Spart. Rep.
Comment. Gotting. vol. IX.
p. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_866" name="note_866" href="#noteref_866">866.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the similarity of
Plato's state, and the Lacedæmonian
government, see Morgenstern
de Platon. Rep. p. 305.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_867" name="note_867" href="#noteref_867">867.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????et??, Lysistrat. 170.
Compare the ??ß??? st??t?? of
Pindar quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg009" class="tei tei-ref">9</a>. note y.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“form of government,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VI. 43.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_868" name="note_868" href="#noteref_868">868.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 22.
Compare the excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_869" name="note_869" href="#noteref_869">869.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 77.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_870" name="note_870" href="#noteref_870">870.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_871" name="note_871" href="#noteref_871">871.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 51. Compare
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_872" name="note_872" href="#noteref_872">872.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 1</a>. concerning
the µ???a. Compare the teµ???
d?µ?s?a of Byzantium in Pseud-Aristot.
Œcon. II. 2. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_873" name="note_873" href="#noteref_873">873.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As also in Cyrene. See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_874" name="note_874" href="#noteref_874">874.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">Ch.
3. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_875" name="note_875" href="#noteref_875">875.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. 2.
§ 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_876" name="note_876" href="#noteref_876">876.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. 3.
§ 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_877" name="note_877" href="#noteref_877">877.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare the supposed
apophthegm of Lycurgus concerning
the equal ricks of corn,
Plut. Lyc. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_878" name="note_878" href="#noteref_878">878.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, among others, Timæus
ap. Schol. Plat. Phæd. p. 68.
Ruhnk. and ap. Diog. Laërt.
VIII. 10. Meiners, Geschichte
der Wissenschaft, III. 3 Cicero
de Rep. IV. (p. 281. Mai.) ap.
Non. in v. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">proprium</span></span>, p. 689.
Gothofr. compares Plato's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Communitas
bonorum</span></span>. with the institution
of Lycurgus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_879" name="note_879" href="#noteref_879">879.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4.
Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac.
Inst. p. 252.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_880" name="note_880" href="#noteref_880">880.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_881" name="note_881" href="#noteref_881">881.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The apophthegm of Polydorus
ap. Plutarch, p. 223.
shows that this king set on foot
a ?????s?? of Messenia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_882" name="note_882" href="#noteref_882">882.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 6.
1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_883" name="note_883" href="#noteref_883">883.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This agrees completely with
a fact mentioned by Pausan.
IV. 18. 2. that Tyrtæus appeased
the internal troubles,
which arose from Messenia
having been left uncultivated,
on account of the incursions of
the Messenians from Eira.—It
was doubtless on this occasion
that the Spartans, who had lots
in Messenia, called for a fresh
division of the Spartan territory;
and to quiet these complaints
Tyrtæus composed his
Eunomia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_884" name="note_884" href="#noteref_884">884.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Agis 5. ?a? t?? ?????
?? ? ????????? ???se f??att??t??
????µ?? ?? ta?? d?ad??a??,
?a? pat??? pa?d? t?? ?????? ?p???p??t??.
See Heyne ut sup.
p. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_885" name="note_885" href="#noteref_885">885.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The difficulties have been
well perceived by Friederich
von Raumer, Vorlesungen über
alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_886" name="note_886" href="#noteref_886">886.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Herodotus VI. 86.
says of Glaucus the Spartan,
??te t? ?p??????, ??t? ?st?? ??deµ?a
??µ???µ??? e??a? G?a????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_887" name="note_887" href="#noteref_887">887.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 205. Compare
Diod. XV. 64. also Thucyd. V.
64.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_888" name="note_888" href="#noteref_888">888.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 2. p??e??
d? ??? ?a?eda?µ?????? a?s????
?e??µ?sta? (cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6.
10), t?? ???a?a? µ???a? ??a??µes?a?
??d?? ??est?. Cf. Plut.
Inst. Lac. p. 252.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_889" name="note_889" href="#noteref_889">889.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is quoted as a Laconian
law by Proclus ad Hes.
Op. 374. p. 198. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_890" name="note_890" href="#noteref_890">890.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Younger brothers, however,
inherited immediately, if the
elder died without lawful issue,
Plutarch. Ages. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_891" name="note_891" href="#noteref_891">891.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux I.
8. 75. X. 3. 20. with Hemsterhuis' note. Concerning
the words derived from
p??, see Valckenær. ad Ammon.
3, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_892" name="note_892" href="#noteref_892">892.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The members of a family
might be said to eat together,
to be ?µ??ap??, notwithstanding
the institution of the syssitia,
for the public tables did not
furnish <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> the food. ?µ??ap???
(the reading of the best MS.)
comes to the same thing; as
the fire of the hearth was used
by the Greeks more for cooking
than for warmth; and in the
summer for the former
exclusively.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_893" name="note_893" href="#noteref_893">893.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_894" name="note_894" href="#noteref_894">894.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius, pa?ta?: s???e?e??,
???e???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_895" name="note_895" href="#noteref_895">895.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot.
Pol. II. 6. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_896" name="note_896" href="#noteref_896">896.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The µ???? ????te? in Xenoph.
Rep. Lac. 7. 4. must be
those who possess no ?????? of
their own, like the µ????? ??s?a?
?e?t?µ???? in Aristot. Pol. II. 6.
10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_897" name="note_897" href="#noteref_897">897.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycurg. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_898" name="note_898" href="#noteref_898">898.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">When a family was entirely
extinct, probably they passed
to that next in order in the
t??a???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_899" name="note_899" href="#noteref_899">899.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mai Nov. Collect.
Vet. Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_900" name="note_900" href="#noteref_900">900.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">§ 4</a>. near the end.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_901" name="note_901" href="#noteref_901">901.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Deuteron. xxv. 5-10.
Michaëlis on the Laws of Moses,
vol. II. p. 21-33. Engl.
translation.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_902" name="note_902" href="#noteref_902">902.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Agis 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_903" name="note_903" href="#noteref_903">903.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This
circumstance is otherwise
understood by Manso, vol.
I. 2. p. 133. Tittmann, p. 660.
Göttling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467.
endeavours to exculpate Aristotle
from this charge by supposing
that under the word ??µ???t??
he also comprises the
later innovators of the constitution;
but the author nowhere
shows that he had any knowledge
of these changes: otherwise
he could not have stated
that the destructive law of Epitadeus
(for such in fact it was,
which d?d??a? ?a? ?ata?e?pe??
????s?a? ?d??e t??? ß????µ?????)
was a part of the original constitution,
as well as the corresponding
laws respecting
sacrifices.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_904" name="note_904" href="#noteref_904">904.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This also occurs in later
times, Plut. Agis 13. Ætian.
V. H. XIV. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_905" name="note_905" href="#noteref_905">905.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 6. 10. To give away
???µata or ?e?µ???a, was also
permitted in early time, Herod.
VI. 62. Plut. Ages. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_906" name="note_906" href="#noteref_906">906.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Clinton, F. H. vol. II.
p. 383. ed. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_907" name="note_907" href="#noteref_907">907.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?te?? p??t??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, of the
contribution to the syssitia,
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 13. Ælian
(V. II. VI. 6.) mentions five
instead of four. Manso (I. 1.
p. 128.) remarks that the law
can hardly have proceeded from
Lycurgus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_908" name="note_908" href="#noteref_908">908.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_909" name="note_909" href="#noteref_909">909.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pol. II. 6. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_910" name="note_910" href="#noteref_910">910.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 5.
According to Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the
time of Cleomenes there were
only <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">mille et quingenti Lacedæmonii,
qui arma ferre possent</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_911" name="note_911" href="#noteref_911">911.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">These only are called by
Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.)
Spa?t??ta?, as is plain from the
words; ?s?? ?? t??? ??????? Spa?t?at??
t????e? ??te?, ??a µ?? p???µ???
t?? desp?t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_912" name="note_912" href="#noteref_912">912.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Agis 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_913" name="note_913" href="#noteref_913">913.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dionys. Byz. de Bosp.
Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also
Varro de Ling. Lat. V. (IV.)
36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the
Sicilian Greeks (who were
chiefly Dorians) used d?t???
for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dowry</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_914" name="note_914" href="#noteref_914">914.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223.
Ælian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin.
III. 3. Compare the corrupt
gloss of Hesychius in
???et?µata.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_915" name="note_915" href="#noteref_915">915.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth.
p. 229. Ælian. V. H. VI. 4.
With regard to the story of
Lysander's daughters, it should
be remarked, that the suitors
could not have been deceived
as to whether they possessed
landed property or not; but
they thought that the father
had large personal property,
and that this would be divided
among them.—Lysander also
left male issue, as appears from
Paus. III. 6. 41. of whom one
was named Libys, in memory
of the proxenia of Lysander
with the Ammonians. The
name could hardly have been
transmitted through Lysander's
daughters, since it is certain
that they were not heiresses.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_916" name="note_916" href="#noteref_916">916.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Polit. II. 6. 10. In
Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich
sister of a poor and distressed
brother occurs. See also Plutarch
Cleomen. I. concerning
the wealth of the women in
Sparta. But the rich wife of
Archidamus II. (Athen. XIII.
p. 566 D.), Eupolia, the daughter
of Melesippidas, must have
been an heiress.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_917" name="note_917" href="#noteref_917">917.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Bunsen De Jure
Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_918" name="note_918" href="#noteref_918">918.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_919" name="note_919" href="#noteref_919">919.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides Bunsen, Platner,
Beiträge, p. 117. sqq. Sluiter
Lect. Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_920" name="note_920" href="#noteref_920">920.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XII. 18. Heyne
Opusc. Acad. II. p. 119.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_921" name="note_921" href="#noteref_921">921.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This is evident from the
Supplices of Æschylus, particularly
v. 382.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
e? t?? ??at??s? pa?de? ????pt?? s??e?,<br />
??µ? p??e?? f?s???te? ????tata ??????<br />
e??a?, t?? ?? t??sd? ??t?????a? ?????;
</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_922" name="note_922" href="#noteref_922">922.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isæus de Pyrrhi Hered. p.
54.—The Jewish law was strikingly
similar. See Numbers
xxvii. 1-11. The daughters
had the inheritance of their father,
but they were not permitted
to marry out of the family;
the nearest relation had the first
claim, to her, if he relinquished
it, the next followed, and so on,
Ruth iv.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_923" name="note_923" href="#noteref_923">923.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the law in Demosth.
in Steph. p. 1134. 15. which I
interpret thus: <span class="tei tei-q">“Whatever woman
is betrothed by her father,
her brother by the same father,
or her paternal grandfather,
is a legitimate wife:
if neither of these is living,
and the woman is an heiress,
she shall marry the nearest
relation, the ??????; but if
she is not an heiress (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, if
there are grandsons of the
deceased alive), that relation
shall give her in marriage to
whom he pleases”</span>—besides
which it is his duty to portion
her according to his valuation.
The laws of Charondas also
compelled the relation to marry
the heiress, and to endow her
if poor, Diod. XII. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_924" name="note_924" href="#noteref_924">924.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Solon 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_925" name="note_925" href="#noteref_925">925.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Leonidas married
Gorgo, the heiress of Cleomenes,
as being her nearest
relation (????ste??). It was
however a common practice in
Sparta to marry in the ?????.
Thus Archidamus married his
aunt Lampito, Herod. VI. 71;
thus Anaxandridas married his
sister's daughter, V. 39. Thus
the wife of Cleomenes (Plut.
Pyrrh. 26.) was of the same
family as her husband; and so
with regard to the wife of Archidamus
V. Polyb. IV. 35. 15.
Plut. Ag. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_926" name="note_926" href="#noteref_926">926.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_927" name="note_927" href="#noteref_927">927.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II.
6. 11. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 131.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_928" name="note_928" href="#noteref_928">928.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Demosth. in Macart.
p. 1077. Compare Platner, Beiträge,
p. 139.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_929" name="note_929" href="#noteref_929">929.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 39. VI. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_930" name="note_930" href="#noteref_930">930.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rap. Lac. I. 7-9.
From Xenophon Plut. Lyc. 15.
Comp. Num. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_931" name="note_931" href="#noteref_931">931.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ?pe??a?t?? mentioned
above in <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_932" name="note_932" href="#noteref_932">932.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 1. In
this passage it appears to me
that the context requires p??t??,
not p??t??. <span class="tei tei-q">“By some
the division of property has
been considered a point of
first importance in legislation;
for which reason the
first laws which Phaleas promulgated
were on this subject.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_933" name="note_933" href="#noteref_933">933.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_934" name="note_934" href="#noteref_934">934.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. VI. 2. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_935" name="note_935" href="#noteref_935">935.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_936" name="note_936" href="#noteref_936">936.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">Ch.
9. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_937" name="note_937" href="#noteref_937">937.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_938" name="note_938" href="#noteref_938">938.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Orchomenos, p. 407, 408.
where, however, Aristot. Rhet.
II. 23. is incorrectly applied
(the passage refers to
Epaminondas).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_939" name="note_939" href="#noteref_939">939.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II.
9. 7. With regard to the ??µ?? ?et???? of
Philolaus, I also remark, that
the ??? ?p?? t?? ??s?a? p??e?s?a?
t??? pa?da? is often recommended
among the Greeks. See
Plato de Rep. II. p. 372. with
Hesiod Op. et Di. 374. This
is the <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">liberorum numerum finire</span></span>”</span>
of Tacitus, German. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_940" name="note_940" href="#noteref_940">940.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. where
???µ???s?? appears to signify a
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fresh</span></em> equalization, as ??adasµ??
signifies a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fresh</span></em> division. Göttling
writes Fa???? for F???????:
concerning which it is
difficult to decide, as the passage
is evidently much mutilated.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_941" name="note_941" href="#noteref_941">941.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII.
p. 315.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_942" name="note_942" href="#noteref_942">942.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 46. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_943" name="note_943" href="#noteref_943">943.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This, however, does not disagree
with the accurate separation
of the rulers and the
countrymen, which still existed
in the time of Aristotle, Pol.
VII. 9. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_944" name="note_944" href="#noteref_944">944.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. p. 482.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_945" name="note_945" href="#noteref_945">945.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XIV. 206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_946" name="note_946" href="#noteref_946">946.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pol.
II. 6. 21. II. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_947" name="note_947" href="#noteref_947">947.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?at? ?efa???, Aristot. Pol.
II. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_948" name="note_948" href="#noteref_948">948.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eight chöeis, according to
Plutarch. Lyc. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_949" name="note_949" href="#noteref_949">949.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Schol. Plat.
Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_950" name="note_950" href="#noteref_950">950.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV.
p. 141 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_951" name="note_951" href="#noteref_951">951.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æginetica, p. 90. For
this reason Plutarch ubi sup.
mentions <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> medimnus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_952" name="note_952" href="#noteref_952">952.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the
Scholia quoted in note l.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“dates,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to Schol.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_953" name="note_953" href="#noteref_953">953.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod.
VI. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_954" name="note_954" href="#noteref_954">954.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Sphærus (the
Borysthenite and Stoic, who had seen
Sparta before the time of Cleomenes,
Plutarch. Cleomen. 2.)
?a?. p??. ap. Athen. IV. p.
141 B. Molpis, p. 141 D. cf.
XIV. p. 664 E. Nicocles the
Laconian, IV. p. 140 E. Perseus
?a?. p??. ibid. Xen. Rep.
Lac. 5. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_955" name="note_955" href="#noteref_955">955.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. ?? ??????
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> from the public revenue)
t??fes?a? p??ta? ?a? ???a??a?
?a? pa?da? ?a? ??d?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_956" name="note_956" href="#noteref_956">956.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the
???t???? ??µ?? in Plat. Leg. VIII. p. 847.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_957" name="note_957" href="#noteref_957">957.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_958" name="note_958" href="#noteref_958">958.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p.
143 B. ??ast?? t?? ?e??µ????
?a?p?? ??af??e? t?? de??t?? e??
t?? ?ta???a?. Every one (??ast??)
was therefore a member
of an ?ta???a, a company of persons
who always ate together,
which consisted of citizens; consequently
he is speaking of citizens,
and not of the Periœci,
and therefore agrees with the
passage just quoted from Aristotle.
The d?a??µe?? e?? t???
???st?? ?????? must have preceded
the ??af??e??, and the
????? are manifestly the citizens'
families included in the
companies.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_959" name="note_959" href="#noteref_959">959.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh's Public Economy
of Athens, vol. II. p 462.
Engl. transl.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_960" name="note_960" href="#noteref_960">960.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch
4. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_961" name="note_961" href="#noteref_961">961.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In that case, Plutarch in the
12th, as well as in the 8th
chapter of the Life of Lycurgus,
means Æginetan medimni; and
both passages were probably
taken from some Lacedæmonian
writer, such as Nicocles, Hippasus,
Sosibius, or Aristocrates.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_962" name="note_962" href="#noteref_962">962.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_963" name="note_963" href="#noteref_963">963.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. VI. 49. 8. ? t??
?pete??? ?a?p?? ???a?? p??? t?
?e?p??ta t?? ??e?a?—?at? t??
????????? ??µ??es?a?. The case
was probably the same among
the Locrians of Italy. Heracl.
Pont. 29. ?ap??e??? ??? ?st?
µetaß?????? ?? a?t???, ???? ?
?e????? p??e? t? ?d?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_964" name="note_964" href="#noteref_964">964.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. I. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_965" name="note_965" href="#noteref_965">965.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. ad fin. Compare
Schneider ad Anon. Œcon.
Præf. p. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_966" name="note_966" href="#noteref_966">966.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the passages quoted
above, p. <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a>. note q.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_967" name="note_967" href="#noteref_967">967.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The leathern
money is probably a mere fable; Nicolaus
Damascenus, Senec. de Benef.
V. 14. Boeckh's Economy of
Athens, vol. II. p. 389. Engl.
transl. Concerning the money
of Sparta, see Oudinet in the
Mémoires de l'Académie des
Belles Lettres. tom. I. p. 227.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_968" name="note_968" href="#noteref_968">968.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 9. Lysand. 17.
Comp. Arist. et Cat. 3. Pollux
IX. 6. 79. Pseud-Æschin.
Eryx. 100. and see Fischer ad c.
24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_969" name="note_969" href="#noteref_969">969.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lys. 17. Compare
Pollux VII. 105.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_970" name="note_970" href="#noteref_970">970.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in p??a???. The
Scholia ad Nicand. Alexipharm.
488. incorrectly explain pe?????
ß???? to be the weight of an
obolus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_971" name="note_971" href="#noteref_971">971.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p.
220. t? s?d????? ? ?st? µ?? ????
?????a?a, d???µe? d? ?a????
t?tta?e?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_972" name="note_972" href="#noteref_972">972.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 5.
Plut. Lyc. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_973" name="note_973" href="#noteref_973">973.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephoras and Theopompus
ap. Plut. Lys. 17. Xenoph. de
Rep. Lac. 7. 6. ???s??? ?e µ??
?a? ???????? ??e???ta? ?a? ?? t?
p?? fa??, ? ???? ??µ???ta?.
Comp. Nicolaus Damascenus,
and Ælian. V. II. XIV. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_974" name="note_974" href="#noteref_974">974.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??µ?s?? µ?? ?d??e? e?s??es?a?
??µ?sµa t????t??, ?? d?
t?s ??? ?e?t?µ???? ?d??, ??µ?a?
???sa? ?a??t??. Cf. Polyb. VI.
49. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_975" name="note_975" href="#noteref_975">975.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lys. 18. Comp.
Herod. I. 51. Posidonius ap.
Athen. VI. p. 235 F. I do not
mention the Thesaurus of Brasidas
(Plut. Lys. 18.), because
this general dedicated it, together
with the inhabitants of
Acanthus in Thrace, and moreover
from Athenian plunder
(Olymp. 89. 1.). See Plutarch.
Pyth. Or. 14. p. 269. 15. p. 271.
Lysand. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_976" name="note_976" href="#noteref_976">976.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_977" name="note_977" href="#noteref_977">977.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 69. See book II.
ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 17. The
story in Herodotus III. 56. we
will not make use of, since Herodotus
himself rejects it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_978" name="note_978" href="#noteref_978">978.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">King Areus appears to
have been the first who coined silver
money, and he imitated without
exception the method employed
by the kings of Macedon, Eckhel.
D. N. 1. 2. p. 278. 281.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_979" name="note_979" href="#noteref_979">979.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus far Boeckh has carried
the investigation, Public Economy
of Athens, vol. II. p. 385
sq. Engl. transl. Compare vol.
I. p. 43. Heeren, Ideen, vol.
III. part 1. p. 294. ed. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_980" name="note_980" href="#noteref_980">980.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter however accords
better with the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Byzantine</span></em> s?d??e??,
which were tokens, than
with the Lacadæmonian coins,
which were really worth what
they passed for.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_981" name="note_981" href="#noteref_981">981.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>. and
concerning the corn trade down
to Corinth, b. I. ch. 4. § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_982" name="note_982" href="#noteref_982">982.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Epidamnians also, who
retained much of ancient customs,
paid great attention to
the intercourse with foreigners.
They held once in each year,
under the superintendence of a
p???t??, a great public market
with the neighbouring Illyrians,
Plutarch. Qu. Græc. 29. p. 393.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_983" name="note_983" href="#noteref_983">983.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_984" name="note_984" href="#noteref_984">984.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 9</a>. and
Plut. Pericl. 22. Schol. Aristoph.
Nub. 855. from Ephorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_985" name="note_985" href="#noteref_985">985.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proofs of wealth, if not of
the possession of money, are the
?pp?t??f?a, and the maintenance
of race-horses for the Olympic
games. King Demaratus had
conquered in the chariot-race
(??µat?), and allowed Sparta to
be proclaimed conqueror. Herod.
VI. 70. The horses of Euagoras
had won three times at
the Olympic games. Herod. VI.
103. before the 66th Olympiad,
according to Pausan. VI. 10. 2.
According to Pausanias VI. 2.
1. the Lacedæmonians incurred
great expenses for horses after
the Persian war; he mentions
Xenarges, Lycinus, Arcesilaus,
and his son Lichas, as conquerors,
and cap. 1. Anaxander and
Polycles. Concerning the female
victors, see <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">b. IV. ch. 2.
§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_986" name="note_986" href="#noteref_986">986.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_987" name="note_987" href="#noteref_987">987.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Agis 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_988" name="note_988" href="#noteref_988">988.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 70. ?a?
?p?d?a ?aß?? ?p??e?et? ?? ????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_989" name="note_989" href="#noteref_989">989.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which Plato Alcib. I. (cf.
Hipp. Maj. p. 283 D.) says of
earlier times. Compare Bitaubé
sur les Richesses de Sparte, Mémoires
de Berlin, tom. XII. p.
559. Manso, Sparta, II. p. 372.
Boeckh, Public Economy of
Athens, vol. I. p. 43. Engl.
tr.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_990" name="note_990" href="#noteref_990">990.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg204" class="tei tei-ref">204</a>.
note z.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“moveable property,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plut. Lysand. 30.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_991" name="note_991" href="#noteref_991">991.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Anaxandridas (pe?? t?? ??
?e?f??? s??????t?? ???µ?t??)
ap. Plut. Lys. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_992" name="note_992" href="#noteref_992">992.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Posidonius ap. Athen. VI.
p. 233 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_993" name="note_993" href="#noteref_993">993.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He had been bribed by Pericles
as being the adviser of
Pleistonax. See Plut. Pericl.
22. Nic. 28. de Educ. Puer. 14.
Timæus ap. Plut. Compar. Timol.
2. Ephorus ap. Schol.
Aristoph. Nub. 855. Diodorus
XIII. 106. calls him Clearchus.
He was afterwards banished,
and went to Thurii (Thuc. VI.
104. see Wesseling ad Diod.
XII. 23.), fought with the inhabitants
of that town, against
the Tarentines, but afterwards
had a share in the foundation
of their colony Heraclea. See
B. I. ch. 6. § 12. Polyænus
II. 10. 1. 2. 4. 5. relates several
martial exploits of this Cleandridas,
in the wars which he
waged with the Thurians against
Terina and the Lucanians. Niebuhr,
in the 3rd vol. of his Roman
history, considers the Cleandridas,
who took a part in the
foundation of Heraclea, as the
same person as Leandrias the
Spartan, who, according to Diod.
XV. 54, fought at Leuctra on
the side of the Thebans. This
supposition, however, cannot be
reconciled with the chronological
succession of the events; since
the battle of Leuctra was 75
years later than the colony of
Thurii. The political contrivances,
which Cleandridas, according
to Polyæn. II. 10. 3,
practised against Tegea, must
fall in the war between Sparta
and Arcadia, which ended in
Olymp. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_994" name="note_994" href="#noteref_994">994.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Pelop. 6. 13, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_995" name="note_995" href="#noteref_995">995.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197.
p???a??µ???? t???? d?? t? ???µata
?? s??????s?? e?? t? d?µ?s???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_996" name="note_996" href="#noteref_996">996.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 23. e?sf????s?
?a???. The most opulent
were bound to provide
horses for military service (Xen.
Hell. VI. 4. 11.), which burden
was in Corinth, according to an
ancient usage, imposed upon
the families of orphans and
heiresses (Cic. de Rep. II. 20.
and compare Niebuhr's Roman
History, vol. I. p. 408. ed. 2.);
not so unfairly as at first sight
it appears, since these did not
furnish any armed man, and
would therefore have an advantage,
if their concerns were honestly
managed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_997" name="note_997" href="#noteref_997">997.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg203" class="tei tei-ref">203</a>. note p
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“from all taxes,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“?te?? p??t??.”</span>] and concerning the family of
Anticrates, Plut. Ages. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_998" name="note_998" href="#noteref_998">998.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_999" name="note_999" href="#noteref_999">999.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1000" name="note_1000" href="#noteref_1000">1000.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 80. ???µata
??te ?? ????? ???µe? ??te ?t??µ??
?? t?? ?d??? f???µe?. Aristot.
ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1001" name="note_1001" href="#noteref_1001">1001.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 9. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1002" name="note_1002" href="#noteref_1002">1002.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd.
I. 120.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1003" name="note_1003" href="#noteref_1003">1003.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Arcadian commerce of
Ægina (Æginetica, p. 74.) was
the basis of its other trade.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1004" name="note_1004" href="#noteref_1004">1004.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Ægina, see Æginetica,
p. 79. Megara manufactured
???µ?de? in particular,
Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. III. 7.
6. Compare Aristoph. Acharn.
519.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1005" name="note_1005" href="#noteref_1005">1005.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 5. Concerning
the trade of Corinth,
see above, p. <a href="#Pg024" class="tei tei-ref">24</a>. note a.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“value upon it,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch, Lyc. 4.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1006" name="note_1006" href="#noteref_1006">1006.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseud-Aristot. Œcon.
II. 2. Suidas in ???. ?????µa. See
also vol. I. p. 184. note p. and
Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen.
Anab. p. 473. The tithe paid
by the Syracusans for the building
of temples was something
extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV.
20. from Demon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1007" name="note_1007" href="#noteref_1007">1007.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 89. According
to Lucian pe?? p?????? 10.
the Æginetan obolus was in his
time still in circulation, as also
among the Achæans, according
to Hesychius in pa?e?? (Æginetica,
p. 90.); nevertheless,
ever after the foundation of
Megalopolis and Messene in
Peloponnesus, the Athenian
standard seems to have
prevailed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1008" name="note_1008" href="#noteref_1008">1008.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I am unwilling to make use
of Romé de l'Isle's valuations
of Greek coins, as in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Métrologie</span></span>
he shows such a complete
want of historical talent
and knowledge. It is at once
evident that his 14 different
kinds of drachmas are a mere
absurdity; the very first of 60
grains, which he calls <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">drachme
d'Ægium ou du Péloponnèse</span></span>, is
nothing more than a half Æginetan
drachma, which should
properly, according to the ratio
to the Attic drachma (of 82
grains), contain 137 grains, but
they are generally much rubbed
on account of their great antiquity.
To these belong the
ancient ?e???a?, the coins with
the Bœotian shield in the early
style, the Corinthian coins with
the Coppa and Pegasus, also the
early Thessalian coins, more especially
those found in Thrace,
and generally marked <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lete</span></span>;
together with those of the Macedonian
kings prior to Philip.
To the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">drachme d'Egine</span></span> he
only assigns three coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1009" name="note_1009" href="#noteref_1009">1009.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Followed by Pollux
IV. 24. 173. IX. 6. 80. The names
frequently occurred in Sophron
and Epicharmus as coins and
weights, as may be seen from
Pollux; cf. Phot, in ??t?a et
????a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1010" name="note_1010" href="#noteref_1010">1010.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I am of opinion, in
opposition to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419,
that the testimony of Pollux
must be followed. In Hesychius
also in v. t????t?? p????, a t????
is reckoned equal to 20 ?ept?;
now the ????a is generally made
equal to the ?a????? ?tt????
(Aristot. ap. Poll.), and a t????
is in that case equal to 21 ?ept?,
which Hesychius gives in round
numbers. Diodorus' estimate
of the pe?t????t???t??? at 10
drachmas, which is otherwise
very inexact, is explained by
Boeckh, Economy of Athens,
vol. I. p. 37. from the different
prices of gold in Attica and
Sicily.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1011" name="note_1011" href="#noteref_1011">1011.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Since copper was the basis
of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus
(but not an Athenian or Peloponnesian)
could say ?a????
?fe??e??, <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">æs alienum habere</span></span>,
Pollux IX. 6. 92.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1012" name="note_1012" href="#noteref_1012">1012.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That ??µ??, not ???µµ??, is
the proper Greek form, is shown
by Blomfield ad Sophronis
Fragm. Classical Journal vol.
V. p. 384. (See also Knight,
Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1013" name="note_1013" href="#noteref_1013">1013.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. in Acragant. Polit.
ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. Æginetica,
p. 9. Bentley, from not taking
this statement as his foundation,
has given a false direction
to his inquiries.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1014" name="note_1014" href="#noteref_1014">1014.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Romé de l'Isle,
p. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1015" name="note_1015" href="#noteref_1015">1015.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Romé de
l'Isle, 23-1/3; but see p. <a href="#Pg223" class="tei tei-ref">223</a>. note a.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“adapted to it,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“I am unwilling.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1016" name="note_1016" href="#noteref_1016">1016.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the author's Etrusker,
vol. I. p. 309-329.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1017" name="note_1017" href="#noteref_1017">1017.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which is Boeckh's opinion,
Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 21. Engl. tr.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1018" name="note_1018" href="#noteref_1018">1018.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1019" name="note_1019" href="#noteref_1019">1019.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Bentley supposes, ibid.
p. 410.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1020" name="note_1020" href="#noteref_1020">1020.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6.
87. Apollodorus ?? t??? pe??
S?f????? ap. Schol. Min. et
Venet. ad Il. V. 516. and Schol.
Gregor. Nazianz. in Montfauc.
Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to
the correction of ???O? for
??O?, also Suidas in t??a?t??
according to Scaliger, likewise
Bentley p. 409. The Venetian
Scholia on Il. XXIII. 269.
mention several other talents,
but without specifying the places
where they were current.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1021" name="note_1021" href="#noteref_1021">1021.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle, as
well as Apollodorus,
states in the passages
just quoted, that the ??µ?? was
equal to t??a ?µ??ß???a, which,
according to the probable supposition
of Salmasius and Gronovius,
is a mistake for t??t??
?µ??ß?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1022" name="note_1022" href="#noteref_1022">1022.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">These reasons are,
1st, that the coins with the figure of
Taras generally weigh 72 and
140-155 grains, and therefore
they are manifestly not sesterces,
but rather quinarii and denarii,
as determined by the depreciated
litra; which would therefore
have been about equal to an
Attic obolus. 2dly, that the
great Inscription of Tauromenium
in D'Orville and Castello
without exception contains talents
of 120 litras (according to
which the ??µ?? would have
been again equal to 5 or 10
litras), as may be seen at once
from an item in the account:
<span class="tei tei-q">“?s?d?? 56,404 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">talents</span></span>,
88 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">litras</span></span>,
???d?? 30,452 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">talents</span></span>,
42 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">litras</span></span>, ???p?? 4935
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">talents</span></span>,
112 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">litras</span></span>, and ???µata da?e???µe?a
20,016 <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">talents</span></span>, 54
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">litras</span></span> (????a should be supplied),”</span>
therefore 56,404 talents
88 litras, are equal to 56,403
talents 208 litras, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, 1 talent,
88 litras. The well-known
Epigram of Simonides, on the
tripod of Gelon, also contains
talents of more than 100 litras
(fragm. 42. Gaisford.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1023" name="note_1023" href="#noteref_1023">1023.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VI. p. 398.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1024" name="note_1024" href="#noteref_1024">1024.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Zenob. Prov. V. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1025" name="note_1025" href="#noteref_1025">1025.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 3</a>,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">7</a>.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 3</a>,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1026" name="note_1026" href="#noteref_1026">1026.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As is also proposed by Plato
Leg. VI. p. 767.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1027" name="note_1027" href="#noteref_1027">1027.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Plutarch de
Socrat. Dæm. 33. p. 365. the
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">gerontes</span></span> fined Lysanoridas (see
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 11</a>.), but it was
probably the supreme court of
public magistrates.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1028" name="note_1028" href="#noteref_1028">1028.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
5. § 8</a>. p. <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>. note s.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“carefully distinguished,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“It is a d???.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1029" name="note_1029" href="#noteref_1029">1029.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ages. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1030" name="note_1030" href="#noteref_1030">1030.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 1</a>.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">7</a>.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>.
But in Crete, and perhaps in
Ægina (Æginetica, p. 133.),
there were similar <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">oligarchical</span></em>
institutions.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1031" name="note_1031" href="#noteref_1031">1031.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p.
200.—Of the courts of justice
at Argos, we only know of that
upon the Pron (Dinias ap. Schol.
Eurip. Orest. 869, from which
Scholia it is also seen, that the
place of the public assembly,
???d?a?, whence ???a?a, was in
the neighbourhood; see above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 9</a>.), which was perhaps
similar to the Aeropagus of
Athens, together with the court
?? ?a??d?? without the city,
before which generals after their
return were arraigned (Thuc.
V. 60.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1032" name="note_1032" href="#noteref_1032">1032.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 132.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1033" name="note_1033" href="#noteref_1033">1033.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This
may be compared with the Cumæan
law, that the neighbours
of a person who had been robbed
should replace the stolen property
(Heraclid. Pont. II. comp.
Hesiod. Op. et Di. 348. and see
strabo. XIII. p. 622.). Yet
Ephorus (ap. Steph. in ß???t?a)
praises the ??µ?? e?ta??a of his
countrymen.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1034" name="note_1034" href="#noteref_1034">1034.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1035" name="note_1035" href="#noteref_1035">1035.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1036" name="note_1036" href="#noteref_1036">1036.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?????t?? t?? ???????e???,
in a late inscription, Boeckh
No. 1364.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1037" name="note_1037" href="#noteref_1037">1037.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
9. § 7</a>. and
Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 111.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1038" name="note_1038" href="#noteref_1038">1038.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meier de bonis damnatis,
præf. p. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1039" name="note_1039" href="#noteref_1039">1039.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp.
Heyne Opuscula II. p. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1040" name="note_1040" href="#noteref_1040">1040.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 E.
141 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1041" name="note_1041" href="#noteref_1041">1041.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 11</a>. See
Meier p. 198.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1042" name="note_1042" href="#noteref_1042">1042.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example Thimbron, as
appears from Xen. Hell. III.
1. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1043" name="note_1043" href="#noteref_1043">1043.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the account in
Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above,
p. <a href="#Pg123" class="tei tei-ref">123</a>. note t
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“I even doubt,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch. Erot. 5.”</span>] comp. Meier p.
199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1044" name="note_1044" href="#noteref_1044">1044.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Polyænus II.
21. defendants were heard in
chains at Sparta, a statement
which is not true in a general
sense.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1045" name="note_1045" href="#noteref_1045">1045.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134
B sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1046" name="note_1046" href="#noteref_1046">1046.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the ?t?µ?a
of this person, see Herod. VII.
231. Plut. Ages. 30. Xenoph.
Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by the
?a??? chiefly means the t??sa?.
According to Tzetzes Chil. XII.
386. ????sp?de? were put to
death. The assertion of Lycurgus
in Leocrat. p. 166. 13.
that in Sparta all persons µ?
?????te? ?p?? t?? pat??d?? ???d??e?e??
might be executed, is
ambiguous, since the law to
which he refers is lost.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1047" name="note_1047" href="#noteref_1047">1047.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1048" name="note_1048" href="#noteref_1048">1048.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. de Curios.
8. p. 139; Heyne, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 94.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1049" name="note_1049" href="#noteref_1049">1049.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XII. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1050" name="note_1050" href="#noteref_1050">1050.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. II. The
meaning of Ælian V. H. III. 12. probably
is, that a person convicted of the
offence in question would be
punished with death, if he did
not voluntarily quit the country.
(See <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">B. IV. ch. 4. § 8</a>.) Aristotle,
Pol. IV. 8., indeed says,
that the Spartan constitution
was oligarchical, because a few
persons had, as judges, the power
of inflicting <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">death</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">banishment</span></em>;
yet in this passage also
banishment may be considered
as a means of escaping from
the penalty of death before the
final passing of the sentence;
for Aristotle's only purpose is
to show that the decision of a
few persons could deprive a
citizen of life, or force him to
quit the country. Concerning
the power of the ephors to banish,
see above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1051" name="note_1051" href="#noteref_1051">1051.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example, the boy in
Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1052" name="note_1052" href="#noteref_1052">1052.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
polemarchs, who, according to Thucyd. V. 72, fled
on account of disobedience in
battle, and cowardice (d??a?te?
µa?a??s???a?), probably saved
themselves from <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">death</span></em>: comp.
Plut. Pericl. 22. Moreover,
Clearchus, the leader of the
mercenaries under Cyrus the
Younger, was only an exile in
this manner. He had been disobedient
to the ephors at a military
post, and on that account
condemned to death. See Xenoph.
Anab. I. 1. 9. II. 6. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1053" name="note_1053" href="#noteref_1053">1053.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 213.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1054" name="note_1054" href="#noteref_1054">1054.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth
the name of the public prison
was ???, Steph. Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1055" name="note_1055" href="#noteref_1055">1055.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 146. Valer.
Max. VI. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1056" name="note_1056" href="#noteref_1056">1056.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Phæd. 116.
Olympiodorus ad loc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1057" name="note_1057" href="#noteref_1057">1057.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The prohibition
at Rhodes, that the d?µ?s???
should not enter the city,
rests on a similar principle, Dio
Chrysost. Or. 31. p. 632 Reisk.
See Wessel. ad. Diod. I. p. 624.
Aristid. II. 44. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1058" name="note_1058" href="#noteref_1058">1058.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 120 (171
Bekker.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1059" name="note_1059" href="#noteref_1059">1059.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lac.
Apophth. p. 197. See Thuc. I. 132.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1060" name="note_1060" href="#noteref_1060">1060.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65.
ed. Bekker.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1061" name="note_1061" href="#noteref_1061">1061.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heracl. Pont. 7.
Miscell. Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392.
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Tenedia securi</span></span>. Compare
Meineke ad Menand. p. 70.
See also the story in Nicolaus
Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.
(Comp. book II. ch. 2. § 3.)
and the account of the punishment
of the µ????? at Gortyna
in Ælian. V. H. XII. 12. Also
the strange account of a Cretan
festival in Plutarch de Defect.
Orac. 13. proves that rape was
in that island once punished by
decapitation. The very strict
sumptuary and disciplinarian
laws of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ceos</span></span> were, in my opinion,
of Cretan origin, and certainly
not of Ionic. See Æginetica,
p. 132., and Jacobs ad
Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p.
449. Meineke ad Menand.
Fragm. 135. p. 237. The existence
of Cretan institutions in
the islands of the Ægæan is
made probable by the report
that Rhadamanthus was legislator
of the islanders, Apollod.
III. 1, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1062" name="note_1062" href="#noteref_1062">1062.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. XIII. 24.
Valer. Max. V. 5. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1063" name="note_1063" href="#noteref_1063">1063.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Book IV. ch. 4. § 3</a>.
and compare the degrading punishments
for adultery at Cume,
Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. p. 378. and at
Lepreum, Heracl. Pont. 14.
The account of the punishment
for adultery at Tenedos may indeed
be a mere fiction, in order
to explain the symbol on the
Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall
in the Philological Museum,
vol. I. p. 118); yet the parallel
cases in the text give it a certain
degree of credibility. The
axe in the hands of the Apollo
of Tenedos (B. II. ch. 8. § 17)
appears likewise to be not so
much a weapon as an instrument
of punishment.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1064" name="note_1064" href="#noteref_1064">1064.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book II. ch. 8. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1065" name="note_1065" href="#noteref_1065">1065.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. IX. p. 865. The Scholiast
also quotes an oracle (p.
235 Ruhnk. p. 454 Bekk.),
which however Plato cannot
allude to in particular.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1066" name="note_1066" href="#noteref_1066">1066.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book II. ch. 1. § 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1067" name="note_1067" href="#noteref_1067">1067.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. II. 134.
Plut. de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1068" name="note_1068" href="#noteref_1068">1068.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">t? pe?? t?? d??a?, Plato de
Leg. I. p. 625.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1069" name="note_1069" href="#noteref_1069">1069.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 5.
3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1070" name="note_1070" href="#noteref_1070">1070.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VI. p. 397 D. Scymnus
v. 313. Both follow Ephorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1071" name="note_1071" href="#noteref_1071">1071.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II.
p. 46. The descent from the
latter is also confirmed by the
tradition concerning the expiatory
virgins for the crime of
Ajax the son of Oileus. See
Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos, p.
167.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1072" name="note_1072" href="#noteref_1072">1072.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From these was derived the
Minerva, together with Pegasus
(this goddess is also said to
have given the laws to Zaleucus,
see particularly Clem. Alex.
Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the
Proserpine upon their coins;
see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Corcyræan
colony is very doubtful;
see Heyne, p. 52.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1073" name="note_1073" href="#noteref_1073">1073.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V.
6, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1074" name="note_1074" href="#noteref_1074">1074.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et
sup. Heyne p. 53. Boeckh. ad
Pind. Olymp. IX. 15. That
the family of Ajax was one of
them may be seen by comparing
Servius ad Æn. I. 41. with Polybius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1075" name="note_1075" href="#noteref_1075">1075.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XII. 16. Concerning
the courts of justice, see
Diod. XII. 20. Stobæus Serm.
42. p. 240.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1076" name="note_1076" href="#noteref_1076">1076.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius.
Comp. Bentley's Phalaris, p.
340.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1077" name="note_1077" href="#noteref_1077">1077.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260.
Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed
Marx.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1078" name="note_1078" href="#noteref_1078">1078.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. X. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1079" name="note_1079" href="#noteref_1079">1079.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Timæus, p. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1080" name="note_1080" href="#noteref_1080">1080.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap.
Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1081" name="note_1081" href="#noteref_1081">1081.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">§. 4</a>. The same
law (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">pœnaque mors posita est
patriam mutare volenti</span></span>) is mentioned
by Ovid Metam. XV. 29.
in the story of the founding of
Croton; the place appears from
v. 19. to be Argos, but perhaps
only by a misunderstanding;
originally I believe it was Sparta.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1082" name="note_1082" href="#noteref_1082">1082.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne p. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1083" name="note_1083" href="#noteref_1083">1083.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138.
Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII.—X.
14. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1084" name="note_1084" href="#noteref_1084">1084.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1085" name="note_1085" href="#noteref_1085">1085.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example, the prohibition
to drink pure wine, Ælian.
V. H. II. 37. See book II. ch.
12. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1086" name="note_1086" href="#noteref_1086">1086.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Stobæus <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ubi sup</span></span>. See
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 8</a>. 11. Cic. de
Leg. III. 20. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Græci hoc diligentius</span></span>
(quam Romani), <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">apud
quos Nomophylaces creantur,
neque hi solum litteras—sed
etiam facta hominum observabant
ad legesque revocabant.</span></span>
The same is stated by Columella
de Re Rust. XII. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1087" name="note_1087" href="#noteref_1087">1087.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">§ 1</a>,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1088" name="note_1088" href="#noteref_1088">1088.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is the only way in
which Cic. de Leg. II. 6. can
be understood.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1089" name="note_1089" href="#noteref_1089">1089.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref">15</a>. note s.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Pythian god,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xenoph. Rep. Laced.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1090" name="note_1090" href="#noteref_1090">1090.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut.
Pelop. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1091" name="note_1091" href="#noteref_1091">1091.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides, Plutarch, Polyæn.
II. 1. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1092" name="note_1092" href="#noteref_1092">1092.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 4. § 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1093" name="note_1093" href="#noteref_1093">1093.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? ?? ta?? ?????a??, Polyb.
IV. 22. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1094" name="note_1094" href="#noteref_1094">1094.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Agesilaus, when sixty-two
years old, according to Xenophon's
computation, was no
longer ?µf??????, Hell. V. 4. 13.
Plut. Ages. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1095" name="note_1095" href="#noteref_1095">1095.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. Busir.
p. 225 A. (quoted by Harpocration in v.
?a? ??? t?), where µ???µ?? is
evidently put for ?µf??????.
Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1096" name="note_1096" href="#noteref_1096">1096.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1097" name="note_1097" href="#noteref_1097">1097.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 11.
2. See above, p. <a href="#Pg126" class="tei tei-ref">126</a>. note x.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“number of men,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“???????tt??s? t? ?t?.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1098" name="note_1098" href="#noteref_1098">1098.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this point see Petit.
Leg. Att. VIII. 1. p. 548; but
the subject has been treated far
better by Boeckh in a programm
of the Berlin university for
1819.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1099" name="note_1099" href="#noteref_1099">1099.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It was probably impossible
to assemble the Periœci on a
sudden summons of the army.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1100" name="note_1100" href="#noteref_1100">1100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ß????a
t?? ?a?eda?µ?????
????eta? a?t?? te ?a? t??
e???t?? pa?d?µe?, Thuc. V. 64.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1101" name="note_1101" href="#noteref_1101">1101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1102" name="note_1102" href="#noteref_1102">1102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1103" name="note_1103" href="#noteref_1103">1103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 55.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1104" name="note_1104" href="#noteref_1104">1104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Brasideans (emancipated
Helots) and Neodamodes
(see c. 67.) appear to have not
been included in the seven ?????;
and in c. 68 they are understood
together with the Sciritæ.
In Schol. Aristoph. Lys.
454. writes, ? d? T????d?d?? ??
f?s? ????? t?? S?????O?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1105" name="note_1105" href="#noteref_1105">1105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? p???t????, Xen. Hell. V.
3. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1106" name="note_1106" href="#noteref_1106">1106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. IV. 2. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1107" name="note_1107" href="#noteref_1107">1107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Lac. 11. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1108" name="note_1108" href="#noteref_1108">1108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Enomotia quarta decuriæ</span></span>
(?????) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">pars</span></span>, Ælian. Tact. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1109" name="note_1109" href="#noteref_1109">1109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas, Timæus, Etym.
Magn.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1110" name="note_1110" href="#noteref_1110">1110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This was also the case with
the rearguard of the 10,000.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1111" name="note_1111" href="#noteref_1111">1111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Three times twelve, according
to Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1112" name="note_1112" href="#noteref_1112">1112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. IV. 5. 11, 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1113" name="note_1113" href="#noteref_1113">1113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch. Pelop. 16.
from Ephorus, Diod. XV. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1114" name="note_1114" href="#noteref_1114">1114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the passages quoted by
Cragius IV. 4. and add Etym.
M. p. 590. 33. (where Martini
Prol. de Spartiat. Mora. Ratisbonæ
1771. corrects 900 for
30), Biblioth. Coisl. p. 505.
and Bekk Anecd. I. p. 209.
Comp. Sturz Lex. Xen. in v.
µ??a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1115" name="note_1115" href="#noteref_1115">1115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">t???? t?? d?? sfa????
???µ?t??, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1116" name="note_1116" href="#noteref_1116">1116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Like <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> st???? or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">versus</span></span>,
Ælian. Tact. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1117" name="note_1117" href="#noteref_1117">1117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1118" name="note_1118" href="#noteref_1118">1118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1119" name="note_1119" href="#noteref_1119">1119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 11.
4. d?? pa?e????se?? ?a??sta?ta? t?t?
µ?? e?? ???µ?t?a?, t?t? d? e??
t?e??, t?t? d? e?? ??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the enomoty
was sometimes one, sometimes
three, sometimes six men
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in width</span></em>, as is evident from
Hell. VI. 4. 12. In Hell. III.
2. 16. the enomoty is eight men
wide, contrary to the usual custom.
The single division of a
lochus, in the common acceptation
of the word, was also called
?????, which, according to Schol.
Arist. Acharn. 1073. Ælian.
Tact. 4. Suidas, Tzetz. Chil.
XII. 523, contained eight, or
twelve, or sixteen men, that
is, if the enomoty formed two,
three, or four st????. The t????,
according to Ælian 9, contained
eight lochi, or 128 men; in
that case the enomoty had four
st????. Compare Sturz Lex.
Xen. in ?????, Perizon. ad Ælian.
V. H. II. 44. D'Orville ad
Chariton. p. 455.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1120" name="note_1120" href="#noteref_1120">1120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrat. Archid. p. 136. C.
Comp. B. 1. ch. 9. § 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1121" name="note_1121" href="#noteref_1121">1121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Anab. IV. 2. 11. IV.
3. 17. IV. 8. 10. Comp. Ælian,
Suidas in ????a, Sturz in ??????,
in whose opinion the whole
lochus formed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> file.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1122" name="note_1122" href="#noteref_1122">1122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 8.
cf. Anab. IV. 3. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1123" name="note_1123" href="#noteref_1123">1123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hell. VII. 5. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1124" name="note_1124" href="#noteref_1124">1124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Lac. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1125" name="note_1125" href="#noteref_1125">1125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Lac. 11. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1126" name="note_1126" href="#noteref_1126">1126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. IV. 2.
5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1127" name="note_1127" href="#noteref_1127">1127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rep. Lac. 11. 4. cf. Hieron.
9. 5. d?????ta? ??? ?pasa? a?
p??e?? a? µ?? ?at? f????, a?
d? ?at? µ??a?, a? d? ?at? ??????.
That the number was six appears
also from Xen. Hell. VI.
I. 1. VI. 4. 17. and from Aristotle
ap. Harpocrat. in µ??a
(where Bekker's edition has
the correct reading <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">six</span></em> instead of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">five</span></em>). Diodorus XV. 32. proves
nothing against the number <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">six</span></em>.
The ?e?daµ?de?? belonged to no
mora, Hell. IV. 3. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1128" name="note_1128" href="#noteref_1128">1128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1129" name="note_1129" href="#noteref_1129">1129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1130" name="note_1130" href="#noteref_1130">1130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. IV. 4. 10. IV. 5.
12. A square of fifty was called
???aµ??, Plut. Lye. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1131" name="note_1131" href="#noteref_1131">1131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 15, 16.
cf. IV. 4. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1132" name="note_1132" href="#noteref_1132">1132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. IV. 5. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1133" name="note_1133" href="#noteref_1133">1133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_V_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. §. 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1134" name="note_1134" href="#noteref_1134">1134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 12. Lac. Apophth.
p. 221.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1135" name="note_1135" href="#noteref_1135">1135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ag. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1136" name="note_1136" href="#noteref_1136">1136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1137" name="note_1137" href="#noteref_1137">1137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Schol. Aristoph.
Lysist. 454. there were
six lochi at Sparta, five are
named, ?d????, s????, ???µa?,
p????, µes?????. The last is
evidently ??S????S; of the
others I have nothing to say,
except that the ?d???? ????? is
also mentioned by Hesychius.
Neither can the four lochi of
the king be easily explained (cf.
Schol. Acharn. 1087); perhaps
it is only another expression for
the mora of the king (Xen. Rep.
Lac. 13. 6.). There were five
(or six) lochi in Sparta, according
to Aristotle, Photius in
?????, Hesychius, and his commentators.
Xenophon Hell.
VII. 5. 10. speaks of ten lochi;
of twelve in VII. 4. 20. Dindorf,
however, writes <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">twelve</span></em> in
VII. 5. 10. with two manuscripts;
by which the two passages
are reconciled.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1138" name="note_1138" href="#noteref_1138">1138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1139" name="note_1139" href="#noteref_1139">1139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Pelop. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1140" name="note_1140" href="#noteref_1140">1140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. Tact. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1141" name="note_1141" href="#noteref_1141">1141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1142" name="note_1142" href="#noteref_1142">1142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the instances of Amompharetus,
Herod. IX. 53,
and of Hipponoidas and Aristotle,
Thuc. V. 71.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1143" name="note_1143" href="#noteref_1143">1143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This was probably the real
character of the ?e?a??? (Anecd.
Bekk. vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen.
Ages. 2. 10.); and there having
the command of s?µµa???
in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75.
appears to be an exception.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1144" name="note_1144" href="#noteref_1144">1144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell.
III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz
in v. ???a???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1145" name="note_1145" href="#noteref_1145">1145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 173.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1146" name="note_1146" href="#noteref_1146">1146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4.
14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1147" name="note_1147" href="#noteref_1147">1147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 10. In this
instance Pausanias fixed upon
Euryanax, the son of Dorieus,
of the same family; yet Dorieus
cannot have been the son
of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol.
III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case
he would have been king before
Leonidas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1148" name="note_1148" href="#noteref_1148">1148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, daµ?s?a
s???? or t??pe?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1149" name="note_1149" href="#noteref_1149">1149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. Rep.
Lac. 13. 1, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1150" name="note_1150" href="#noteref_1150">1150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1151" name="note_1151" href="#noteref_1151">1151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg111" class="tei tei-ref">111</a>, note f.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“public expense,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“De Rep. Lac.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1152" name="note_1152" href="#noteref_1152">1152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Nicol.
Dam. The ??e?da?t?? also
probably belonged to the same
suite, Plut. Ages. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1153" name="note_1153" href="#noteref_1153">1153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, vol. II.
p. 377. III. 1. p. 214.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1154" name="note_1154" href="#noteref_1154">1154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1155" name="note_1155" href="#noteref_1155">1155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg108" class="tei tei-ref">108</a>, note m.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“armistice of Agis,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Thuc. V. 63.”</span>] Comp. Thuc. VIII. 39. ?????a???
occur in inscriptions of
Fourmont's which Raoul-Rochette
considers the same as
the s?µß?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1156" name="note_1156" href="#noteref_1156">1156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg103" class="tei tei-ref">103</a>, note o.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Agamemnon of Homer,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor.”</span>] See also Theopompus ap. Schol.
Theocrit. V. 83. Eudocia, p.
251. concerning ?e?? ???t??,
who was also worshipped at
Argos as the god who had led
the Heraclidæ into the country,
a belief referred to by Tyrtæus
in the verses quoted in vol. I.
p. 52. note d.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1157" name="note_1157" href="#noteref_1157">1157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2.
Comp. Zenob. Prov. V. 34.
Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1415.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1158" name="note_1158" href="#noteref_1158">1158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 22. Qu. Symp.
II. 5. p. 88.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1159" name="note_1159" href="#noteref_1159">1159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. IV.
1. 5, 30, 34. V. 3. 8. Plut.
Ages. 6. 7. Lysand. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1160" name="note_1160" href="#noteref_1160">1160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, vol. I. 1. p. 153.
See also Herod. VIII. 124. Xen.
Hell. 5. 3. 9. Plut. Reg. Apophth.
p. 130. Lac. Apophth.
p. 232. Dionys. Hal. Arch. II.
13. according to whom they
were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">both</span></em> horsemen and hoplitæ.
The three hundred with
Leonidas, although Herodotus
VII. 205. calls them ?? ????S??O??S t?????s???, were not
however ?ppe??; most of them
were doubtless men of an advanced
age; whereas the horsemen,
as the false Archytas in
Stob. Serm. 41. calls them, were
?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1161" name="note_1161" href="#noteref_1161">1161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. X. p. 481.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1162" name="note_1162" href="#noteref_1162">1162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1163" name="note_1163" href="#noteref_1163">1163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 55. Xen.
Hell. IV. 2. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1164" name="note_1164" href="#noteref_1164">1164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ?µ?pp?? (p??d??µ??
in Philochorus), Thuc. V. 57.
Xen. Hell. VII. 5. 24. Harpocration
and Hesychius in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1165" name="note_1165" href="#noteref_1165">1165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">30,000 cavalry and 30,000
infantry, Strab. VI. p. 280.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1166" name="note_1166" href="#noteref_1166">1166.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. Tact. 2., Steph.
Byzant. in ???a?, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1167" name="note_1167" href="#noteref_1167">1167.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also called ?????, Diod.
XV. 32. Hesychius and Etymol.
M. in s???t?? ?????, Bekk.
Anecd. I. p. 305. Schol. Thucyd.
V. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1168" name="note_1168" href="#noteref_1168">1168.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1169" name="note_1169" href="#noteref_1169">1169.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 12. 3. 13.
6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1170" name="note_1170" href="#noteref_1170">1170.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. ubi sup. Diodorus
represents them as standing
round the king's person; he
evidently confounds them with
the knights.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1171" name="note_1171" href="#noteref_1171">1171.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. V. 4. 52, 53.
Diod. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1172" name="note_1172" href="#noteref_1172">1172.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is also what Xenophon
Cyrop. IV. 2. 1. says.
Comp. Hesychius and other
grammarians, Manso, vol. I. 2.
p. 228.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1173" name="note_1173" href="#noteref_1173">1173.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? d? ???ad????, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1174" name="note_1174" href="#noteref_1174">1174.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????de? t?? pe???????, Herod.
IX. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1175" name="note_1175" href="#noteref_1175">1175.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At the battle of Leuctra
there were only 700 Spartans
present, according to Xenoph.
Hell. VI. 4. 15; but he must
use the word in a very limited
sense; for there were four
moras (µ??a? p???t??a?) of men
less than thirty-five years (?f?
?ß??), which could not have
contained less than 2000 men.
The whole army was however
much more numerous; at Corinth
it had contained 6000
hoplitæ, IV. 2. 16. See also
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1176" name="note_1176" href="#noteref_1176">1176.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That at a latter time there
were still many ????? in the
Peloponnesian army may be
seen from Polyænus IV. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1177" name="note_1177" href="#noteref_1177">1177.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 2</a>. and
p. <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>. note t,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Periœci,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to the epitaph.”</span>] where however it
should be observed, that the
epitaph must <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">not</span></em> be taken with
the passage in VIII. 25; it refers
to the battle <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> the
surrounding of the army. The
statement of some writers (Hegemon
in the Palatine Anthology
VII. 436. Isocrat. Archid. p.
136 D.) that 1000 Spartans
were present at Thermopylæ is
evidently erroneous.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1178" name="note_1178" href="#noteref_1178">1178.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 2</a>. cf. Xen.
Hell. IV. 8. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1179" name="note_1179" href="#noteref_1179">1179.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Lysist. 563. Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 307.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1180" name="note_1180" href="#noteref_1180">1180.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 17. see
however IV. 15. 11. sqq. V.
4. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1181" name="note_1181" href="#noteref_1181">1181.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Probably the ?????? ?p??s??
of Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1182" name="note_1182" href="#noteref_1182">1182.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 211.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1183" name="note_1183" href="#noteref_1183">1183.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 19. Reg. Apophth.
p. 130. Lac. Apophth.
p. 194, 261. Dion. 18. The
?????? µ??a??a only occurs as a
sacrificing-knife, Eurip. Electr.
819, 836.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1184" name="note_1184" href="#noteref_1184">1184.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 3. The
ancient circular shields of Argos
(see Spanheim ad Calim.
Pall. Lav. 35.) are probably
nearly the same which were
really manufactured in that
city, Pind. Hyporch. 3. p. 599.
Boeckh; and see vol. I. p. 83.
note r.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1185" name="note_1185" href="#noteref_1185">1185.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyrtæus Fragm. 2. v. 23.
Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1186" name="note_1186" href="#noteref_1186">1186.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Critias (son of
Callæschrus) ap. Liban. Or. XXIV.
p. 86. Reisk. Plut. Cleom. 11.
Hence Aristophanes Lysist. 107.
uses the word p??pa??s?µe???
of a Spartan. See also Aristoph.
Eq. 848. from which passage
it is evident that the p??pa?
was all that was most essential
for managing the shield, and
that the te?aµ?? or thong could
be easily procured, so that it
was considered as an appendage
of the p??pa?. Compare
Schneider's Lexicon in ?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1187" name="note_1187" href="#noteref_1187">1187.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the emblems
on the Lacedæmonian shields,
see Pausan. IV. 28. 3; besides
which there were distinct ?p?s?µa,
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p.
240. The Cretans, according
to the Scolion of Hybrias, also
had ?a?s??a; the ?a?s??a pte??e?ta
of Homer were probably
similar to the shields furnished
with leathern fringes, or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">wings</span></em>,
represented on vases, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>,
Tischbein IV. 51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1188" name="note_1188" href="#noteref_1188">1188.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Xen. Hell. III. 4. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1189" name="note_1189" href="#noteref_1189">1189.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. Tact. 26, 27. Comp.
Hesychius, ????? e?d?? pa??
?a?t?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1190" name="note_1190" href="#noteref_1190">1190.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 71.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1191" name="note_1191" href="#noteref_1191">1191.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter was done by the
Spartans at Thermopylæ, Herod.
VII. 211; and according
to Plato Lach. p. 191. at Platææ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1192" name="note_1192" href="#noteref_1192">1192.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 71.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1193" name="note_1193" href="#noteref_1193">1193.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ages. 34. where however the fine of 1000 drachmas
is very questionable.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1194" name="note_1194" href="#noteref_1194">1194.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1195" name="note_1195" href="#noteref_1195">1195.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Herod. IX. 77. Thuc.
V. 73. Plut. Lyc. 22. de cohibend.
Ira. 10. p. 438. Lac.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1196" name="note_1196" href="#noteref_1196">1196.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 246.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1197" name="note_1197" href="#noteref_1197">1197.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1198" name="note_1198" href="#noteref_1198">1198.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. ibid. p. 214. with the
note of Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 236.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1199" name="note_1199" href="#noteref_1199">1199.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Ages. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1200" name="note_1200" href="#noteref_1200">1200.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 9. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1201" name="note_1201" href="#noteref_1201">1201.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo X. p. 448. with
which comp. Il. II. 544. Archilochus,
p. 144. ed. Liebel.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1202" name="note_1202" href="#noteref_1202">1202.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, at the Hyacinthia
and Carnea. That the passage
in Herodotus VI. 106. refers
only to the latter, and that in
the Carneus <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">alone</span></em> the Spartans
did not set out before the full
moon, is shown by Böckh Index
Lect. Æstiv. Berol. 1816.
Yet Plutarch is not the only
writer who has misunderstood
this passage (see Diogen. Prov.
VI. 20. Jo. Tzetz. Jamb. 161.);
and Herodotus himself is not
quite correct.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1203" name="note_1203" href="#noteref_1203">1203.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1204" name="note_1204" href="#noteref_1204">1204.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus also Brasidas only
lost <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seven</span></em> men in the action
with Cleon, Thuc. V. 11.; and
the Lacedæmonians, in the
great battle of Corinth, only
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eight</span></em>, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1205" name="note_1205" href="#noteref_1205">1205.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 13.
Ages. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 188. 222.
Polyæn. I. 16. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1206" name="note_1206" href="#noteref_1206">1206.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare what Archidamus
in Isocrates says of the campaigns
of the kings of his family:
also Panathen. p. 286 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1207" name="note_1207" href="#noteref_1207">1207.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 121. Herod. VII.
102. Comp. Hegemon in the
Palatine Anthology VII. 436.
?????? ? µ??eta.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1208" name="note_1208" href="#noteref_1208">1208.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 22.
When the fleet was commanded
by a king, as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Leotychidas,
it was an exception; see Plut.
Ages. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1209" name="note_1209" href="#noteref_1209">1209.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In several apophthegms
they are called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">women's
apartments</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1210" name="note_1210" href="#noteref_1210">1210.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thiersch's Preface to
Pindar.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1211" name="note_1211" href="#noteref_1211">1211.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For this reason the Cretan
??e???µ?? was also called ???e???;
above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>. In Sparta
the last in the chorus were
called ???e??, Alcman Fragm.
108. Welcker. from Suidas
and Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1212" name="note_1212" href="#noteref_1212">1212.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">book IV. ch. 6. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1213" name="note_1213" href="#noteref_1213">1213.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XVI. 617. quoted by
Athen. V. p. 181. XIV. p.
630 B. Lucian de Salt. 7. Dio
Chrysost. Orat. II. 31. 28.
Heyne's interpretation, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de motu
declinantis et a telo sibi caventis</span></span>,
is unquestionably not to be
preferred to that of the
ancients.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1214" name="note_1214" href="#noteref_1214">1214.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1215" name="note_1215" href="#noteref_1215">1215.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il.
XI. 49. XII. 77. with
the Scholia, and Eustathius.
That the expression for it was
also Laconian follows from
Hesychius in p?????s?, according
to Salmasius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1216" name="note_1216" href="#noteref_1216">1216.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the
Gortynians, according to Schol. Hom. Il. XI.
49: with whom p????? also signified
a heavy-armed foot-soldier,
Eustath. ad Il. ?? p. 893.
35. Phavorinus, p. 390. ed.
Dindorf. Likewise among the
Cyprians (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, among the
Greeks in Cyprus). Aristot.
ap. Schol. Pind. II. 125. Callimachus
Hymn. Jov. 52. also
calls the dance of the Guretes
by this name, this having been
at a very early period identified
with the Cretan war-dance.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1217" name="note_1217" href="#noteref_1217">1217.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 21. Lac.
Apophth. p. 207. de cohibend. Ira,
ubi sup. The ??µa??a was not
however sacrificed to the Muses
(Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 234.), but,
as after the battle of Marathon,
to Artemis Agrotera. See Xen.
Rep. Lac. 13. 8. Plut. Lyc.
23. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1218" name="note_1218" href="#noteref_1218">1218.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosistrates ap. Athen. XIII.
p. 561 E. Ælian. V. II. III. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1219" name="note_1219" href="#noteref_1219">1219.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Dionysius of Halicarnassus
says.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1220" name="note_1220" href="#noteref_1220">1220.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. de Rep. Lac. 12. 6. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1221" name="note_1221" href="#noteref_1221">1221.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Lyc. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1222" name="note_1222" href="#noteref_1222">1222.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 208. Xen. de
Rep. Lac. 13. 9. Plut. Lyc.
22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1223" name="note_1223" href="#noteref_1223">1223.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The appropriate expression
for this was ?a????es?a?, Bekker.
Anecd. I. p. 284.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1224" name="note_1224" href="#noteref_1224">1224.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 3.
13. 8. Plut. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1225" name="note_1225" href="#noteref_1225">1225.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these, see, besides
Xenophon and Plutarch,
Ælian. VI. 6. Etymol. M. p.
385. 25. Suidas in ?ata?a??e??,
Aristot. Rep. Lac. ap. Moerin
in f???????, also Hesychius in
p?t?. Comp. Meursius Miscell.
Lac. I. 15. The ambassadors
also wore a dress of this kind,
Aristoph. Lysist. 1139. Plutarch.
Cimon. 16. Lesbonax
Protr. p. 24, 27. Reisk. The
Cretan mantles were similar,
only they were coloured with
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">fucus</span></span>, Meursius Creta III. 12.—As
arms were considered the
greatest ornament, the youths
prayed in arms to the gods also
armed. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p.
235. cf. Inst. Lac. p. 253.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1226" name="note_1226" href="#noteref_1226">1226.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 13. de
Esu Carn. II. 2. Reg. Apophth.
p. 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 222.
Quæst. Rom. 87. p. 363. Proclus
ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 421.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1227" name="note_1227" href="#noteref_1227">1227.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg110" class="tei tei-ref">110</a>.
note d.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“two royal families,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xen. Ages. 8.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1228" name="note_1228" href="#noteref_1228">1228.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 13. Compare
Lac. Apophth. pp. 179,
222.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1229" name="note_1229" href="#noteref_1229">1229.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Towards the street were
the ???a? a??e??? (Herod. VI.
69.); in the house the ????te??
p???, Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm
of Leotychides (? ???st????
is an error), p. 215. It
was the custom at Sparta not
to knock, but to call, at the
outer gate, Plutarch Instit.
Lac. p. 253. The same was
also the custom among the
Æolians, according to Alcæus,
among the poems of Theocritus,
XXIX. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1230" name="note_1230" href="#noteref_1230">1230.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As it appears from Pausan.
VI. 24. 2. Compare Strabo
XIV. p. 646. concerning the
??µ?t?µ?a ?p? e??e??? in Smyrna.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1231" name="note_1231" href="#noteref_1231">1231.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Photius and Hesychius in
?pp?d?µ?? ??µ?s??—??t?? ??
?a? ? µet????sa? e?? T???????
????s??? ??. It was probably
not long before this time that he
built the Piræeus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1232" name="note_1232" href="#noteref_1232">1232.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Diodorus XII. 10. states.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1233" name="note_1233" href="#noteref_1233">1233.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meursius Rhod. I. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1234" name="note_1234" href="#noteref_1234">1234.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The
following buildings of
this archaic style are known
to us from ancient writers and
modern travellers. 1. The remains
of three other treasuries
near that described in the text.
2. One discovered by Gropius,
on the Eurotas, not far from
Amyclæ. 3. A ruin discovered
by Dodwell near Pharsalus.
4. The treasuries of Minyas.
5. Of Hyrieus and Augeas.
6. The brazen vessels of the
Aloidæ and of Eurystheus (Il.
V. 387. Apollod. II. 5. 1.)
7. The brazen ?a?aµ?? or chamber
of Danaë, Alcmene, &amp;c.
8. The subterraneous Cyclopian
temple at Delphi, and several
others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1235" name="note_1235" href="#noteref_1235">1235.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sir William
Gell's Argolis,
plate 7. Dodwell's Classical
Tour, vol. II. pp. 229, 240. I
have also made great use of
some drawings of Lusieri (in
the print-room of the British
Museum), who has also ingeniously
endeavoured to restore the
whole.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1236" name="note_1236" href="#noteref_1236">1236.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Synopsis of the British Museum
(19th edit.), Room 13.
Nos. 220, 221.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1237" name="note_1237" href="#noteref_1237">1237.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Vitruvius
IV. 1. whose account is not
indeed historically accurate. At
Athens the triglyphs were always
called ?????a? t?????f??,
Eurip. Orest. 1378; in which
passage the original ones of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">wood</span></em> are clearly marked by
the apposition of ?ed??t? t??eµ?a.
Also the ??????? ??µ?t???,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the <span class="tei tei-q">“hollow,”</span> received
its name from its use in
this style of building, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> under
the cornice; and the ??sß???
??µ?t???, the <span class="tei tei-q">“ogee,”</span> was
borrowed from it by the Æolians,
among whom the Lesbian style
of architecture (?esß?a ????d?µ?)
was native, which required
a very moveable plumbline or
?a???, Aristot. Eth. Nic. V.
10. 7. and Michael Ephesius
ad loc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1238" name="note_1238" href="#noteref_1238">1238.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Explic. ad Pindar.
Olymp. XIII. pp. 213. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1239" name="note_1239" href="#noteref_1239">1239.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hirt, Baukunst nach
den Grundsätzen der Alten, 1809;
and Geschichte der Baukunst
bei den Alten, 1821.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1240" name="note_1240" href="#noteref_1240">1240.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Plato de Rep.
V. p. 452 C. the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cretans</span></em> were
the first who wrestled naked
(but their isolated situation prevented
the extension of the custom),
and the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacedæmonians</span></em>,
who were the first, according to
Thucydides I. 6. See also Hippasus
ap. Athen. p. 14 D. The
abandonment of all covering in
the Olympic games is said to
have originated with Acanthus
the Lacedæmonian, and Orsippus
the Megarian. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">former</span></em>,
according to Dionys. Hal. VII.
72; and he, as we learn from
Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus,
was victorious in the Diaulus,
or Dolichus, in the 15th Olympiad
(720 B.C.). The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">latter</span></em>,
according to Pausan. I. 44. 1.
Eustath. ad Il. p. 1324. ed.
Rom. Cf. Hesych. in ??sat?,
with the confused statements
in the Venetian Scholia to Il.
??. 683. and Isidorus Orig.
XVIII. 17. Pausanias' authority
is a Megarian inscription,
of which a restoration has been
preserved to our days, and is
now in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cabinet des Médailies</span></span>
of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bibliothèque du
Roi</span></span> at Paris, see Boeckh Corp.
Inscript. No. 1050; where Orsippus
is stated to have regained
a part of the Megarian territory
which had been lost in
war, and to have first run in the
stadium at Olympia without a
girdle. Now Orsippus, according
to the certain testimony of
Julius Africanus, was victorious
in the stadium at Olympia in
the 15th Olympiad; and this
statement is confirmed by Eustathius
and Hesychius ubi
sup.; whereas the Etymologicum
M. and the Scholia vulg.
ad Il. ??. 683. place the victory
of Orsippus at Olymp. 32.
(652 B.C.); in which, according
to Africanus, Cratinus of
Megara was the conqueror. All
these apparently contradictory
statements have been reconciled
by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as follows.
Orsippus, either accidentally,
or at least to appearance
accidentally, lost his girdle
when running in the stadium;
in training afterwards, Acanthus
the Lacedæmonian laid aside
his girdle altogether; and
thenceforth it became the established
practice at the games.
In other contests, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, wrestling
and boxing, the use of the
d????µa was kept up till a later
period; and was not altogether
given up till a short time before
Thucydides wrote (?a? ?? p????
?t? ?pe?d? p?pa?ta?, I. 6).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1241" name="note_1241" href="#noteref_1241">1241.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Athenæus
XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad
Il. p. 975. 41. ed. Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1242" name="note_1242" href="#noteref_1242">1242.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato de Leg. VII. p.
805. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1243" name="note_1243" href="#noteref_1243">1243.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p.
235. Apostolius XVIII. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1244" name="note_1244" href="#noteref_1244">1244.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Androm. 598.
(quoted by Plutarch. Comp. Num.
iii.) a? ??? ????s?? ??e??µ??sa?
d?µ???. Hence Propertius III.
12. 21. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lex igitur Spartana
vetat secedere amantes; Et
licet in triviis ad latus esse
suæ.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1245" name="note_1245" href="#noteref_1245">1245.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">To be inferred from Plutarch
Lycurg. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1246" name="note_1246" href="#noteref_1246">1246.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Thes. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1247" name="note_1247" href="#noteref_1247">1247.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 6. 5.
(concerning the history of Pherenice,
see Boeckh Explic. Pindar. p.
166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at
Olympia unmarried women
could contend for the prize,
though only in the chariot-race;
as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Cynisea, Pausan. III.
81. V. 12. 3. V. 6. 1. Xenoph.
Ages. 9. 6. Plutarch Ages. 20.
Lac. Apophth. p. 184; and
Euryleonis, Pausan. III. 17. 6.
In <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cyrene</span></span>, according to Pindar
Pyth. IX. 102. (? ????) <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">married</span></em>
women were also admitted, see
Boeckh Explic. p. 328; and
they also, as we learn from an
inscription in Della Cella, presided
over gymnastic contests
in that town.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1248" name="note_1248" href="#noteref_1248">1248.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?at???e?st??, Sappho Fragm.
15. ed. Wolf. Pseudo-Phocylid.
v. 203.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1249" name="note_1249" href="#noteref_1249">1249.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?pe? ? ?e ???????? ?s???
p?sa ? ???a?? t?? ???a???? ?
a?t? ??, t?? ??? ????da ?a???µe?,
Herod. V. 88. Compare
Eustath. ad Il. V. 567. Æginetica,
p. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1250" name="note_1250" href="#noteref_1250">1250.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part
II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der
Cassandra, p. 60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1251" name="note_1251" href="#noteref_1251">1251.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Herodotus V.
87. mentions the ?µ?t?a of Doric
women as corresponding to the
Ionic ??t??e?: and the different
Scholiasts to Eurip. Hec. 933.
call the Doric virgins sometimes
µ?????t??e?, sometimes
???t??e? (the Fragment of Anacreon,
p. 404. ed. Fischer.
??d?sa ??t??a d?????e?? is too
mutilated to prove any thing).
See also Horus ap. Etymol.
Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides
Ælius Dionysius (who likewise
states that the use of the ??t??
was peculiar to the Dorians),
follows Eustathius ad Il. XIV.
975. Compare also Hesychius
in d?????e??, and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sophista
Anonymus</span></span> in Orelli's Op. Mor.
II. p. 214. Euripides (Androm.
599. and Hec. ubi sup.)
calls the Doric dress inaccurately
p?p???, compare Hedylus
in the Palatine Anthology
VI. 292. Plutarch Cleomen. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1252" name="note_1252" href="#noteref_1252">1252.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. and Schol.
Eurip. ubi sup. where ?p?p??p?? appears
to be the tongue of the clasp.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1253" name="note_1253" href="#noteref_1253">1253.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?e???a?, or
clasps, were also used in the Ionic female dress,
in order to close the slit-up
sleeve. Ælian V. H. I. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1254" name="note_1254" href="#noteref_1254">1254.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros.
pp. 241, 242.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1255" name="note_1255" href="#noteref_1255">1255.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux, Plutarch. Comp.
Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there
quoted: ?a? t?? ????t??, ?? ?t?
?st???? ??t?? ???a??? ?µf? µ????
pt?sseta?, ??µ???a?. Eurip.
Androm. 599. ??µ???s?
µ????? ?a? p?p???? ??e?µ?????.
Compare Duris in Schol. Eurip.
Hec. a? d? ???a??e? ?ß??a???
ta?? ????a?? st??a??. This
writer also entertains the erroneous
notion that the Athenian
women wore short hair and the
Doric dress, at the same time
that the men wore long hair
and the Ionic dress.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1256" name="note_1256" href="#noteref_1256">1256.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schol.
Eurip. ubi sup. Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed.
Bentl.) says of a Lacedæmonian virgin, ?s?e? ?t? ???st??
??te??p??p?? ?t?. ???st?? ?a?
???t??e?, according to Schol.
Eurip. and Eustathius p. 975.
38; without girdles also according
to Pausanias ibid. p.
975. 40. and Suidas in
d?????e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1257" name="note_1257" href="#noteref_1257">1257.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????pep???, ????? ?? ???a,
Eurip. Hec. 928. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Doris nullo
culia palliolo</span></span>, Juvenal III. 94.
It is to this that the charge of
nakedness, mentioned p. <a href="#Pg273" class="tei tei-ref">273</a>, in
note b,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“virgins naked,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See particularly.”</span>] and p. <a href="#Pg277" class="tei tei-ref">277</a>, in note x,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“and in the chorus,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch. Lycurg. 14.”</span>] refers.
Also in Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17.
the Spartan virgins are distinguished,
as being ?????t??e?,
from the married women in
?µ?t?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1258" name="note_1258" href="#noteref_1258">1258.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That the Corinthian costume
was at that time different
from the original Doric dress,
I have already remarked (Æginetica,
p. 64, note b.) from this
fact, and from Herod. V. 87.
The Syracusan ?µpe???aµa had
perhaps originated from the
clasped ??t?? of the Dorians,
Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. compare
Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I.
p. 36, but it was drawn over the
??t?????. There was also a Corinthian
female dress called
pa??p???, Athen. XIII. p. 582.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1259" name="note_1259" href="#noteref_1259">1259.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pythænetus ap. Athen.
XIII. p. 589. Compare Theognis
v. 1002, where the ???a??a
???? brings crowns for
the guests. So also the Doric
Greeks of Sicily substituted a
p???e??? f?a??f???? in the
place of the pa??, Polyb. XII.
5. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1260" name="note_1260" href="#noteref_1260">1260.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. t??
???a? ??µ??? te p?µpe?e?? ?a?
p??? ?e???? t?s?? ???e?s?a? ?a?
?de??. Compare Lac. Apophthegm,
p. 223. and Hesychius
in d?????e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1261" name="note_1261" href="#noteref_1261">1261.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lycurg. 16; and
concerning the custom of Phigaleia,
see Athen. IV. p. 248.
sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1262" name="note_1262" href="#noteref_1262">1262.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Nub. 986. The
same is in Xenoph. de Rep.
Lac. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1263" name="note_1263" href="#noteref_1263">1263.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Av. 493. 49.
where ??a??a and ?µ?t??? are
used as synonymous. But that
the ??a??a and t??ß?? were different
kinds of the ?µ?t??? is
shown by the same poet, Vesp.
1132; ?a??a ?µ?t??? tet???????,
according to Didymus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1264" name="note_1264" href="#noteref_1264">1264.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Iliad X. 133. the
??a??a is however laid double, and fastened
with a clasp (over the
shoulder).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1265" name="note_1265" href="#noteref_1265">1265.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux VII. 13. 46. X. 27.
124; and compare Hemsterhuis's note, Diogenianus Prov.
V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14.
Lexicograph.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1266" name="note_1266" href="#noteref_1266">1266.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Pollux and
Ammonius. Fragm. 68, 69.
pp. 82, 83. ed. Wolf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1267" name="note_1267" href="#noteref_1267">1267.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristoph. Lysist. 988.
where it is the dress of the envoys,
as the f??????? in the last
note of the third book; and Juvenal
Sat. VIII. 101.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1268" name="note_1268" href="#noteref_1268">1268.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tischbein I. 29. and
Vases de Coghill I. planche 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1269" name="note_1269" href="#noteref_1269">1269.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 6. Compare Dionys. Halic.
in Thucyd. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1270" name="note_1270" href="#noteref_1270">1270.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Minervæ Poliadis Ædes</span></span>,
p. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1271" name="note_1271" href="#noteref_1271">1271.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also called daµ?fa??? by
the Lacedæmonians, because
it was worn in public.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1272" name="note_1272" href="#noteref_1272">1272.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Meursius Miscell. Lacon.
I. 15. Manso, Sparta,
vol. I. part II. p. 197. The
t??ß?? could (as well as the
??a??a, p. <a href="#Pg277" class="tei tei-ref">277</a>, note b,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“left shoulder,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“In Iliad X. 133.”</span>]) be worn
double, and be fastened with.
a clasp, Polyæn. IV. 4. This
more becoming variety of the
?µ?t???, the ??a??a, was also
worn at Sparta; see Theopompus
the comic poet in Pollux
X. 27. 124. ???µ?de? fa??a?
of the Lacedæmonians in Ælian
V. H. IX. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1273" name="note_1273" href="#noteref_1273">1273.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot.
Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. with Aspasius
and the Paris Scholiast, p.
156. ed. Zell. Compare the
???t???? ?µat?d??? in
Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1274" name="note_1274" href="#noteref_1274">1274.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From the 12th year upwards,
Plutarch Lycurg. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1275" name="note_1275" href="#noteref_1275">1275.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac.
Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph.
Rep. Lac. 2. 4. Justin III. 3.
Likewise in Crete, Heraclid.
Pont. 3. Ephorus ap. Strab. X.
p. 483.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1276" name="note_1276" href="#noteref_1276">1276.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence the Attic orators,
in early times at least, never
showed their left hand, Taylor
ad Æschin. in Timarch. p. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1277" name="note_1277" href="#noteref_1277">1277.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Rep. Lac. 3. 5.
quoted by Longinus pe?? ????? IV. i.
p. 114.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1278" name="note_1278" href="#noteref_1278">1278.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boettiger's opinions on
this subject, Raub der Cassandra,
pp. 74: sqq. Archäologie
der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasengemälde
I. 2. p. 37. and Uhden's
Letter, II. p. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1279" name="note_1279" href="#noteref_1279">1279.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?s?d?a?t??, Thucyd. I. 6.
Justin. III. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1280" name="note_1280" href="#noteref_1280">1280.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq.
Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224.
Seneca Quæst. Nat. IV. 13.
This ancient notion may also
be traced in the use of the
words f?e??e??, µ?a??e??, to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">corrupt</span></em>,
for to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">dye</span></em> or to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">colour</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1281" name="note_1281" href="#noteref_1281">1281.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???e?? µ?? t? ??µata, d??e??
d? t? ???µata, Clem. Alex.
Strom. I. p. 294 Sylburg. Herodotus
indeed (III. 22.) quotes
the same saying of an Ethiopian
king, comp. Plutarch.
Quæst. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sympos.
III. I, 2. p. 109. de Herod.
Malign. 28. p. 312.; but the expression
has a genuine Spartan
character.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1282" name="note_1282" href="#noteref_1282">1282.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A law of Diocles, according
to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII.
p. 521 B. for Zaleucus see
Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II.
p. 33. for Sparta, Heraclid.
Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II.
10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf. Ælian.
V. H. XIV. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1283" name="note_1283" href="#noteref_1283">1283.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Comicus ap. Aspas
ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7.
15. (see Porson's Tracts, p.
232). ?a?????, ??µa?, µetapette?sa?
a?t?? d?a???µa??sa? te,
t?? ?p???ß???, spa?t???a?t??,
??p????d????, ???et??ß??a. ?????te?
?p??a?. Aristoph. Lys.
1072. Compare the statue of
Lysander in Plut. Lys. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1284" name="note_1284" href="#noteref_1284">1284.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg129" class="tei tei-ref">129</a>, note s.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“obey the laws,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Aristot. ap. Plutarch.”</span>]
Wyttenbach ad Plutarch. de
Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks
that the Lacedæmonians also
shaved their upper lip; but his,
as well as Ruhnken's emendation
of Antiphanes ap. Athen.
IV. p. 143 A. is very violent.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1285" name="note_1285" href="#noteref_1285">1285.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XII. p.
565 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1286" name="note_1286" href="#noteref_1286">1286.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Av. 1283. Eccles.
74. Their use was only
prohibited in the public assembly,
Plutarch Lycurg. II.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1287" name="note_1287" href="#noteref_1287">1287.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 137. Aristot.
in ??a?. p???t. ap. Phot. in
s??t???. See the paintings on
vases.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1288" name="note_1288" href="#noteref_1288">1288.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 3. Plutarch.
Lycurg. 22. Previously
they were accustomed ?? ???
?e??e?s?a?, cap. 16. which is
sometimes also described as the
general Spartan usage. Plutarch.
Alcib. 23. de Discrim.
Adul. et Am. 10. p 170.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1289" name="note_1289" href="#noteref_1289">1289.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p.
278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1290" name="note_1290" href="#noteref_1290">1290.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The manner in which Herodotus
(I. 82.) accounts for
this, is rendered doubtful by
Plutarch. Lysand. I. cf. Lycurg.
22. reg. Apophth. p. 124,
125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226,
230. Æginetica, p. 32, note o.
In Crete the cosmi at least
wore long hair, according to
ancient custom, Seneca Controv.
IV. 27. On the short hair of
the Argives, see Herodotus and
Plato Phædon. p. 89. J. Tzetzes
Jamb. 161.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1291" name="note_1291" href="#noteref_1291">1291.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Spa?t???a?t?? in the
verses cited above, p. <a href="#Pg280" class="tei tei-ref">280</a>,
note x.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“ornament of a man,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1292" name="note_1292" href="#noteref_1292">1292.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Aristoph.
Lys. 1113. pa?ap???dde?? with Horace
Od. II. II. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">incomptam
Lacænæ More comam religata
nodo</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, as Diana is generally
represented in works of
art. That the women were not
allowed to wear long hair
(??µ??, Heraclid. Pont. 2.), is
a statement which must not be
construed strictly. A lock of
hair dedicated to the gods was
called ????µa, according to the
correction of Hemsterhuis in
Hesychius: but Toup is probably
correct in defending the
common reading ?e??ßat??, Emend.
in Suid. vol. II. p. 607.
Spartans were distinguished not
merely by their mode of wearing
the hair, but also by the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">shoes</span></em>, Paus. VII. 14. 2. Shoes
for state occasion were the
?µ???a?de?, and for common
wear the ?p?a? ?a?????a?,
above, p. <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>, note n.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“shoes of Amyclæ,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Theocrit. X. 35.”</span>] Argive,
Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.)
and Sicyonian ?µßade? likewise
occur (Lucian. Ret. Præc. 15.
Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath.
ad Hom. p. 1302. 22. ed.
Rom.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1293" name="note_1293" href="#noteref_1293">1293.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the passages collected
by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol.
III. p. 273 sqq. Also Phocylides
??µata ???? ????µß?? and
Nicol. Dam. p. 51 Orelli, of a
Smyrnæan ??µ?? t??f?? ???s?
st??f? ?e????µß?µ????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1294" name="note_1294" href="#noteref_1294">1294.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pollux.
I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hippocrat.
Meursius Miscell. Lac.
I. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1295" name="note_1295" href="#noteref_1295">1295.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 12. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1296" name="note_1296" href="#noteref_1296">1296.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bentley Phalarid. p. 347.
Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I.
36. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1297" name="note_1297" href="#noteref_1297">1297.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lysand.
2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apophth.
p. 200, where Archidamus
the son of Agesilaus is
meant, and afterwards too he
is often confounded with the
son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol.
X. 48. In later times, however,
d?afa?? ?a?????? are mentioned
as a luxurious dress, Dio Chrysost.
ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A.
ad Matth. Hom. vol. VII. p.
796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On
the Argive dresses t?ße???? and
??e?ß?????? see Pollux VII. 13.
61. and his commentators.
The ?f?ß??µa was an old-fashioned
gown of the Megarian
women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16.
p. 383.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1298" name="note_1298" href="#noteref_1298">1298.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plutarch
Alcib. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1299" name="note_1299" href="#noteref_1299">1299.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Martial
Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad
Strab. III. p. 231. p. 663. ed.
Friedemann.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1300" name="note_1300" href="#noteref_1300">1300.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This explains away the
contradiction which Manso finds,
vol. I. 2. p. 199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1301" name="note_1301" href="#noteref_1301">1301.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 305. which passage
would also apply to the syssitia
of Sparta.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1302" name="note_1302" href="#noteref_1302">1302.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Who abolished them as an
institution favourable to aristocracy,
Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2.
They were still in existence in
the time of Archias, see vol. I.
p. 129 note f. The s?ss?t??, of
Æthiops, in the passage of
Athenæus, is evidently his regular
messmate. We may also
mention the d?µ?s?a? ????a? of
the Argives, at which the ancient
clay vessels (Herod. V.
88.) were still used. Polemon
ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 C. cf. p.
479 C. IV. p. 148 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1303" name="note_1303" href="#noteref_1303">1303.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2,
3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1304" name="note_1304" href="#noteref_1304">1304.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Harmodius on the laws of
Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p.
148 F. comp. in general Plutarch
Quæst. Sympos. II. 10.
2. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece,
vol. I. p. 287, has rightly remarked
that the description of
Harmodius refers only to the
maintenance of two choruses in
Phigalia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1305" name="note_1305" href="#noteref_1305">1305.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">Book
III. ch. 6. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1306" name="note_1306" href="#noteref_1306">1306.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">But upon hard benches without
cushions, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">in robore</span></span>. Cicero
pro Muræna 35. Athen. XII. p.
518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plutarch
Lycurg. 18. Suidas in
f???t?a et ?????????, Isidorus
Orig. XX. 11. It was not till
the reign of Areus and Acrotatus,
that soft and expensive
cushions were used at the public
tables. Phylarchus ap.
Athen. IV. p. 142 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1307" name="note_1307" href="#noteref_1307">1307.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion
ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro
ap. Serv. ad Æn. VII. 176.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1308" name="note_1308" href="#noteref_1308">1308.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 2. § 4</a>. Foreign
cooks were not tolerated at
Sparta, as is particularly stated
of Mithæcus by Maximus Tyrius
VII. 22. ed. Davies.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1309" name="note_1309" href="#noteref_1309">1309.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.
There was a separate <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">broth-maker</span></em>
(??µ?p????) for the king,
Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1310" name="note_1310" href="#noteref_1310">1310.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. 2. who perhaps
says too generally, p?tte?
s?t?? ??de?? (p?tte?? is said of
??t?? made of ??e??a as µ?tte??
of µ??a made ??f?ta). Comp.
Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p.
141 A. Plutarch Alcib. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1311" name="note_1311" href="#noteref_1311">1311.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">Book
III. ch. 10. § 6</a>. Varieties
of ??t?? were also eaten
at the ??p??, Molpis ap. Athen.
IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B.
Hesychius in ??p??, ß?s?e??? ??t??,
and p?te?ta? p?t???a? ??t??.
There was a Lacedæmonian kind
of barley, Theophrast. Hist.
Plant. VIII. 4. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Siligo Lacedæm</span></span>.
Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1312" name="note_1312" href="#noteref_1312">1312.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 10. § 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1313" name="note_1313" href="#noteref_1313">1313.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136.
Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1314" name="note_1314" href="#noteref_1314">1314.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch
Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1315" name="note_1315" href="#noteref_1315">1315.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1316" name="note_1316" href="#noteref_1316">1316.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dicæarchus ubi sup.
A little pig was called by the Lacedæmonians
???a????s???, Athen.
p. 140 B. see Hesychius in
ß???a????s??? et ?µ?t???a above
p. <a href="#Pg110" class="tei tei-ref">110</a>. note y.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“days of each month,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. ubi sup.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1317" name="note_1317" href="#noteref_1317">1317.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?f?d?t??
?µ??a?, according to Hesychius. cf. in d?af????µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1318" name="note_1318" href="#noteref_1318">1318.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Critias the Athenian in
Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp.
XI. p. 463 C. Xen. Rep. Lac.
5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth.
p. 172. In <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Crete</span></em> however the
whole table drank from one large
goblet, Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV.
p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p.
1860. 45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1319" name="note_1319" href="#noteref_1319">1319.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320.
comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from
which passage it also follows
that all the inhabitants of Laconia
were prohibited from attending
drinking entertainments
(s?µp?s?a). The Dionysia at
Sparta were also more serious
than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup.
Athen. IV. p. 155 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1320" name="note_1320" href="#noteref_1320">1320.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 5.
7. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1321" name="note_1321" href="#noteref_1321">1321.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 10. § 7</a>. In
Sparta the guests, as in the time
of Homer, were called da?t?µ??e?,
Alcman ap. Strap. X. p.
482. fragm. 37. ed. Welcker. Herod.
VI. 57. and a ??e?da?t?? presided
at the meal (above, p. <a href="#Pg251" class="tei tei-ref">251</a>,
note r.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“volunteers in the army,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7.”</span>] comp. Plutarch Quæst.
Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux
VI. 7. 34.), as a da?t??? in ancient
times; each guest in Sparta
having a certain <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">portion</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mess</span></em>
allotted to him.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1322" name="note_1322" href="#noteref_1322">1322.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch Lycurg. 12.
Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed.
Ruhnken. p. 449. ed. Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1323" name="note_1323" href="#noteref_1323">1323.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 12. § 4</a>. It is to
this that Dionysius Hal. refers,
when he says that the Phiditia
made men ashamed to leave
their comrades in the field of
battle, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">with whom they had
sacrificed and made libations</span></span>,
Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed.
Reisk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1324" name="note_1324" href="#noteref_1324">1324.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Persæus ap. Athen. IV. p.
140 F. and see below, p. <a href="#Pg288" class="tei tei-ref">288</a>,
note k.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“vegetables (?ßaµß??e?sta),”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Pyrgion ap. Athen.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1325" name="note_1325" href="#noteref_1325">1325.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.
VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a
certain sense ß???e?t???a ?p????ta
?a? s???d??a ???st???at???,
and compares them with the
Prytaneum and Thesmothesium
of Athens.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1326" name="note_1326" href="#noteref_1326">1326.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 10. § 6</a>. The
only ?p?????? eaten by boys was
some dough of barley-meal
baked in laurel leaves (?aµµat?de?),
and kneaded in oil
(Hesychius in ?µf?µ??t??a,
?µf?t????); a cake of this kind
was called ??µµa, and from its
use pa???????, Meursius Misc.
Lac. I. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1327" name="note_1327" href="#noteref_1327">1327.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp.
Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alcman
describes a ??p?? in the
following verses, ????a? µ??
?pt? ?a? t?sa? t??pesda? ?a????d??
??t?? ?p?stef??sa? ????
te sas?µ? te ??? pe????a??
?a?dess? ???s?????a, fragm. 17.
ed. Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1328" name="note_1328" href="#noteref_1328">1328.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and
above, p. <a href="#Pg287" class="tei tei-ref">287</a>, note b.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“aristocratical principles,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.”</span>] Concerning
Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1329" name="note_1329" href="#noteref_1329">1329.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Critias ubi sup. Plutarch
Lycurg. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1330" name="note_1330" href="#noteref_1330">1330.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">F???a?? d? ?a? ??
???s??s?? ??d?e??? pa?? da?t?µ??ess?
p??pe? pa???a ?at???e??, fragm.
31. ed. Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1331" name="note_1331" href="#noteref_1331">1331.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is very probable that this
fe?d?t?a was a ludicrous distortion
of an ancient Spartan name
f???t?a, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“love-feasts.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1332" name="note_1332" href="#noteref_1332">1332.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus
ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot.
Polit. II. 7. 3. The word a???a
is also used by Epicharmus for
de?p?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1333" name="note_1333" href="#noteref_1333">1333.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143.
E. and Casaubon's note. Ephoras
ap. Strab. X. p. 483 A.
For Sparta, see Alcman quoted
in p. <a href="#Pg288" class="tei tei-ref">288</a> note d.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“particularly the kings,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Athen. IV.”</span>] Plutarch Lycurg.
12. Quæst. Græc. 33. p.
332. Concerning the Phigalean
custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148
F. From the passage quoted
in p. <a href="#Pg287" class="tei tei-ref">287</a> note a,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“state in itself,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Persæus ap. Athen.”</span>] it also follows
that guests of inferior rank sat
?p? t?? s??µp?d???, as was also
the custom among the Macedonians,
according to Athen. I.
p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell.
Doctr. v. 3. ad Plat. Phæd. Addit.
p. 234.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1334" name="note_1334" href="#noteref_1334">1334.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This follows from Plat. Leg.
VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp.
Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Lac. Apophth.
p. 221. pa?? t? ???a???
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, at home) de?p?e??. See
also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius pe??
???µ???? ap. Athen. XIV. p.
646 A. speaks of banquets of
the women at Sparta, at which
certain cakes (???ß??a?) were
carried, when they were about
to sing the praise of the virgin,
probably at marriages. Aristotle
Polit. II. 7. 4. says that in
Creta the women also were fed
at the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">public cost</span></em>, not that they
ate <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in public</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1335" name="note_1335" href="#noteref_1335">1335.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143
B. with the assistance of some
men t?? d?µ?t????. Does he
mean Periœci or Mnotæ?
Young women were used as
cup-bearers among the Dorians,
above, p. <a href="#Pg276" class="tei tei-ref">276</a> note u.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“wine to the labourers,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Pythænetus ap. Athen.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1336" name="note_1336" href="#noteref_1336">1336.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dosiadas and Pyrgion ubi
sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see
the decree of the Olontians in
Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 137.
cf. p. 131, 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1337" name="note_1337" href="#noteref_1337">1337.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth.
p. 1037. Suidas in ????pt?? et
?????s. ?????s ?????eµ?a in Diog.
Laërt. IV. 3. 19. for a plain
rough mode of living.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1338" name="note_1338" href="#noteref_1338">1338.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">S??a??s??? et S??e??? t??pe?a,
Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p.
527 C. Zenob. Prov. V. 94.
Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. S??e?????
??ttaß?? Anacreon ap.
Athen. X. p. 427. fragm. p.
374. ed. Fischer. The S??e?????
ß??? is opposed to the ????st?
??? in the 7th (spurious) Platonic
Epistle, p. 336.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1339" name="note_1339" href="#noteref_1339">1339.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, among others, Timæus
fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller.
The Argives and Tirynthians
were reproached for their debauchery,
Ælian. V. H. III. 15.
Athen. N. p. 442. D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1340" name="note_1340" href="#noteref_1340">1340.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æginetica p. 188.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1341" name="note_1341" href="#noteref_1341">1341.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg266" class="tei tei-ref">266</a>
note d.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“from the street,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Towards the street.”</span>]
In Crete it was called ß????a,
Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1342" name="note_1342" href="#noteref_1342">1342.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed.
Mai.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1343" name="note_1343" href="#noteref_1343">1343.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the supposed
saying of Lycurgus, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">first
make a democracy in thine
own house</span></span>.”</span> Plutarch Lycurg.
19. reg. Apophth. p. 124.
Lac. Apophth. p. 225.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1344" name="note_1344" href="#noteref_1344">1344.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Eurip. Androm.
596.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1345" name="note_1345" href="#noteref_1345">1345.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?????? ?a? ???a?? ????? t?
?e??. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p.
254. above <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1346" name="note_1346" href="#noteref_1346">1346.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166.
So also the Arcadians had, according
to Polybius IV. 21. 3.
(though not for the reason
which he assigns) s???d??? ??????
?a? ??s?a? p?e?sta? ?µ????
??d??s? ?a? ???a???, ?t? d? ??????
pa?????? ?µ?? ?a? pa?d??. The
unrestrained manners, and the
public games and dances of
the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch
Mul. Virt. p. 277. Antonin.
Liber. met. 1.), probably were
derived from a Cretan custom
(see above, p. <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref">236</a>. note q.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“with an axe,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Heracl. Pont. 7.”</span>]), and
certainly one prior to the Ionic
migration.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1347" name="note_1347" href="#noteref_1347">1347.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp.
Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1348" name="note_1348" href="#noteref_1348">1348.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 61, 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1349" name="note_1349" href="#noteref_1349">1349.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polycrates ap. Athen. IV.
p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7.
with Casaubon's restoration
from Plutarch. Ages. 19. Hesychius
in ????a??a, Eustathius
ad Il. XXIV. p. 1344. 44.
Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 413.
The temple of Helen, mentioned
by Hesychius in ????a??a, is
that at Therapne, above the
Phœbæum, of which Herodotus
speaks, VII. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1350" name="note_1350" href="#noteref_1350">1350.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?a?eda?µ????? te ???a??a in
the oracle; and how, in the
Lysistrata of Aristophanes, the
Athenian women admire the
lusty and vigorous beauty of
Lampito. comp. Athen. XII.
p. 609 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1351" name="note_1351" href="#noteref_1351">1351.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heracl.
Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1352" name="note_1352" href="#noteref_1352">1352.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">If the father and grandfather
died, the right, even in
Doric states, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, in Cyrene,
passed to the brothers, Plutarch
Mul. Virt. p. 303. Polyæn.
VIII. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1353" name="note_1353" href="#noteref_1353">1353.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac.
Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep.
Lac. I. 5. The account of Hermippus
in Athenæus XIII. p.
555 C. is absurdly disfigured.
The same is true of Hagnon,
ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This explains
the statement of Herodotus
VI., 65. that Demaratus
obtained possession of Percalus
the daughter of Chilon, who
was betrothed to Leotychides,
by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">previously carrying her away
by force</span></em>, f??sa? ??p?sa?. In
later times, whoever ravished
a virgin at Sparta (as also at
Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.)
was punished with death, Xenoph.
Ephes. V. 1; and compare
Marcellinus on Hermogenes,
although this account
does not belong to the age of
which we treat.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1354" name="note_1354" href="#noteref_1354">1354.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Cleom. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1355" name="note_1355" href="#noteref_1355">1355.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. p. 482 D. from
Ephorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1356" name="note_1356" href="#noteref_1356">1356.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hesychius.
Homer. Il. XVI. 180. calls Eudoxus
a pa???????, t?? ?t??te
???? ?a?? ????µ???, which I
explain thus: she produced him
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in the chorus</span></span>,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, while she
yet belonged to the ??e?? of
the virgins. The passage is
quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or.
VII. p. 273., who also speaks of
the Lacedæmonian pa??e??a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1357" name="note_1357" href="#noteref_1357">1357.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Justin. III. 4. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nulli pater
existebat cujus in patrimonium
successio speraretur.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1358" name="note_1358" href="#noteref_1358">1358.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The
common narrative of Ephorus
is repeated by Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, and is evidently
invented to account for the
name ?a??e??a?, which Antiochus
declines to explain.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1359" name="note_1359" href="#noteref_1359">1359.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plutarch
Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4.
Lac. Apophth. p. 224.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1360" name="note_1360" href="#noteref_1360">1360.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1361" name="note_1361" href="#noteref_1361">1361.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Op.
et Di. 695.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1362" name="note_1362" href="#noteref_1362">1362.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg VIII. p. 785. Aristotle
indeed (Polit. VII. 16.)
gives 37 years as the most
fitting time for marriage in a
man; which number Larcher
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chronologie d'Herodote</span></span>) has
no reason to suppose borrowed
from the laws of Laconia. The
Trœzenians were forbidden by
the oracle from making early
marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII.
14. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1363" name="note_1363" href="#noteref_1363">1363.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch Lyc.
15. Lysand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac.
Apophth. p. 223. Clearchus ap.
Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pollux
III. 48. VIII. 40. Stobæus
Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom.
II. p. 182. compare Schläger's
Præfat. ad Dissertat. Helmst.
1744. p. 10. It is most singular
that the cowards (t?es??te?)
to whom every man denied his
daughter, were punished for
not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac.
9. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1364" name="note_1364" href="#noteref_1364">1364.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux VIII.
40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1365" name="note_1365" href="#noteref_1365">1365.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Herod. Malign.
32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth.
p. 216. fragm. p. 355.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1366" name="note_1366" href="#noteref_1366">1366.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 10. § 3</a>. concerning the
ius trium liberorum in Sparta.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1367" name="note_1367" href="#noteref_1367">1367.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?a? p???? µ?? t??a?ta s??e???e?,
Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9.
Later writers often give fabulous
accounts of this point,
particularly Theodoretus Græc.
Affinit. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1368" name="note_1368" href="#noteref_1368">1368.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 10. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1369" name="note_1369" href="#noteref_1369">1369.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the saying
of Geradates in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. Apophth.
p. 225. comp. Justin.
III. 3. The ????? in Xen. Hell.
V. 3. 9., who were a separate
class, but shared in the education
of the Spartans, probably
were composed of a mixture
of different ranks, and
certainly were not the offspring
of a regular <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">stuprum</span></span>. At Rhodes,
according to Schol. Eurip. Alcest.
992, the ????? were called
µast???e???, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> those who at a
public scrutiny (called at Athens
d?a??f?s??) were rejected
from the lists of citizens. The
investigation was perhaps conducted
by the µ?st???, Hesych.
in v. comp. Harpocrat. µast??e?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1370" name="note_1370" href="#noteref_1370">1370.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 39, 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1371" name="note_1371" href="#noteref_1371">1371.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Agid. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1372" name="note_1372" href="#noteref_1372">1372.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The history of women in
the heroic age has been better
treated by Lenz, than by
Meiners in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte des
Weiblichen Geschlechts</span></span>; although
even he has many prejudices,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, that women are
always improved by education,
the reverse of which was the case
in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) correctly
remarks, that in Homer
the manners of unmarried are
represented as less restrained
than those of married women;
although their intercourse with
men was more free than among
the Dorians. Comp. p. 143.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1373" name="note_1373" href="#noteref_1373">1373.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 146.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1374" name="note_1374" href="#noteref_1374">1374.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Though she lived in the interior
of the house, as is proved
by the Doric term for a wife,
µes?d?µa: see Hesych. in ????t??,
Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and
compare the sayings of Aregeus
in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p.
198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and
of the Lacedæmonian woman,
p. 262. who being asked what
she understood, answered, e?
???e?? ?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1375" name="note_1375" href="#noteref_1375">1375.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lyc. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1376" name="note_1376" href="#noteref_1376">1376.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1377" name="note_1377" href="#noteref_1377">1377.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plutarch
Lyc. 14. At that time
moreover the manners of the
Spartan women had really degenerated,
and a considerable
licence (??es??) prevailed, Aristot.
Polit. II. 6. 5. Plat. Leg.
I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist.
Rom. II. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1378" name="note_1378" href="#noteref_1378">1378.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp.
Num. 3. Aristotle also (Polit.
II. 6, 7.) speaks of their influence
on the government in the
time of the ascendency of
Sparta; it increased still more,
when a large part of the landed
property fell into the hands of
women. The singular assertion
of Ælian V. H. XII. 34. that
Pausanias <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">loved his wife</span></em>, has
been correctly interpreted by
Kühn to mean a too great, or
uxorious affection; and so likewise
Menelaus appears to have
been represented, see, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>,
Aristoph. Lysist. 155.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1379" name="note_1379" href="#noteref_1379">1379.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????? ???e?? ???µ? ??d??, ???a???
d? p?s? ?a???a?, fragm. 13.
ed. Welcker. comp. Franck's
Tyrtæus p. 173 and 203.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1380" name="note_1380" href="#noteref_1380">1380.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Plutarch Cleom.
38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1381" name="note_1381" href="#noteref_1381">1381.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin.
H. N. VII. 41. Compare the
saying of Gorgo in Plutarch
Lac. Apophth. p. 258.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1382" name="note_1382" href="#noteref_1382">1382.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Bœotian poetesses, however,
Corinna and Myrto, and
Diotima the Arcadian (concerning
whom see Frederick
Schlegel, Griechen und Roemer,
vol. I. p. 275.), were on the
rank of Doric women; although
in Bœotia the female
sex was very much restricted,
and placed under the superintendence
of ???a?????µ?? (as
under the ??µ?s???? at Sparta,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 8</a>.),
Plutarch Solon. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1383" name="note_1383" href="#noteref_1383">1383.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. II. ch.
10. § 7. Aristoph.
Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et
Schol. Suidas in ?ta??a? ??????
and ??????. Pollux IX. 6.
75. ?????????es?a? t? µast??pe?e??
? ?ta??e?? (see b. I. ch.
8. § 3.) Eustath. ad II. p.
290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon
XXXII. 10. whose poems are
of the Achæan or Roman time.
Compare also the ???????a ????
in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D.
???????a pa??, Eurip. Sciron.
ap. Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6.
75. and Hemsterhuis, and the
proverb in Suidas (XIV. 81.
Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92.
??????????? ????a? ?????p???se??.
Compare Jacobs in the Attisches
Museum, vol. II. part III. p.
137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der
Alten Welt, vol. I. p. 177.—The
women of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Sicyon</span></em> were, according
to the ß??? ???ad?? of
Dicæarchus, exceedingly graceful
in their carriage.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1384" name="note_1384" href="#noteref_1384">1384.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 17. Dionys.
Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old
men could punish persons conducting
themselves improperly
(???sµ???te?) by striking them
with their sticks.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1385" name="note_1385" href="#noteref_1385">1385.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">??sp???a? is probably
the genuine form; see Callim.
Fragm. 169. ed. Bentl. Etymol.
Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306.
24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion,
p. 617. 49. ??sp????? is used
by Theocritus Id. XII. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1386" name="note_1386" href="#noteref_1386">1386.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 12. ?µp?e?s?a?
is the word used by
Plutarch Cleom. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1387" name="note_1387" href="#noteref_1387">1387.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 5. Compare
Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gudian.
ubi sup. ?e?t?? was used
by Aristophanes; see Bekker's
Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes ad Lycophr.
459, and ??t?a? by Alcæus
ap. Athen. p. 430 D.
Alcman also called lovely young
women ??ta? ???a?; see
Schneider's Lexicon in v. and
Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3; also
the Lexicon <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">vocum peregrinarum</span></span>
in Valpy's edition of Stephens's
Thesaurus, part XII.
p. 492.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1388" name="note_1388" href="#noteref_1388">1388.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Servius ad Æn. X. 325.
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris
de re publica</span></span> (p. 280. Mai.)
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus
si amatores non haberent</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1389" name="note_1389" href="#noteref_1389">1389.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian III. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1390" name="note_1390" href="#noteref_1390">1390.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand.
22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1391" name="note_1391" href="#noteref_1391">1391.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg.
Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apophth.
p. 177.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1392" name="note_1392" href="#noteref_1392">1392.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1393" name="note_1393" href="#noteref_1393">1393.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Cleom. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1394" name="note_1394" href="#noteref_1394">1394.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. c. 37.—The
youth of Argilus, loved by Pausanias,
cannot be mentioned among
these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos
Pausan. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1395" name="note_1395" href="#noteref_1395">1395.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1396" name="note_1396" href="#noteref_1396">1396.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Id. III. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1397" name="note_1397" href="#noteref_1397">1397.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lyc. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1398" name="note_1398" href="#noteref_1398">1398.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39. Plutarch
Reg. Apophth. quoted in
note e, p. <a href="#Pg301" class="tei tei-ref">301</a>.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“also a hearer,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch Ages. 13.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1399" name="note_1399" href="#noteref_1399">1399.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch Lac. Apophth.
p. 209. In Bœotia also ????
?a? pa?? s??????te? ?µ????s??,
Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1400" name="note_1400" href="#noteref_1400">1400.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 18.
Ælian V. H. III. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1401" name="note_1401" href="#noteref_1401">1401.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIII. p. 601 E.
p. 602 F. from Timæus, Heraclid.
Pont. 3. Heyne ad Apollod.
III. 1. 2. ???te? ???t???tat??,
together with the Lacedæmonians
and Bœotians,
Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1402" name="note_1402" href="#noteref_1402">1402.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XV. p. 782
E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1403" name="note_1403" href="#noteref_1403">1403.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap.
Strab. X. p. 483. Hesychius in f???t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1404" name="note_1404" href="#noteref_1404">1404.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ubi sup.
Compare Plutarch de Educ. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1405" name="note_1405" href="#noteref_1405">1405.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus and Heraclides
Ponticus. Arms were in Crete,
according to Nicolaus Damascenus,
the most honourable
present that could be made.
Concerning the cup, see Hermonax
ap. Athen. XI. p. 502
B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1406" name="note_1406" href="#noteref_1406">1406.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 9. comp.
N. A. IV. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1407" name="note_1407" href="#noteref_1407">1407.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Polit. II. 9. 6, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1408" name="note_1408" href="#noteref_1408">1408.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Acharn. 774.
Theocrit. Id. XII. 28. and
Schol.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1409" name="note_1409" href="#noteref_1409">1409.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Plato and
Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B.
Tusc. Quæst. IV. 34. comp.
Boeckh ad Leg. p. 106.) This
practice <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">originated</span></em> from the
gymnastic exercises; a supposition
probably not true in this
general sense.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1410" name="note_1410" href="#noteref_1410">1410.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. II. 7.
5.—It is however
true of Athens only, and
not of the Dorians, that the
love of the male supplied the
place of that of the female sex.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1411" name="note_1411" href="#noteref_1411">1411.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Welcker, Sappho von einem
herrschenden vorurtheill
befreit, p. 41. Confederates
in arms are called ?????????
f???? in the beautiful
Fragment of Æolian lyric poetry,
attributed to Theocritus,
XXVIII. 34. Comp. Arrian.
Peripl. Pont. p. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1412" name="note_1412" href="#noteref_1412">1412.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero
de Rep. IV. 4. <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacedæmonii
ipsi cum omnia concedunt
in amore juvenum præter
stuprum, ienui sane muro
dissæpiunt id quod excipiunt:
complexus enim concubitusque
permittunt.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1413" name="note_1413" href="#noteref_1413">1413.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 12. On
account of this provision the
Lacedæmonian law is called p???????
by Plato Sympos. p. 182.
The purity of the Lacedæmonian
custom is also attested by
Xenophon, the best authority
on Doric manners. ?? t??
pa?d?? s?µat?? ??e??µe??? fa?e??,
a?s??st?? t??t? ?e?? (?
?????????) ?p???se? ?? ?a?eda?µ???
µ?d?? ?tt?? ??ast?? pa?d????
?p??es?a? ? ???e?? pa?d??
? ?a? ?de?f?? ?de?f?? e??
?f??d?s?a ?p????ta?, de Rep.
Lac. 2. 13; and see Schneider's
note. Plato however has
a different opinion of it, Leg. I.
p. 638. VIII. p. 836. The
Cretan fell into worse repute
than the Lacedæmonian custom,
Plutarch de Educ. 14.
Both however are praised as
equally innocent by Maximus
Tyrius, Diss. X. p. 113. The
suspicions thrown upon it are
perhaps to be entirely traced to
the Attic comic poets; thus
Eupolis ap. Athen. I. p. 17 D.
Hesych. et al. Lexicog. in ??s??????
and ?a?????e??. Comp.
Suidas and Apostolius, XI. 73.
?a??????? t??p?? pe?a??e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1414" name="note_1414" href="#noteref_1414">1414.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the subject of this last
part generally, see Meiners'
Miscellaneous Philosophical
Writings, vol. I. p. 61, and
History of the Female Sex, vol.
I. p. 321. Herder's Thoughts
on the Philosophy of History,
Works, vol. V. p. 173. Since
the first publication of this
work, the view of the above
question taken in the text has
been approved by Jacobs, Miscellaneous
Works, III. Leben
und Kunst der Alten, II. (1829)
pp. 212, sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1415" name="note_1415" href="#noteref_1415">1415.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian. Anach. 38. ?????
?e??a?a Theocr. Idyl. XVIII.
24. Comp. D'Orville ad Charit.
p. 22. Alberti ad Hesych.
in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1416" name="note_1416" href="#noteref_1416">1416.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Lycurg. 16. I
have written <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">house</span></em> instead of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tribe</span></em>, as above, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 10.
§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1417" name="note_1417" href="#noteref_1417">1417.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The philosopher Archytas
is mentioned as the inventor of
a child's rattle, p?at???, Aristot.
Polit. VIII. 6. 1. Apostol.
XVI. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1418" name="note_1418" href="#noteref_1418">1418.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">µ?t???a, ?s?at???p?a Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1419" name="note_1419" href="#noteref_1419">1419.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1420" name="note_1420" href="#noteref_1420">1420.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning this expression
see Plutarch, Ages. 1. Cleom.
II. 37. ?a?????? ????? Polyb.
I. 32, also Zonaras and Suidas.
The ???????e??? ????? was in
later times supplanted by the
??a??? pa?de?a, the object of
which was utility, Plutarch, Philop.
16. comp. Pausan. VII. 8.
3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1421" name="note_1421" href="#noteref_1421">1421.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the correct
reading in Athen. VI. p. 271
E. These are the same as ??
?? t?? ?????? pa?de?: see above,
p. <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref">22</a>. note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“assuredly had not,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“????t??.”</span>] From the expression
?? ?? ?a? t? ?d?a ??p???s??,
we may infer that the fathers
paid the expenses of education,
which was observed in
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 10,
§ 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1422" name="note_1422" href="#noteref_1422">1422.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hellen. V.
3. 9. t?? ?? t? p??e? ?a??? ??? ?pe????.
The d?µ?t??? ????? in Polyb.
XXV. 8. 1. is an inferior
degree.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1423" name="note_1423" href="#noteref_1423">1423.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See in
particular Plutarch, Lac. Apophthegm. p. 243.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1424" name="note_1424" href="#noteref_1424">1424.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Any one who when a boy
would not undergo hard labour,
according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 3.
3. had no longer any share t??
?a???; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the remaining education
(t? ?a?? in Sparta;
comp. Xenoph. Hellen. V. 4.
32, and above, note h
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“half-blood were admitted,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xenoph. Hellen.”</span>]), and became
?d???µ?? in the town, not
?µ????. Plutarch, Inst. Lac.
p. 252, says too generally, that
<span class="tei tei-q">“any one who did not go
through the education lost the
right of citizenship; which
conversely might be obtained
by a stranger who submitted
to it.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1425" name="note_1425" href="#noteref_1425">1425.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Ages. i.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1426" name="note_1426" href="#noteref_1426">1426.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Lycurg. 16: comp.
above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1427" name="note_1427" href="#noteref_1427">1427.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Photius in s???f?ß??, where
for ???? d??a read ???a?de?a.
Schneider Lexicon in s????a?
proposes s??e??a?; but all these
were in the Agelæ. More general
names are derived from
?????, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> ???a??s???: see Hesych.
in v. From thence the
piece of Epilycus, the scene of
which was laid in Sparta, had
its title: see above, p. <a href="#Pg288" class="tei tei-ref">288</a>, note
d, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“particularly the kings,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Athen. IV.”</span>]
???sa????, Aristoph. Lysistr.
983. Schol. also Suidas, Photius
in ???s???a, Hesych. in v.
also in ???s???, s????a?e?, s???????a:
comp. Hesych. in s????a?
et s????a??a?. Phot. in
s???????a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1428" name="note_1428" href="#noteref_1428">1428.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the second year after
this period he was called Eiren,
before it Melleiren, Plutarch,
Lycurg. 17. Etym. Mag. and
Gloss. Herodot. in e????, Hesych.
in ????e?, ??a?e?, µe??????.
Hesychius explains ??a?e?
by ?????te?, d?????te?; and e??????e?
to mean ??ate?, and this
appears to be the original meaning
of the word. Amompharetus,
Callicrates, &amp;c., the ????e?
in Herod. IX. 85. were
certainly not youths, but commanders,
particularly Amompharetus,
was lochagus of the
Pitanatan lochus. After that
same period he was called Proteires,
Phot. p. 105. ?at? p??te??a?,
Hesych. ?at? p??t??a?.
It appears that in this composition
e???? is the same word as
e????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1429" name="note_1429" href="#noteref_1429">1429.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 14.
6, and see Boeckh Inscript.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1430" name="note_1430" href="#noteref_1430">1430.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi
sup. and <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 11. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1431" name="note_1431" href="#noteref_1431">1431.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 3. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1432" name="note_1432" href="#noteref_1432">1432.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac.
3. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1433" name="note_1433" href="#noteref_1433">1433.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. and Etym. Mag.
in ß???a, where for ???e? t??,
read ????? t??, Valcken. ad
Adon. p. 274.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1434" name="note_1434" href="#noteref_1434">1434.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 2. 11.
Plutarch, Lycurg. 16, 17. Inst.
Lac. p. 248.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1435" name="note_1435" href="#noteref_1435">1435.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Tarentum, the commander
of the ile was called
ße??a?µ?sta?, the digamma being
prefixed; see Hesych.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1436" name="note_1436" href="#noteref_1436">1436.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hesych. in ?ppa????
?????a??t??, and according to
Eustath. ad Il. ??. p. 727. 22.
not merely the 300 were called
cavalry, but all the ?ppe?? of
the elders.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1437" name="note_1437" href="#noteref_1437">1437.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Plutarch, ubi sup.
uses the word agele instead of
ile.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1438" name="note_1438" href="#noteref_1438">1438.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lyc. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1439" name="note_1439" href="#noteref_1439">1439.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. 2. 2.
Plutarch. Hesych. According to Xen. 4.
6 the ?ppe?? were still under
the superintendence of the
pa?d???µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1440" name="note_1440" href="#noteref_1440">1440.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1441" name="note_1441" href="#noteref_1441">1441.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. where the ß??????
is erroneously called pa??. See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 7. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1442" name="note_1442" href="#noteref_1442">1442.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in
?µpa?de?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1443" name="note_1443" href="#noteref_1443">1443.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Who were called ???a?,
p?pa?, p???a?e?. For the first
expression see Maittaire, p. 156.
???a amongst the Pythagoreans.
Jambl. Pyth. XI. 56. For the
second, see Hesychius in v.
where read ???a?. For the third
see Etym. Mag. p. 649. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1444" name="note_1444" href="#noteref_1444">1444.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theocrit. Idyll. XVIII. 23.
comp. Pind. Fragm. Hyporch.
8. Boeckh, Callim. Lav. Pall.
33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1445" name="note_1445" href="#noteref_1445">1445.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Porphyr. Pyth. VIII.
61. p. 263. Goeller: comp.
Jambl. Pyth. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1446" name="note_1446" href="#noteref_1446">1446.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">s??t???: see
Schol. in Eurip. Alcest. 989. This also was the
time in which the boys were
taken away from home; see
above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 7</a>; and from the
circumstance of their belonging
to no agele, they were called
?p??e???, Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1447" name="note_1447" href="#noteref_1447">1447.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab.
p. 483.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1448" name="note_1448" href="#noteref_1448">1448.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. Ephorus ubi sup.
and Nicol. Dam. mention indeed
only a pa?d?? ?????, but
use pa?? in an extensive sense.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1449" name="note_1449" href="#noteref_1449">1449.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull, p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1450" name="note_1450" href="#noteref_1450">1450.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephor. ubi sup. Heracl.
Pont. 3. From this circumstance,
according to Hesychius,
the ephebi in the agele were
called ??e?ast??, for which
Meursius reads ??e?a??? from
??e????, without any authority.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1451" name="note_1451" href="#noteref_1451">1451.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book III. ch. 8. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1452" name="note_1452" href="#noteref_1452">1452.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1453" name="note_1453" href="#noteref_1453">1453.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? d??a ?t? ?? t??? ??d??s??
?s????te?, according to the correction
of Valcken. ad Ammon.
I. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1454" name="note_1454" href="#noteref_1454">1454.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eustath. ad II. ??. p.
727. 18. ad Odyss. ??. 1592,
57. Rom. Ammonius in gerôn.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1455" name="note_1455" href="#noteref_1455">1455.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">t??a??t???. Eustath. and
Ammon. ubi sup. Hesych. in v.
?? ?f?ß?? ?a? t? s?st?µa a?t??.
comp. Intpp. vol. II. 1412. The
observations of Mazocchi, Tab.
Heracl. p. 258. 87. are very
absurd.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1456" name="note_1456" href="#noteref_1456">1456.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence a particular oil
vessel used in the gymnasia was
called ????? ??pa, Theocr.
Idyll. II. 156. it was probably
a very simple utensil, since the
Spartans, instead of the st?e????,
used a bundle of reeds,
Schol. ad Plat. Charm. p. 90.
Ruhnken. Plutarch. Inst. Lac.
p. 253. Lobeck ad Phrynich. p.
430. remarks ingeniously that
several <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">vocabula musica</span></span>,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">palæstrica
et mititaria</span></span>, even in the
common Grecian dialect, had a
Doric character, being particularly
in use amongst the
Dorians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1457" name="note_1457" href="#noteref_1457">1457.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dion. Chrysost.
Orat. 37. 33. F?????µ?ast??s? ?????e?.
The same is said in Plato Protag.
p. 342. of the imitators of
the Spartans, who also (contrary
to the customs of their
original) were addicted to the
contest with the cæstus. Aristot.
Polit. VIII. 3. 3. merely
says, that the discipline to which
the Spartan youth were subjected
made them too brutal,
?????de??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1458" name="note_1458" href="#noteref_1458">1458.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. what the Spartan in
Plutarch. Lac. Apophthegm, p.
246. says concerning the distinction
between ??e?ss?? and
?aßßa????te???, a better
wrestler.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1459" name="note_1459" href="#noteref_1459">1459.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg.
Apophthegm. p 125. Lac. Ap.
p. 225. Seneca de Benef. V. 3.
Xenophon's remarks in Rep.
Lac. 4. 6. on the boxing of the
?ß??te?, do not apply to the
gymnastic exercises.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1460" name="note_1460" href="#noteref_1460">1460.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato, Laches,
p. 183.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1461" name="note_1461" href="#noteref_1461">1461.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Where it was without doubt
connected with the military
service, and a display of valour
in the practice of war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1462" name="note_1462" href="#noteref_1462">1462.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen.
IX. p. 154 D. The
Mantinean ?p??µa??a will account
for a Mantinean being
reported to have invented the
???p???? ????s??, Plutarch.
Num. 13. There was also a
peculiar ?a?t????? ?p??s??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1463" name="note_1463" href="#noteref_1463">1463.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Corsini, Diss. Agon. p.
127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1464" name="note_1464" href="#noteref_1464">1464.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus, as is his usual
practice, Hermippus gives a fictitious
account of the victory
gained by the son of Chilon in
the contest with the cestus at
Olympia. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1465" name="note_1465" href="#noteref_1465">1465.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 8. 3. It is however
surprising that the p??ta????
pa?d?? existed only in one
Olympiad, viz. the 38th, when
a Lacedæmonian obtained the
victory.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1466" name="note_1466" href="#noteref_1466">1466.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Grammarians in the
proverb ?p?? t? ?s?aµµ??a p?d?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1467" name="note_1467" href="#noteref_1467">1467.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Olympic conqueror,
Philip of Croton, the friend of
Dorieus the Spartan, was considered
the most beautiful of
the Greeks, Herod. V. 47. Cicero
de Invent. II. 1. says of the
Crotoniats as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“Quodam
tempore Crotoniatæ multum
omnibus corporis viribus et
dignitatibus antesteterunt, atque
honestissimas ex gymnico
certamine victorias domum
cum maxima laude retulerunt.
Quum puerorum igitur <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">formas
et corpora</span></em> magno hic (Zeuxis)
opere miraretur: horum, inquiunt
illi, sorores sunt apud
nos virgines.”</span> This is doubtless
a correct description of the
flourishing period of the youth
of Croton: but it falls much
before the time of Zeuxis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1468" name="note_1468" href="#noteref_1468">1468.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VI. p. 262. comp.
Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenshaft,
book III. ch. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1469" name="note_1469" href="#noteref_1469">1469.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diagoras, his sons Damagetus,
Acesilaus, Dorieus, and
grandsons Eucles and Peisirrhodus;
perhaps also Hyllus,
see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp.
VII. p. 165.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1470" name="note_1470" href="#noteref_1470">1470.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 141. see also
Menand. de Encom. III. 1. p.
97. ed. Heeren.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1471" name="note_1471" href="#noteref_1471">1471.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth.
IV. p. 268. Pyth. V. p. 287. to
which add Hesych. in ??a?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1472" name="note_1472" href="#noteref_1472">1472.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp.
IV. p. 143.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1473" name="note_1473" href="#noteref_1473">1473.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. XII. 20. comp.
Boeckh Expl. p. 210.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1474" name="note_1474" href="#noteref_1474">1474.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Spartans were
particularly fond of the mode of wrestling
called ???µa???e??: see
the verses of Plato the comic
poet quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg280" class="tei tei-ref">280</a>, note x.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“ornament of a man,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”</span>]
comp. Plut. Lac. Apophthegm.
p. 241. The ?p? t?a?????
??µ???es?a?, Xen. Rep. Lac. 5.
9. appears to have required particular
strength of neck. The
Argives were dexterous ?d??st??f??
(throwers of crossbuttocks),
Theocr. Idyll. XXV.
109.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1475" name="note_1475" href="#noteref_1475">1475.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. I. ch. 4. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1476" name="note_1476" href="#noteref_1476">1476.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1477" name="note_1477" href="#noteref_1477">1477.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">§ 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1478" name="note_1478" href="#noteref_1478">1478.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 3. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1479" name="note_1479" href="#noteref_1479">1479.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Anab. IV. 6. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1480" name="note_1480" href="#noteref_1480">1480.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heracl. Pont. 2. Xen. Rep.
Lac. 2, 6. Justin. III. 3. 6. 7
comp. Cicero apud Nonium in
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">clepere</span></span>. Gellius N.A. XI. 18.
&amp;c. Plutarch Lycurg. 17. does
not state the reason accurately,
comp. Inst. Lac. p. 249. Lac.
Apophthegm, p. 239. The Schol.
Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. ed. Ruhnken.
450. ed. Bekker. confound
the cryptia with this institution.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1481" name="note_1481" href="#noteref_1481">1481.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?sa µ? ????e? ??µ??. Xenoph.
Anab. ubi. sup. comp.
De Rep. Lac. 2. 6. Cicero's assertion
de Rep. III. 9. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cretes
latrocinari honestum putant</span></span>
should also be taken in a limited
sense; comp. however Polyb.
VI. 46. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1482" name="note_1482" href="#noteref_1482">1482.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 9. § 6.
Concerning the d?aµast???s??, comp.
Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Inst. Lac.
p. 254. Athen. VIII. p. 350 C.
Lucian. Icarom. 16. Musonius
apud Stob. Serm. 92. p. 307.
Schol. ad Plat. Leg. I. p. 224.
Ruhnken. p. 450. Bekker.
Cic. Quæst. Tusc. V. 27.
Seneca de prov. IV. To this
add the passages in Manso I.
2. p. 183. Creuzer Init. Philos.
Plat. II. p. 166. A ß?µ??????
occurs in a Lacedæmonian inscription,
Boeckh, No. 1364.
I am not yet convinced of the
truth of Thiersch's conjecture,
that the bronze statute of the
youth at Berlin is of this character.
I should rather take it
to represent a conqueror in the
pancration t?? pa?d??, in the
attitude of returning thanks to
Jupiter for his victory.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1483" name="note_1483" href="#noteref_1483">1483.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 14. 8.
comp. II. 2. Plat. Leg. I. p. 633. Cic.
Quæst. Tusc. 5-27. Lucian.
Anach. 38. Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm.
p. 239. Lacæn. p. 258.
what Plato terms ??µ??pa?d???,
are in general exercises of naked
boys in the heat of summer,
comp. Schol. ad loc. and Suidas
in ?????????. The ?ß??te? according
to Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 4.
also fought with the selected
three hundred wherever they
encountered them.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1484" name="note_1484" href="#noteref_1484">1484.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephor. apud
Strab. X. p. 483. Heracl. Pont. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1485" name="note_1485" href="#noteref_1485">1485.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. The
Lacedæmonian ????? was in
later times considered as a
gymnastic education. Thus
Phocion had his son brought
up in the Lacedæmonian manner,
and Alcibiades was at least
nursed by Amycla, Plutarch
Lycurg. 16. Schol. Plat. I. p.
77. Ruhnken.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1486" name="note_1486" href="#noteref_1486">1486.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 72. A Lacedæmonian
strikingly resembled
Hector, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the ideal of heroic
excellence, according to Plutarch
Arat. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1487" name="note_1487" href="#noteref_1487">1487.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Nicol. Damasc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1488" name="note_1488" href="#noteref_1488">1488.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 14. Lac.
Apophthegm. p. 223. comp.
Manso I. 2. p. 162. Respecting
the exercise of running ??d????a?,
Welcker ad Alcm. p. 10
sq. The exercises, besides the
gymnasia, are mentioned by a
poet in Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II.
15. and referred to also in Aristoph.
Lys. 117.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1489" name="note_1489" href="#noteref_1489">1489.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Theæt. p 162, 169.
Plutarch Lycurg. 14. only says,
that they witnessed the procession
and dances of the young
men.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1490" name="note_1490" href="#noteref_1490">1490.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Athen. XII. p. 550 D.
comp. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1491" name="note_1491" href="#noteref_1491">1491.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to
Isocr. Panath. p. 544. comp. Perizonius ad
Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. That
they learnt to read, is asserted
by Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Inst.
Lac. p. 247. but contradicted
by a Soph. anon. in Orelli
Opp. Mor. II. p. 214. The
ancient simplicity of their manners
is evident from the custom
of cutting a staff (s??t???)
in pieces, and dividing the
fragments, to be preserved as
memorials of a contract entered
into, Photius in s??t???, and
Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1284.
from Dioscorides pe?? ??µ?µ??.
Concerning the schools of learning
in Crete, see Heracl. Pont.
3. Ephor. apud Strab. X. p.
482. The most ancient Grecian
letters appear also to have
been called Doric, Suidas in
????????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1492" name="note_1492" href="#noteref_1492">1492.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. II. 39. The
same practice was enjoined by
the laws of Lycurgus, see book
I. ch. 7. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1493" name="note_1493" href="#noteref_1493">1493.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence also d????e??, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to sing
in the Doric style</span></span>, Hesychius.
A cithara strung so as to suit
that measure was called a
????a f??µ???. Pindar Olymp.
I. 17. who also calls the rhythm
which suited the Doric mode,
?????? p?d????, Olymp. III. 5.
and the whole together ????a
???e???? ?µ???, Fragm. Incert.
98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1494" name="note_1494" href="#noteref_1494">1494.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Lach. p. 188 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1495" name="note_1495" href="#noteref_1495">1495.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some endeavoured to explain
this name by supposing
that Thamyris was the inventor,
who had contended with
the Muses at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorium</span></span>, Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. comp.
Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p.
301.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1496" name="note_1496" href="#noteref_1496">1496.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 351. note g. It
was on this that Glaucus ap.
Plutarch Music. 4. probably
grounded his proof of the date
of Terpander.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1497" name="note_1497" href="#noteref_1497">1497.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the important
testimony of Sosibius the Laconian,
the musical contests at
the Carnea were first instituted
in Olymp. 26., and according to
the catalogue of Hellanicus,
Terpander was the first who
gained the prize, Athen. XIV.
p. 635. The Parian Marble
ep. 35, places his new regulation
of music at Sparta in
Olymp. 33. 4. The other statements
on the time of Terpander
are far inferior to these in
authority.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1498" name="note_1498" href="#noteref_1498">1498.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Pindar (ap. Athen. p.
635 D. fragm. Scol. 5. Boeckh.)
says, that Terpander first heard
at Lydian banquets the strings
of the lyre sound <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in opposition
to</span></em> the high p??t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1499" name="note_1499" href="#noteref_1499">1499.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For the whole
of this, see
Boeckh de Metric. Pindar.
p. 238. and particularly Heraclid.
Pont. ap. Athen. XIV.
p. 624 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1500" name="note_1500" href="#noteref_1500">1500.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Athenæus, p. 632. from
Heraclides Ponticus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1501" name="note_1501" href="#noteref_1501">1501.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The supposed Plutarch, in
the learned and excellent Essay
on music, c. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1502" name="note_1502" href="#noteref_1502">1502.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristotle and Ælius
Dionysius in Eustathius p. 741.
15. Heraclid. Pont. 2. Plutarch
de Sera Num. Vind. 13. Hesychius
in µet? ??sß??? ?d??,
Apostolius XII. 70. &amp;c. According
to Plutarch Mus. 6, the last
of that school who appeared at
the Carnea was Pericleitus, who
lived before Hipponax. If so,
Ælius Dionysius is wrong in
mentioning Euænitides and
Aristocleides, the latter of whom
was certainly of a later date.
Phrynis is altogether out of the
question.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1503" name="note_1503" href="#noteref_1503">1503.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. fragm. II. p. 639.
Plutarch Music. 42. Schol. Od.
??. 267. ed. Buttman. Tzetzes
Chil. I. 16. Marm. Par. ep.
35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1504" name="note_1504" href="#noteref_1504">1504.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although he is said to
have been first fined by the
ephors on account of the number
of the strings, Plutarch. Inst.
Lac. p. 251. but the account is
very confused. Yet Athenæus
XIV. p. 628 D., when he says
that the Spartans saved music
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">three times</span></em>, seems to allude to
it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1505" name="note_1505" href="#noteref_1505">1505.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For the statements of Schol.
Od. ??. 267. and Eustathius ad
1. concerning an ancient Lacedæmonian
named Demodocus,
of Sipias a Dorian, of Abaris a
Lacedæmonian, and of Probolus
a Spartan, at the time of the
migration of the Heraclidæ, are
hardly worthy of the name of
mythical.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1506" name="note_1506" href="#noteref_1506">1506.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 1.
§ 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1507" name="note_1507" href="#noteref_1507">1507.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning whom see
Boeckh Expl. Pind. Ol. X. p.
197.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1508" name="note_1508" href="#noteref_1508">1508.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polymnestus wrote
a poem to Thaletas for the Lacedæmonians
(Paus. I. 14. 3.), probably
after his death, and therefore
he is unquestionably of a
later date than Thaletas; he is
called the contemporary of Sacadas,
who flourished about the
48th Olympiad (588 B.C.),
but was probably somewhat
earlier. According to Plutarch
Mus. 5. he was mentioned by
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Alcman</span></em>, which does not agree,
if this poet lived in Olymp. 27
(672 B.C.) where he is generally
placed: but the other
date of the ancient chronologists
for Alcman, viz. Olymp.
42 (612 B.C.), is doubtless
more correct.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1509" name="note_1509" href="#noteref_1509">1509.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Glaucus ap. Plutarch. Mus.
10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1510" name="note_1510" href="#noteref_1510">1510.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p.
678 B. also mentions songs of
Thaletas at this festival, comp.
Suidas in Ta??ta?. It seems
however probable that the introduction
here mentioned did
not take place before the battle
of Thyræa, about Olymp. 58.
or 546 B.C., since much of
the musical solemnities of the
gymnopædia referred to this
action, Athen. ubi sup. comp.
Etymol. Mag. in ??µ??pa?d?a,
if we should there read with
Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2.
p. 211. T??a?a? for ???a?a?, on
which however there is some
doubt. See vol. I. p. 309,
note m.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1511" name="note_1511" href="#noteref_1511">1511.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Agis 10. Lac. Apophth.
p. 205.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1512" name="note_1512" href="#noteref_1512">1512.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Plutarch Agis
10. Inst. Lac. p. 251, and Cicero
de Leg. II. 15. compare
Dio Chrys. Or. XXXII. p. 382
B. ed. Reisk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1513" name="note_1513" href="#noteref_1513">1513.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Artemon ap. Athen. XIV.
p. 636 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1514" name="note_1514" href="#noteref_1514">1514.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 12. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1515" name="note_1515" href="#noteref_1515">1515.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. Mag. in s????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1516" name="note_1516" href="#noteref_1516">1516.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Boeth. de Musica ad
calc. Arati. Oxon. p. 66. Also
in Casaubon on Athen. VIII.
p. 613. (vol. IV. p. 611.
Schweigh.), Scaliger on Manilius,
Bulliald on Theon, Leopardus
in his Observationes
Criticæ, Gronovius Præf. ad
Thes, Ant. Græc. vol. V. from
a Cambridge MS., Chishull
Ant. Asiat. p. 128, and with a
collation of several Oxford manuscripts
(Cleaver's) Decretum
Lacedæmoniorum contra Timotheum
Milesium, Oxonii
1777; lastly, Payne Knight,
Essay on the Greek Alphabet,
sect. 7. and Porson, Tracts, p.
145. Mus. Crit. vol. I. p. 506.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1517" name="note_1517" href="#noteref_1517">1517.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The following recension of
the decree is made after the
manuscripts, without any arbitrary
introduction of laconisms;
while the short vowels are
every where retained, and even
the singular ? for ?. ?pe?de ?
??µ??e?? ? ????s??? pa?????µe???
e? ta? ?µete?a? p???? ta?
pa?a?a? µ?a? at?µasde, ?a? ta?
d?a ta? ?pta ???da? ??ta??t??
ap?st?ef?µe??? p???f???a? e?sa???
??µa??eta? ta? a??a? t??
?e?? d?a te ta? p??????d?a? ?a?
ta? ?a???tat?? t? µe?e??, a?e??e
?a? p?????a? a?t? ?p??a? ?a?
tetaµe?a? aµf?e???ta? ta? µ?a?,
ep? ???µat?? s???staµe??? ta? t?
µe?e?? d?as?e?a? a?t? ta? e?a?µ????
p?tta? a?t?st??f?? aµ??ßa?;
pa?a??ete?? de ?a? ett??
a???a ta? ??e?s???a? ?aµat???
ap?epe d?es?e?asat? ta? t? µ?t?
d?as?e?a? ta? ?a? Seµe?a? ?d??a
??? e????a t?? ?e?? d?da??e ded??ta?
a? pe?? t??t??? t?? ßas??ea?
?a? t?? ef???? µeµ?atta?
??µ??e??, epa?a??ata? de ?a? ta?
??de?a ???da? e?taµe? ta? pe??tta?
?p???p?µe??? ta? ?pta;
?p?? ??ast?? t? ta? p????? ßa???
???? e??aßeta? etta? Spa?ta?
ep?fe?e? t? t?? µe ?a??? et?? µe
p?te ta?att?ta? ??e?? a?????
(according to Porson, ? t?? µ?
p?t? t?? ??et?? ????? ????t??.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1518" name="note_1518" href="#noteref_1518">1518.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 10.
§ 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1519" name="note_1519" href="#noteref_1519">1519.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In common Greek, ?p?
???µat?? s???st?µe??? t?? t??
µ??e?? d?as?e??? ??t? t?? ??a?µ?????
p??? t?? ??t?st??f??
?µ??ß??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1520" name="note_1520" href="#noteref_1520">1520.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus, for example, we have
et?? from ????, the Laconian
form of which was ??S??,
Valcken. ad Theocrit. p. 282.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1521" name="note_1521" href="#noteref_1521">1521.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For instance, ???SO has
been written for µ?t? (see
Valckenær. p. 379.), without a
shadow of probability; for ??ta??t??
??S??????, for aµf?e???ta? ?????????? (from
?µp?sa?, ?µf??sa? Hesychius),
or ????G??????? (from
ß?st??, Etym. M. p. 193. 45.
for ?s??? Aristoph. Lys. 1090.);
for ?pa?a???ta? ?????G????
from p?????, &amp;c. &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1522" name="note_1522" href="#noteref_1522">1522.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That it was a common
practice to forge Spartan inscriptions
is remarked by Valekenær.
p. 257. The genuineness
of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">this</span></em> decree was first
questioned by Villebrun ad.
Athen. VIII. p. 352. and
Heinrich Epimenides, p. 175.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1523" name="note_1523" href="#noteref_1523">1523.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Leg. II. p. 660. cf.
III. p. 680.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1524" name="note_1524" href="#noteref_1524">1524.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull Ant. Asiat. p.
121.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1525" name="note_1525" href="#noteref_1525">1525.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A
contemporary of Timotheus, Plutarch Mus. 21. Athen.
VIII. p. 352 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1526" name="note_1526" href="#noteref_1526">1526.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Mus. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1527" name="note_1527" href="#noteref_1527">1527.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh
Inscript. No. 1108.
Plutarch Mus. 32. ascribes a
moral judgment of music particularly
to the Lacedæmonians,
Mantineans, and Pelleneans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1528" name="note_1528" href="#noteref_1528">1528.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Max. Tyr. 4. p. 46. 21. p.
216. ed. Davis. cf. Cic. de Leg.
II. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1529" name="note_1529" href="#noteref_1529">1529.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As was always the case in
Arcadia, according to Polybius
IV. 20. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1530" name="note_1530" href="#noteref_1530">1530.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Demosth. in Mid. p.
15. compare Buttmann's Commentary,
p. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1531" name="note_1531" href="#noteref_1531">1531.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Athen. p. 678
B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1532" name="note_1532" href="#noteref_1532">1532.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan.
III. 11. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1533" name="note_1533" href="#noteref_1533">1533.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. IX. 5. ??
?????? e?? t?? ?p??e?d?st??? ???a?
?pe?a??eta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1534" name="note_1534" href="#noteref_1534">1534.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the apophthegm of
Damonides, Plutarch Reg. Apophth.
p. 130. Lac. Apophth.
p. 203. where however ???a???
is put instead of ????p????,
which magistrate had the regulation
of the choruses in general
(Xen. Ages. 2. 17. Plutarch
ubi sup. p. 173. but in
Herodotus VI. 67. there is no
reason to introduce him on
conjecture); and the saying of
Agesilaus, Plutarch Lac. Apophth.
p. 173 (where however
it is erroneously stated that
Agesilaus was appointed king
when a boy). The author of
the Agesilaus attributed to
Xenophon states, that Agesilaus,
before the capture of Peiræum,
returned home, though
lame, in order to be conducted
to his place by the choropœus
at the pæan of the Hyacinthia;
but he clearly confounds him
with the Amycleans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1535" name="note_1535" href="#noteref_1535">1535.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, page <a href="#Pg262" class="tei tei-ref">262</a>, note g,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“corresponding evolutions,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“For this reason.”</span>] where I preferred the explanation
of Hesychius to that of
Suidas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1536" name="note_1536" href="#noteref_1536">1536.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1537" name="note_1537" href="#noteref_1537">1537.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Leg. II. p.
666.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1538" name="note_1538" href="#noteref_1538">1538.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IX. 5. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1539" name="note_1539" href="#noteref_1539">1539.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 628 F.
Schweighæuser asks who this
poet Socrates was? I believe
the passage is from the ?????µ???,
or Hymn to Apollo, which
the philosopher composed when
in prison.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1540" name="note_1540" href="#noteref_1540">1540.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The cicada was considered
as a musical animal, and sacred
to Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1541" name="note_1541" href="#noteref_1541">1541.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. XIV. p. 633 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1542" name="note_1542" href="#noteref_1542">1542.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. and
on the other hand see Chamæleon
ap. Athen. IV. p. 184 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1543" name="note_1543" href="#noteref_1543">1543.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>.
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 1</a>. Hesychius f????de?, pa??????
?????, ????e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1544" name="note_1544" href="#noteref_1544">1544.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh ad Pindar. fragm.
p. 598.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1545" name="note_1545" href="#noteref_1545">1545.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 21. de
amore sui 15. Lac. Inst. p.
251. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p.
223. Ruhnken. p. 449. Bekker
Zenobius, Apostolius, &amp;c. They
are said to have been instituted
by Tyrtæus (Pollux IV. 15.
106), to whom Lycurgus in
Leocrat. p. 162. 21. ascribes
generally a large share in the
education of youth at Sparta.
It is from these of the Spartans
that Plato copies his great
choruses. Leg. II. p. 664 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1546" name="note_1546" href="#noteref_1546">1546.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch.
8. § 11, 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1547" name="note_1547" href="#noteref_1547">1547.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these songs,
see Athenæus IV. p. 181 B.
where it is stated that tumbling
(??ß?st??) was a national
custom in Crete, and in general
Aristoxenus ap. Athen. XIV.
p. 630 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1548" name="note_1548" href="#noteref_1548">1548.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 1</a>. Eustathius
ubi sup. relates that Theseus
danced thus with the seven
youths and maidens to Cnosus.
Compare Lobeck ad Soph. Aj.
698. ???s?a ????µata.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1549" name="note_1549" href="#noteref_1549">1549.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian de Saltat. 12. See
Meursius Orchestra, tom. V. p.
237.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1550" name="note_1550" href="#noteref_1550">1550.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab. N. p.
481 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1551" name="note_1551" href="#noteref_1551">1551.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 129. compare
Wesseling's note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1552" name="note_1552" href="#noteref_1552">1552.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athenæus I. p. 22 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1553" name="note_1553" href="#noteref_1553">1553.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 33.
3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1554" name="note_1554" href="#noteref_1554">1554.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 131.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1555" name="note_1555" href="#noteref_1555">1555.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh ad Pindar,
fragm. inc. 88. Concerning Hierax,
see below <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">§ 7</a>. Ariston is also
mentioned as an ancient flute-player
of Argos, in an epigram
of Simonides or Bacchylides,
Brunck's Analect. vol. I. p.
141. Gaisford's Poet. Min. vol.
I. p. 383. Neue Bacchyl.
fragm. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1556" name="note_1556" href="#noteref_1556">1556.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 27. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1557" name="note_1557" href="#noteref_1557">1557.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VI. 14. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1558" name="note_1558" href="#noteref_1558">1558.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the ancient Epigram in
Athenæus XIV. p. 629.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1559" name="note_1559" href="#noteref_1559">1559.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 10. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1560" name="note_1560" href="#noteref_1560">1560.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. V. p. 181 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1561" name="note_1561" href="#noteref_1561">1561.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ?aµß??e?? is also elsewhere
connected with this worship;
compare Max. Tyr. Diss.
XXI. p. 216. Davis, and the
general expression s??e???e?? for
???e?s?a?, Theophrast. ap. Athen.
I. p. 22 C. And Archilochus
perhaps belonged to the
colony in which the priestess
Cleobœa brought the mystical
rites of Demeter from Paros to
Thasos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1562" name="note_1562" href="#noteref_1562">1562.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Particularly of Artemis
??t???a, as appears from Athenæus
p. 629 E. who was also
originally Ionic, b. II. ch. 9.
§ 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1563" name="note_1563" href="#noteref_1563">1563.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. IV. p. 103.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1564" name="note_1564" href="#noteref_1564">1564.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On which see Athen. p.
624 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1565" name="note_1565" href="#noteref_1565">1565.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 21. 3. Comp.
Schol. Soph. Aj. 14. Eurip.
Phœn. 1386. Athene was
evidently the patron of the
trumpeters, under the name
S??p???, at Argos (an allusion
to which see in Æsch. Eum.
556. Soph. Aj. 17.), because
she was tutelar deity of the
flute-players; and this was also
the case at Sparta. For it is
plain from Polyænus I. 10. that
the d?aßat???a were offered to
Athene on the boundaries (<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">b.
III. ch. 12. § 5</a>.) only because
she presided over the flutes,
by which the army was conducted.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1566" name="note_1566" href="#noteref_1566">1566.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XII. p. 517 A.
de XIV. p. 627 D. Plutarch
Mus. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1567" name="note_1567" href="#noteref_1567">1567.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Athen.
XIV. 626. Plutarch ubi sup.
Lucian de Saltat. 10. Dio
Chrysost. Or. XXXII. p. 380.
Reisk. Gell. N. A. I. 11. Eustath.
ad Il. ??. p. 1320. 3. ed.
Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1568" name="note_1568" href="#noteref_1568">1568.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. 14. ed. Welcker.
Pausanias III. 17. 5. mentions
flute, lyre, and cithara together.
The fabulous narration
of Polyænus appears to me to
be historically refuted by Alcman,
as also by that remarked
in b. II. ch. 8. § 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1569" name="note_1569" href="#noteref_1569">1569.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Compare
Strabo X. p. 483 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1570" name="note_1570" href="#noteref_1570">1570.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 2. § 4</a>. <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. §
5</a>, <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1571" name="note_1571" href="#noteref_1571">1571.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 70. See
Lucian de Saltat. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1572" name="note_1572" href="#noteref_1572">1572.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ?d????? was
one kind of the ?p?ßat???a, according to
Hesyehius, whose gloss ?pe?
?ste??? pa?? ?esß???? ???µ?s??,
as well as the name itself, is
by no means clear. ???p??a
µ??? ?µßat???a in Athenæus
XIV. p. 630 F. Valckenaer ad
Theocrit. Adon. p. 283. is also
of opinion that the sa?s?te???
????? to the flute was an ?µßat?????
(from ?a??e??); but an
?µßat????? was not a chorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1573" name="note_1573" href="#noteref_1573">1573.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Mus. 26. Lycurg.
22. where however the
?ast??e??? µ???? of the flute-players
is distinguished from
the ?µßat????? pa???, in which
the king joined (on the other
hand Polyænus I. 10. ?µßat?????
??d?d?s?? a????); ?ast??e???
generally being used for
the music of instruments, and
?µßat????? the song itself.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1574" name="note_1574" href="#noteref_1574">1574.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 10. 78.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1575" name="note_1575" href="#noteref_1575">1575.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Messeniacum metrum seu
embaterium</span></span>, Victorinus, p. 2522.
ed. Putsch. Comp. Hephæst.
pag. 25. 46, 1. ed. Gaisford.
Schol. Eurip. Hec. 59. and
Demetrius Triclinius ad Soph.
Aj. 134. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II.
16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1576" name="note_1576" href="#noteref_1576">1576.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 251.
Valer. Maxim. II. 6. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1577" name="note_1577" href="#noteref_1577">1577.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar. Pyth. II. 69.
Hermann de Dial. Pind. p. 19, 20.
Boeckh de Metr. Pind. p. 276.
Expl. Pyth. II. p. 249.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1578" name="note_1578" href="#noteref_1578">1578.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isthm. I. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1579" name="note_1579" href="#noteref_1579">1579.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 10. § 8. A
third supposition is that of the
Scholiast to Pindar, Pyth. II.
127, that the ??µ?? took its
name from the Dioscuri, as
being the inventors of the
Pyrrhic dance (comp. Plat.
Leg. VII. p. 795. Lucian de
Saltat. 10.) But in the ??sa?
of Epicharmus (ap. Schol.
Pind. et Athen. p. 184 F.) it
was only stated that Minerva
played the flute for the Dioscuri
to the ???p???? ??µ?? (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>
the Pyrrhic), and hence that the
flute was used as a military instrument
at Sparta; but not a
word of the ?ast??e??? ??µ??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1580" name="note_1580" href="#noteref_1580">1580.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As, for instance, ??et? ?
Sp??ta? e???d??? in Dion Chrysost.
Orat. II. p. 31 A. ed.
Reisk.; although, according to
Hephæstion, the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">laconicum metrum</span></span>
was a <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">tetrameter catalecticus
in syllabam</span></span>, with a spondaic
ending; and according to
M. Victorinus ubi sup. a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">trimeter
catalecticus in syllabam</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1581" name="note_1581" href="#noteref_1581">1581.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 12. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1582" name="note_1582" href="#noteref_1582">1582.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This very precise and
credible account is given by Philochorus
ap. Athen. p. 630.
Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 212.
ed. Reisk. states, that it was
sung at the king's tent before
the battle. Compare Manso's
Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 171.
Conrad Schneider in the Studien,
vol. IV. p. 18. Franck's
Tyrtæus, p. 133.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1583" name="note_1583" href="#noteref_1583">1583.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in ?ß??t??. Write
?ß??t??. ?? pa?? ???s?? ?ß????
?µßat????? p???s?µe???, ?pe? ?
?d?? ??t? ??a?e?t?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1584" name="note_1584" href="#noteref_1584">1584.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">Book
III. ch. 12. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1585" name="note_1585" href="#noteref_1585">1585.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. notes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1586" name="note_1586" href="#noteref_1586">1586.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Leg. VII. p.
795. Aristoxenus ap. Athen. p. 630
E. Strab. X. p. 467. Nicol.
Damasc. ???te?. Lucian de
Saltat. 8. Schol. Pindar. Pyth.
II. 127. Hesychius in p???????e??.
Pollux IV. 14. 99. derives
two ???p??? ????se?? from Crete,
the Pyrrhic and the Telesias,
comp. Athen. p. 630 A; and
from Athen. p. 629 C. it appears
that there were there
also the similar dances of ??s?t??
and ?p??????d???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1587" name="note_1587" href="#noteref_1587">1587.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I.
p. 212.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1588" name="note_1588" href="#noteref_1588">1588.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p.
<a href="#Pg342" class="tei tei-ref">342</a>. note r.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Spartan army,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“B. II. ch. 10.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1589" name="note_1589" href="#noteref_1589">1589.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1590" name="note_1590" href="#noteref_1590">1590.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. VII. p. 815.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1591" name="note_1591" href="#noteref_1591">1591.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. p. 631 A. Comp.
Meursius Orchestra Op. vol.
V. p. 242. Manso, Sparta, vol.
I. part II. p. 175.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1592" name="note_1592" href="#noteref_1592">1592.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As is frequently seen on
vases.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1593" name="note_1593" href="#noteref_1593">1593.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Music. 26. Comp.
Pollux IV. 10. 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1594" name="note_1594" href="#noteref_1594">1594.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1595" name="note_1595" href="#noteref_1595">1595.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, if the emendation
of Salmasius, ?e?????? for ?e??????,
in Pollux IV. 10. 78, is
adopted.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1596" name="note_1596" href="#noteref_1596">1596.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. p. 678 B. and compare
p. 631 B. p. 632 C. Concerning
the gymnopædia in
general, see Meurs. Orchest.
p. 202. and the passages cited
by Creuzer Comment. Herod.
vol. I, p. 230.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1597" name="note_1597" href="#noteref_1597">1597.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">p???? pa?de? p?da µet?ßate,
?a? ??µ??ate ß??t???, Lucian de
Salt. 10. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1598" name="note_1598" href="#noteref_1598">1598.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. p. 14 D. from Dicæarchus
and Hippasus. At
Argos the choruses of boys
were called ?a??a???da?. Plutarch
Quæst. Græc. 51. p. 405.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1599" name="note_1599" href="#noteref_1599">1599.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 14. 102.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1600" name="note_1600" href="#noteref_1600">1600.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lysist. 82. The
??a?a?t??e?? of the Spartan women
when dancing is mentioned in
Oribasius Med. p. 121. ed.
Mosq.; the ???a?t?sµata, as a
woman's dance in general is
mentioned by Pollux ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1601" name="note_1601" href="#noteref_1601">1601.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cited by Pollux, ????? p??a
ß?ß??t? (rather ß?ß?t?) p?e?sta
d? t?? p? p??a, which becomes
a trimeter iambic by the omission
of the first p??a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1602" name="note_1602" href="#noteref_1602">1602.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 4. 101. Hesychius
in v. See Meurs. Orchest.
under d?p?d?a, d?ap?d?sµ??
p?d???a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1603" name="note_1603" href="#noteref_1603">1603.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps it was connected
with the trochaic dipodia, which
appears to have been the common
metre in these choral songs,
though mixed with cretics,
spondees, dactylic, and logaœdic
verses.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1604" name="note_1604" href="#noteref_1604">1604.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Lysist. ad fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1605" name="note_1605" href="#noteref_1605">1605.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some rites of Bacchus were
mixed with the worship of the
Caryatan Artemis, as may be
seen from Servius ad Virg.
Eclog. VIII. 30; hence the
dances of this goddess were of
a wild and violent character.
Accordingly, Praxiteles (Pliny,
H. N. XXXVI. 4.) made
a joint composition of Caryatides
and Thyades; and Pratinas
(Athen. X. p. 392.) wrote
a play called ??µa??a? ? ?a???t?de?,
the former of whom,
also called ??sµa??a?, occur as
Bacchantes. The form ??sµa??a?
is defended against Toup
and Meineke (Euphorion. fragm.
42. p. 93.) by Philargyr. ad
Virg. Georg. II. 487. who translates
the name by <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">furiosæ
Bacchæ</span></span>. The Caryatides, who
danced with uplifted hands,
(Lynceus ap. Athen. VI. p. 241
D.) may be recognised in many
reliefs as young women with
their garments girt up and
lightly clad.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1606" name="note_1606" href="#noteref_1606">1606.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 8. § 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1607" name="note_1607" href="#noteref_1607">1607.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 14. 104. where
for ßa??????a write with Schneider
(in v.) ß???????a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1608" name="note_1608" href="#noteref_1608">1608.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius has ß?????a?
????? t??e? ????st?? pa??
????s??; then ß??a???ta? ????sta?
from Ibycus and Stesichorus;
next ß??d????a (but
the order of the letters requires
?????????), in the sense of
frightful female masks, from
Rhinthon; and ß??da???a?
(?????????S) t?? µa???da?,
?????e?; and, lastly,
ß???????sta?, persons who sang
hymns in hideous female masks.
The original forms appear to
have been ß???????a for the
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">dance</span></em>, ß??a????a for the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mask</span></em>,
and ß??a????t?? (like de??????t??)
for the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">dancer</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1609" name="note_1609" href="#noteref_1609">1609.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 377, note s.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1610" name="note_1610" href="#noteref_1610">1610.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 14. 104. ?? d?
t??a ?a? ?a?????? ????µata.
de?µa??a: Se?????? d? ?sa? ?a?
?p? a?t??? S?t???? ?p?t???a
?????µe???. ?a? ???µß?? ?p?
?????s?. ?a? ?a??at?de? ?p?
??t?µ?d?. ?a? ß???????a t? µ??
e???µa ???a??????. p??s??????t?
d? ???a??e? ?p??????
?a? ??t?µ?d?. ?? d? ?p???p??e?
?e???t?? ?p? ßa?t?????? t??
µ?µ?s?? e????. ?? d? ??p??e?
??????? ????? ?p?ßa????te?
??????t?, d?afa?? ta?a?t???d?a
?µpe??µe???. ?a? µ??e? ?a?????
µ?? ????µa, ?p???µ?? d?
?? t?? e????t?? a???t??. t??ßas?a
d? ??a?e?t? t? ????µa t?
d????aµß????. µ?µ?????? d?
??????? d?? ?? ?µ?µ???t? t???
?p? t? ???p? t?? ????? µe???
???s??µ?????. ?aµp??t??a d?
?? ?? ??????t? ??µ??? s??
a?s????????. In this passage
there is nothing altered except
ß???????a and ???a?????? for
ßa??????a and ?a????????,
?aµp??t??a d? ?? ?? for ?aµp??t??a?
d? ??; and µ?µ??????
for µ?µ?t????, as a friend of the
author's has proposed (G. A.
Schoell, de origine Græci dramatis,
p. 97.), which gives the
same sense de?????st????,
which I had formerly proposed,
as µ?µ???? and de?????sta? were
synonyms, according to Suidas
in S?s?ß???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1611" name="note_1611" href="#noteref_1611">1611.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????? ??t?da??? Sat????
?a? ?µ??a??e????, Hesiod. ap.
Strab. X. p. 471. The reading
de?µa??a is not however at all
certain; and still less the word
µ??e?, a little lower.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1612" name="note_1612" href="#noteref_1612">1612.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Charinus</span></span>
or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gracioso</span></span>,
see below, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 3</a>;
and on the Argolian t??ß?, b.
II. ch. 10. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1613" name="note_1613" href="#noteref_1613">1613.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although the Spartans also
called regular actors de??????ta?,
Plutarch Agesil. 21. Lac. Apophth.
p. 185. Apostolius XV.
39. Schol. Il. ??. 391.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1614" name="note_1614" href="#noteref_1614">1614.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">d?????? according to Hesychius
??d??a?, ??d??? pa?? ????s??
perhaps refers to the fact
mentioned in vol. I. p. 66,
note q.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1615" name="note_1615" href="#noteref_1615">1615.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">de?????sta? s?e??p???? ?a?
µ?µ?ta?, Sosibius ap. Athen.
XIV. p. 621 D. Hesychius in
de?????sta?. cf. interprett. They
were µ?µ?????? according to
Hesychius in d??????, ??µ????
according to Eustathius p. 884.
23, s??pt???? according to Schol.
Apoll. Rh. I. 746. The Laconic
form is de??????ta?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1616" name="note_1616" href="#noteref_1616">1616.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Athen. Eustath. ubi
sup. Suidas and Phavorinus in
d?????st??, and Suidas in S?s?ß???.
On the Lacedæmonian
mimicry see also Boettiger
Quat. ætat. reiscenicæ, p. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1617" name="note_1617" href="#noteref_1617">1617.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plutarch Lycurg. I.
?a? f????s? ???pt??te?, ?? µ??
?p? t??? ??p??? ßad????te? (robbers
of gardens), ?? d? e?? t? t??
??d??? s?ss?t?a pa?e?s????te?
(the thieves of the ????µe?? of
Pollux cited in p. <a href="#Pg347" class="tei tei-ref">347</a>, note b.)
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“grammarian,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Pollux IV.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1618" name="note_1618" href="#noteref_1618">1618.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch.
3. § 3</a>; and see
Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Eq.
632.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1619" name="note_1619" href="#noteref_1619">1619.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diomed. 3. p. 483. ed
Putsch. Servius ad Virg. Ecl.
I. Donatus Vit. Virg. p. 84.
sq. Diomedes also connects the
Sicilian bucoliasms with rites
of ??teµ?? ???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1620" name="note_1620" href="#noteref_1620">1620.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? ??????? ?a? ?? ?d?sse?
?a?a??, Athen. XIV. p. 619
A. Comp. Hesych. et Etym.
M. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1621" name="note_1621" href="#noteref_1621">1621.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V.H. X. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1622" name="note_1622" href="#noteref_1622">1622.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tityrus, according to Servius
ad Ecl. I. i. was <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">aries major,
qui gregem anteire consueverit,
lingua Laconia</span></span>; a goat,
according to Schol. Theocrit.
III. 2. Photius in v. ??t????
is the Doric form of s?s????,
which also originally meant a
goat; whence s?s???a (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> s?s????a),
or s?s??a, a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">goat-skin</span></span>:
but t?t???? is not allied to
s?t???? (as the Schol. Theocrit.
III. 2. VII. 72. Eustath. ad
II. t?. p. 1157. 39. ed. Rom.
suppose; comp. Creuzer, Symbolik,
vol. III. p. 197). The
flute called t?t?????? by the
Italian Dorians (Artemidorus
ap. Athen. IV. p. 182 D. Eustath.
p. 1157. 38), was so
named from a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">shepherd</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1623" name="note_1623" href="#noteref_1623">1623.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of the ?e?? ?a?????, near
mount Ætna, which evidently
were originally identical with
the goddess <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pales</span></span> of the Romans;
and consequently her
worship belongs to the Siculian
branch of the Roman religion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1624" name="note_1624" href="#noteref_1624">1624.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Theoc. et Virg.
Ælian ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1625" name="note_1625" href="#noteref_1625">1625.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The poems of
Theocritus unluckily give little information on these points, as the bucolics
are those which show the
most artifice and novelty.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1626" name="note_1626" href="#noteref_1626">1626.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Poet. IV. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1627" name="note_1627" href="#noteref_1627">1627.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. p. 631 D. At
Athens too the country Phallic
festival was called ???t? ???t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1628" name="note_1628" href="#noteref_1628">1628.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Semus Delius ap. Athen.
p. 621 F. p. 622 C. and Suidas
in S?µ??. Compare b. II.
ch. 10. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1629" name="note_1629" href="#noteref_1629">1629.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It seems probable that the
proverb µ???te??? ??????? originally
referred to the rude
mirth at the vintage-festivals, at
which it was common in Sicily
(and probably elsewhere also)
to smear the face with the juice
of the grape. In Italy there
were also at the festival of Artemis
Corythallia clowns, with
wooden masks (??????a), called
????tt??, Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1630" name="note_1630" href="#noteref_1630">1630.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 170. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1631" name="note_1631" href="#noteref_1631">1631.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Vesp. 57. ????ta
?e?a???e? ?e??eµµ????. Eupolis
ap. Schol. Vesp. 57. et Aspas.
ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV.
2. 20. fol. 53 B. t? s??µµ?
?se???? ?a? ?e?a????? ?a?
sf?d?a ?????? ?e??s??, ??
????, t? pa?d?a (as emended by
Dobree in Porson's Tracts, p.
384.). See also on the ?????
?e?a????? Diogenian. Prov.
IV. 88. App. Vatic. I. 46.
Apostol. VI. 2. What Aristotle
ubi sup. relates, refers merely
to the silly and unnecessary
display of a Megarian choregus
for comedy, in the embellishment
of the theatre.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1632" name="note_1632" href="#noteref_1632">1632.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Poet. 3. Aspasius
ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1633" name="note_1633" href="#noteref_1633">1633.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ecphantides ap.
Aspas. ubi sup. says, ?e?a????? ??µ?d?a?
?sµ? ?? d?e?µ?: ?s????µ?? t?
d??µa ?e?a????? p??e??, as Meineke
ad Menand. p. 382. and
Quæst. Seen. I. p. 6. has correctly
written, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the song
which I sing is not that of a
Megarian comedy; I was
ashamed to make my play
Megarian</span></span>.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1634" name="note_1634" href="#noteref_1634">1634.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Ecphantides,
see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol.
VIII. 8. Gaisford ad Hephæst.
p. 97. and particularly Næke's
Chœrilus, p. 51 sq. and Meineke
Quæst. Scen. I. p. 12.
who correctly places him between
Magnes and Chionides
on the one side, and Cratinus
and Teleclides on the other,
about Olymp. 80. 460 B.C.
[See also Clinton, F. H. vol. II.
Introduction, p. xxxvii.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1635" name="note_1635" href="#noteref_1635">1635.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aspasius ubi sup. Schol.
Dionys. Thrac. in Bekker's
Anecdota Gr. p. 748. compare
Bentley Phalarid. p. 261.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1636" name="note_1636" href="#noteref_1636">1636.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Marm. Par. ep. 34. Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 308.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1637" name="note_1637" href="#noteref_1637">1637.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As may be inferred from
Statius Theb. XII. 619.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1638" name="note_1638" href="#noteref_1638">1638.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Aristot. Poet.
3. it originated during the existence
of democracy at Megara;
but the period of popular
rule in this town (<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch.
9. § 10</a>.) was too late for this
to be strictly true, though its
rise was probably connected
with a democratic principle,
which was alive at Megara
before the time of Theagenes,
and after his downfall was continually
on the increase.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1639" name="note_1639" href="#noteref_1639">1639.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung,
vol. II. p. 362 sqq. and Thiersch,
Einleitung zu Pindar, p.
117. with the opposite remark
on the t? ?p?????a ??µ?d??,
Goettingen Review, 1821. part
106. p. 1050. I also conceive
that the comedies of Antheas
the Lindian, the relation (s???e???)
of Cleobulus, were lyric;
who passed his whole life in
leading processions to Bacchus,
and also practised the obscure
p???s?? d?? s????t?? ???µ?t??,
Athen. X. p. 445 A. In this
instance the comedies are evidently
only <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">procession-songs</span></span>
from ??µ??. The same is likewise
true of the slanderous comedies
of Timocreon, also a Rhodian,
Suidas in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1640" name="note_1640" href="#noteref_1640">1640.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Byz. ap. Ath.
XIV. p. 659 A. Hesych. in ?a?s??,
tett??. Festus in Maeson.
cf. Zenob. Prov. II. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1641" name="note_1641" href="#noteref_1641">1641.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Poet. III. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1642" name="note_1642" href="#noteref_1642">1642.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 6. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1643" name="note_1643" href="#noteref_1643">1643.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That the names <span class="tei tei-q">“Chimarus”</span>
and <span class="tei tei-q">“Tityrus”</span> were
taken from the occupation of
the shepherd and goatherd,
is remarked by Welcker on
Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen,
p. 331.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1644" name="note_1644" href="#noteref_1644">1644.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. and t???? ap.
Suid. cf. Diomed. 3. p. 486. ed.
Putsch.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1645" name="note_1645" href="#noteref_1645">1645.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See vol. I. p. 187. note a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1646" name="note_1646" href="#noteref_1646">1646.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This statement is
indeed inconsistent with the account
in Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. that
Epicharmus, when a child of
three months, was brought
from Cos to Megara; but this
is not a sufficient authority to
set aside the other accounts.
The statements of the writer
pe?? ??µ?d?a? in Kuster's Aristophanes,
p. xii. ?????e ?at?
t?? ?? ???µp??da, and of Suidas,
?? d? p?? t?? ?e?s???? ?t? ??,
d?d?s??? ?? S??a???sa??, perhaps
refer to the arrival of Epicharmus
in Sicily.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1647" name="note_1647" href="#noteref_1647">1647.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas. His first covering
the stage with purple skins
reminds us of the Megarian
choregus, who used real purple.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2.
20. Bentley Phalarid. p. 260.
considers him as identical with
Phormis the Mænalian, who
served Gelon and Hieron with
great honour; to me it seems
that the ideas of an Arcadian
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">condottiere</span></span> and a comic poet
are quite irreconcileable.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1648" name="note_1648" href="#noteref_1648">1648.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fabric. Biblioth. vol. II. p.
315. Harles.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1649" name="note_1649" href="#noteref_1649">1649.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There is no reason for
supposing that there were never
more than two interlocutors in
the plays of Epicharmus. Three,
viz. Amycus, Pollux, and Castor,
are evidently engaged in
the dialogue of which a fragment
is preserved in Schol.
Soph. Aj. 722. ?µ??e µ? ??da??
µ?? t?? p?esß?te??? ?de?f???;
and there must have been several
in the ?fa?st??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1650" name="note_1650" href="#noteref_1650">1650.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Casaubon ad Athen.
III 13. p. 176. Harless ibid. p.
45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1651" name="note_1651" href="#noteref_1651">1651.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Photius in ??a? desµ???,
and Suidas in ??a? d? desµ???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1652" name="note_1652" href="#noteref_1652">1652.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Figured in Mazocchi Tab.
Heracl. ad p 138. Hancarville,
vol. III. pl. 105. Millin, Galérie
Mythologique, XIII. 48.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1653" name="note_1653" href="#noteref_1653">1653.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This form of the H or aspirate,
which seems to have
been peculiar to the Italian
Greeks, is found, besides the
Heraclean Tables and this vase,
on the Pæstum vase, which
Lanzi and others have edited
(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Illustrazione di due vast fittili</span></span>,
Roma 1809).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1654" name="note_1654" href="#noteref_1654">1654.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Why I do not (with
Visconti Mus. Pio Clement, vol.
IV. p. 20. and Welcker ap.
Dissen. ad Pind. Nem. IV. p.
386.) suppose that Dædalus
means Hephæstus himself, is
sufficiently explained in the text.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1655" name="note_1655" href="#noteref_1655">1655.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Millingen Vases de Coghill.
pl. 6. and in Millin vol.
I. pl. 9. The scene in Millin
vol. II. pl. 66. Tischbein III.
9. IV. 38. is evidently the
same, and Millingen's opinion,
p. 10. seems to me untenable.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1656" name="note_1656" href="#noteref_1656">1656.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 12. § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1657" name="note_1657" href="#noteref_1657">1657.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Millin I. pl. 63. 72. comp.
Tischbein II. 7. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1658" name="note_1658" href="#noteref_1658">1658.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Winckelmann Monum. ined.
No. 190. p. 285. Hancarville,
vol. IV. pl. 160.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1659" name="note_1659" href="#noteref_1659">1659.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tischbein IV. 57. The
figure looks like the ????a? in
the vase described below.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1660" name="note_1660" href="#noteref_1660">1660.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See A. W.
Schlegel, Ueber dramatische Kunst. vol. II. p. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1661" name="note_1661" href="#noteref_1661">1661.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Millingen, Peintures de Collections
diverses, 46, Compare
the explanation, p. 69. From
this name <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">charinos</span></span> for jester
probably comes the Latin <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">carinari</span></span>,
in Festus. The Glossaries
of Labbæus render it by ?a??e?t??es?a?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1662" name="note_1662" href="#noteref_1662">1662.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1663" name="note_1663" href="#noteref_1663">1663.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The best translation for
????a? is <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">cachinno</span></span>”</span> in Persius
Sat. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1664" name="note_1664" href="#noteref_1664">1664.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That the above painting
was taken from the S????? of
Epicharmus, I could hardly
maintain, from the grounds
stated in the text; although the
bed of Procrustes probably
occurred in that play, as well
as in the S????? of Euripides.
On the latter see Hemsterhuis
ad Poll. X. 7. 35. Boettiger,
Vasengemälde I. 2. p. 147.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1665" name="note_1665" href="#noteref_1665">1665.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ad Poll. IX. 4. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1666" name="note_1666" href="#noteref_1666">1666.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 99.
see Boeckh Explic. Pyth. II. p.
240.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1667" name="note_1667" href="#noteref_1667">1667.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. p. 235. 236 A.
X. p. 429 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1668" name="note_1668" href="#noteref_1668">1668.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Menæchm. Prol. 12. Indeed
the expression can only mean,
that the characters of this play
of Plautus were Sicilian Greeks.
Plautus has sometimes Doric
names for his characters; thus
a parasite in the Stichus I. 3.
89. is called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Miccotrogos</span></span>, from
µ????? Doric for µ?????. Such
names as this were probably
borrowed from Epicharmus.
Notwithstanding the line of
Horace, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Plautus ad exemplar
Siculi properare Epicharmi</span></span>,”</span>
his chief model was the Attic
comedy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1669" name="note_1669" href="#noteref_1669">1669.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Epicharmus was
???µ????, according to the writer pe??
??µ?d?a?, p. xii. Kuster.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1670" name="note_1670" href="#noteref_1670">1670.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jambl. Pyth. 36. p. 219.
whose statement seems probable
to Boeckh, Philolaos, p. 13.
This person's name is uncertain;
Jamblichus calls him
???sa?, ???es?? Plutarch de
de Gen. Socrat. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1671" name="note_1671" href="#noteref_1671">1671.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. III. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1672" name="note_1672" href="#noteref_1672">1672.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. VIII. 18. Eudocia
ap. Villois. Anecd. vol.
I. p. 193. compare the ?p????µe???
????? in Suidas, and the
fragm. Ennii, p. 110. ed. Hessel.
It is however possible
that this ?p????µe??? ????? was
merely an extract from his comedies.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1673" name="note_1673" href="#noteref_1673">1673.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero Tusc. I. 8. ad Att. I.
19. calls him <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">acutus</span></span> and
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">vafer</span></span>,
as being a Sicilian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1674" name="note_1674" href="#noteref_1674">1674.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bentley Phalar. p. 413.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1675" name="note_1675" href="#noteref_1675">1675.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As may be inferred from
Photius in ????????, where Sophron's
son Xenarchus (also a
mimographer, Hermann ad Aristot.
Poet. I. 3. p. 94.) is mentioned
as a contemporary of Dionysius
(the elder). Suidas and
Eudocia p. 389. place Sophron
in the time of Xerxes and of
Euripides; several moderns
have followed the former statement.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1676" name="note_1676" href="#noteref_1676">1676.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which appear to have
partially corresponded with one
another, as is evident from
some fragments extant, and
from a comparison of the Schol.
in Gregor. Naz. in Montfaucon's
Biblioth. Coislin. p. 120.
with the poem to which it refers,
in Tollius' Itin. Ital. pag.
96 sq. See Hermann ibid. p.
93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1677" name="note_1677" href="#noteref_1677">1677.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence in early
inscriptions fragments of hexameters often
occur.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1678" name="note_1678" href="#noteref_1678">1678.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. I. 23. Plutarch
Alcib. 28. Eustathius ad Hom.
II. p. 63. 1. Apostol. IX. 2.
Compare Valckenær ad Adoniaz.
p. 264. But to suppose
that Hippocrates <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">intentionally</span></em>
wrote two scazons, would be
very absurd.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1679" name="note_1679" href="#noteref_1679">1679.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lacæn. Apophth.
p. 260. te? and ?p??e?, according
to Valckenær. p. 260. who
collects some letters, which say
the same thing a little differently.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1680" name="note_1680" href="#noteref_1680">1680.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Compare,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, the fragment of Sophron in Athen. p. 86
E. (Blomfield No. 12. Mus.
Crit. vol. II. p. 342.)
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
t??e? d ??t? p??a, f??a, ta?de t??
µa??a? ????a?; ?. s????e?,
t??t? ?a ???????e?? ?????????
????? ???a???? ????e?µa.
</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1681" name="note_1681" href="#noteref_1681">1681.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The actual representation
of the mimes of Sophron is
also proved by the words of Solinus
5., that in Sicily <span class="tei tei-q">“cavillatio
mimica in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">scena stetit</span></span>.”</span>
Compare Salmas. Lect. Plin.
p. 76 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1682" name="note_1682" href="#noteref_1682">1682.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">S??e???e??, t? ?t??e?es?a?
pa?? ?p????µ?, ?? d? t? p????e?es?a?,
Photius &amp;c. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1683" name="note_1683" href="#noteref_1683">1683.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XX. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1684" name="note_1684" href="#noteref_1684">1684.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly on this
point, Valckenær. ad Adoniaz.
p. 200 sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1685" name="note_1685" href="#noteref_1685">1685.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demetrius de Elocut. 156.
cf. 127. 162. Ulpian. ad Demosth.
Olynth. p. 36. comp.
Apolladorus ??t??? pe?? S?f?????
fragm. p. 438 sq. Heyne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1686" name="note_1686" href="#noteref_1686">1686.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Duris ap. Athen. XI. p. 504
B. Diog. Laert. III. 18. Olympiodorus
Vit. Plat. &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1687" name="note_1687" href="#noteref_1687">1687.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On Sophron see the references
of Fabricius Bibl. Gr.
vol. II. p. 493 sq. Harl. and
Blomfield in the Classical Journal,
vol. IV. p. 380. Museum
Criticum, vol. IV. p. 340-358.
559-569.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1688" name="note_1688" href="#noteref_1688">1688.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">J. Laurent. Lydus de Magistratibus
Rom. p. 70. ed. Fuss.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1689" name="note_1689" href="#noteref_1689">1689.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Identical with
f??a????af?a, Suidas in ??????, &amp;c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1690" name="note_1690" href="#noteref_1690">1690.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Amphitryon, Hercules,
Orestes, Telephus, the Iphigenias,
and the slave Meleager in
Athenæus, Pollux, Hephæstion,
and Herodian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1691" name="note_1691" href="#noteref_1691">1691.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is the
explanation given by several writers of the
word f??a?e?, Steph. Byz. in
???a?, Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg.
976. f??a?e? t?a????? Nossis
Epigr. ap. Brunck. Analect.
vol. I. p. 196. See Reuven's
Collect. Litter. p. 71.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1692" name="note_1692" href="#noteref_1692">1692.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollonius Dysc. de Pronom.
p. 364 C. ed. Bekker.
comp. Valckenær. ad Adoniaz.
p. 294.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1693" name="note_1693" href="#noteref_1693">1693.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Hephæstion p. 10.
Gaisford. Rhinthon says to a choliambic
line, in the last thesis of
which there is a syllable lengthened
by a violent metrical licence,
??? ?pp??a?t?? t? µ?t???;
??d?? µ?? µ??e?. Trimeter iambics
of Rhinthon often occur;
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> two properly constructed
in Herodian pe?? µ??????? ???e??
p. 19. 27. 30. ed. Dindorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1694" name="note_1694" href="#noteref_1694">1694.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At least it appears that
there is an hexameter extant of
Sopater, another writer of f??a?e?,
in Athen. XIV. p. 656 F.
if Osann. Anal. Rei Scenicæ p.
73. corrects rightly; the other
verses of the same poet are however
all iambic. But the ??a??t?a??d?a
of Rhinthon could not
by any means be generally called
??aµet????, and I agree with
Reuvens on Lydus I. 41. who
considers that the statement ??
??aµ?t???? ???a?e ??µ?d?a? as
a mistake of that writer, and
Lange in I. 40. seems properly
to defend ???t???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1695" name="note_1695" href="#noteref_1695">1695.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p.
294 classes Sclerias (whom
he considers as identical with
Sciras in Athen. IX. p. 402 B.),
Blæsus, and Rhinthon together;
and there is no doubt that in
Lydus Reuvens p. 69 has rightly
corrected ??????a ?a? S???a?
?a? ??a?s??: as also f??a?????f??
for p??a?????, and
Lange ??µ???? for ?? µ?????. In
Hesychius in ?se?t??, for pa??
??????? ?a?a?t??? f???s?f?
may be corrected either f??a??????f?
or ????f?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1696" name="note_1696" href="#noteref_1696">1696.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II.
p. 426. Harl. Reuvens Coll.
Litt. p. 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1697" name="note_1697" href="#noteref_1697">1697.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. VI. 132.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1698" name="note_1698" href="#noteref_1698">1698.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 67; for an explanation
of which passage see vol. I.
p. 404. note c. Perhaps µe?a???e??
for <span class="tei tei-q">“to lament”</span> (Aristoph.
Ach. 822. Suidas and the
Parœmiographers in ?e?a????
d????a, comp. Tyrrwhit ad
Aristot. Poet, p. 174.) refers to
tragedy, as ?e?a????? ????? to
comedy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1699" name="note_1699" href="#noteref_1699">1699.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in T?sp??. Photius,
Apostolius, and Suidas in ??d??
p??? t?? ?????s??, the former
of whom says, ?p??????? t??
S???????? t?a??d?a? e?? a?t??
(in Suidas e?? ?????s??, but
perhaps it is an old error for
e?? ?d?ast??) p???sa?t?? ?pef???s??
t??e? t??t?; ??e? ? pa???µ?a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1700" name="note_1700" href="#noteref_1700">1700.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Poet. 3. and Hermann ad
I. p. 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1701" name="note_1701" href="#noteref_1701">1701.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Themistius Or. XIX. p.
487. says directly that the Sicyonians
were the inventors of
tragedy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1702" name="note_1702" href="#noteref_1702">1702.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh,
Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1703" name="note_1703" href="#noteref_1703">1703.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Particularly by
Aristocles ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1704" name="note_1704" href="#noteref_1704">1704.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in ?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1705" name="note_1705" href="#noteref_1705">1705.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arion's age is
stated in Suidas after the beginning of
Periander's reign, Olymp. 38,
or, according to Eusebius,
Olymp. 40. (628 or 620 B.C.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1706" name="note_1706" href="#noteref_1706">1706.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence also his father is
called Cycleus, according to the
analogy remarked above, p. <a href="#Pg357" class="tei tei-ref">357</a>.
note n.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Helothales,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“That the names.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1707" name="note_1707" href="#noteref_1707">1707.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 23. cf. Hellanic.
ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1403.
p. 87. ed. Sturz. Aristot. ap.
Procl. Chrestom. p. 382. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1708" name="note_1708" href="#noteref_1708">1708.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. XIII. 18. cf. Schol.
ad 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1709" name="note_1709" href="#noteref_1709">1709.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in ??at??a?. Acron
ad Horat. A. P. 216. and compare
the F???s??? S?t???? in
Dioscorides. Anthol. vol. I. p.
252. Jacob. See Casaubon de
Sat. Poësi I. 5. p. 120. Toup
Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 479.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1710" name="note_1710" href="#noteref_1710">1710.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1711" name="note_1711" href="#noteref_1711">1711.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As may be inferred from
the fact that Pratinas also composed
Doric hyporchemes, Fabric.
Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 135,
and from the title of one of his
plays, ??µa??a? ? ?a??at?de?,
above, p. <a href="#Pg346" class="tei tei-ref">346</a>, note n.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1712" name="note_1712" href="#noteref_1712">1712.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">F. Schlegel, Geschichte der
Poësie der Griechen und Römer,
I. 1. p. 226. sqq. Schneider,
Geschichte der Elegie, Studien,
vol. I. p. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1713" name="note_1713" href="#noteref_1713">1713.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The choral poetry of
Corinna in the Bœotian dialect is
however an exception.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1714" name="note_1714" href="#noteref_1714">1714.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm.
p. 607.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1715" name="note_1715" href="#noteref_1715">1715.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the Prytaneum at Elis
also Doric songs were sung in
the time of Pausanias (V. 15.
8.) and the ?p? used at the
Lernæa were in the same dialect
(ib. II. 37. 3.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1716" name="note_1716" href="#noteref_1716">1716.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 4</a>. and
the tet?a????? ????? of the Laconists,
Ath. IV. pag. 181 C.
from Timæus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1717" name="note_1717" href="#noteref_1717">1717.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch.
Lycurg. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1718" name="note_1718" href="#noteref_1718">1718.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. Fragm. incert. 110.
Boeckh; above, p. <a href="#Pg094" class="tei tei-ref">94</a>, note e.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“appointed for war,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Which is beautifully expressed.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1719" name="note_1719" href="#noteref_1719">1719.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. XII. 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1720" name="note_1720" href="#noteref_1720">1720.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. IX. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1721" name="note_1721" href="#noteref_1721">1721.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Athenæus
XIV. p. 632 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1722" name="note_1722" href="#noteref_1722">1722.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch
Lycurg. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1723" name="note_1723" href="#noteref_1723">1723.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Athen. XV.
p. 687 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1724" name="note_1724" href="#noteref_1724">1724.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 3</a>. I will
not add Philoxenus of Cythera
in the time of Dionysius to the
names in the text.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1725" name="note_1725" href="#noteref_1725">1725.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan III. 17. 3. Chilon
likewise, according to Diog.
Laert. I. 3. 68, wrote ??e?e?a
to the number of about 200
verses. Likewise Areus the
Laconian (Anton. Liber. 12.)
was a lyric poet, and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">different</span></em>
from the epic poet ??e??? in
Paus. III. 13. 5. if such a person
ever existed. Also the µe??p????
Eurytus, who, according
to J. Lydus de Ostent. p. 283.
Hase, wrote an ode, beginning
<span class="tei tei-q">“??a?µ?e?d?? ????,”</span> and Zarex,
according to the conjecture
of Paus. I. 38. 4, both Lacedæmonians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1726" name="note_1726" href="#noteref_1726">1726.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Valer. Max. V. 3. Archiloch.
Fragm. p. 147. Liebel.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1727" name="note_1727" href="#noteref_1727">1727.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Cleom. 2. de Solert.
Anim. I. Apophth. Lac.
p. 244.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1728" name="note_1728" href="#noteref_1728">1728.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman ap. Apollon. Dys.
de Pron. p. 381. Bekker.
Fragm. 73. Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1729" name="note_1729" href="#noteref_1729">1729.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman ap. Athen. XIII.
p. 600 F. Fragm. 27. Schol.
Aristoph. Lys. 1239. Suidas in
??e?ta???a Olcarus ap. Wolf.
Fragm. Mul. 2. p. 62, 145.
Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. II.
p. 11, 157. vol. I. p. 883.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1730" name="note_1730" href="#noteref_1730">1730.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In denying the truth of the
report that Telesilla routed
Cleomenes (vol. I. pag. 191,
note n.) I did not mean to disparage
the beautiful and genuine
Doric character of that poetess
and heroine.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1731" name="note_1731" href="#noteref_1731">1731.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II.
p. 135.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1732" name="note_1732" href="#noteref_1732">1732.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Sympos. V. 2.
p. 206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1733" name="note_1733" href="#noteref_1733">1733.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 143. cf. Dissen.
Expl. p. 381.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1734" name="note_1734" href="#noteref_1734">1734.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref">151</a>. note k,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“influence of Athens,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Compare what Timocreon.”</span>] and Fabricius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1735" name="note_1735" href="#noteref_1735">1735.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The assertion in the text
makes it necessary for me to
remark, that I do not consider
either Homer or his language
as originally Ionic; and the
Ionisms of his dialect appear to
me to have been introduced by
the prevailing schools of rhapsodists.
To offer any proofs of
these positions would be improper
in this place.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1736" name="note_1736" href="#noteref_1736">1736.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The following epic poets
were Dorians: Eumelus of Corinth,
Cinæthon of Lacedæmon,
Augeas of Trœzen, Pisander
of Rhodes, Panyasis of
Halicarnassus; and Empedocles
of Agrigentum was the author
of a philosophical didactic
poem.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1737" name="note_1737" href="#noteref_1737">1737.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See b. II. ch. 8. §. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1738" name="note_1738" href="#noteref_1738">1738.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1739" name="note_1739" href="#noteref_1739">1739.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 7. §. 4. The
laws of Lycurgus were doubtless reduced
into epic or elegiac verse,
possibly by Terpander himself,
who was likewise an epic poet,
and composed p????µ?a as introductions
to the Homeric
poems. He also wrote scolia,
probably of the Doric kind,
Plutarch. Mus. 8. and spondaics
in the Doric measure, as the
splendid one in Clemens Alex.
VI. p. 658. ?e? p??t?? ????,
p??t?? ???t?? ?e?, S?? p?µp?
ta?t?? ?µ??? ?????. His epic
poems too, in part at least, were
written in the Doric dialect, in
which the earlier Orphic hymns
were composed, according to
Jamblichus, and many Delphic
oracles, concerning which see
Appendix VIII. ad fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1740" name="note_1740" href="#noteref_1740">1740.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although several broken
dactylics of this kind were
named after Alcman, he was
doubtless not the first person
who introduced them. It is
to this that the expression
<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">numeros minuit in carmine</span></span>”</span>
(Welcker, p. 11.) refers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1741" name="note_1741" href="#noteref_1741">1741.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the beautiful fragment,
No. 10, in Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1742" name="note_1742" href="#noteref_1742">1742.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1743" name="note_1743" href="#noteref_1743">1743.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">See the beautiful lines of
Alcman, fragm. 12.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
?? µ? ?t?, pa??e???a? µe??????e? ?e??f????,<br />
???a f??e?? d??ata?. ß??e d?, ß??e, ??????? e???,<br />
?st? ?p? ??µat?? ????? ?µ? ??????ess? p?t?ta?,<br />
??de?? ?t?? ????, ???p??f???? e?a??? ?????.
</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1744" name="note_1744" href="#noteref_1744">1744.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An ancient erotic poet was
Ametor of Eleutherna in Crete,
Athen. XIV. p. 638 B. from
whom a family or clan of Citharistæ
was there called ?µ?t???da?,
Hesych. in v. whence correct
Athenæus and Etymol. M.
p. 83, 15. The author of the
????te? laments in Athenæus
XIV. p. 638. E. that <span class="tei tei-q">“it had
become oldfashioned to sing
the songs of Stesichorus, Alcman,
and Simonides: but
every one listened to Gnesippus,
who had taught lovers
how to serenade their mistresses
with harps and guitars.”</span>
This fragment, which
is written in logaœdic metre,
has little of the Doric dialect.
The ????te? was a satyric drama,
and its complete title was ??
????te? ?? ?p? ?a?????, Eustath.
ad Il. p. 297. ?? t?? t?? ???d?a???.
Perhaps in allusion to
the ???? ?a???????. See vol. I.
p. 208. note q. Concerning the
origin of this singular drama,
see some remarks in Niebuhr's
Rhein. Museum, vol. III. p.
488.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1745" name="note_1745" href="#noteref_1745">1745.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 10. §. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1746" name="note_1746" href="#noteref_1746">1746.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p.
<a href="#Pg308" class="tei tei-ref">308</a> notes h and i.
[Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to <span class="tei tei-q">“were admitted”</span> and
<span class="tei tei-q">“free citizen,”</span> starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Xenoph. Hellen. V.”</span> and
<span class="tei tei-q">“See in particular.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1747" name="note_1747" href="#noteref_1747">1747.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 1</a>.
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1748" name="note_1748" href="#noteref_1748">1748.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 8.
§ 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1749" name="note_1749" href="#noteref_1749">1749.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 96. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1750" name="note_1750" href="#noteref_1750">1750.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thiersch, Epochen der
Kunst, vol. II. p. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1751" name="note_1751" href="#noteref_1751">1751.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1752" name="note_1752" href="#noteref_1752">1752.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 8. § 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1753" name="note_1753" href="#noteref_1753">1753.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is only by
this general proposition that we can explain
why the physicians of Cos wrote
in the Ionic dialect.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1754" name="note_1754" href="#noteref_1754">1754.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Hipp. Maj. p. 285 C.
Philostr. Vit. Soph. I. 11. p. 495.
Olear. comp. Plutarch Lycurg.
23. So also the ????te?a Spa?t?at??
of Dicæarchus was annually
read in the ephors' office
at Sparta (Suidas in ???a?a????)
and in early times Hecatæus of
Miletus found there a favourable
reception. Plutarch Lac.
Apophth. p. 199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1755" name="note_1755" href="#noteref_1755">1755.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is only true of the more
early times; for later we find
many historians among the Dorians.
Of the Lacedæmonians,
Nicocles and Hippasus are
mentioned by Athenæus (see
Schweighäuser ad Athen. Ind.
p. 129.), Aristocrates by Plutarch
and others, Pausanias by
Suidas, Diophantus by Fulgentius,
and Sosibius is frequently
quoted. See Heeren de Font.
Plutarchi p. 24. and Meursius
Miscell. Lacon. IV. 17. ?a????t??,
? Spa?t??t??, in Plutarch
de Malign. Herod. 35, is
doubtful. I also mention Dercyllus
the Argive, because he
wrote in the dialect of his native
city; see Valckenær ad
Adoniaz. p. 274. et ad Eurip.
Phœn. Schol. p. 7. and see
Schol. Vrat. Pind. Olymp. VII.
49. This Dercylus or Dercyllus
is connected in a singular
manner with another historian,
the very same quotations being
sometimes made from both.
See Athen. III. p. 86 F. Clem.
Alex. Strom. 1. p. 39. Sylb.
Schol. Vat. in Eurip. Tro. 14.
Since in all these passages Agias
and Dercylus are connected, we
ought, in Schol. Vrat. Pind.
Ol. VI. 4 g. p. 167. Boeckh.,
where the manuscript has ??
pe?? ???? (with a mark of abbreviation)
?a? ????????, to
write: ?? pe?? ???a? (not ?e???a?).
Probably a single work
had been composed upon Argolic
antiquities, with a mixture
of various Argolic expressions,
by Agias and Dercylus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1756" name="note_1756" href="#noteref_1756">1756.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Unless his religious turn,
and a certain infantine simplicity,
which seems the more singular,
when it is remembered
that he wrote nearly at the same
time as Thucydides, are considered
as traces of a Doric
character. He does not however
appear to have the idea of
government, which belonged to
that race.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1757" name="note_1757" href="#noteref_1757">1757.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 9. § 7</a>. besides
which we may mention
Gorgias of Leontini, and the
great sums gained by Hippias
even in small towns of Sicily,
as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Inycus.—Sparta, on
the other hand, together with
Argos (<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 9. § 1</a>. extr.),
and Crete, had no orators (Cicero
Brut. 13. Tacitus de Orat.
40.), and rhetoric, as being an
art favouring untruth (t????
??e? ????e?a?, Plutarch et Apostol.
XIII. 72.), was prohibited,
Athen. XIII. p. 611 A.
Cephisophon the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">good speaker</span></em>
(? ??a??? µ???ta?) was banished
(Plutarch Inst. Lac.
p. 254. Apostol. XIX. 89.),
and the ephors punished any
person who introduced a foreign
method of speaking; in the
same manner as at Crete, those
who made speeches of false display
were driven from the island
(?? ?? ?????? ??a???e??µe???,
Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathemat.
p. 68 B.). Nor is there
any better criticism of sophistical
panegyrics, than the Lacedæmonian
remark, t?? a?t??
???e??</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1758" name="note_1758" href="#noteref_1758">1758.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1759" name="note_1759" href="#noteref_1759">1759.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch
de Garrul. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1760" name="note_1760" href="#noteref_1760">1760.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">? ß?a??????a
????? t? s????, a saying of Lycurgus, according
to Apostolius IX. 69.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1761" name="note_1761" href="#noteref_1761">1761.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Demetrius
de Elocut. VIII. p. 241 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1762" name="note_1762" href="#noteref_1762">1762.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Crete, according to Plat.
Leg. I. p. 641. aimed more at
p??????a than p???????a. S??t?µ??
?? ? ?e???? is said of a
Cretan, Anthol. Palat. VII. 447.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1763" name="note_1763" href="#noteref_1763">1763.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Suppl. 198.
270. Pindar Isthm. V. 55. Sophocl.
ap. Schol. Isthm. VI. 87. See
also Sophocles in Stobæus Florileg.
74. p. 325.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1764" name="note_1764" href="#noteref_1764">1764.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pope's translation of
Iliad III. 213. This passage is referred
by the Venetian Scholiast,
Eustathius p. 406. ed.
Rom. and Tzetzes Chil. V. 317.
to the ß?a??????a of the Lacedæmonians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1765" name="note_1765" href="#noteref_1765">1765.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg298" class="tei tei-ref">298</a> note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“yoke of their wives,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch Lyc. 14.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1766" name="note_1766" href="#noteref_1766">1766.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch. Cimon. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1767" name="note_1767" href="#noteref_1767">1767.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Protag. p. 342. Plutarch
Lycurg. 20 extr. refers to this
passage. When Thucydides
IV. 84. says of Brasidas, that
he was not, for a Lacedæmonian,
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">unable to speak</span></em> (?d??at??
???e??), he probably does not
mean literally that the Lacedæmonians
were unable to speak,
but only points to their peculiar
mode of speaking.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1768" name="note_1768" href="#noteref_1768">1768.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p.
242. Similarly the saying a?t??
????sa t??a? in Plutarch Lycurg.
20. cf. Reg. Apophth. p.
129.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1769" name="note_1769" href="#noteref_1769">1769.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 226. Lac. Apophth.
p. 245.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1770" name="note_1770" href="#noteref_1770">1770.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 244. Compare the apophthegm
in Plutarch de Frat.
Amor. 8. p. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1771" name="note_1771" href="#noteref_1771">1771.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This figurative turn may be
particularly remarked in Cleomenes'
address to Crius, in the
speech of Bulis and Sperthis to
Hydarnes, in which they say,
<span class="tei tei-q">“Would you then advise us to
fight for freedom, not with
lances, but with axes?”</span> and
the action of Amompharetus,
who laid a block of stone at the
feet of Pausanias, as if it were a
pebble for voting.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1772" name="note_1772" href="#noteref_1772">1772.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. p. 261 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1773" name="note_1773" href="#noteref_1773">1773.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch et Heracl. Pont. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1774" name="note_1774" href="#noteref_1774">1774.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 17. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1775" name="note_1775" href="#noteref_1775">1775.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 11. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1776" name="note_1776" href="#noteref_1776">1776.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This I infer from the passage
of Pollux quoted above,
p. <a href="#Pg347" class="tei tei-ref">347</a>. note b,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“grammarian,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Pollux IV.”</span>] compared with
the joke (??e?asµa) of Leotychides
at the gymnopædia in
Herod. VI. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1777" name="note_1777" href="#noteref_1777">1777.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 3. 5.
and above, p. <a href="#Pg288" class="tei tei-ref">288</a>. note f.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“not prohibited,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Critias ubi sup.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1778" name="note_1778" href="#noteref_1778">1778.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp.
Macrob. Sat. VII. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1779" name="note_1779" href="#noteref_1779">1779.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?? ?e??µ???
e?? t? µ?s??, Herod. VI. 129.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1780" name="note_1780" href="#noteref_1780">1780.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Te?? d? ?p? ?a??? ?e?de?
?? a?t?s?ed??? pe???µe???, ??te
?????? ?ß?ta? ?a???s? pa?a?ß??a
?e?t?µ???s??, v. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1781" name="note_1781" href="#noteref_1781">1781.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gämelicher Sprüche wart
do niht verdeit</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> non abstinebatur
a sermonibus ludicris.
Niebelungen Lied. v. 6707. p.
345. ed. 1820.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1782" name="note_1782" href="#noteref_1782">1782.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Plutarch. Lycurg.
25. It is worthy of remark,
that the worship of abstract
ideas, as of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Death</span></em>, of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Fear</span></em>
(<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VII_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 7. § 7</a>.), of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Fortune</span></em>
(Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 253.),
existed among the Spartans, as
among the Romans; see Plutarch
Cleom. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1783" name="note_1783" href="#noteref_1783">1783.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Ages. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1784" name="note_1784" href="#noteref_1784">1784.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Cleom. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1785" name="note_1785" href="#noteref_1785">1785.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Protag. p. 342. see also
Plutarch de Garrul. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1786" name="note_1786" href="#noteref_1786">1786.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence this mode of
expression was called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chilonian</span></span>,
Diog. Laert. I. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1787" name="note_1787" href="#noteref_1787">1787.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Or Spartan, see the passages
quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>. note p.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Money makes the man,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“???µata ???µat? ????.”</span>] comp. Diog. Laert. I. 41.
Others are mentioned by Hermippus,
ibid. 42.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1788" name="note_1788" href="#noteref_1788">1788.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus, for example, Apollo
is said to have given the same
answer to Gyges, as Solon to
Crœsus, Valer. Maxim. VII.
1, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1789" name="note_1789" href="#noteref_1789">1789.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1790" name="note_1790" href="#noteref_1790">1790.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The chief passage on this
point is Demetr. Phaler. ap.
Diog. Laert. I. 22. who places
the event in the archonship of
Damasias (Olymp. 49. 3.), the
same year in which, according
to the Parian Marble, which
probably follows the same authority,
the second Pythian
???? ??µ?????, the first ????
stefa??t??, fell. Also Branchus,
the ancient prophet of Miletus,
is mentioned as ß?a???????,
Diog. Laert. I. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1791" name="note_1791" href="#noteref_1791">1791.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. I. 89. comp.
Jacobs Comment. Anthol. tom.
I. p. 194.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1792" name="note_1792" href="#noteref_1792">1792.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. X. p. 448 B.
Aristot. Rhet. III. 2. Plutarch
Sept. Sap. Conviv. III. 10.
Menage Hist. Mulier. Philos. 4.
Hence the ??e?ß?????a? of
Cratinus, concerning which see
Schweighæuser ad Ind. Ath.
p. 82.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1793" name="note_1793" href="#noteref_1793">1793.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. X. p. 452
A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1794" name="note_1794" href="#noteref_1794">1794.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Epicharmus called it ?????
?? ????, Eustathius ad Od. IX.
p. 1634. 15. ed. Rom. Many
ancient <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">griphi</span></span> are in the Doric
dialect; though this is not always
the case.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1795" name="note_1795" href="#noteref_1795">1795.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus for example, if they
said, <span class="tei tei-q">“Admit no swallows
into your house,”</span> they not
only avoided the company of
<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">talkative</span></em> persons (Porphyrius,
Vit. Pythag. 42.), but actually
prevented swallows from building
under their roofs. On this
subject see the ancient writers
quoted by Fabricius Bibl. Græc.
vol. I. p. 788 sq. comp. Creuzer's
Symbolik, vol. I. p. 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1796" name="note_1796" href="#noteref_1796">1796.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Orchomenos, p. 438. note 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1797" name="note_1797" href="#noteref_1797">1797.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 5. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1798" name="note_1798" href="#noteref_1798">1798.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There is an account of a
dialogue between Pythagoras
and Leon the tyrant of Phlius,
Cicero Tusc. Quæst. V. 3. Diog.
Laert. VIII. 8. According to
Diogenes Laert. VII. 1. Pythagoras
was the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fourth</span></em> from Cleonymus,
who had fled from
Phlius; and therefore he would
be a Dorian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1799" name="note_1799" href="#noteref_1799">1799.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 8. § 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1800" name="note_1800" href="#noteref_1800">1800.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See vol. I. p. 370. note m.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1801" name="note_1801" href="#noteref_1801">1801.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_16" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9. § 16</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1802" name="note_1802" href="#noteref_1802">1802.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Their silence is also worthy
of remark, Timæus ap. Diog.
Laert. VIII. 17. Gale Opusc.
Mythol. vol. I. p. 739. On the
use of music see b. II. ch. 8.
§ 20. A work of Philochorus
is cited: pe?? ????d?? ?t?? ???a???e???
???a????. See Siebel.
Fragm. p. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1803" name="note_1803" href="#noteref_1803">1803.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 13. 2. See vol.
I. p. 76. note l.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1804" name="note_1804" href="#noteref_1804">1804.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Diog. Laert. I.
10, 12. Pausan. II. 21. 4. III.
II. 8. III. 12. 9. Clem. Alex.
Strom. I. p. 399. ed. Potter.
Heinrich's Epimenides, p. 128.
Epimenides is said to have informed
the Spartans of a defeat
at Orchomenos, Diog. Laert. I.
117., of which nothing else is
known.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1805" name="note_1805" href="#noteref_1805">1805.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Agid. 10. Diog.
Laert. I. 117. from Theopompus,
Creuzer Init. Philos. Platon.
vol. II. p. 164.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1806" name="note_1806" href="#noteref_1806">1806.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 208. note p.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1807" name="note_1807" href="#noteref_1807">1807.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He erected the first sun-dial
at Sparta, Plin. H. N. II. 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1808" name="note_1808" href="#noteref_1808">1808.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Jamblich. Vit.
Pythag. 36.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1809" name="note_1809" href="#noteref_1809">1809.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV.
77.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1810" name="note_1810" href="#noteref_1810">1810.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?f????a s?????, Plutarch
Lycurg. 24. Inst. Lac. p. 255.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1811" name="note_1811" href="#noteref_1811">1811.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Id. Lycurg. 24. Lac.
Apophth. p. 207.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1812" name="note_1812" href="#noteref_1812">1812.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, vol. I. 2, p. 201.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1813" name="note_1813" href="#noteref_1813">1813.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 7. Hence
the excellence of the Lacedæmonian
hounds, Pind. Hyporch.
fragm. 3. p. 599. Boeckh. Simonides
ap. Plutarch Symp. IX.
15. 2. Meursius Misc. Lac.
III. 1. The love of the Cretans
for the chase is well known, see
above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IV_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1814" name="note_1814" href="#noteref_1814">1814.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_X_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 10. § 2</a>. cf.
Plutarch Lycurg. 25. Also in
Cleomen. 30. I prefer ta?? ??s?a??
to the other reading, ta??
s???a??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1815" name="note_1815" href="#noteref_1815">1815.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch
Lycurg. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1816" name="note_1816" href="#noteref_1816">1816.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Id. Inst. Lacon. p. 254.
t?? ?? t?? ??µ?as??? ?ea??s???
?pet?µ?? ?t? t?? e?? p??a?a? ?d??
?p?stat?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1817" name="note_1817" href="#noteref_1817">1817.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Delphi it was a regular
fair (Dio Chrys. Orat. 77. p. 414.
Reisk.), and also a slave-market,
as I infer from Plutarch Prov.
Alex. p. 105. By means of it
a considerable suburb, or new-town,
called Pylæa, was formed
at Delphi, Plutarch de Pyth.
Orac. 29. p. 296. Perhaps this
was the locality of the ???a?a
of Cratinus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1818" name="note_1818" href="#noteref_1818">1818.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Rhodes liars were called
p??a?asta?, Hesychius and
Schol. ad Plutarch. Artaxerx. I.
p. 387. ed. Hutten. compare
Suidas in v. In Plutarch de
Fac. Lunæ 8. jugglers of the
Pylæa, in the Life of Pyrrhus,
29. p??a??? ???a????a, are
mentioned. But these expressions
do not refer to the Pylæa
cf Delphi.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1819" name="note_1819" href="#noteref_1819">1819.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. VIII.
30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1820" name="note_1820" href="#noteref_1820">1820.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Athen. XII. p. 522
F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1821" name="note_1821" href="#noteref_1821">1821.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg.
27. Inst. Lac. p. 251. The Laconian
word for <span class="tei tei-q">“to bury”</span> was t???µe?a?,
Schol. Cantabr. II. ??. 83.
On the burial of the king, see
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VI_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch. 6. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1822" name="note_1822" href="#noteref_1822">1822.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Thus
Pausanias III. 14, 1. saw at
Sparta the names of the 300
who died at Thermopylæ, and
the same monument is, as it
appears, referred to by Herodotus
VII. 224.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1823" name="note_1823" href="#noteref_1823">1823.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">What Ælian. V.H. VI. 6.
says only of persons who had
fallen in battle, Plutarch states
of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> who died.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1824" name="note_1824" href="#noteref_1824">1824.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 6, §
2. At Argos the mourning was white, Plut.
Quæst. Rom. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1825" name="note_1825" href="#noteref_1825">1825.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Solon. 9, 10.
comp. Ælian. V. H. V. 14. and Minervæ
Poliadis Sacra, p. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1826" name="note_1826" href="#noteref_1826">1826.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is remarkable, that among
all the names for the races of
the Greek nation, ????e?? alone
is by itself a laudatory term (as
in several passages of Pindar,
Boeckh ad Pyth. VIII. 21.
Dissen ad Nem. III. 3. and
frequently in Plutarch. See
likewise the epigram in Athen.
V. p. 209 E. and Damagetus
in the Palatine Anthology, VII.
231.), and expresses a national
pride respected by the other
Greeks, Thuc. VI. 77. Valckenær
ad Adoniaz. p. 385 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1827" name="note_1827" href="#noteref_1827">1827.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 8. § 20.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 1. § 1</a>.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1828" name="note_1828" href="#noteref_1828">1828.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_18" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9. § 18</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1829" name="note_1829" href="#noteref_1829">1829.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">Ib. ch. 4.
§ 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1830" name="note_1830" href="#noteref_1830">1830.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_18" class="tei tei-ref">Ib.
ch. 9. § 18</a>. <a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. § 5</a>.
Above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1831" name="note_1831" href="#noteref_1831">1831.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1832" name="note_1832" href="#noteref_1832">1832.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p.
<a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>. note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“ancient authors,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“From Thucyd. I.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1833" name="note_1833" href="#noteref_1833">1833.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9</a>. ad fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1834" name="note_1834" href="#noteref_1834">1834.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 6. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1835" name="note_1835" href="#noteref_1835">1835.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_XII_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 12. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1836" name="note_1836" href="#noteref_1836">1836.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1837" name="note_1837" href="#noteref_1837">1837.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">Ib.
§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1838" name="note_1838" href="#noteref_1838">1838.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">With which
the ?t??µ?? of the Spartans was connected.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1839" name="note_1839" href="#noteref_1839">1839.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 1. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1840" name="note_1840" href="#noteref_1840">1840.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_II_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
2. § 1</a>. <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_III_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3.
§ 1</a>. <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch.
6. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1841" name="note_1841" href="#noteref_1841">1841.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 12</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1842" name="note_1842" href="#noteref_1842">1842.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_I_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 1. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1843" name="note_1843" href="#noteref_1843">1843.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II.
ch. 8. § 2. 11. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1844" name="note_1844" href="#noteref_1844">1844.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. § 10. Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1845" name="note_1845" href="#noteref_1845">1845.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 6. § 7. ch. 8. §
7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1846" name="note_1846" href="#noteref_1846">1846.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
ch. 8. § 17. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that
chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1847" name="note_1847" href="#noteref_1847">1847.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. II. ch. 5. § 7. ch. 8.
§ 12. ch. 10. § 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1848" name="note_1848" href="#noteref_1848">1848.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IV_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 4. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1849" name="note_1849" href="#noteref_1849">1849.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Demetrius de
Elocut. § 122. the ephors
caused a person to be scourged
who had made some innovation
in the game of ball; a
subject on which Timocrates,
a Spartan, had written a treatise.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1850" name="note_1850" href="#noteref_1850">1850.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 54. ?a?eda?µ?????
???a f???e??t?? ?a? ???a
?e???t??. So also Eurip. Androm.
452. In this poet's attacks
upon Sparta the date
should always be attended to
(Markland ad Suppl. 187.
Wüstemann Præf. ad Alcest.
p. xv.) He calls the Spartans
d???a ß???e?t???a, ?e?d?? ??a?ta?
in the Andromache, when
the Athenians accused them of
a breach of treaty, Olymp. 90.
2, according to Petit and Boeckh
Trag. Princip. p. 190. In the
Orestes (Olymp. 92. 4.) in reference
to the proposals of the
Spartans for peace after the
disasters of Mindarus, which
the Athenians had declined,
Philochorus ap. Schol. Aristoph.
Vesp. 371. (cf. ad 772, 903),
who states that these were made
in Olymp. 92, 2. Diodorus XIII.
52, however, in Olymp. 92. 3.
Aristophanes Lys. 1269. calls
them a?µ??a? ???pe?a? (comp.
the false Bacis Pac. 1068. Lycophr.
1124), in Olymp. 92. 1.
at the time when the proverb
arose, ????? ????te?, ?? ?f?s? d?
???pe?e?, Meursius Misc. Lac.
III. 2. However, similar charges
of perfidy and treachery are
made against them in the Acharneans
v. 308, ??s?? ??te ß?µ??
??te p?st?? ???? ????? µ??e?, in
Olymp. 88. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1851" name="note_1851" href="#noteref_1851">1851.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Plutarch. Ages. 15, 37.
it is said that the benefit of his
country was the aim of a Spartan's
actions. The Athenians
say in Thuc. V. 105, that the
Lacedæmonians, as far as respects
themselves and their native
institutions, are virtuous
and well-principled; but that
in their dealings with foreign
states their own interest was
their only standard.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1852" name="note_1852" href="#noteref_1852">1852.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. III. ch. 11. § 11.
[Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that
chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1853" name="note_1853" href="#noteref_1853">1853.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lysand.
1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1854" name="note_1854" href="#noteref_1854">1854.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8.
Ephorus ap. Athen. XI. p. 500 C.
says of Dercylidas, ?? ??? ??d??
?? t? t??p? ?a??????? ??d?
?p??? ?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1855" name="note_1855" href="#noteref_1855">1855.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lysand. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1856" name="note_1856" href="#noteref_1856">1856.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Besides Xenophon, see
Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 210.
Diod. XIII. 76, 97. and Manso,
vol. II. 327. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1857" name="note_1857" href="#noteref_1857">1857.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Pelopid. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1858" name="note_1858" href="#noteref_1858">1858.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Lysand. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1859" name="note_1859" href="#noteref_1859">1859.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pedaritus has been sufficiently
defended by Valckenær
ad Adoniaz. pag. 261.
against the charge of the exiles
at Chios.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1860" name="note_1860" href="#noteref_1860">1860.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Xenophon cited above,
p. <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>. note g.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“ancient authors,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“From Thucyd. I.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1861" name="note_1861" href="#noteref_1861">1861.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg218" class="tei tei-ref">218</a>, note a.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“six hundred talents,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Proofs of wealth.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1862" name="note_1862" href="#noteref_1862">1862.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 50. Paus. VI. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1863" name="note_1863" href="#noteref_1863">1863.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VIII. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1864" name="note_1864" href="#noteref_1864">1864.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VIII. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1865" name="note_1865" href="#noteref_1865">1865.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 2. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1866" name="note_1866" href="#noteref_1866">1866.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tit. I. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1867" name="note_1867" href="#noteref_1867">1867.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 8. § 2</a>. Hence
Polybius IV. 54. 6. calls the
Lyctians the best men in Crete.
They are also said to have
driven the Epicureans from their
city, Suidas, vol. I, p. 815. who
mentions a ??µ?? t? ?p??????
f???, probably a forgery, like
the decree against Timotheus,
above, <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1868" name="note_1868" href="#noteref_1868">1868.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 8. § 7.
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">b. III. ch.
9. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1869" name="note_1869" href="#noteref_1869">1869.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also on the ???e???
f??e? Suidas in v. Prov. Vat.
II. 49.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1870" name="note_1870" href="#noteref_1870">1870.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1871" name="note_1871" href="#noteref_1871">1871.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The school of the
ancient Coreggio, Protogenes. See also
the Anacreontic Ode XXVIII.
3. of the Alexandrine or Roman
age.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1872" name="note_1872" href="#noteref_1872">1872.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meyer's
Geschichte der Kunst, vol. I. p. 208, 218.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1873" name="note_1873" href="#noteref_1873">1873.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meurs. Rhod. I. 20. cf.
Anacreont. Od. XXXII. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1874" name="note_1874" href="#noteref_1874">1874.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The hospitality of Corinth
is confirmed by the proverb ?e?
t?? ?? ??d????, Zenob. II. 42.
Prov. Vat. IV. 19. Diogenian.
VIII. 42. Suidas I. 86. ed.
Schott. Plutarch Prov. Al. 129.
Apostolius VIII. 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1875" name="note_1875" href="#noteref_1875">1875.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Corinthian ?s?t??
occur so early as the 5th Olympiad (vol.
I. p. 134), and were restrained
by ancient laws, ib. p. 189. and
Lydus de Magistr. Rom. I. 42.
According to Alciphron Ep. 60.
Corinth itself was beautiful and
full of luxuries, but the inhabitants
were ?????st?? and ??epaf??d?t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1876" name="note_1876" href="#noteref_1876">1876.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">B.
III. ch. 9. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1877" name="note_1877" href="#noteref_1877">1877.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Corinth the
husbandman was obliged ??????ß??e??,
but not in Syracuse. Theophrast.
de Caus. pluv. III. 20.
But ?µ?? ?????????? (Suidas in
??????.) probably refers to t?
µeta?? ???????? ?a? S???????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1878" name="note_1878" href="#noteref_1878">1878.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1879" name="note_1879" href="#noteref_1879">1879.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. 96.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1880" name="note_1880" href="#noteref_1880">1880.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1881" name="note_1881" href="#noteref_1881">1881.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. above,
<a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 9.
§ 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1882" name="note_1882" href="#noteref_1882">1882.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See B. I. ch. 8. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1883" name="note_1883" href="#noteref_1883">1883.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, page <a href="#Pg300" class="tei tei-ref">300</a>,
note u.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“courtesans,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See b. II. ch. 10.”</span>]
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">b. IV. ch. 7. § 8</a>,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VII_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">12</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1884" name="note_1884" href="#noteref_1884">1884.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1885" name="note_1885" href="#noteref_1885">1885.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch.
9. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1886" name="note_1886" href="#noteref_1886">1886.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib.
and vol. I. pag. 197, note d.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1887" name="note_1887" href="#noteref_1887">1887.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hell. VI. 5.
45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1888" name="note_1888" href="#noteref_1888">1888.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theophrast. ubi sup. Strabo
IX. p. 393. Isocrat. de Pace,
p. 183. A. in whose time however
Megara had rich families.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1889" name="note_1889" href="#noteref_1889">1889.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg222" class="tei tei-ref">222</a>, note
u.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“the interior,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Concerning Ægina.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1890" name="note_1890" href="#noteref_1890">1890.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p.
<a href="#Pg371" class="tei tei-ref">371</a>, note z.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“before Thespis,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Suidas in T?sp??.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1891" name="note_1891" href="#noteref_1891">1891.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p.
<a href="#Pg174" class="tei tei-ref">174</a>, note e.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“a long time,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Theopompus ap. Athen.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1892" name="note_1892" href="#noteref_1892">1892.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?e?? ???a?t??? ap.
Athen. X. p. 442 C. Ælian. V. H.
III. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1893" name="note_1893" href="#noteref_1893">1893.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot. Pol. III. 4. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1894" name="note_1894" href="#noteref_1894">1894.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Menander ap. Ælian. ubi
sup. Athen. X. p. 442. Nicetas
Acominatus Hist. p. 251.
ed. Fabric.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1895" name="note_1895" href="#noteref_1895">1895.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sextus Empiricus adv.
Rhetor. § 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1896" name="note_1896" href="#noteref_1896">1896.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1897" name="note_1897" href="#noteref_1897">1897.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I say <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hardly</span></em>, on account of
an exception which a fragment
of the Argolica of Dinias (ap.
Herodian. pe?? µ??. ???e??, p. 8.
14. emended by Dindorf) establishes,
viz. that <span class="tei tei-q">“Perimeda,
queen of Tegea, generally
called ????a, compelled the
captured Lacedæmonians to
cut a channel for the river
Lachas across the plain.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1898" name="note_1898" href="#noteref_1898">1898.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_III_Chapter_IX_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">B. III. ch. 9. § 15</a>. above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_V_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1899" name="note_1899" href="#noteref_1899">1899.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of this we have probably
a trace in Hesychius, µa?????,
?a??? ??e??, in Tarentine;
which probably refers to the
Sirocco in the dog-days.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1900" name="note_1900" href="#noteref_1900">1900.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> besides the names of
coins, p??a, <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">panem</span></span>, among the
Messapians and Tarentines,
Athen. III. p. 111 C. s???????,
<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">sannio</span></span>, in
Tarentum, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1901" name="note_1901" href="#noteref_1901">1901.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 27. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1902" name="note_1902" href="#noteref_1902">1902.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 210, note c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1903" name="note_1903" href="#noteref_1903">1903.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The coins which Eckhel
ascribes to the time of Anaxilaus
have both MESSANION
and MESSENION; but it is
not improbable that the first
was merely affectation, as the
city appeared more illustrious
if its origin was Doric: it cannot
be doubted that the language
of the Samian-Chalcidian
population preponderated in
common life.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1904" name="note_1904" href="#noteref_1904">1904.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Both Xenarchus (ap. Phot.
in ???. Apostol. XVII. 15. cf.
XI. 72.) and Nymphodorus (ap.
Athen. I. p. 19 F.) reproach
them with effeminacy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1905" name="note_1905" href="#noteref_1905">1905.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Athen. IV. p.
173.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1906" name="note_1906" href="#noteref_1906">1906.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above,
<a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">§ 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1907" name="note_1907" href="#noteref_1907">1907.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eustath. ad Il. a?. p. 96. Rom.
Etymol. M. and Gud. in many places.
Phavorin. Ecl. p. 296. 305. Dindorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1908" name="note_1908" href="#noteref_1908">1908.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???d????? occurs in the fragments
of Corinna the Bœotian poetess, p. 51.
Wolf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1909" name="note_1909" href="#noteref_1909">1909.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maittaire p. 173. ed. Sturz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1910" name="note_1910" href="#noteref_1910">1910.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gregor.
Corinth, p. 580. Schæfer.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1911" name="note_1911" href="#noteref_1911">1911.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in
peµf???.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1912" name="note_1912" href="#noteref_1912">1912.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 37. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1913" name="note_1913" href="#noteref_1913">1913.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII.
73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1914" name="note_1914" href="#noteref_1914">1914.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 34, 5. The Eleutherolacones
likewise use many Dorisms
in their decrees.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1915" name="note_1915" href="#noteref_1915">1915.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo
VIII. p. 333. Plutarch Philopœmen. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1916" name="note_1916" href="#noteref_1916">1916.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Corp. Inscript. No. 1513.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1917" name="note_1917" href="#noteref_1917">1917.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">????S, ?????, ????S, ???G??,
????S, ßad? for ??d?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1918" name="note_1918" href="#noteref_1918">1918.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1919" name="note_1919" href="#noteref_1919">1919.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in d??a? and
ßa?ßa??f????. Phavorinus p. 429. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1920" name="note_1920" href="#noteref_1920">1920.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 271. note z.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1921" name="note_1921" href="#noteref_1921">1921.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Cratyl. p. 434. Strab. X.
p. 448. Hesychius in ??et??e?? ??,
Diogenian. IV. 57. Apostol. IX. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1922" name="note_1922" href="#noteref_1922">1922.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in ?a???d??e??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1923" name="note_1923" href="#noteref_1923">1923.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Koen ad Gregov. Cor. p.
300.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1924" name="note_1924" href="#noteref_1924">1924.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. p. 391. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1925" name="note_1925" href="#noteref_1925">1925.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Stephanus of Byzantium in ????a
reckons the Ætolians generally as
Dorians. Chishull Ant. As. p. 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1926" name="note_1926" href="#noteref_1926">1926.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Grammaticus Meermannianus
ap. Gregor. Corinth. p. 642.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1927" name="note_1927" href="#noteref_1927">1927.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Such as ä, ö, and ü, which are
not diphthongs, but (as it were)
middle tones among the vowels.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1928" name="note_1928" href="#noteref_1928">1928.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vit. Pythagor. 34.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1929" name="note_1929" href="#noteref_1929">1929.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As is particularly stated by Clem.
Alex. VI. p. 658. Compare <a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book IV.
c. 6. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1930" name="note_1930" href="#noteref_1930">1930.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristides Quintil. de
Musica, vol. II. p. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1931" name="note_1931" href="#noteref_1931">1931.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, the ?, which is pronounced
broad by the Germans (as
in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">father</span></span>), has in English generally
the sound of their E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1932" name="note_1932" href="#noteref_1932">1932.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Welcker ad Alcman. fragm.
65. ?µ???a Sophron. ?????a, the Megarian
in Aristoph. Acharn. 736.
764. 775.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1933" name="note_1933" href="#noteref_1933">1933.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tab. Heracl. Comp. Apollon. de
Adverb. p. 563.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1934" name="note_1934" href="#noteref_1934">1934.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph.
Ach. 787.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1935" name="note_1935" href="#noteref_1935">1935.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 375. note f.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1936" name="note_1936" href="#noteref_1936">1936.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v. Inscript. and
see Koen ad Greg. C. p. 305.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1937" name="note_1937" href="#noteref_1937">1937.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph.
Lysist. 1174, 1320. and Phavorinus Ecl. p. 156. Dindorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1938" name="note_1938" href="#noteref_1938">1938.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Corona p. 255.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1939" name="note_1939" href="#noteref_1939">1939.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1940" name="note_1940" href="#noteref_1940">1940.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Koen ad Greg. C. p. 229.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1941" name="note_1941" href="#noteref_1941">1941.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Apollon. de Pronom. p. 343.
C. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 563. Compare
Maittaire p. 227.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1942" name="note_1942" href="#noteref_1942">1942.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. p. 434, 51. Koen
ubi sup. p. 185.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1943" name="note_1943" href="#noteref_1943">1943.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">????? for ????ae also
occurs in a poetical inscription, which was contained
in Boeckh's Corp. Inscript.
No. 17, but can now be safely amended
from a better copy in Ross Inscript.
Grec. Ined. fascie. 1. n. 55. It runs
as follows, with a few supplements.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
...??????T???<br />
te]?????S?????[s<br />
T????S???S???<br />
?S???S????T??<br />
?S: ?????????[s<br />
?????????????<br />
??S?????????[?
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
It should be read as follows:
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
... ??? ??????e t??tea.<br />
?s?????? T??p?? t??? daµ?s???? ?? ???????,<br />
?et???? te sp?d??? ???? ?a? d?? t?? ?p??ta?.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
<span class="tei tei-q">“So and so (probably Ischylus himself)
has offered up the arms. Ischylus,
the son of Theops, was conqueror
in the public games (of Argos), four
times in the stadion, and twice in
the hoplite race.”</span> T??? is Doric for
T???; and sp?d??? for st?d??? is cited
as Doric, as well as Æolic.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1944" name="note_1944" href="#noteref_1944">1944.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Ammon. p. 122. Mus. Crit.
vol. II. p. 566.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1945" name="note_1945" href="#noteref_1945">1945.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dodwell's
Travels vol. II. p. 503. Mustoxidi pp. 188. 193-7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1946" name="note_1946" href="#noteref_1946">1946.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An inscription of the island of
Cos in the Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions
tom. XLVII. p. 325. has t??
?e??. t?? ?????p??, t?? ?????, Epicharmus
as corrected by Hermann, ap.
Diog. Laert. III. 11, 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1947" name="note_1947" href="#noteref_1947">1947.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull
Aut. As. Compare Koen ad Greg. C. p. 220.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1948" name="note_1948" href="#noteref_1948">1948.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodianus in the Hortus Adon.
p. 209.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1949" name="note_1949" href="#noteref_1949">1949.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Phavorinus p. 283. Dindorf. Eustath.
ad Il ??. p. 722. 60. Gregorius
p. 355. Koen ad 1. Maittaire p. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1950" name="note_1950" href="#noteref_1950">1950.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodian et Eustath. ubi sup.
Etym. M. p. 302. 2 where for sp??d?
and spe?d? the sense everywhere requires
sp??s? and spe?s?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1951" name="note_1951" href="#noteref_1951">1951.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. p. 135. 45. Etymol.
Gud. p. 73. 44. where the same correction
should be made.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1952" name="note_1952" href="#noteref_1952">1952.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. M. p. 156. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1953" name="note_1953" href="#noteref_1953">1953.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodian. p. 10. ed. Dindorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1954" name="note_1954" href="#noteref_1954">1954.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thiersch Act. Monac. II. 3.
p. 393. In the town of ??se?d???a
???S???, Achæans of Sybaris joined
the Trœzenians, and hence the common
form of the name.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1955" name="note_1955" href="#noteref_1955">1955.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 2. Aristid.
Or. Rhod. vol. II. p. 346.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1956" name="note_1956" href="#noteref_1956">1956.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maittaire p.
349; and compare the inscription of Gela in Castelli
p. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1957" name="note_1957" href="#noteref_1957">1957.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. p. 157. 48. p.
167. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1958" name="note_1958" href="#noteref_1958">1958.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. II. p. 35, note a.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1959" name="note_1959" href="#noteref_1959">1959.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 287.
cf. ad Eurip. Phœn. 1671.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1960" name="note_1960" href="#noteref_1960">1960.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg349" class="tei tei-ref">349</a>. note
e.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“regular players,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Although the Spartans.”</span>] Compare
Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol. I. p. 382.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1961" name="note_1961" href="#noteref_1961">1961.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 19. less correctly
in Apophth. Lucon. p. 226.
For the common reading ??at??µe?
Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 258. conjectures
??at??, Haitinger in Act.
Monac. vol. III. 3. pag. 311. µ?sd??—???te
?µe?.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1962" name="note_1962" href="#noteref_1962">1962.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schneider's Latin Grammar,
vol. I. p. 385.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1963" name="note_1963" href="#noteref_1963">1963.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the other
hand the High German dialect changed the Greek
sound of ? into Z; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> d??a,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zehen</span></span>,
d??, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zwo</span></span>, d??t????,
<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zühe</span></span>, d????, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zähre</span></span>,
de?????a? <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zeigen</span></span>,
dis—<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">zer</span></span>—&amp;c. See
Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I.
p. 586.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1964" name="note_1964" href="#noteref_1964">1964.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. M. p. 605. 43. Heraclides
ap. Eustath. ad Od. ??. p. 1654.
Phavorinus p. 444. Dindorf. Koen
ad Greg. p. 613.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1965" name="note_1965" href="#noteref_1965">1965.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same tendency may be
traced in the German, as in <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">Salz</span></span>,
<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">Süss</span></span>,
<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">Sitz</span></span> for ???,
?d?, ?d??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1966" name="note_1966" href="#noteref_1966">1966.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Valckenær ad Adon.
p. 277.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1967" name="note_1967" href="#noteref_1967">1967.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. II. p. 310, note t. This explains
the ?????????? f??? in recent
Laconian inscriptions (Corp. Inscript.
vol. I. p. 609.); it stands for ??????????,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> ????s??????. For the same
reason Hesych. in ??t?????? calls this
form Doric for ??t??s????; the word
was pronounced ??t?????.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1968" name="note_1968" href="#noteref_1968">1968.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. pag. 391. 13. Eustath.
ad Il. ??. pag. 844. 7. Maittaire
p. 199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1969" name="note_1969" href="#noteref_1969">1969.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_IV_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Book
IV. ch. 6. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1970" name="note_1970" href="#noteref_1970">1970.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollon. de Pronom. pag. 355.
A. Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol. I. p. 294.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1971" name="note_1971" href="#noteref_1971">1971.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In High German Rhotacism is
very prevalent, although, according
to Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, vol.
I. pp. 802, 825, it succeeded in the
place of the S; and the German article
<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">der</span></span> clearly corresponds with that
which must have been the original
Doric article, viz. t??.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1972" name="note_1972" href="#noteref_1972">1972.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ancient High
German likewise always has—<span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style="font-style: italic">mês</span></span> in the
same person.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1973" name="note_1973" href="#noteref_1973">1973.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">?a??a???e??, Blomfield, Classical Journal, vol. IV. p.
387.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1974" name="note_1974" href="#noteref_1974">1974.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">???ta? is the best reading in
Aristoph. Lysist. 1314.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1975" name="note_1975" href="#noteref_1975">1975.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Reisig. Synt. Critic. p. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1976" name="note_1976" href="#noteref_1976">1976.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I feel now
considerable doubt whether ???????, ?ß????? really comes
from ???, ???a. The original form was,
without doubt, S??????S, whence
<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">Sol</span></span> in Latin, Sòl in Icelandish,
<span lang="lt" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="lt"><span style="font-style: italic">Saule</span></span>
in Lithuanian (a language which
has a remarkable resemblance to the
Greek). Hence in Greek ? ?????S,
in Homer softened into ??????, afterwards
among the Dorians ?????, in
Attic ?????. Now it seems doubtful
whether this ?, or S? can be considered
as the a <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">conjunctionis</span></span>, as in
?de?fe??, or whether S? ?????S should
not rather be considered as a separate
root.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1977" name="note_1977" href="#noteref_1977">1977.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ptolem. Hephæst. ap. Phot. Biblioth.
p. 486.; comp. Toup, ad Hesych.
vol. IV. pag. 165. Gregor.
Corinth, p. 235.; the Megarian in
Aristoph. Ach. 796.; the Delphian
Inscription in Boeckh No. 1690.;
Epicharmus ap. Athen. VIII. p. 362
B.C. ?d???a? a Cretan form according
to Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1978" name="note_1978" href="#noteref_1978">1978.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Æschyl. Theb.
367. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 625.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1979" name="note_1979" href="#noteref_1979">1979.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See
Reisig. Synt. Critic, p. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1980" name="note_1980" href="#noteref_1980">1980.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For instance, ? ???t?a t??? ?a?e????,
????e??? ????e? t? ??, &amp;c.:
among the treaties in Thucydides
the Doric documents always t?? ???e???,
the Athenian ???e???, &amp;c.—also
the form ? Sp??ta which so
frequently occurs (?? ??? p?t????
t? Sp??t?, Tyrtæus; ????? t?? Sp??t??,
Thuc. I. 86. &amp;c.), belongs to the
same class.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1981" name="note_1981" href="#noteref_1981">1981.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I may incidentally remark that
the consideration of the word µ??,
and its derivatives, shows how little
ground there is for the notion that
the Muses were originally <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Ionic</span></em> deities:
does not the word µ??sa, incorrectly
formed from µ?sa, the feminine
participle of µ??, distinctly
prove that the word, and also the
idea, were transferred from a different
branch of the Greek language and
nation?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1982" name="note_1982" href="#noteref_1982">1982.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A remarkable agreement of
Tarentine, Lacedæmonian, and Cretan
words is ?µat?? ?pa? Tarent., ?µa????
Lacon., ?µa??? Cret. in Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1983" name="note_1983" href="#noteref_1983">1983.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Lobeck, Aglaoph. vol. 11. p. 846.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1984" name="note_1984" href="#noteref_1984">1984.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This date must have been fixed
by the logographers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1985" name="note_1985" href="#noteref_1985">1985.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Apollodorus, vol. I.
p. 145, note q, from whom Tzetzes,
Chil. XII. 193, gives the same statement
(with the exception of what he
says on the age of Homer, which
must be a misunderstanding). Apollodorus
is followed by Dionysius of
Halicarnassus and Solinus: see
Larcher, Chronologie d'Hérodote, p.
373. The calculation of Timæus
only differed by nine years, vol. I.
p. 131. note t, who is nearly followed
by Velleius Paterculus. The date of
Apollodorus can now be completely
restored from the Armenian Eusebius
p. 166; from which we see that,
according to Apollodorus, the first
Olympiad coincided with the 10th
year of Alcamenes. The Canons of
Eusebius place the first Olympiad at
the 37th and last year of Alcamenes;
an error which appears to have arisen
from Eusebius having taken the first
year of Eurysthenes as identical with
the epoch of the return of the Heraclidæ.
Apollodorus however appears
to have allowed thirty years
for the minority of the brothers, see
vol. II. p. <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a>. note u.
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“rights by law,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plut. Lyc. 25.”</span>] And he seems
not to have reckoned the time from
the entrance of the Heraclidæ into
Sparta until the birth of the brothers,
which Herod. VII. 52. calls ?????? ??
p?????. Now the canons have 324
years from the return of the Heraclidæ
to Olymp. 1. (916 to 1240);
if from this we deduct 26 years for
Alcamenes, in whose 37th year the
first Olympiad falls, according to the
calculation of the canons, and add
30 years for the minority, we obtain
328, the number of Apollodorus.
Apollodorus apparently took the 10
years of Alcamenes before Olymp. 1.
as complete; whereas Eratosthenes
probably placed Olymp. 1. at the
beginning of this 10th year; hence
the difference of 327 and 328 years.
See however Clinton F. H. vol. I.
p. 124. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1986" name="note_1986" href="#noteref_1986">1986.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">If the years of the minority are
included in those of the reign, (as the
Spartans used to do in reckoning the
reigns of their kings,) the 30 years
of the guardianship of Theras must
be given to Eurysthenes and Procles.
But since this guardianship for the
heads of both the royal houses was
something peculiar, it is possible that
the Spartan lists, and the Alexandrine
chronologists who followed
them, reckoned these 30 years separately.—For
a defence of the
opinion that the Spartan ??a??afa?
contained chronological statements,
and for an explanation of their character
in reference to the remarks of
Mr. Lewis (Philol. Museum, vol. II.
p. 46.) and Mr. Clinton (F. H. vol. I.
p. 332), see the Gottingen Gel. Anz.
1837. p. 893.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1987" name="note_1987" href="#noteref_1987">1987.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 147. note b. The line
of the Corinthian princes is arranged
after Diodorus, who evidently followed
the Alexandrine chronologists;
but committed an error similar to
that just pointed out in Eusebius. It
has been corrected by Wesseling from
Didymus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1988" name="note_1988" href="#noteref_1988">1988.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius. Compare
b. II. ch. 3. § 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1989" name="note_1989" href="#noteref_1989">1989.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1990" name="note_1990" href="#noteref_1990">1990.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Armenian Eusebius p. 166.
in the extract from Diodorus, assigns
51 years to Procles, for which I correct
41; see b. I. ch. 5. § 14. But
the list of the Proclidæ in that extract
is very imperfect; and therefore
only gives certain dates <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> Soüs
and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">after</span></em> Charilaus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1991" name="note_1991" href="#noteref_1991">1991.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Larcher will not allow that Agis
only reigned one year, as in that case
he could not have been so famous.
But (to reason in his own manner)
may he not have obtained his renown
when regent, and may not the regret
for the king, whom the nation so
soon lost, have even increased the
fame of his reign?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1992" name="note_1992" href="#noteref_1992">1992.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This date and others followed
by an asterisk are merely approximations
to the truth.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1993" name="note_1993" href="#noteref_1993">1993.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this epoch see vol. I. p. 145.
note q. Eratosthenes, who fixed
the first Olympiad 407 years after
the fall of Troy, placed Lycurgus
219 years after the return of the
Heraclidæ; so also Porphyrius ap.
Euseb. Armen. p. 139 Scalig. p. 27.
Apollodorus and Eratosthenes both
reckoned twenty-seven Olympiads
from Iphitus to Corœbus, which
number is testified by Aristodemus
of Elis and Polybius, ap. Euseb.
Armen. p. 141. Scalig. p. 39. Callimachus,
however, only reckons thirteen
Olympiads between these two
eras. Perhaps this is to be explained
by supposing that the Olympiad of
Corœbus was the first of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">four years</span></em>,
whereas the former Olympiads had
contained <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eight years</span></em> (book II. ch. 3.
§ 2.); in which case we have 13 × 8
+ 4 = 108. On this Cleosthenes,
see Phlegon Trallianus apud Meurs.
Op. vol. VII. p. 128. et Schol. Plat.
Rep. V. p. 246. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1994" name="note_1994" href="#noteref_1994">1994.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristomedes reigned thirty-five
years, according to the Armenian
Eusebius, and Syncellus, in the list
in p. 165; and not thirty years, as is
stated in Syncellus, ib. p. 164.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1995" name="note_1995" href="#noteref_1995">1995.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap.
Clem. Alex. Strom.
I. p. 327. gives sixty-four years for
the reign of Charilaus and thirty-nine
for that of Nicander, and places
the first Olympiad in the thirty-fourth
year of Nicander; and this
appears also to be the computation
of Pausanias, who therefore carries
the reign of Theopompus six Olympiads
lower than Eusebius. In
Pausanias likewise the successor of
Polymestor, the contemporary of
Charilaus, is the contemporary of
the first Messenian war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1996" name="note_1996" href="#noteref_1996">1996.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 104, note g.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1997" name="note_1997" href="#noteref_1997">1997.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Those who with Eusebius place
the foundation of Syracuse in
Olymp. 11. 4. and that of Leontini in
Olymp. 13. 1. must assume that
Lamis the Megarian founded Trotilus
and Thapsus in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">same</span></em> year,
and went from Thapsus to Megara.
Why then, it must be asked, does
not Thucydides (VI. 4.) say that
Lamis went to the Chalcideans at
Leontini ????? ?ste??? that he had
founded Trotilus, as he states that
he remained ?????? ?????? at Leontini,
if Thucydides meant that all these
events should be understood to follow
in so very rapid a succession?
At the same time the author acknowledges
that though the arguments
of Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. II
p. 265. ed. 2, for the founding of
Syracuse in Olymp. 11. 4. have not
convinced him, they have shaken his
former conviction: and he adds the
following remark in favour of that
opposite opinion. If Syracuse was
founded in Olymp. 5. 3., the founding
of Camarina must be placed in
Olymp. 39. 2. (Thuc. VI. 5.) Camarina,
according to Scymnus v. 293,
was destroyed forty-six years afterwards,
<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> in Olymp. 50. 4. Now
it appears from the authentic catalogues
of the conquerors at the
Olympic games, that Parmenides of
Camarina was victorious in the stadium
in Olymp. 63. Camarina had
not at that time been rebuilt; he
could therefore only have been so
called from his native place; which
would (according to the assumed
dates) have been then destroyed
forty-nine years. It must, however,
have been uncommon for men of
fifty to be victorious in running. If,
however, we place the foundation of
Camarina in Olymp. 45. 1, and the
destruction in Olymp. 56 (with the
Schol. Pind. Ol. V. 16.), the whole
receives a greater degree of probability.
This argument, however, is
not conclusive.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1998" name="note_1998" href="#noteref_1998">1998.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is the date of Eusebius.
Pausanias, however, makes Alcamenes
live till the 10th Olympiad,
but without much authority, as the
date is given in the romantic narrative
of Myron.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1999" name="note_1999" href="#noteref_1999">1999.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Euseb. Armen. p. 167. Pausanias
represents Theopompus as still
alive in the 15th Olympiad; as he
follows Tyrtæus, who calls this
prince the conqueror of Messenia,
b. I. ch. 7. § 10. Yet it is not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">absolutely</span></em>
impossible that Tyrtæus
might have used this expression as
meaning that Theopompus contributed
largely to the final result, without
having actually completed the
subjugation. The chronologists followed
by Eusebius appear to have
adopted the Messenian tradition, that
Theopompus was killed during the
war (according to Myron in the last
year but one), vol. I. p. 159, note h,
at the sacrifice of a ??at?µf?????, according
to Clemens of Alexandria
(Protr. p. 36. Sylburg. Euseb. Præp.
Evang. IV. p. 126 C.), who, however,
has a very confused notion of this
sacrifice; from which, and from the
testimony of Sosibius the Lacedæmonian
mentioned above, in p. <a href="#Pg446" class="tei tei-ref">446</a>,
note l,
[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“according to Sosibius,”</span>
starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Sosibius ap. Clem.”</span>] I infer that the authorities of
Eusebius in this part of the history
no longer followed the public register
of Sparta.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2000" name="note_2000" href="#noteref_2000">2000.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Thucydides, with
reference to the date Olymp. 5. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2001" name="note_2001" href="#noteref_2001">2001.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polydorus was honoured as a
hero by posterity, as his t?µa? (Pausan.
III. 3. 2.), the use of his portrait
as the state seal ib. (11. 8.), and his
house being bought by the state (ib.
12. 2.) sufficiently prove.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2002" name="note_2002" href="#noteref_2002">2002.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 6. § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2003" name="note_2003" href="#noteref_2003">2003.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 8. § 2. Plutarch, de
sera Num. vind. 7. p. 231, errs greatly
in placing the victory of Teletias the
Cleonæan ?? pa?s?? at the Pythia
(after Olymp. 47.) before the reign
of Orthagoras.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2004" name="note_2004" href="#noteref_2004">2004.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. I. ch. 6. § 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2005" name="note_2005" href="#noteref_2005">2005.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Who also took refuge in
Sparta, the protectress of aristocracy, Plutarch
Lysand. 1. Some Heraclidæ, however,
still remained in Corinth, b. I.
ch. 6. § 8. With regard to the epoch,
the dates from Diodorus of the kings
and ninety prytanes of Corinth,
agree completely with the best testimony
as to the time of the Cypselidæ.
Strabo's 200 prytanes have
arisen from a confusion with the
number of males in the clan of the
Bacchiadæ. See vol. I. p. 181,
note u.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2006" name="note_2006" href="#noteref_2006">2006.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 5. Compare the date
of Syracuse, Olymp. 5. 3. The Scholiast
to Pindar. Olymp. V. 16, who
places the foundation in Olymp. 45.
and Eusebius, reckon from Olymp.
11. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2007" name="note_2007" href="#noteref_2007">2007.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According
to Thucydides, with
the date Olymp. 16. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2008" name="note_2008" href="#noteref_2008">2008.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This victory cannot well be
placed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">earlier</span></em>, because Megacles,
who was a party leader at Athens,
from about the 54th to the 60th
Olympiad, could have hardly come
forward as a suitor before this time,
(the other Athenian suitor, Hippoclides,
was archon in Olymp. 53. 3.);
nor <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">later</span></em>, because the Cypselidæ
were not then in power, as is evident
from Herod. VI. 128.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2009" name="note_2009" href="#noteref_2009">2009.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the computation of the Pythiads,
see Boeckh. Expl. Pindar.
Olymp. XII. p. 206. It does not
however seem probable, as Boeckh
supposes, that the ???? ???µat?s??
took place in Olymp. 48. 3.: but I
suspect that Pausanias, knowing
practically that the Pythiads were to
be counted from Ol. 48. 3, placed
the first Pythiad in this year; not
perceiving that the first Pythiad was
an ???aet????, or octennial period, as
is evident from the Parian marble;
whence in the argument to the Pythians,
for µet? ?????? ??a?t?, I would
correct ???a?t?; although the fault, if
it be a fault, is of old standing.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2010" name="note_2010" href="#noteref_2010">2010.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Orchomenos, p. 374, where for
60 write 50. As some misapprehensions
have arisen on the passages
relating to this event, I may be permitted
to make the following remarks.
I. The three passages of
Pausanias, V. 63. V. 10. 2. VI. 22.
2. on the ???stas?? of the Pisans,
evidently refer to the same event;
and consequently the second of them
should be interpreted thus: <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the
statue of Jupiter is made from the
plunder gained at the time when the
Eleans overcame Pisa</span></span>.”</span> This is
the explanation of Dodwell, Annal.
Thuc. p. 137. otherwise Voelckel,
Ueber den Tempel des Olympischen
Jupiters, p. 6. Krueger de Xenoph.
Vita. II. In Strabo VIII. p. 355, C.
the ?s??t? ?at???s?? t?? ?ess?????
cannot be the war of Olymp. 81; since
the Pisans could neither have had the
management of the games at that
time, nor any Nestoridæ been in existence
at Pylos. But he must mean
the subjugation of Messenia after the
30th Olympiad, after which time the
Lacedæmonians perhaps assisted the
Eleans in gradually weakening Pisa,
until in the 50th Olympiad it became
completely subject. A more precise
date for the distinction of Pisa may
be gathered from the strange statement
of the catalogue of the Olympiad
in Eusebius according to Africanus,
that the Pisans celebrated the
30th and the 22 following Olympiads
(vid. ad Ol. 30); if we understand
it to mean that the Pisans had a share
in the celebration of the Olympiads
until their destruction. According
to this, Pisa was destroyed in Olymp.
52.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2011" name="note_2011" href="#noteref_2011">2011.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. I. 98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2012" name="note_2012" href="#noteref_2012">2012.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In later times, however, a certain
T. Statilius Lamprias, the son of
Timocrates Memmianus derives his
origin from Perseus (through Hercules)
and the Dioscuri, Boeckh,
Corp. Inscript. No. 1124; as also a
M. Aurelius Aristocrates, the son of
Damænetus, hereditary priest of Hercules
and the Dioscuri at Sparta,
declares that he is descended from
Hercules in the 48th, and from the
Dioscuri in the 44th generation, ibid.
No. 1353. and see Boeckh on No.
1340.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2013" name="note_2013" href="#noteref_2013">2013.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That Pausanias (III. 7. 5.) errs
greatly in assigning this battle to
the reign of Theopompus (about
Olymp. 2-16.) is proved by his own
statement that Perilaus, the son of
the Argive warrior Alcenor, was a
conqueror at the Nemean games
(b. I. ch. 7. § 16); for no conquerors
at those games are mentioned before
Olymp. 53. Plutarch Lac.
Apophth. p. 233, states that the battle
took place in the reign of Polydorus
(about Olymp. 7-17.), Solinus VII.
9. in Olymp. 10, 4. 737 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2014" name="note_2014" href="#noteref_2014">2014.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To this war, which must be
placed about Olymp. 60, should probably
be referred the inscription on
the helmet found at Olympia, which
formed part of a trophy, Corp. Inscript.
20. 29. cf. Addend. p. 885.
</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
???G[e?]?? ???T?? ??? ???? ???
?????T?T??.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2015" name="note_2015" href="#noteref_2015">2015.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 46. cf. Plutarch. Lycurg.
20. That Dorieus did not fight
against Sybaris may also be proved
chronologically.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2016" name="note_2016" href="#noteref_2016">2016.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lacedæmonian envoys to this
tyrant are mentioned by Plutarch,
Lac. Apophth. p. 245.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2017" name="note_2017" href="#noteref_2017">2017.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to
Herod. VI. 33. See b. I. ch. 6. § 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2018" name="note_2018" href="#noteref_2018">2018.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps in Olymp. 71. 3. in
which case Diodorus XI. 48. has confounded
Anaxilas' government of
Messana with his government of
Rhegium.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2019" name="note_2019" href="#noteref_2019">2019.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The oration of the
supposed Thessalus, in Epist. Hippocrat. p.
1294. ed. Foës. states, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the king
of Persia demanded earth and
water (493 B.C.), which the Coans
refused (contrary to Herod. VI. 49.);
that upon this he gave the island
of Cos to Artemisia to be wasted.
Artemisia was shipwrecked, but
afterwards conquered the island.
During the first war (490 B.C.),
Cadmus and Hippolochus governed
the city; which the former quitted
when Artemisia took the island.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2020" name="note_2020" href="#noteref_2020">2020.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The fall of this town was
preceded by a great plague, according
to Diomedes, p. 484. ed. Putsch, who
mentions Hiero instead of Gelo. It
is to this time that Corsini, Fast. Att.
II. 1. p. 110, refers the elegy of Theognis
to those who had escaped the
siege of the Syracusans, mentioned in
Suidas in T??????. It appears probable
that in the words e?? t??? s????ta?
t?? S??a???s??? ?? t? p????????,
a slight transposition should be made,
(viz. ?? t? t?? S??a???s??? p????????,)
as at this time Syracuse was only the
besieging and never the besieged
party.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2021" name="note_2021" href="#noteref_2021">2021.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">B. IV.
ch. 7. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2022" name="note_2022" href="#noteref_2022">2022.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Euryanax was the son of
Dorieus, according to Herod. IX. 10.
But why was he not king before Leonidas,
if Dorieus was the eldest son
of Anaxandridas? Perhaps because
a Heraclide who left his native country
lost his right to the throne. Plut.
Agesil. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2023" name="note_2023" href="#noteref_2023">2023.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the unfortunate
skirmish of the Megarians and Phliasians with
the Theban cavalry (Herod. IX. 69.),
see the splendid eulogium contained
in the Megarian epigram. Boeckh.
Corp. Inscript. No. 1050. Mus. Crit.
Cant. vol. II. p. 616.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2024" name="note_2024" href="#noteref_2024">2024.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Pausan. III. 14. I. I correct
t?ssa?s?? for tessa?????ta, which I
cannot reconcile with the time.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2025" name="note_2025" href="#noteref_2025">2025.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The statements
of Diodorus XI. 48. on the length of both these princes'
reigns are quite correct; but are
inserted in a wrong place. According
to Plutarch, Cimon. c. 6. the earthquake
was in the 4th year of Archidamus
(Olymp. 78. 3. 466 B.C.).
Pausanias, IV. 24. 2. places it, pretty
accurately, in the 79th Olympiad.
Diodorus incorrectly in Olymp. 77. 4.
the first year of Archidamus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2026" name="note_2026" href="#noteref_2026">2026.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vol. I. p. 208, note q.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2027" name="note_2027" href="#noteref_2027">2027.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pleistarchus, according to Paus.
III 5. 1., died a short time after he
had become king, and therefore not
much above the age of 30. His
mother Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas,
was a girl of 8 or 9 years, when Aristagoras
attempted to induce Sparta
to join the Ionic revolt. Herod. V.
51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2028" name="note_2028" href="#noteref_2028">2028.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the
calculation of Thucydides. See Corsini Fast. Att.
II. 1. p. 207.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2029" name="note_2029" href="#noteref_2029">2029.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is to this that the offerings of
the Megarians are referred, mentioned
in vol. I. p. 195, note k.</dd></dl>
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